Category Archives: 34th New York Infantry

1862: Thomas H. Guinnip to Eliza M. (Smith) Guinnip

This letter was written by Thomas H. Guinnip (1839-1873) who was 22 years year old when he enlisted on 18 May 1861 at Addison to serve two years as private in Co. E, 34th New York Infantry. He mustered out with the company on 30 June 1863, at Albany, N. Y. He was sick and absent from the regiment most of the fall of 1862 and detailed in the discharge office at Washington D. C. in January 1863.

The 34th New York Infantry mustered into the U. S. service at Albany June 15, 1861, for two years. It left the state for Washington on July 3; was quartered at Kalorama heights until July 28, when it moved to Seneca mills and was there assigned to Gen. Stone’s brigade. The regiment moved to Edwards ferry on Oct. 21, to Poolesville, Md., Oct. 23, and there established Camp McClellan, which was occupied until Feb. 24, 1862, when orders were received to move to Harper’s Ferry.

Thomas was the son of Parley Guinnip (18xx-1857) and Eliza M. Smith (1816-1876) of Addison, Steuben county, New York.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

U. S. General Hospital
December 11, 1862

My dear Mother, Brother & Sisters,

I take great pleasure in acknowledging the receipt of your very kind letters which come to hand this beautiful Thursday morning; also which was perused over & over with the deepest interest & with the greatest pleasure. My health is quite good at present and I am in very good sprits. Alonzo Curtis has just left for Parole Camp (which is two miles distant from here). He arrived here last night from home and came here to see me today. He looks tough and hearty. He says that he feels well (with the exception of a swollen face which was caused by taking cold and settling in his right cheek, and which is quite painful to him). Samuel Kimball left here last Monday bound for home. Perhaps is at home before this time. You can see Sam and he will tell you all about how I am getting along & what I am about, &c.

Then Amelia! you are attending dancing school this winter and doubtless you anticipate great pleasure of becoming a good & easy dancer. I think that your school is slimly represented in the shape of male attendance. As you state that there is double the number of girls to that of the boys, without doubt the young ladies have to escort one another home. From the fact that there is such a great deficiency of young men left at home, that the girls have to look out for A No. 1, and court their own shadows, &c.

For a few days past the weather here has been quite cold & tedious (I doubt much if you have at the North experienced any colder or more disagreeable weather than we have experienced here for five or six days), for the past three days the weather has been quite mild, and today it appears like spring.

Girls! I suppose that you are looking forth in the future at the expected moment when the elements (or in other words water) of the beautiful Canisteo River shall become congealed. Then without doubt, you will enjoy yourselves to a pretty good advantage skating and maneuvering on the ice. May your expected pleasures & future [ ] be crowded with every earthly felicity. and with a great deal of success.

Horatio, I will send (as soon as I get my pay) some money to buy you a pair of skates. How did my skates come to be destroyed! they was good & whole when I saw them last. Horatio, Ma says you call her a damn fool, a thing and a Devil, &c. I consider it my duty as a senior brother to give you some advice (which I have already done) and I hope that you will profit by the same, for youg people know but little of the world, and how they can act with the best advantage. It grieves me to address you upon a subject so painful, but your disobedience and wild, reckless conduct towards your Mother (your only parent here on earth) compels me to do so. Your unworthy conduct towards your mother has been a source of much vexation and anxiety to her. You are rude and unfeeling to a certain extent. You have forfeited the confidence and respect that you once had for your dear mother. Is it possible that you do not regard her admonitions; one, who is your best friend; and bestows upon you so many facilities and granted you so many privileges. I little thought that you would ever repay her with such ingratitude and wicked acts in which you have so frequently been guilty of. I do hope that you wil try and be a better boy. Ask your mother’s forgiveness & repent for the wrong doings which you have been guilty of. Be more penitent in the future for it will afford you an opportunity to make amens and retrieve the past. Having left the paternal roof myself and gone away to fight the battles of my country, of course it is my duty to entice & persuade you to do right. I think it incumbent upon me to give you a little advice, such as I am confident of giving from my own observation and experience. The advice I have already given you and I hope that you will abide by the same for it will be for your own interest. Do not think hard of me for the advice which I have given you, or the reproval for it is for your own and personal good, and you will find it out so. I know that I have never set a very good and wise example to you, but now I repeat for the same, so do not follow my example but likewise repent yourself and do better hereafter. The next time that I hear from home, I am in hope to hear that you are a good boy. So may it be.

I have not received my pay yet but when I do. I will send ma some money as soon as possible. I was thinking I wrote and told you that William Hance was dead, at least I meant to, for I heard of it before you did. I received a letter from friend Dan Hollis today. It was a good letter. He said that he has the horse . And Mat told him that he must make it all right with me. Of course it is all right as far as I am concerned. I think he paid well for the use of the horse, according to Horatio’s tell.

I am very glad to learn you have such an excellent school. I was not at all surprised to hear that Rev. Judson made a good teacher for I always supposed he would make an excellent teacher. It is my desire to& greatest wish that you (I mean Horatio and the girls) should attend the school and be studious and attentive to your studies. Then when you get older, you will never repent it. A person can never study too much, or get too good an education.

Really, I think Addison is doing a big business in the line of matrimony. I should think all the young ladies of Addison would go half crazy at the very thought or idea of honest Byron’s committing matrimony, for I understand that the girls were all after him, and what were not after him in love were after him with broom sticks and mob sticks. Yes, Byron will make an interesting husband. I wonder if he is well matched for a companion. If they are well matched, they will fetch a larger price in marketm for good animals fetch a god price now in the city. But enough of htis nonsense. I hope that Byron’s matrimonial experience will be frequented with every earthly blessing and I congratulate him in his good success of his late marriage. But for all, I do think he was lucky in getting someone to have him, for he has been trying for a great while to get married and has at last made it out. Really, they must be an interesting couple, don’t you all think so?

We have just received the following dispatch from the telegraph that Gen. Burnside has just burnt Fredericksburg. For my part, I am glad of it. They might have surrendered the city to Burnside and it would have been saved. Our army has again advanced and thus far seems to meet with complete success and I hope we shall have no more retrograde movements for the sooner the rebellion is put down, so much the better it will be for the country. It makes no odds how the rebellion is ended if it is only done in due and proper season. For the present, I cannot indulge you with an epitome of certain facts concerning the army, &c. but will postpone them to some future time. I hope that you will not let anyone see this letter. Burn it up as soon as it is read. Now Horatio & girls, when you receive this letter, please sit down and answer it. Do not wait for your Ma to write for you know that she does not write much and consequently it is quite a task for her to write. Remember me to all enquiring friends, hoping this may find you all in the enjoyment of health, happiness and prosperity. I subscribe myself your affectionate, but unfortunate son and brother, — T H. Guinnip

1861-62: Thomas H. Guinnip to Elizabeth North

I could not find an image of Thomas but here is one of John Robbins who served in Co. G, 34th New York Infantry (Photo Sleuth)

These letters were written by Thomas H. Guinnip (1839-1873) who was 22 years year old when he enlisted on 18 May 1861 at Addison to serve two years as private in Co. E, 34th New York Infantry. He mustered out with the company on 30 June 1863, at Albany, N. Y. He was sick and absent from the regiment most of the fall of 1862 and detailed in the discharge office at Washington D. C. in January 1863.

The 34th New York Infantry mustered into the U. S. service at Albany June 15, 1861, for two years. It left the state for Washington on July 3; was quartered at Kalorama heights until July 28, when it moved to Seneca mills and was there assigned to Gen. Stone’s brigade. The regiment moved to Edwards ferry on Oct. 21, to Poolesville, Md., Oct. 23, and there established Camp McClellan, which was occupied until Feb. 24, 1862, when orders were received to move to Harper’s Ferry.

Thomas was the son of Parley Guinnip (18xx-1857) and Eliza M. Smith (1816-1876) of Addison, Steuben county, New York.

[Note: These letters are from the personal collection of Greg Herr and were offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]  

Letter 1

Addressed to Mrs. Elizabeth North, West Dryden, Tompkins county, New York

Camp McClellan
November 1, 1861

Dear Grandma,

It has been a long time since I received your very kind epistle and I should of answered it long ere this had it not been that I had been so busy that I could not find time to write. I am quite healthy at present. My throat has got well and does not bother me any more. Our company are all well and in good spirits. I hope that this epistle will find you and family enjoying the best kind of health. There is not anything equal to good health in my estimation.

One week ago last Monday we packed up our knapsacks and other fixings too numerous to mention for a long and weary march. We was going somewhere to join the rest of the brigade and take up our winter quarters. After marching ten miles with loads heavy enough to load down a horse with, we halted at Edwards Ferry, thirty-five miles from Washington up the Potomac. It was about three o’clock when we halted and you had better believe that we was some tired. However, for all of that, we had not rested but a very few moments before we had orders to march over on the other side of the river—-on the Virginia side. When we got over there we found two other regiments there.1 We had marched ever since seven o’clock in the morning without anything to eat and now we thought that it would be a good time to eat a little. So accordingly we took from our haversacks a few sea biscuit or hard crackers and ate them and they tasted quite well. But I never like them before this, nor in fact since.

Night son came stealing in, throwing its dusky shades over the earth. We stationed our line and picket guards. Then we built up a good large fire with secession rails, and the remainder laid down upon the cold, damp ground to rest our weary limbs. We had laid there but a little while before we was ordered to get up and get our things packed and on as soon as possible and be ready for a retreat to the other side of the river. It was but a moment’s work for us to get ready and be in a line. After we was drawn in a line, we had to wait quite a little while before we could go across but finally it came our turn to go across. We got into the boat and had got nearly across when we was ordered back on the Virginia side again. In fact, all the rest of the troops was ordered back that had already reached the Maryland shore. When they ordered us back again, dispatches were sent in every direction to get more troops. We went back and laid down and went to sleep.

When we awoke in the morning, we found it raining quite hard. In fact, it continued to rain all day and night very hard. During all the time that we had slept, there had been soldiers crossing all night. You see that we had been reinforced by Gen. Banks. They was all night crossing and all day and night a Tuesday crossing. In fact, a great many crossed Wednesday.

I will try and give you a brief history of what created this disturbance five miles abofve us, up the river. Gen. [Edwin Dickinson] Baker crossed with two or three thousand men. The Rebels pitched into them with overwhelming numbers and whipped them out, completely cut them all to pieces. Part of the Tamany Regiment got confused after Gen. Baker got killed and rushed to the river to get across by swimming. They rushed into the river and betwixt one or two hundred got drowned. If they had stayed and fought like men should of done, we think that the rebels would got the worst of it. The news was sent to us then that they were on their way from that place to ours to make an attack upon us—what few we had. Accordingly we was commanded to [retreat]. But as good luck would have it, we was not molested during the night.

The death of Gen. Baker at the Battle of Balls Bluff, 21 October 1861

Tuesday it was very cold and rainy. Also muddy. I can tell you one thing and that is it pleased the privates to see the officers take it. They was around all day a shivering and shaking and their nice uniforms all covered with mud. The highest officer in the lot had no better fare than the privates did. They had to stand and take the rain and eat those hard crackers. I tell you, it went pretty hard with them. But us privates made the secession hog and cattle suffer. There must of been some fifty or sixty hogs shot besides fifteen or twenty cattle shot by our troops within twenty-four hours time, and we used secession rails to cook our meat with and to warm us with. We also converted five or six stacks of good unthrashed wheat straw to our use. We had permission by headquarters to help ourselves to what we could find when we got on the sacred soil and I think that we obeyed those orders to the fullest extent. We used and destroyed about two thousand dollars worth of stuff that belonged to the Rebel farmers. I think that they will remember the 34th [New York] for sometime. Also the rest of the regiments that was there with us.

But we soon had some fun about four o’clock Tuesday afternoon. We had our reserve force down to the river and our pickets upon the hill a quarter of a mile from the reserve, and still we had our advance pickets at the edge of the woods about a hundred rods from our other pickets. And all at once, we heard the most hideous yells that you ever heard and at the same instant we heard the report of guns and we looked and saw about three thousand rebels coming at us. Our picket was in a line. Also the reserve was in a line. We was all in fact in a line in a moment’s warming and commenced to return the fire. All at once our artillery opened upon them and you ought to of seen them retreat. They went in every direction. Some lost their guns and one of the drummers lost their drums. They wounded the general of our cavalry. His name was Gen. [Frederick William] Lander. He was wounded in the leg. He will probably recover soon. We had one man that belonged to the Minnesota 1st killed. After they shot him, they run their bayonets into his breast in the most brutal manner. 2

We killed a good man of their men. We cannot tell how many of their men that we killed but we must of killed a great many from the fact they was quite a spell a picking up their dead and wounded. You see that our shells from our two pieces of artillery raised hob with them. They had about two thousand men back in the woods as a reserve so as to rush in upon us. If they had of come upon us, they would of been very likely to of whipped us out for we had only about three thousand troops and they was all scattered around and there was no possible chance for us to retreat from the fact that we could not get across the river. But our artillery saved us.

All the next day we expected an attack and we was better prepared for them for we had been reinforced by six or seven thousand, in all making nearly ten thousand troops that we had. We had one or two batteries and about seven hundred cavalry. News came to us about 6 o’clock a.m. that the rebels was upon us, close at hand. We was soon in line and ready for the supposed attack, but for some reason or another, we did not have the pleasure of having a battle.

Night soon came creeping in upon us and it was quite chilly so we built up some good fires of secession rails. Our guards was soon stationed and the rest of them laid down and went to sleep. I was on first relief. The night was quite dark and gloomy and we could look all around us for a mile square and see the camp fires a burning. I tell you what, it presented one of the grandest spectacles that I ever saw. It looked like a large and beautiful city. But suffice it to say that we had to leave our nice city. During the night about eleven o’clock, our captain came to us and told us to hurry and pack up our things and get into line and be ready for a retreat. It was but a moment and we was moving towards the river and was soon on the Maryland side. They had been at work ever since dark a carrying our troops across the river and it was nearly four o’clock in the morning before all of our troops and artillery, horses, and baggage was across.

We had some ten or twelve canal boats off from the canal besides some old scows. The river was quite wide and the stream was quite rapid and it was a slow job to get across the river. What caused our retreat? There was a message came to us about dark stating that we would be attacked before the dawn of another day by some hundred thousand rebels and that they was going to surround us and for that reason we was ordered to retreat. Sure enough, in the morning we could see enough of the rebels over in Virginia, if we had of stayed there, we would of all been cut to pieces. They would not of showed any mercy upon us.

Grandma, I want to write you a few more lines to finish my story of our retreat & I am going to write a few lines to H and I will finish yours in his. My love to you and best wishes. — T. H. Guinnip

1 The two regiments belonged to Gen. Gorman’s Brigade, Gen. Stone’s Division); they were the New York 2nd and the Minnesota 1st.

2 The unfortunate soldier in the 1st Minnesota, Co. I, was Lewis F. Mitchell of Wabasha County. Lewis received two bayonet wounds through the chest according to a surgeon’s report. Sgt. Charles Davison of Co. G wrote of the skirmish on 22 October 1861 as follows: “Last eve, one hour and a half before dark, a couple of regiments of rebels marched up into the woods and surprised our skirmishers. When eight rods off a “secesh” rose up and hollood to one of our men, who had just deployed and were ready to advance: ‘Don’t be alarmed, boys, there is not a ‘sesech’ within three miles,’ and immediately they ran up and fired. The skirmishers immediately opened and let our two pieces of artillery throw shell, grape, and cannister amongst them, which was done promptly and rapidly. At the same time a company of Sharpshooters —the Tiger Zouaves, of Boston—peppered away at them. It soon silenced them. All this time, the Minnesota First and other forces along the river were standing in line prepared for an emergency. Among the regiments here are the New York 2nd, Indiana 16th, and a Pennsylvania regiment. In the skirmish, Gen. Landers was wounded in the calf, and Mitchell, of Company I, was killed. Both legs were broken, a bullet through his head, and the brutal rebels not being satisfied with that, thrust a bayonet through his neck. He was missing last night, but was not found until this morning, and has just been taken over the river.” Sources: The Central Republican, Faribault, Mn, Wed, Nov 6, 1861, p 2.; History of Stearns County. Biographies & Historical Sketches of Wabasha County, Minnesota.


Letter 2

Addressed to Mrs. E. North, Ludlowville, Tompkins county, New York

Camp McClellan
Near Poolesville [Maryland]
December 9th 1861

Dear Grandma,

Through kind Providence I seat myself down once more to reply to your very welcome letter which came at hand in due seasons, and was read with the greatest pleasure, and the advice which was in it, was duly accepted, and I hope that I always shall abide by it—at least I shall try hard. I do not know how I ever shall repay you and Uncle North for the good advice that you have been so kind, both of you, in offering. It all has come very acceptable, and I think that I have taken all advice with a good cheer and profit by it.

My health is improving quite fast. I am getting so fat that you would hardly recognize me if you should see me. I have had quite a hard cold for a week or two and cannot speak above a whisper but that’s nothing, for about half of the regiment have hard colds. That’s nothing—no more or less than what we have at home. Two more members of our company deserted a night or two ago. I would not give much for the peace that a few miserable deserters will get. It is poor business, if ever so well followed. Let the consequences be what they might. I should never make an attempt to forsake my country’s flag and let it be trampled beneath the feet of the enemy. Let us do our duty and remember what we left our peaceful home and friends for. I can go home any time that I take a notion to, and I have ben advised to do so by members of the company. Even our captain advised me to go home. But as long as I am able to get around, I would much rather be here, trying to render my beloved country some good, than to be laying around Addison. But if I commence to come down any this winter, I shall go home. I think some of obtaining a furlough of a month and go home. I should like to see my folks very much. I’ll warrant you that I think as much of my friends as anyone else does of their friends, but as for being real homesick and faint-hearted, that does not both me any. I think that I’m going to know what soldiering is.

It has been cold, wet, muddy and disagreeable weather here until within the last past week, which has been beautiful and appears like our Indian Summers at the North. I tell you what it is, these little tents of ours are cold and uncomfortable these cold frosty nights. I tell you, it makes a person get in all kinds of shapes to stand on guard these cold nights.

We are a having a brigade drill this afternoon. It is one of the grandest sights that I ever saw. It comes off every Monday afternoon and every Wednesday afternoon we have brigade inspection, and have their shoes blacked up and their brass scoured up. The brigade has their new uniforms which is very nice and you better believe that it is a beautiful sight to see the whole brigade out consisting of four regiments—some four thousand men, dressed all up alike parading around and the officers looks nice, all mounted on their charges. It would pay anyone that never saw sich a sight to go a hundred miles to see it. I have often wished that you and Uncle might pop in some time and see what a nice little house I have. It is said that I have got the nicest tent in the lot and the best arranged one—neatest and cleanest. There is four of us in it and my tent mates are all fine fellows and we live high for soldiers. We spare no pains nor money, but we have roast turkeys, oysters, chickens, cakes, pies, and other luxuries too numerous to mention. It cost Uncle Sam but little for what we eat, but cost us a good deal.

Grandma, I am going to write Mr. North or I would write more to you. Accept my best wishes, &c. — T. H. Guinnip.


Letter 3

Addressed to Mrs. Elisabeth North, West Dryden, Tompkins county, New York

Headquarters 34th Regiment, Co. E,
Camp McClellan, Poolesville [Maryland]
Christmas Eve, 1861

I wish you all a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year, Grandma. I thought that I would write you a few more lines while I was about it. We are having so much duty to do now days that we have to do our writing nights, and we hardly get to writing before the drum beats the reveille for us to fall in for roll call, and in a few moments after that, the drums beats the taps for the lights to be extinguished, and the officer of the day goes all through the camp and if he finds any lights burning, it is his duty to put the ones that is using them in the guard house. But they cannot fool this chicken much. When I hear the approach of the footsteps of the officer of the day, I put the light in under a large cap that I have, and when his footsteps recede, then I take the cap off from the candle as if nothing had happened. But if they should catch us at it, good day…

It is nearly one o’clock at night, but then we all so enough every day to get put into the guard house. But the inmates of the guard house has never been honored with my presence yet. I hope that they never will be either. Our company has had the least men in the guard house of any company in the regiment. But then we have played a great many [ ] service. We have been soldiering.

Grandma, if there is any one of you up that speculate much, you can tell them there they can mark their future down here. I will give you a list of the prices of things down here. Apples is worth from eight to eleven dollars per barrel. Butter is worth 30 cents per pound. Cheese at 20 cents. Eggs 30 cents per dozen, and in fact, everything is in like proportion to the above named articles. I paid ten cents for two common sized apples the other day. I told you that I would give you a list of the things that we have been given in the army—four pair of pants, four pair drawers, 4 pair of socks, two pair of shoes, four shirts, one every day coat, and one nice dress coat. Them things that I have just mentioned are good, woolen goods, one [ ] or dozen collars as we call them. They are made of leather, one knapsack, one haversack, one canteen, one cartridge box, one cap box, bely and bayonet sheath, one gun, and bayonet, and there is other things that we have had that I cannot think of now. Oh, we have had one cap and one nice belt with all of the trimmings on. You can see that it costs Uncle Sam quite a sum to clothe and furnish one man with all of his equipage necessary for a soldier. What must it cost to fit up seven hundred thousand men ready for service? I am afraid that it would make a poor man of us to take care of so many men.

Tell Horatio that Fairfield Smith has been sick for a great while and is quite feeble and has just got a furlough and started for home this morning. Tell Mr. North that I can not find that regiment that his grandson is in, but that I will not give up the idea of ferreting him out for I feel sorry for the poor [ ] not getting letters from his friends, &c. I think that after a while that I will run across him.

Well there Grandma, this is rather the dullest and coldest Christmas that I ever spent before in my life. I could get along a standing on guard today provided that I could get something good for my Christmas dinner, but that is out of the question. We have run rather short of provision for a few days back but as a general thing we have no reason to complain for we love good enough for soldiers. To be sure, if we was at home, we would want to live better, but there is a great many poor at the North that does not begin to live as well as the soldiers. We may read the annals of history and we cannot find where that there has been an army yet of so soon, and armed, and as well fed and clothed as the present army is.

I must bring my letter to a close for now it is after one and I have yet to go out on guard. Please excuse this poor writing. I am in such a place that I can hardly write. Please give all of our friends out your way my best wishes and love and tell them that I am well, tough and hearty, and like soldiering first rate. I would not be much surprised but what we will be in a battle ere this letter reaches you. If we do, I will try and kill a secesh for you and Uncle North. Give all of your family my love and regards, and please write soon. Eat a good New Year’s dinner for me. Accept of my love, — T. H. Guinnip


Letter 4

Addressed to Joshua North, Esq., West Dryden, Tompkins county, N. York

Camp McClellan, N. Y. S. V.
December 25th 1861

Joshua North, Esq.

Much esteemed friend, having a few liesure moments to spare, I sit down to reply to your very kind and welcome letter that came to hand in due season. It found me well and in good spirits and I hope that the epistle will find you the same. I also hope that you will find this letter as interesting to you as yours was to me.

Things are quite at a stand still here on the Potomac at present, but probably will not be so for a great while. I think that the Army of the Potomac will make an attack upon Leesburg before a great while. There is estimated to be nearly four hundred thousand of our troops on the Potomac now ready at a moments warning to make an attack upon the rebellious, and still we are making preparations all of the while for a battle. McCall’s Division is on their march over in Virginia and they are nearly opposite of us at Edward’s Ferry where I think that they intend to encamp for a while. Some thinks that they intend to attack Leesburg adn we that is on the Potomac will be kept as a reserve for them to fall back on. And others think that we will be sent in advance of McCall’s Division and keep them as a reserve. But I think that we will make an attack upon Leensburg with our division, or in other words Gen. Sturgis [?] Divsion. That being the case, Co. E will be pretty apt to see some pretty hardd fighting for our regiment will be in the center of the brigade near the colors. The Minnesota 1st is on the right flank, and the New York 2nd is on the left flank. Our company are the first company right of the colors so you can plainly see that we occupy a precarious position.

But for all of that we are not much scared yet. For my part, I am ready any time for to do my best to help put down this accursed rebellion. Orders was read on dress parade a few nights ago for every captain to have his company ready for a march at a moment’s warning. Accordingly, the captains of the different companies have their companies orders to have their knapsacks all packed and everything ready for a march at a moment’s warning. We have been aroused from our profound slumbers and sweet repose a number of times lately to go down at the river, a distance of two miles, for the pickets would get an idea that the enemy was a crossing and would send up a message to the camp, and every time that there is an alarm made, they are sure to send our company off to see and find out the cause of the alarm. I sometimes think that maybe we are considered the bravest company in the regiment. Then again, I will think that maybe they want us to get killed off. But that does not worry us much.

Once when we was ordered to the river, we found the rebels on Harrison’s Island. But they soon receded when they heard us coming towards them, clearing all of our picketing, and we do as much of that as any of the rest does. We have never had an occasion to call any company out of camp yet to go to the river and I presume that we have seen more, or as much, for to call out a company as any of the rest of the companies have. But we do not believe in that way of doing business and when we call out any company, it will be our last resort. We will try the strength of our powder first and see what virtue that there is in hot lead. I guess that we can kill as many of them as they can kill of us.

We have got the Enfield rifles—the best weapons that there is in use. But we had a hard time to get them. Our Colonel threatened of disbanding the regiment before we succeeded in obtaining them. They will shoot a mile and [ ] and shoot just where you hold them. I have got a good shooting piece and I can beat most all of the regiment shooting at a mark. I have lived up north too long and hunted too much with a rifle to be beat shooting at a mark here by the boys. I think that if I ever draw a bead on a secesh, that he will [ ]. When I get in a battle, I am determined to keep cool and keep my senses and take fair aim and fetch a rebellion every time. If I ever get into a battle and get out of it uninjured and get home, they will ask me if I ever killed a man in the battle, I want to tell them yes, and for that reason I am going to know, so to tell them.

I think that this war will be of a short duration if England does not interfere for we have got the enemy in pretty close quarters. Those here ain’t got much room to play in. We have got them very near surrounded and will soon whip them out. The intention of our folks is to starve them out. Also make them a great exposure. We do this in order to lose as few lives as possible and spill as little blood as they can. If foreign powers pitch in, it will be a general war throughout the whole globe. If England intercedes in behalf of the Southern Confederacy, I am in during the war if it lasts forty years. For my part, I cannot see why foreign powers cannot tend to their own business and not mind other folks business and be a meddling that which ought not to concern them. But England has been trying to pick a muss with the United States for a great while by catching the [paper creased and words illegible] and now she can pitch in and we will soon clean her out. I hope that the government will never be unwise and foolish enough to give up Slidell and Mason. Let the British Lion pick a fuss as soon as she sees fit and we will take what little conceit out of her that she possesses by letting the American Eagle loose which will pitch at her in such a power that will not be imaginable to Her Majesty. By the time that the Eagle pecks her eyes out, the Lion will give one piteous growl and lay down in the dust to be trampled beneath our feet—the feet of a Republican Government. Never again will she reign over our enlightened people, but will sink forever in the waters of oblivion, never to rise again. And then we will give three cheers and hoist the stars and stripes over the grave of the British Lion, and then what a rejoicing there will be throughout the land…

For my part, I do not think that England will be foolish enough to declare war against us. If she does, France, Ireland, and other dominions stand ready to lend us a helping hand, if needed, and I think they will pitch into England whether we want them to or not. They have been trying to get a chance at her and I guess that they will succeed this time in producing the desired effect. All of the way that England can fight us is by water and we can blockade the ports and we have got plenty of the best kind of material and good workmen and soon will have as good, if not better, navy than hers. Then we will meet them halfway and I guess that we will give them as much as they can stand. I think then they will begin to learn to take a joke by that time. I noticed in the paper that Gen. Scott had just arrived safely in Washington. I wonder what arrangements that he made with France while he was gone. We will hear soon probably.

I cannot see as Congress is doing anything much about this warfare. For some reason or other, they do not accomplish much.

There has been two that has deserted [from] our company lately’ one by the name of Andrew Smith, and one said drunkard. I hope that when I desert from the good adn glorious cause that I am engaged in, that some kind friend will shoot me and they will do me a great kindness in doing so. For my part, I cannot see how rational a war that pretends to be perfectly consistent with the loss of his country, and is a lover of his country, and likes his liberty, and thinks anything of himself and friends can forsake his friends, home, and come down here and enlist in this glorious cause to serve his country, and help raise the insulted flag back again out of the dust to its former position, and not findings things quite as nice and comfortable as he supposes that he would previous to leaving home and joining the army also finding that the enemy about rather careless and pints their guns at a fellow, gets scared out and deserts. Yes, I say again deserts. That word might not be in the english language, especially at present. I say in the english language of the past, oh foolish, foolish man, hast them no shame, nor respect for thyself nor thy friends? [more on desertion]

Please give all of your family my love and accept of the same yourself, — T. H. Guinnip


Letter 5

U. S. General Hospital
Annapolis, Maryland
November 22nd 1862

Dear Brother,

I have to acknowledge the receipt of your kind note of the 20th inst. and hasten to answer it. I am delighted to learn that you all are in the enjoyment of health & happiness. Health is one of the greatest blessings that we can be in possession of, and little do we appreciate its value until we come to be deprived of it. I sincerely hope that you all may continue to enjoy that great blessing of health. I am in hopes that I shall be enabled soon to join my regiment. My health is fast improving. I got ready to rejoin my regiment last Monday but the doctor would not allow me to leave. He said that I was not sufficiently recovered from the effects of my wound for to rejoin the regiment and that when he thought proper, that he would let me go.

You informed me that there is a company being organized in Addison which is called the National Guards, which James McKay has the honor of being Captain of. I think this company has made a good selection of a man for its captain adn in fact, they might of searched the town of Addison through & through and a better man for a captain they would not of found. You say that this company is to rendezvous at Elmira for the purpose of guarding fords, prisons, & drafted men, that they get ten shillings per day for their services & everything found, including clothes, rations, &c. You furthermore state that you wish to become a member of his company but Ma will not give her consent to have you enlist. I think Ma had better let you join that company. You say that they cannot transfer you from the State service to the United States service and if that be true, why of course Ma had ought to give her consent to let you enlist. But before you enlist (that is, if Ma should give her consent to let you enlist), investigate the thing thoroughly. Do not leap too soon. So not allow them to play roots [a ruse?] on you by making you believe that the company cannot be transferred over to the United State service. they sometimes say a great many nice and pretty things in order to get men to enlist in the army and when they enlist and come to try the realities of a soldiers life, they find things altogether different from what they was represented to of been.

In military, you cannot tell what you will do or what you will not do for in the military regulations, there is no such words as can’t, won’t, &c. Military discipline is very strict and well it should be for what would an army amount to without good discipline. The regulations of this large army have got to be obeyed and adhered to in order for us to meet with future success. It has been through want of discipline & the lack of competent officers that we have not succeeded ere this of putting down the rebellion. Moreover, let me state that we have been ill favored with a great many traitors in our army and when shall we get rid of them? I hope soon but fear never.

If the boys succeed in getting good officers commissioned & non commissioned officers as they have in electing their captain, I trust that they will have a good company. I think that now is a good & grand chance for you to enlist. In fact, it is the best chance for enlisting that I have heard of. Your pay is good. You will get a good uniform. Your rations will be good. You will have good, comfortable quarters to stay in. In fact, you will have a good times and have everything comfortable, and by all means, Ma had ought to let you join that company. You would not have to suffer as they do in the army. Our life here is fraught with danger. We have hardships to meet, fatigues to undergo, death to encounter, huger and thirst to endure, obstacles to surmount, and battles to fight & victories to gain. Yet the consciousness of an righteous cause, the holiness of its claims, and the certainty of our ultimate triumph, cheers, animates, and inspires us to continual and persevering efforts till the rebellion is crushed and the cause of our government is completely triumphant. But should it be my fate to fall, I can go to my early grave without a murmur, and consoled that, “They who for their country die, will fill an honored grave; for glory lights the soldier’s tomb, and beauty weeps the brave.”

Sam Kimball is here with me now. He came down from the parole camp to see me. He is as full and tough as a bear. And I think that you will see him before a great while for he says that he is going home this week sometime.

I am very sorry to learn that Captain Henry Baldwin is so very low. When you write to me again, please let me know where he is and if he is getting any better than he was at the time you wrote to me before. John Campbell owes me $1.87. Lyman Deland owes me 56 cents and if you will get it for me you may have it. If they have got the money, they will let you have it.

Horatio, I guess that I shall have to write to you hereafter for the rest of our folks do not care about writing to me for some reason unknown to me & best known to theirselves. As for Adelia, she has never wrote me a word since I left home. I guess that Maggy is mad at me for something or else she would write me a few lines occasionally. You say that Ma is a regular secesh and says that this is an unjust war. Well, she tells the truth. This I believe myself to be an unjust wicked rebellion, but on our part. I think that it is the most just but at the same time, both North and South, are in the wrong—especially the South. I am very sorry indeed to hear you find so much fault with McClellan. You Northern people who have never been in under his command here in the army know nothing about him at all. We soldiers who have served under him like him, and had the utmost confidence in his ability to of put down the rebellion provided he had not of been thwarted by politicians and other [ ] men who stand high in the influence of the government but who are hostile to McClellan and as a consequence an enemy to the country, its prosperity, & people. Under such circumstances, how could we expect him to accomplish his undertakings to put an end to the rebellion.

We have good confidence in General Burnside & hope that he will meet with success in bringing this wicked war to a termination. That is the best and worse wish that we can wish him. It makes no difference who brings this accursed rebellion to a close if it is only done, but for all. McClellan was the right man in the right place. Please excuse all errors & imperfections & remember me to all enquiring friends. Hoping this will find you in good health, I have the pleasure to remain your brother, — Thos. H. Guinnip


Letter 6

U. S. General Hospital
Annapolis, Maryland
December 1, 1862

Joshua North, Esqr.

My ever remembered friend, your welcome not of the 20th ult. has arrived and I hasten to answer it, hoping these few lines will find you in the full enjoyment of health, happiness & prosperity. I do congratulate you in your never being called upon to participate in such an affair as that to which our brave soldiers have lent themselves—to put down this accursed rebellion, and to bring back the refractory to obedience & submission to the Federal authority. The Rebels have found out now that the U, States Govt. means to reduce them to its authority, and the miseries which they have already felt, the losses they have sustained, and worst of all , that which is before them, are, I think, sufficient inducements to prompt them to yield and accept the humiliation of defeat rather than to be exposed to inevitable ruin and destruction. While I deplore the great waste of human blood, the great destruction of human life, the sufferings and privations endured by our brave men, I am of the opinion that it would be more humane to act with more energy to fight bloodier and fewer battles and to end the rebellion by a few severe engagements than to be continually fighting on a small scale & skirmishing & wasting the bone & muscle and materiel of the country by slow movements and languid operations.

Since my last writing to you, changes of great moment to the country have taken place, all I hope for the better. McClellan has been removed and Gen. Burnside seems to be now the general favorite of the army. In particular Burnside has already given promise of being a good General and an excellent fighter. If he desires to retain the affection & confidence of the ARmy, he must gratify them with fighting. Our men are eager for the fray and they prefer death in action to inglorious indolence and loitering in the camps. This speaks well for the spirit of our brave soldiers. I think that our soldiers have shown a spirit not unworthy of their ancestors, and if we are cursed with the presence of worthless officers, let not the defeat which our arms have experienced be attributed to the men in the ranks. Only let worth & valor be encouraged & rewarded, and my word for it, that there are men now in the ranks who as generals will yet plant their victorious banners on the walls of every rebel stronghold in Dixie. But until such encouragements is held out to worth & valor in our Army, we can never hope to have a truly efficient army. What doth it avail us that our rank & file are the best materials for an army of any in the world, when it is generally conceded that our officers with rare exceptions are the most worthless. It wsa a saying of Napoleon, “Better have an army of sheep commanded by a lion, than an army of lions commanded by a sheep.” If Napoleon’s theory was correct and he was looked upon as a good master of war, then we are behind the times in having our brave men led by imbeciles.

Our army is again advancing on the enemy and thus far seems to meet with complete success. I hope that we shall have no more retrograde movements. Be it as it may, the present Union Army is the largest and best equipped we have thus far sent into the field. We have great confidence in General Burnside’s ability towards putting down the rebellion for indeed, he has men and materiel in abundance, and has now an excellent opportunity of distinguishing himself and fulfilling the expectations of the people and his warmest friends. Never has any human being had a better opportunity of covering himself with imperishable glory than Gen. Burnside has at the present time, and I hope that he will show himself adequate to the great trust which now devolves upon him. But should he not receive the full support and cooperation of the government, why no one ought not to blame him in not accomplishing the expectation of the people. But one thing rest assured of, if he is thwarted by politicians and other designing men (as Gen. McClellan was) he will not make much progress towards bringing this accursed rebellion to a termination.

Yes, dear Uncle, we had the utmost confidence in Little “Mac” in bringing the war to a final close, but we know very well that he was thwarted by some power high in the influence of the government, but hostile to McClellan and opposed to the speedy termination of the war; and as a consequence, an enemy to the country, its prosperity and people. We soldiers very well know that the abolition of the North combined with the abolition Congress would not sanction his movements and cooperate with his movements. And to be plain & blunt, Secretary Stanton was not a very warm friend of little “Mac”—quite to the contrary. Done all that he could do to thwart his plans. Under all these considerations, how could we expect a man to thrive in the prosecution of ending the war without the full support and cooperation of the government. He could not thrive and the result is he has been superseded by Gen. Burnside. We hope and wish him success in bringing this nefarious rebellion to a final termination. This is the worse and best wish that we can bestow upon him.

“To be plain & blunt, Secretary Stanton was not a very warm friend of little “Mac”—quite to the contrary. Done all that he could do to thwart his plans.” — the opinion of Thomas H. Guinnip, 34th New York Infantry. Probably an opinion shared by many others in his regiment.

It makes no difference who is the cause of putting down the war if it is only done in due season. But for all, we cannot help but believe that little “Mac” was the right man in the right place and we furthermore think that the government has made a poor exchange when they superseded him. And let me add that before the termination of this present year’s campaign that they will be wishing McClellan back again to take command of the army again. But I hope and pray that he will turn a deaf ear to their calls for he has been shamefully treated & abused and I hope that he will show proper resentment and contempt for the same. Just upon the verge of accomplishing great victories, he was removed from his command but he was too true a patriot to resign. Had it been some generals we have in the army, they would of resigned at the very ofset of the transaction.

The removal of “Mac” created a great deal of dissatisfaction in the army, but we hope that it may not have a tendency to demoralize our army and think it will not. Little “Mac” was a brave man, true & loyal to the cause of his country and it would be needless for me to state that the soldiers all loved him and admired his bravery. Also, he loved his soldiers who had the pleasure to be under his command. And one thing rest assured of, if he is to be a candidate for a president, he will surely be elected by a very heavy and large majority for we consider we have soldiers enough to carry the day. Some have sworn that they will never raise another finger towards putting down the rebellion, but as the regulations of the army is strict, we entertain no idea of mutiny of such, who say, that they will not assist or help put down the rebellion. Ah, the removal of that true & patriotic general has been a lamentable transaction to the country. As to the future operations of our government in crushing the rebellion, there is but one way left—the most speedy and energetic action, the displacement of incompetent officers, their places to be filled by men of real merit and military talent, the discharge of every person suspected of Rebel tendencies, and the exclusion of politicians from any military office whatever. Let this be done and the speedy and happy termination of this rebellion are at hand. This I believe is the darkest hour of our government since the rebellion first broke out and things have reached a crisis. I trust ere long we shall find that the darkness of a long, dreary and lingering night has at last passed away and that joy cometh in the morning. But God disposeth for the best and our cause, like ourselves, is now in His hands.

Hoping this will find you & family in good health and able to make a lengthy reply. I have the pleasure to remain your old friend, — T. H. Guinnip

1864: Albert Doty to Elizabeth Gardner Doty

The following letter was written by Albert Doty (1841-1873), the son of Leonard Doty (1812-1882) and Lydia Louise Gardner (1810-1892) of Hancock, Berkshire county, Massachusetts. Albert first enlisted with the 34th New York Infantry in May 1861 to serve two years. He rose in rank from private to 1st Sergeant by December 1861 and then was commissioned a 1st Lieutenant in March 1862 and Adjutant in January 1863. He was discharged for disability from the regiment in May 1863. He returned to the service in March 1864, and was a Sergeant Major in Co. I, 57th Massachusetts Infantry when this letter was written. He was then promoted to a 1st Lieutenant of Co. K by late July, and brevetted a captain in August 1864 for gallant service in the engagements on the Weldon Railroad. He mustered out of the service in late July 1865.

Doty’s letter speaks of the mortar shelling their regiment endured in front of Petersburg that pre-dated the following incident:

On July 24, 1864, Doty and some of the men were at a Bomb-Proof just behind the trenches.  This bomb-proof was small about twelve feet square, and was hot inside so the men had built a arbor out side the bomb-proof. It was covered with branches and old canvas for protection from the sun.  Earlier they were shelling the enemy and now the Confederates were returning the favor.  The men paid no mind as they were use to it.  Some were laying on the ground and some were sitting on an old cracker box writing letters home, when without warning or sound the bomb-proof exploded. It was found that the enemy artillery gunners aim was off and a ten-inch mortar shell fell in the middle of the “Bomb-proof.”  Some of the men were either wounded or killed; some would die later from their wounds. Doty, who was a Sergeant Major at the time, came out of it only slightly bruised.[Source: Civil War Days and Those Surnames]

Doty does not explain his use of the pseudoname “Oliver Ditson” to sign his letter so he must have used it regularly or at least occasionally when corresponding with his younger sister Elizabeth Gardner Doty (1845-1917). The real Oliver Ditson (1811-1888) was “the pioneer of music publishing in American, having published a number of popular songs, including “Battle Hymn of the Republic” and “Tenting on the Old Camp Ground.” Ditson also marketed drums under his company name though they did not manufacture them.

Sadly, though Doty survived the war, he was counted among the large number of veterans who committed suicide in the post-war years. He was 32 years old at the time of his death.

Doty’s letter incorporates a sketch of a boy delivering the mail. He was most likely a runaway Negro boy (“contraband”) who attached himself to the regiment, performing services in return for shelter, food and clothing. He holds his hat in hand while extending a letter in the other.

Transcription

Headquarters 57th Massachusetts Infantry
Near Petersburg, Virginia
July 12th 1864

Lib,

Received today a letter from your headquarters dated July 6th. Have now in my clutches 1 vignette of “Laura Clark” for the same. Am much obliged. Have heard of my death from two different (both reliable) sources—presume it must be so. Shows the advantages we have over the ancients now-a-days. You can read your own obituary and attend your own funeral. Nice, ain’t it? Please tell me the origin of the rumor. Charles Daniels received a letter yesterday in which his mother expressed fear that he might be “lonely, now Albert Doty was killed” and wished him to write the circumstances upon my departure. I ask forgiveness of the good people of the land of my nativity and wish to assure them that it’s none of my fault that they are this time disappointed. Will do better next time, &c. I didn’t mean to!

I received a lead pencil and some postage tamps. Much obliged. Expect a letter from N. E. G. soon. Hope Lester won’t forget to write. Give thanks to “Kleber.”

We are having gay times just now. The “Johnnies” and we have got into a notion lately of pitching small balls at each other—little mortar shells eight inches in diameter. Can’t tell when they are coming—they go so slow. They have a way of “dropping in” quietly now and then just for a short chat. They travel as unostentatiously as a Quaker deacon. Keep losing men. Have on this morning’s report 157 enlisted men present. Rather a mournful record. Don’t see how we can have many more “big funerals” in case is should be required of us. Will be obliged to send home for more stock.

Please to write to me about the Hancock boys in the 34th Massachusetts. 1 Any news in good condition will be gladly received. Please send me a box of Gillott’s Steel Pens. Have lately lost my pen holder pencil pen and the whole “consarn” gone to grass.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, — Oliver Ditson

1 A number of men from Berkshire county served in Co. K of the 34th Massachusetts—particularly Hancock and Pittsfield.

1862-63: Philip J. Crewell to Henry J. Crewell

I could not find an image of Philip but here is John Murphy who served in Co. A of the 34th New York Infantry. He enlisted at the age of 54. (Jim Jezorski Collection)

The following letters were written by Philip J. Crewell (1840-1917) who enlisted for two year’s service on 1 May 1861 and entered Co. F, 34th New York Infantry as a corporal. The 34th New York Infantry, a two years regiment, were known as “The Herkimer Regiment,” and they served in the 2nd Corps, Army of the Potomac. They saw action at Yorktown; at Fair Oaks, where they lost 97 men, killed, wounded and missing; they lost heavily in the 7 Days Battles; at Antietam, they lost 154 men, killed, wounded, and missing; and they also fought at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. Philip was discharged on 30 June 1863.

On May 1, 1863, the day prior to the Battle of Chancellorsville, six companies of the regiment mutinied and refused to fight on the grounds that their two year enlistment terms had expired, although in fact this was still almost two months away. Brig. Gen John Gibbon, who commanded the division that the 34th New York was in, brought up the 18th Massachusetts and gave them orders to shoot the men of the 34th New York if they wouldn’t fight. The regiment reformed and served dutifully during the Second Battle of Fredericksburg two days later. On June 30, the 34th New York mustered out and the two year men went home, the remaining companies, who had signed up for three years of service, being transferred to the 82nd New York Infantry.

Philip’s first letter also contains an account of a mutiny that occurred in the ranks of the 34th New York Infantry—this one taking place a year earlier. Philip’s version of events appear markedly different than the official newspaper accounts which don’t quite tell the whole story. Philip’s second letter was written approximately three weeks before the Battle of Chancellorsville.

Philip was the son of John Crewell and Alida Luke of German Flatts, Herkimer county, New York.

Letter 1

Camp West Point,
or 3 miles up the Pamunky River from West Point to Richmond
May 12th 1862

J. J. Crewell,

Brother, I now sit down to answer your letter of the 6th. I was very glad to receive a letter from you and to hear from you all, Now as to the boys and myself, I have not been well for about 10 days but I can say that I am well today. My ailment was the measles working in my head. I had caught a very bad cold and it all seemed to work in my head till it broke and then I am all right in a day or two. The rest of the boys are in good health, hoping these few lines will find you all the same.

Now as to the warfare, there hasn’t any happened of late that I shall speak of more than we still mean to invade on after the rebels and get them out of existence as soon as possible. The show is now that they mean to make a stand 3 miles this side of Richmond but that will be of not much account for we have fources coming from three different ways on them and I don’t think that there will be much fighting for us to do. Our division is the third reserve adn the battle must be a hard one when we have to come in.

We move on towards Richmond today. There’s 60,000 ahead of us within but short distance of the rebels. The fight will soon open there. This thing has got to come to a close in short.

Hartford Daily Courant, 11 June 1862

Now a little circumstance that has happened in the regiment. Last evening at dress parade, there was two companies that mutinied and stacked their arms. And now [I will tell you] the cause for it. In the first place, Co. A has held the right of the regiment ever since we have been in the service and Co. F is next. So Old Gorman 1 thought he would make a change in the regiment because his son [Richard L. Gorman 2] was in Co. C—that is the color company and he didn’t know but what if we were brought into action that his son would be in a little more danger than the rest of the companies. So Co. A if they had to rank to the senior captain, we would be the 4th and Co. A that was held to the right of the regiment would be the 9th comany. The companies that have stacked arms are A and B and the officers are Capt. [Davis J.] Rich [of Co. D], Capt. [William L.] Oswald [of Co. A], Lieutenant [Benjamin H.] Warford. These are the three officers. The talk is that the officers will be sent to Fort Lafayette and the privates to the rip raps to Fortress Monroe. There they will have to handle stone till their time is out and not receive one cents worth of pay. They was offered their arms this morning again but would not accept of them.

That is all. Write soon and as often as you can. Sell my [ ] if you can no matter what the rest says. I will be satisfied. From your brother, — Philip Crewell

Hoping soon to all meet again.

1 Willis Arnold Gorman (1814-1876) served as a Major in Gen. Lane’s regiment of Indiana Volunteers in the Mexican War where he was severely wounded at the Battle of Buena Vista. He was appointed governor of the territory of Minnesota in 1853 and later served in the Minnesota legislature. In the Civil War he began his service as the Colonel of the 1st Minnesota but was promoted to Brigadier-General of volunteers in September 1861 and commanded a Division that included the 34th New York during the Peninsula Campaign. According to Philip’s letter, the mutiny in the 34th originated from Gen. Gorman’s desire to have his son’s company’s letter designation changed which upset the seniority hierarchy of the officers in the regiment.

2 Richard L. Gorman was 26 years old when he enlisted on 27 April 1861 at St. Paul, Minn., to serve as a private in the 1st Minnesota Infantry. On 1 January 1862 he received a commission as 1st Lieutenant of Co. C, 34th New York Infantry. Richard was promoted to Captain of Co. A on 24 June 1862. He resigned his commission on 2 March 1863.

Clipping from the Cincinnati Daily Commercial. Monday, 2 June 1862


Letter 2

Camp Falmouth, Va.
Thursday, April 10, 1863

Father & Mother, sisters and brothers,

As I told you I would write before a move or battle if I had the opportunity and so I will write one letter to you all for I can’t write any more in one than in the others. We were to move yesterday morning at six o’clock but a heavy rain set in which has kept back the move. But today it is cleared up very nice. We expect orders every day or every moment to march. We have eight days rations ready. give in my knapsack and three in my haversack. They have taken all our clothes that wasn’t needed but I was on picket so I hadn’t any chance to send anything. I would liked to of sent off my dress coat and also a blanket for I have too much to carry but when I throw them I will stay with them whether I get taken prisoner or not.

But the time will seem long before I shall write again as I have no paper nor ink nor any to take along. But it seems still longer for me to wait for a letter from some of you. I have looked with an anxious eye when the mail arrived to see if I couldn’t hear from you but [I was] disappointed as usual.

Oh how I dread this next coming battle. It is likely all we ever will go in but then there is so few of us and still we have to take our place as a regiment in battle and fight five times our number, and by all appearance, they put great confidence in winning the next coming battle and without we fight with the determination of either dying on the battlefield or else conquer our enemy, why they will think that we don’t mean to fight because our time is so near out. But if I have to fight so much greater the odds as we have in other battles, why I don’t think the Old 34th will be very apt to stand.

But, [what] is the use of me writing to have your minds if I am to be spared and get through all safe. Why it will be so we must trust for the best. But after the firsts of May. I think my fighting is done with. The damn pay master hasn’t been around yet nor will he till after the next battle is over with for fear if there is any of the Boys skins out and they court martial them if they have their pay, they are all right. But if we have any money coming, they can take it. But the bounty they can’t touch nor have we had a chance to touch it.

Well, I haven’t much to write. The wagon train is moving up to the right. The talk is that Stonewall Jackson is in the rear of us with 50,000 men. If so, we will have to fall back. But I think we will have to cross the Rappahannock again and then a death struggle will take place for the Rebels look at the next battle as closing the war in [their] favor or else [our] crushing them forever.

Now I know this will make you feel uneasy but trust in my next if I am spared to write that you may hear better news. Write soon and don’t wait so long. I will have to send this without my stamp for I have neither money nor stamps. No more. I remain your son and brother, — Philip Crewell

1861: Garland W. Mead to William H. Mead

This letter was written by 17 year-old school teacher Garland W. Mead (1843-1863), the son of Henry Mead (1794-1860) and Betsy Kent (1796-1853) of Lanesborough, Berkshire county, Massachusetts. Garland wrote the letter to his older brother, William H. Mead (1835-1894).

I could not find an image of Garland but here is a tintype of John Murphy (1836-1862) of Co. A, 34th NY Infantry who also lost his life at Antietam. (Jim Jezorski Collection)

Though Garland grew up in the Berkshire mountains of western Massachusetts, he enlisted with Co. G of the 34th New York Infantry in June 1861. Perhaps he was teaching a select school in or near Herkimer where the company was recruited at the time.

The 34th New York, sometimes referred to as the “Herkimer Regiment,” was composed of five companies from Herkimer county, two from Steuben, one from Albany, one from Clinton and one from Essex county. They mustered into service at Albany on 15 June 1861 for two years. They left the state for Washington on 3 July and were quartered at Kalorama Heights until July 28, when they moved to Seneca Mills. The regiment moved to Edwards Ferry on 21 October, to Poolesville, on 23 October, and there established Camp McClellan, where they remained until late February 1862.

The regiment spent March in camp at Berryville, Virginia, and later in the month moved to Washington where it was ordered to the Peninsula. It shared in the siege of Yorktown; lost 97 members killed, wounded or missing at Fair Oaks, and again lost heavily during the Seven Days’ battles. It was then in camp at Harrison’s landing until Aug. 15, when it was ordered to Newport News, and there embarked for Acquia creek. Subsequently it returned to Alexandria and was again at the front during the Maryland campaign. At Antietam, the regiment lost 154 in killed, wounded and missing, of whom 41 were killed or mortally wounded—over 13% of the 311 engaged.

Garland was one of the casualties at Antietam. William McLean, a sergeant in the 34th, was with the regiment as they marched out of the East Woods to a point 20 yards in the rear of the Dunker Church where they met the enemy coming up the hill beyond in force. He wrote:

“We fired two or three tremendous volleys, which thinned their ranks: but we in turn received quite as warm a fire as we were able to give, and being flanked and cross-fired upon, were obliged to fall back.  We did so at first, in good order, loading and firing as we could: but the advancing of the rebels and their deadly fire was at last too much for the famed 34th, as well as for many regiments, and we broke for a time and ran about thirty rods: then we rallied and turned upon the foe, who gave way before us. The action was short, not exceeding fifteen minutes, and our loss in killed, was 32 and wounded, 108.  All this was the fault of some one who led us into the face of the foe unsupported on the left.  We were within ten rods of the enemy when the first fire was opened, and before we fell back far, they came so close as to take ten prisoners, and others were wounded with gun-stocks, &c.  This we could call nothing better than outright slaughter, and the time and number of victims show it was nothing else.”

Other letters by members of the 34th New York transcribed & published on Spared & Shared include:

Orlando R. Chamberlin, Co. E, 34th New York (Union/1 Letter)
Francis R. Bailey, Co. F, 34th New York (Union/1 Letter)
Francis R. Bailey, Co. F, 34th New York (Union/1 Letter)
Isaac G. Campbell, Co. G, 34th New York (Union/1 Letter)
Judson Hewitt Gibson, Co. I, 34th New York (Union/1 Letter)
James R. McCarrick, Co. I, 34th New York (Union/1 Letter)

Transcription

Addressed to William H. Mead, Lanesborough, Massachusetts

Washington [D. C.]
July 6th 1861

Dear Brother,

The 34th [New York] Regiment did leave Albany Tuesday at 7 o’clock bound for the seat of war. We were out aboard of an old propeller and as there wasn’t room enough, we had a barge in tow. After steaming all night, we found in the morning that we were approaching Poughkeepsie. From that time till we reached New York, I kept my station on deck looking at the objects which came in sight as we passed along. It seemed more to me that we were on a pleasure excursion than on our way to the field of battle.

Arriving at New York about 3 o’clock, we anchored in the North River. The officers went on shore but the privates were not allowed that privilege so I have not seen much of the city yet. The quartermaster finally came on board with two days rations for each man. These were distributed and we pushed off again and anchored for the night. I slept on deck as I did the night before—[Erwin] Fuller with me. [Albert] Doty was on guard. There was considerable firing during the night but it did not seem like the 3rd of July night.

In the morning we heard some tall firing at the Battery and over on the Jersey side. At 10 we pushed across to Elizabethport about 12 miles and there we got aboard of the cars for Baltimore. We came by way of Harrisburg, passing through Philipsburg, Bethlehem, [and] Allentown. Reached Reading about ten. There we changed engines and kept right on all night. Passed Harrisburg about 3 in the morning and Little York about 6. There we stopped and washed up and eat all the gingerbread, pie and cheese we could find in the place. I don’t believe there was a shop in the place where they kept anything to eat or drink but was bought out.

About ten miles the other side of Baltimore, 20-ball cartridges were given to each company to be used in case we should meet with any disturbance but we passed through Baltimore without any trouble at all. We had quite a march from one depot to the other. At every other town or city we were welcomed and cheered, but here nothing was said. Occasionally we would see a handkerchief waving and hear a cheer but after we got to the depot and the company got aboard, I managed to get liberty till the train started which was about an hour and I talked with some of the men. They said that the Union feeling was strong there now, but if there are any secessionists, they dare not show their heads now for Gen. Banks has taken up their policemen and they have now none but Union men. They won’t allow the news boys to sell secession papers. I tried hard to get one but couldn’t. I got the Clipper & Patriot which I send on to you.

There were five companies of the 22nd Pennsylvania Regiment encamped near the depot and 2 Maryland regiments. The Massachusetts 8th and two or three Pennsylvania regiments are encamped just out of the city. The Allen Guard are stationed at the prison at Baltimore as guard. This a soldier told me at the Relay House. If I had known it before, I could have gone and seen them.

We got into Washington about 10 o’clock at night and we marched about half a mile to the place where we are quartered at present. All but two companies are in a large and commodious building on D Street North. We are on the left flank of the Battalion so we were put in another building which is a dark hole. The Captain says if we don’t get orders to encamp out of the city or different quarters here, he will put his men aboard of the cars and go home. Since [then], we hear that we go out of the city tomorrow certain.

I have been up to the Capitol and stayed an hour or two. But we were expecting marching orders all the time so we came back again. But now Lieut. [Warren J.] Mack says [Albert] Doty and I can go where we have a mind to till night and we are anxious to improve the chance so I must close and write more tomorrow. I am well. Doty the same. Fuller on the sound list too. Love to all, — G. W. Mead

P. S. There is no excitement here among the people and I don’t hear the citizens say much about the war. The Zouaves have just tore down and burned up a drinking house where one of their number was shot last night.

Doty says tell them we are proof against Jersey lightening and Washington flies—the two greatest nuisances we have met with yet. Write soon and direct to Company G, 34th New York Regiment, Washington, District of Columbia, and I think I shall get it wherever we may march in the morning.

— Garland

[to] Wm. H. Mead