These letters were written by W. M. Baker who seems to have been an older brother of the recipient, James F. Baker (1833-1890), a grocer in Panola, Texas, who lived in 1860 with his mother, Mary (Pittman) Baker (1793-1880) and sister Panthea Augusta Baker (1839-1872). In 1850, when James’ father Willis Perry Baker (1792-1856) was still living, the Bakers lived in Talbot county, Georgia. James’ older sister, Priscilla Gillean Baker (1826-1897) was married to Joseph Carswell in 1844 and they farmed in Buena Vista, Marion county, Georgia in 1860. Yet another brother, Allen Hill Baker (1823-1903) was married to Jane Augusta Roquemore (1827-1904) and they farmed in Carthage, Panola county, Texas, in 1860. My hunch is that these letters were first sent to his immediate family in Texas and then forwarded to his sister Priscilla in Georgia who kept them with her family papers.
W. M. Baker was probably the eldest son of the family, born in the 1820s, and long gone from the Baker family household to appear by name in any Census records. I could not find any census record of that name that I could safely attribute to the Willis Perry Baker family and there is no mention of him in any of the Ancestry on-line records. The only possible reference to him I could find in newspapers appeared in The Rocky Mountain News on 25 January 1861 which reads, “Col. W. M. Baker, of the Freeport Mill in Russell Gulch, is stopping in town for a few days. He reports their mill stopped for want of water.”
Letter 1
Pacer County, California January 20th 1858
Dear Brother,
I received your letter a few days ago and the plain and undisguised language in which it was penned gave me great satisfaction, and now as being the earliest opportunity I take to write you.
I am going to write you the exact position that I have been in since in California in plain language, and I want you to excuse my frankness. I have always been under the impression, and not only so, but being persuaded of the fact, that I was censured and looked upon in a kind of retired disgust, judging from letters that I have received, and the circumstances under which I left and those connected with me in crossing the plains. Well I knowing there is not a shadow of a cause, to return, relatively speaking, when it came to the point, was something that I could not persuade myself to do, honestly believing it better for all concerned, to remain where I am, particularly for Ma’s sake.
I could say more on this subject but from the moral it contains, I don’t think it necessary. But I am happy to say, since I’ve received your letter it has altered my opinion and feelings materially, and believe upon my word that I will return as soon as I possibly can, which I don’t think will be long. I wish I could return now but I cannot. Do everything you can, Jim, for Ma’s comfort, and if you want anymore money, draw the balance of that in Georgia.
I and Jo Burt are mining together now and using a California phase. The dirt on the bedrock prospects well. We are also in moderate health. I will close by saying give my love to Ma and Panthia and brother Allen and write me again, Jim, for I don’t believe I will be able to get off under two or three months. And tell Ma she may rely upon what I say. Nothing more but remain the same. — W. M. Baker
Letter 2
California Gulch, Arkansas River July 22nd 1860
Dear Jim,
You no doubt think it a great while since you heard from me last. I have been over on the Rio Grande and Colorado rivers ever since I wrote you last, a prospecting, and I find a great deal more gold, through the Rocky Mountains than I expected. This will be an extensive mining country after a while. It will never compete with California because it has not got the natural facilities nor the climate. This is a cold, rainy climate in the summer and everything is snowed in the winter.
I just got across the mountains this evening and must leave in the morning. Therefore, I have not time to write any of the particulars. But as soon as I find a place to locate on, which I think will be shortly, I will write the particulars of my trip which you will find interesting, so be satisfied for the present.
Give my love to Ma and Panthia and brother Allen and sister Jane and tell them all to write to me and tell everybody else to write to me. And as soon as I get time, I will take pleasure in answering them. Direct all your letter to Denver City, Jefferson Territory, and I can get them from there. I am enjoying very good health at this time. I weigh 156 pounds. I have nothing more but remain yours as ever. — W. M. Baker
The following letter was written by James Eastman, of Co. F, 2nd US Sharpshooters (Regular Army). Members of Co. F as well as Co. G were recruited from New Hampshire as summarized by the following:
The Second Regiment Sharpshooters, when organized, consisted of Company A, Minnesota; Company B, Michigan; Company C, Pennsylvania; Company D, Maine; Company E, Vermont; Companies F and G, New Hampshire; Company H, Vermont; under the command of Col. H. A. V. Post. The last of December, two thirds of Companies F and G, having re-enlisted and mustered as veterans, received a veteran furlough, came home, and remained until March 9, 1864. In reorganizing the army in March, 1864, the sharpshooters were assigned to the Second Corps, and were permitted to wear the badge of the Third Corps in which they had served so creditably. January 30, 1865, the Second Regiment United States Sharpshooters as a regiment ceased to exist, Companies F and G being transferred to the Fifth New Hampshire Volunteers, and the other companies to their state regiments.
One does not have to dive deep into this letter to realize that the correspondents do not know each other and that this was in fact the first letter that James had written to Mira. In a rather boastful tone he informs her he is a Sharpshooter Soldier (his emphasis) and if they continued to correspond he would tell her all about war. Problem is there isn’t any soldier in that company by that name. There was a Frank J. Eastman, a musician, in Co. G but I’m not convinced he is the author either. I heard of soldiers playing jokes on unwitting females who sometimes posted ads in newspapers seeking penpals (and vice versa). This may fall into that category.
Eastman wrote the letter to 17 year-old Almira (“Mira”) Belcher (1847-1924) of Francestown, Hillsboro county, New Hampshire. She was the younger sister of Pvt. Henry A. Belcher who served in Co. B, 13th New Hampshire Volunteers who died of typhoid fever in November 1863. [See 1862-64: Henry A. Belcher to his Family] The only other name dropped in the letter was that of his commanding officer, Capt. Asel B. Griggs, but I do not see anything in his biographical sketch that would suggest a reason for him to be in Charleston S. C. as was stated in the letter.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Miss Mira O. Belcher, Francestown, New Hampshire
Camp 2nd Regt. U. S. S. S. Before Petersburg, Va. December 24th 1864
Miss Belcher,
A short time since I received your address and this evening being at leisure I came to the conclusion to write you and see if in return I should be honored with a few cheering words from one of the few of New Hampshire. Letter writing to young ladies is something I never done but little at and I trust you will excuse all mistakes.
Should you wish to correspond with a Sharpshooter Soldier, I will try to interest you with war matters and may in many instances enlighten you on points of war which at present you know nothing of. Perhaps you have friends in the army—maybe a brother. If so, you well know by his letters how cheering it is to receive letters from home and near and dear friends.
I very well know much deception is carried on between parties writing to and from the army but i wish not to deceive. I shall write you such letters as I should wish a sister of mine to receive from a stranger, allowing I had one. A sister I never had but I have three brothers—all in the army, and one a prisoner in Charleston S. C. I heard from him a few days ago by my Captain who has just returned from that place. He informs me that my brother with thousand others are in a suffering condition. Poor fellow. My heart bleeds for him. May God shield and protect him in this his tribulation.
But I will not worry you longer. Should you feel disposed to write me, direct to Sergt. James Eastman, Co. F, 2nd Regt. USSS via Washington D. C.
The following letter was written by Charles H. Tillinghast (1839-1865) while serving as an acting master’s mate on October 15, 1861. Charles was the son of Charles Elisha Tillinghast (1812-1893) and Mary Ann Bailey (1813-1841) of Providence, Rhode Island where his father “carried on an extensive business in crockery and glassware, both at wholesale and retain at No. 79 Westminster Street.” He apparently lived in Philadelphia immediately before joining the Navy in October 1861. He wrote the letter to Jennie Koehler of Philadelphia, believed to be the sister of Tillinghast’s comrade on the US Steamer Tahoma, Master’s Mate John Green Koehler.
Tillinghast served aboard the Tahoma from late 1861 to mid-1863 in the Eastern Gulf Squadron. He offered his resignation just days after this letter was written in early April 1863 due to personality conflicts with Tahoma‘s captain, Alexander Alderman Semmes. After leaving the service, Charles entered the commercial service and signed on as the second mate of the Bark A1 of Providence captained by James R. Potter (1815-1891). The Bark was struck by a cyclone in late April 1865 while in the Indian Ocean resulting in her loss with 13 of her officers and crew, including Charles. Only three of the crew survived by holding onto the wreckage for six days until they could be rescued by a British vessel.
In this letter, Tillinghast offers a lengthy description of an ambush perpetrated by Rebels near Tampa, Florida, who deceptively posed as Contraband under a flag of truce and then fired on a landing party, wounding the Naval Officer and four of his crew. He also describes the shelling of Tampa following the unexpected attack on a launch by a masked battery.
[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Richard J. Ferry and was offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent. After having transcribed the letter I discovered that it had been previously published with several other of Tillighast’s letters in an article he coauthored with David J. Coles entitled, “Hot, Cold, Whiskey Punch,” The Civil War Letters of Charles H. Tillinghast, USN which can be found on-line at Digital Commons @ University of South Florida. Had I known this, I would not have duplicated its publication here.]
Almost comical description of an ambush on a Naval Landing party near Tampa, Fla. The confederate troops were Pearson’s Rangers who were part of the 6th Florida Battalion, which later became the 9th Florida Infantry. My GG Grandfather served in that unit. I often wondered if he was there. — Richard Ferry
Colorized version of the USS Tahoma from sketch by R. G. Skerrett; she was a wooden-hulled, 4th rate screw gunboat, measuring 154 feet from stem to stern, constructed during 1861 at Wilmington, Delaware, by W. and A. Thatcher—was launched on 2 October 1861; and commissioned at the Philadelphia Navy Yard on 20 December 1861. She carried a crew of 100 men and was armed with a rifled muzzleloading 8-inch Parrot gun, two 24-pounder howitzers, and two 20-pounder Parrot rifled guns. At the time his letter was written, she was commanded by Alexander A. Semmes, a less famous cousin of Raphael Semmes.Source: Action on the Florida Coast.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
U. S. Steamer Tahoma Sunday, April 5th 1863 Tampa Bay, Florida
Friend Jennie,
As it is some three or four weeks since I have sent you a letter, and Sunday being a dull day on board of a “Man O War,” I can’t improve my time better than by writing you a few lines. Yesterday the US Steamer Magnolia arrived from Key West. She brought up a small mail but nary letter did I get—not even a paper. John received a letter from his wife. I have not received any letters from “Philamaclink” for some time. Your last letter was dated January 30th which I received about the 15th of February and answered it shortly after. Chum, what has become of Mr. DeRouse? I have wrote him two letters quite recently and as yet have received no answer to them. On the arrival of the Tahoma from Key West, Mr. Jackson and myself were transferred from the tender to the Steamer and the tender was transferred to the US Barque Pursuit. I don’t regret the change as it was very uncomfortable on board the sloop. The prize schooner Stonewall that we captured while in the sloop was fitted out in Key West and the Commodore transferred her to the Tahoma as a tender. She has been out on a cruise for the past three weeks. The US Schooner Beauregard spoke her off Charlotte Harbor about a week ago. She had captured nothing up to that time.
On the 24th of March, we towed the US Barque Pursuit about 25 miles up the Bay and left her to blockade the main ship channel off Gadsden’s Point about ten miles from the Town of Tampa. On the 25th inst. [he means ultimo] we went to see on a cruise. It came on to blow while we were out and a very disagreeable time we had. We returned on the 30th inst. [ultimo] and glad we were to get in smooth water again for the Tahoma is a miserable sea boat, especially in rough weather.
Watercolor of the Barque USS Pursuit by T. Flagler, c1863; the Federal troopship Empire City is alongside her.
On the day of our arrival at Tampa, we steamed up to where the Barque Pursuit was blockading in company with the US Schooner Beauregard. The Captain of the Barque Pursuit informed us that the day previous, a party of Rebels came down on the beach disguised as “Niggers” and displayed a Flag of Truce. The Pursuit immediately sent a boat ashore in charge of an officer to see what was up. As soon as the boat touched the beach, the supposed Contrabands threw up their hands and sang out (“Saved, by God”). Then a party of some 40 or 50 Rebels jumped out from the bushes and commenced firing on the boat’s crew and demanded them to surrender. The officer and crew returned the fire nobly, wounding three of the Rebels, then pulled off out of range of their guns. The officer and five of the boat’s crew were wounded but none of the wounds will prove fatal. The officer has had his left arm amputated. 1, 2
We relieved the Barque Pursuit and sent her to Key West for provisions. The day following we got underway in company with the Schooner Beauregard and steamed up to the town of Tampa and came to an anchor about three miles off the town, there not being water enough to get any nearer. On the 2nd inst. the Captain took his gig and pulled up within a quarter of a mile of the Town to reconnoitre. The Rebels opened fire on him with a masked battery where they had three, 32-pounders mounted, they fired three shots at the boat’s crew which struck within a few feet of her. The Captain took it very calmly, kept altering the position of the boat and pulled on board the steamer, got her underway and ploughed her through the soft mud for three-quarters of a mile.
I was detailed with a full boat’s crew to go on board the Schooner Beauregard to make her crew more efficient. We got her underway and took a different course from the steamer so as to give them a raking fire. We anchored about one and a half miles off the town. The Rebels fired one shot at us from the Battery but it fell short about three hundred yards and fell harmless into the water. Both vessels fired 75 rounds of shot and shell right square into the town, driving the Rebels from their Battery. The damage to the town is unknown but I think it must be considerable for with the glass I could see that many of the houses were knocked higher than a burnt boot.
At 3 p.m. the tide commenced to fall so we hauled off in deeper water and anchored about three miles off the town. At daylight the day following we got underway in company with the Schooner Beauregard and proceeded down the Bay.
Last Friday afternoon I took one of the ship’s boats, sailed about 15 miles up the Bay and went ashore on one of the Keys egging. By sundown we gathered about 20 dozen eggs. I suppose you will say that is pretty doings for a Naval officer, however there is nothing like it for we don’t get eggs every day on the blockade. They were pretty dearly earned for at 9 p.m. it came to blow so heavy thatit was impossible to carry sail on the boat so I landed on one of the Keys, built a fire, and camped out until one a.m. when it moderated some and we proceeded down the Bay again. I arrived on board the Steamer at 7 a.m.—cold, wet, hungry and very dry. If I could have imbibed a D. C. W. P. [?], I should have been all right, but I had to content myself with Allum’s [?] Ale.
April 6, 1863
At daylight this morning we commenced taking in coal from the US Steamer Magnolia. Chum! I think there is every prospect of our staying here all summer. It makes me vexed to think of it, but I suppose we will have to make the best of it. Uncle Sam will never catch me in a Navy vessel after I ever get clear of this one. John is as sick of it as myself and declares this is the last cruise for him. I see by the last papers that the government were about to issue “letters of Marque.” I think that a cruise in a “Privateer” would suit us better for we would have more to do. You have no idea how dull it is laying in the blockade. When we left Philadelphia, it was only for three months, but it is the longest three months I ever experienced, and there is every prospect of staying here until the war is ended for naught I know. What has become of Miss Ewen? I have not heard from her for some time. Remember me to her and Miss Mary. Ask Mary for me, “How are you, Echo?” Pretty good joke, ain’t it? Remember me to your Aunt and Miss Flora. Chum! Have you seen any rubber men lately?
As my sheet is about full, I will close hoping to hear from you soon. Remember me to your Mother and all the family. I remain your sincere chum, — U.S.N.
1 On 27 March 1863, while laying off Gadsden’s Point in Tampa Bay, the crew spotted smoke on the beach and three people waving a white flag. Suspecting them to be either runaway slaves or Confederate deserters, the Pursuit sent a boat under a flag of truce. It appeared that two of the people on shore were in women’s clothing “with their hands and faces blackened.” Upon the boat touching the beach, an ambush was sprung as the three people turned out to be Confederates. Roughly 100 armed men revealed themselves and demanded the boat and its small crew surrender. When the men from the Pursuit refused, the Confederates unleashed a volley, injuring four of the crew including the officer in charge. As the boat pulled away from the beach back to the Pursuit, the ship was able to bring its guns to bear and fired four shells into the group of rebels, seemingly without effect. [Source: Official records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion. United States Naval War Records Office. Series 1; Volume 17. 1894. p. 397.]
2 The confederate troops engaged in this rouse were Pearson’s Oklawaha Rangers who were part of the 6th Florida Battalion, which later became the 9th Florida Infantry. “On March 27, 1863, a Union gunboat called the Pursuit appeared in Tampa Bay. It was an opportunity for Captain John William Pearson to have his revenge from the attack by Captain Drake and an incident involving a Union ramming of a blockade runner. Captain Pearson devised a plan to disguise his men as blacks and paddle out to the Federal gunboat as fugitive slaves. The captain of the Pursuit believed they were fugitive slaves and ordered his men to rescue them at Gadsden Point. When the Federal forces met Pearson’s disguised fugitive slaves they were met with a hail of bullets. Four Federals were wounded and they managed to escape back to the Pursuit. One week later on April 3, 1863, the Tahoma and Beauregard were sent to Tampa to bombard the town in response to the daring attack off Gadsden Point.” [Source: John William Pearson on Wikipedia.]
The following note was penned entirely in his own hand by Major General John Newton (1823-1895) in the closing days of the Atlanta Campaign. At the time, Newton commanded the 2nd Division, IV Army Corps in Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas’s command. Newton enjoyed the confidence of Sherman and was respected for having successfully commanded the 1st Army Corps after Reynolds was killed at Gettysburg. A few weeks earlier he was credited with helping to win the critical battle of Peachtree Creek. A highly competent engineer, Newton was cautious but not so that he risked his career in late December 1862 by meeting with President Lincoln to voice his lack of confidence in Burnside as the commander of the Army of the Potomac.
Newton composed the note to Lt. Col. Joseph Scott Fullerton (1835-1897), who held the position of Aide-de-Camp and Chief of Staff for Thomas’s IV Army Corps. The note was intended to inform Maj. Gen. Thomas of observed troop and artillery movements in the area and to inquire, essentially, whether they were allies or adversaries. Schofield’s maneuvers seemed to be unknown to Newton, who was in the process of preparing to disrupt the Macon & Western Railroad to the south of Atlanta, becoming involved in the Battle of Jonesborough from August 31 to September 1, 1864.
[Note: This letter is from the collection of Jim Doncaster who made it available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Headquarters 2nd Division, 4th Army Corps In the Field, August 30, 1864 8 o’clock p.m.
Colonel,
I have the honor to report that Lt. Col. [Porter] Olson, 36th Illinois [Infantry], of my Division reports that he saw a column of troops moving into position north-east of [John A.] Mann’s House at about sundown this evening. 1
Col. Opdycke from his position about 600 yards in advance of the works heard the movement of artillery. The Maj. General Commanding can judge whether this was Gen. Schofield’s troops or not. I incline to think it was not. I am sir, very respectfully your obedient servant, — John Newton, Brig. General Commanding
Lt. Col. J. S. Fullerton, AAG & Chief of staff, 4th A. C.
1 The John A, Mann farmhouse is mentioned in several official dispatches in describing the movements of the 4th Army Corps from Red Oak to the Macon Railroad at Rough & Ready on 30 August 1864. See Marker: The Mann House.
Private William H. Hanifer wears the uniform of the 23rd Pennsylvania Regiment (“Birney’s Zouaves”), LOC.
The following letter was written by Theodore A. Tucker who enlisted in September 1861 to serve three years in Co. L, 23rd Pennsylvania Volunteers (“Birney’s Zouves”). In March 1862, not long after this letter was penned, Companies L, O, P & R of the 23rd Pennsylvania Infantry were transferred to the 61st Pennsylvania under the command of Major George C. Spear, who was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel. These became companies D, G, H & I and these four companies continued to wear the distinctive Zouave uniforms for a time.
Theodore was wounded in the left arm during the fighting on 12 May 1864 near Spotsylvania Court House and transferred to the Veteran Reserve Corps in January 1865. Theodore’s brother Thomas O. Tucker and served in the same company. He was wounded at the same time as his brother on 12 May 1864 but did not survive. He died on 27 May 1864.
Theodore wrote the letter to his older brother Robert Tucker (1823-1901), a carpenter who resided in Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne county, Pennsylvania. Robert was married to Lydia A. Miller (1830-1907) and the couple’s oldest child was Ida Leanore Tucker, born in 1854.
In another letter by a comrade of Theodore’s in Co. D, 61st Pennsylvania on 28 February 1862, Samuel Fell wrote: “Our marching was a false [alarm]. The order was countermanded about 11 o’clock. The cooks was just commencing to cook when the order came to stop for we was not a going. If you wanted to hear a lot of fellers growl and grumble, you ought to [have] been here when they heard it but Theodore Tucker and I told them in the afternoon that they would not get off as long as we was in the regiment for it is just our luck to get in a cussed regiment that never goes anywhere nor sees anything. But if we ever did get a chance, we will make up for lost time if we don’t run against a bullet or bayonet too soon. But Theodore says that we are such hard boys that a bullet or bayonet can’t faze us.” [See 1861-63: Samuel C. Fell to His family]
A pen and watercolor rendition of a photograph appearing in the History of the 23rd Pennsylvania Infantry, Birney’s Zouaves…” page 51.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Col. D. B. Birney’s Zouaves Headquarters 23rd Regiment P. V. Camp Birney, Maryland January 20, 1862
Dear Brother,
I sit down to let you know that me and Tom is well at present and hope that these few lines will find you in the same state of health. Our company was out on grand guard last night and it rained all day and all night but we had a good deal of fun, Me and the orderly Smith Dean from Abington went out to a farmers and took supper and we had some good buckwheat cakes and you had better believe they went good. Then we stayed and talked till 8 o’clock in the evening and then we went back to the boys and they said, “Where the devil have you been?” and then I told them and they felt bad because they didn’t get none. But I told them that I would go and get them some next day and so I went upstairs in a barn and went to sleep.
We have moved from the old camp about two miles up towards Bladensburg and Colonel Birney is Brigade General and we have a new Colonel by the name of [Thomas H.] Neill. Today is the first he drilled the regiment and the boys like him very well. He is a good looking officer and has a good voice and I hope he is as good as our old one but the boys all hate to lose Birney. But we hope that we shall get in his brigade and then we think that we will go ahead. We think as soon as the roads get so we can move that there will be a movement made to Manassas once more and if they do, they will never stop tIll they take Richmond and then the rebels are gone up the hill.
The roads is so bad that four horses can pull half a cord of wood on the level and it would be impossible to move the army. They couldn’t get the artillery along.
Tell Lydia and Ida that I send my best respects and tell mother that I can’t find anything to write—only that I am well and I send my respect to all enquiring friends. So I must close by saying goodbye. From your own brother, — T. A. Tucker
I could not find an image of Charles but here is a CdV of an unidentified naval officer and possibly his wife. The LOC identifies the officer as a Third Assistant Engineer.
The following letter was written by Charles J. Henry (1829-1920) who served in the US Navy during the American Civil War. Charles was born in Weedsport, Cayuga county, New York on 13 December 1829. He was the son of Samuel Henry (1793-1841) and Harriet Peterse Voorhees (1793-1854). Now orphaned, John was married to Ruth Eliza Carter (1834-1916) on 20 December 1854 in Brewerton, Onondaga county, New York. He and Ruth had only one child—unnamed—who died at birth in mid-April 1861. In 1863, just prior to his enlistment in the Navy, Charles was employed in the manufacture of barrel staves in Brewerton—an industry that thrived at the time demanded by regional salt industry at Syracuse.
In late September 1863, Charles bid goodbye to his wife and went to the Brooklyn Navy Yard where he enlisted and was soon afterward assigned to the recently constructed side-wheel steam tugboat, USS Geranium. She had been designed for commercial use but the Navy acquired her for $13,500 on 5 September 1863 and had her commissioned on 15 October at the New York Navy Yard under Acting Ensign G. A. Winsor. She operated without armament as a support vessel. She measured 128 feet in length with a beam of 23 feet and displaced 356 tons, powered by a single beam steam engine producing 210 horsepower. During her naval career from 1863 to 1865, Geranium was assigned to Rear Admiral John A. Dahlgren’s South Atlantic Blockading Squadron, departing New York on 20 October 1863 and arriving off Charleston, South Carolina, on 4 November. She performed duties as a picket boat, dispatch vessel, and light transport, supporting operations at stations including Ossabaw Sound and the St. Johns River, while occasionally ferrying Admiral Dahlgren.
Notable actions included a July 1864 diversionary expedition up the Stono and North Edisto Rivers to disrupt Confederate rail lines, where she towed supplies, supported troops under General Birney, and engaged a Confederate battery at the Dawhoo River. In February 1865, she aided joint Army-Navy operations at Bull’s Bay, contributing to the evacuation of Charleston, and later conducted reconnaissance up the Santee River to facilitate supplies for General Sherman’s forces. After the war, she decommissioned at Washington, D. C., on 15 July 1865 and was sold to the Treasury Department on 18 October for $13,000 to join the Lighthouse Service.
In this incredible letter, written in early November 1863, Charles provided his brother-in-law William H. Carter with a detailed account of the vessel’s first voyage from New York City to the mouth of the St. Johns River in Florida. He provides us with a bystander’s view from the deck of the Geranium, inside the bar of Charleston Harbor, during the daytime shelling of Fort Sumter on November 4th and 5th 1863 as the old fort was being mercilessly reduced to a pile of rubble.
Charles’ service record indicates that the US Steamer Geranium was the only vessel her served on. He was made the Acting 2nd Assistant Engineer. He remained with her until his discharge from the Navy on 19 July 1865. After he was discharged, he lived in various localities including Albany (NY), Tunkhannock (PA), Leadville (CO), and Denver (CO) where he died in 1920. Two more children were born to the couple, in 1866 and in 1868, but neither lived more than a few months.
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of R. J. Ferry and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
U. S. Steamer Geranium, launched 1863.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
U. S. Steamer Geranium Mouth of St. Johns River, Florida November 8th 1863
Wm. H. Caiter,
Dear sir, I intended to have written you before this but when I have had a chance to send a letter I have improved it to write to my wife. I wrote her a short letter today thinking that if I occupied much time I would lose the chance. The steamer that took the letter has gone down the coast & if she calls here on the return, I will send this by her. This much in explanation of my giving more time to you than to her. Possibly she has not received all of my letters that I have written her, so I will give you a little history of occurences since we started from New York.
We left hte Brooklyn Navy Yard at 11 a.m. on the 18th of October & steamed down to Sandy Hook where we made fast to a buoy & hung on until the 20th at 11 a.m. Then started down the coast. We had a fine run, the sea being smooth & everything working well. We ran into James River & up to Newport News where we dropped anchor at 6.45 a.m. the 21st. On the 23rd we ran up to Norfolk (or Portsmouth Navy Yard) & took on coal & in the afternoon ran down to Fortress Monroe & dropped anchor.
On the 24th we started out to sea. The weather was thick and looked bad & we concluded to put back, which we did. The storm (from the N. E.) increased & we held on for it to subside. On the 29th at 2.30 a.m. we started. The wind was still fresh from the N. E. and quite a heavy sea running. Our great anxiety was to get past Cape Hatteras safely. As our boat was not intended for a sea going craft, we felt a little anxious to know how she would weather a storm, but fortune favored us & we passed the Rubicon safely, though we had some rather grand & lofty tumbling.
At 11.20 a.m. on the 30th we dropped anchor at Beaufort, North Carolina, where we remained until 6.20 a.m. on the 3rd November. At 4.15 p.m. we spoke Blockading steamer off Wilmington. On the 4th about 5 a.m. (I had just turned in and got in a fine sleep), I was awakened by the gong beating “all hands to quarters.” This was the first specimen of a warlike character that we had put on. It was brought about as follows. It appears that we were steaming along at good speed, the sea smooth & the weather a little misty, when some object was discovered ahead a little off the starboard bow. It was so indistinct that we could not make out whether it was an “Alabama” or a vessel & as a man-of-war is expected to be ready for any emergency, so we got ready.
We shortly overhauled it & found it a sailing vessel. We fired a blank cartridge aft of her & brought her to, sent a boat off to her to ascertain her character. In the meantime we were ready for a brush if she chose it. The boat returned & reported her a Sutler’s Schooner bound for Morris Island with stores, had lost her reckoning and did not know where she was. We gave her the course & then slunk away without having a fight or capturing a prize. I reckon the poor fellows on the schooner thought they were goners when we blazed away at them.
We heard firing in the direction of Charleston about 8.30 on the 4th & at 10 o’clock [Fort] Sumter was in sight. We ran down to the flag ship & reported & then steamed in over the bar & dropped anchor about 4 miles from Sumter at 11.30 a.m., the fort bearing N. W. by N. We laid there until evening. Our shore batteries were constantly shelling the fort day and night. In the evening we steamed outside to the blockade fleet. In the morning (the 5th) we ran in again. This day a couple of the monitors moved up to the attack of the first assisted by the shore batteries. We could see all the operations with the naked eye & with the aid of a glass everything was made perfectly distinct. The firing was very accurate—almost every shot striking the fort & throwing up clouds of dust. The rebel flag was flying over the fort bidding defiance to its assailants. I could not but admire the pluck of the men who so bravely stood by their flag. No men could be discovered in the fort but there must have been some there.
The walls of Sumter are very thick & as the top is toppled down the debris forms and embankment on each side which virtually strengthens the remaining portion of the wall. This powdered mass, when a shell bursts in it, is thrown into the air & much of it falls back to its original place. Some splendid shots are made by the monitors but it will requite a great deal of patience and powder to render Sumter perfectly untenable.
On the 6th, the Rebel flag was shot down & I watched to see it go up again but it was dangerous business & up to 2 p.m. no signs of the flag were visible. At 2 p.m. we were ordered away to this station to relieve a gunboat that had broken her machinery. We arrived here yesterday the 7th at 2.30 p.m., ran up the St. Johns River about 15 miles & returned to the mouth on the blockade. There is a Reb steamer up the river laden with cotton which is expected every night to try to run the blockade & we are on the watch for her. We lay with steam up all of the while ready to start at a moment’s notice & if she gets away from us, she must do some tall traveling & some fighting, but I don’t apprehend that she will do much of the latter.
Our boat is not a very fast one but we can get about 12 miles out of her. She is built very much like the Oneida, but more beam and draws more water. She is 125 feet long, 24 foot beam. Wheels 21 feet draw buckets 6 feet x 22. Engine 34 inch cylinder & 8 foot stroke. Draft of water averages 7 feet. She is not in good running trim. She is down by the head too much to run good, but when we get some of the coal out of her, she will do better. We carry 39 men & officers as follows. 1 Ensign in charge 2 Master Mates, One 2d Asst. Engineer in charge. Three 3d Assistants. Three 1st Class Firemen, Three 2nd class Firemen. Three coal heavers. One Storekeeper for Engine dept. One Paymaster’s Clerk & the balance seamen, ordinary seamen, landman, boys &c. You see that in the Engineering Department, there are 14 men. What would you think of putting that number on the Oneida to attend to her Engine Department? There are times, however, when all are needed & it would not be good policy to run short handed—especially here where if a man is sick, you can’t go ashore & pick up a man when you want one.
We can’ tell how long we shall stay here—perhaps a month & perhaps a good many of them. I have not been ashore & know but little about the country around here but I am not favorably impressed by the limited view I have from the boat. Still there are some bright spots. Fish about here. Oysters in any quantity alongside. Oranges &c. to be had close by. Money is on no use here. Once can’t spend it & in buying articles from the natives, they refuse money but will exchange for sugar, cheese, butter, or any kind of stores.
After reading this, I would be obliged to you if you would send it to my wife as my letter to her was so short owing to the hurry which it was written that I am not satisfied with it. I would be pleased to hear from you when you have leisure to write. My regards to Mrs. Carter & your family. Yours truly, Chas. J. Henry
The following letter was written by Eugene Snyder, a 26 year-old attorney practicing in Harrisburg, Dauphin county, Pennsylvania, in 1863. He was the son of Charles Albright Snyder (1799-1868) and Barbara Ann Keller (1807-1892). His letter requests a death certificate for John La France, a private in Co. G, 11th Pennsylvania Infantry. Presumably he was engaged by some family member who had been informed of John’s death in the Battle of 2nd Bull Run. Responding to Eugene on the same sheet of paper, the soldier’s captain, John B. McGrew, informed the attorney that John La France had not actually died, but had been taken prisoner and was paroled though his cryptic response does not provide any details as to the soldier’s present location or state of health. His response would leave us to believe that the soldier was not yet with the company, however.
A sketch of “Sallie” the bulldog mascot of the 11th Pennsylvania. Her likeness is sculpted into the base of the regiment’s monument at Gettysburg. Sallie often stayed on the battlefield near wounded soldiers she knew.
Curiously, according to muster roll records, John La France appears twice. One entry does not provide a service entry date and reports that he died of wounds received at Bull Run on 30 August 1862. The other records his service entry date as July 10, 1862 and states that he was discharged on Surgeon’s Certificate on 12 October 1863. To further muddy the waters, there is a Veterans Card File entry for John La France of Co. G, 11th Pennsylvania Infantry that claims he “died by reason of gunshot received in action at Antietam on 17 September 1862.”
Unfortunately I could not find any more information on John La France though one war-time record claims his residence was Allegheny county. I could find no pension record for him either.
John B. McGrew (1826-1884) enlisted in August 1862 and was commissioned the Captain of Co. G at that time. He was wounded on 13 December 1862 during the Battle of Fredericksburg and was discharged on 15 March 1865 for disability. He lived in Allegheny county, Pennsylvania.
The 11th Pennsylvania was recruited from several counties in Pennsylvania as a three-month regiment on April 26, 1861, and sent to Camp Curtin, Harrisburg for training and organization. Phaon Jarrett served as its first colonel, with Richard Coulter as lieutenant colonel and William D. Earnest as major. It was assigned to Robert Patterson’s Army of the Shenandoah. The regiment received the nickname “The Bloody Eleventh” at the Battle of Hoke’s Run, Virginia, July 2, 1861.
The 11th was reorganized as a three-year regiment in the August of the same year at Camp Curtin in Harrisburg. After a few weeks of drill, the regiment was given garrison duty at Annapolis, Maryland. In April, it was moved to Mannassas Junction, where it guarded the railroad. It was again transferred, this time to the Shenandoah Valley, in late May as part of Irvin McDowell’s Corps. They fought in the Battles of Cedar Mountain and Second Bull Run. After the Army of Virginia was merged into the Army of the Potomac, the reconstituted regiment became part of the I Corps.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Eugene Snyder practiced law in Harrisburg for a number of years. In 1869 his office was located at No. 10 North Third Street.
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania February 7, 1863
Commander of Co. G Old 11th Pennsylvania Volunteers
Dear Sir,
Will you be kind enough to send me a certificate of the death of John Lafrance of your company who was killed August 30th 1862 at No. 2 Battle of Bull Run, Virginia. And much oblige.
Yours repectfully, — Eugene Snyder
[in different hand writing]
Camp 11th Regt. Penna. Vols. near Fletchers Chapel February 22, 1863
Eugene Snyder, Esq.,
Dear Sir, in answer to the above letter of inquiry & request, I will just state John Lafrance stands on our company books as taken prisoner August 30th at Bull Run, Va., and paroled. I was not in command of the company until 8 days after. Yours truly, —John B. M’Grew, Capt. Co. G, 11th Regt. P. V.
The following letter was written by John Andrew Smith (1826-1863), a native of Virginia, from his temporary home in Grass Valley, Nevada county, California. In the 1850 US Census, we find him lodging with fellow Virginian 28 year-old William Broadwater with whom he made the trip to California, and two other gentlemen, 23 year-old Ohioan Zenus Hathaway Denman, a trader; and 22 year-old Louisianan, Edward Theriot, a miner.
From Find-A-Grave we learn that John was born in Fairfax county, Virginia in 1826. He died on 5 June 1863 in Nevada county, California, and was buried in the Rough & Ready Cemetery, Memorial ID 22611023. John’s parents are not identified on Find-A-Grave but based on the address written on the cover, I believe his parents were Thomas Z. Smith (1784-1868) and Elizabeth Fretz (1795-1871) who were both natives of Bucks county, Pennsylvania but lived in Fairfax county in the 1840s. In 1850, the couple were enumerated in Thoroughfare, Fauquier county, Virginia, but later moved back to Alexandria where Thomas died in 1868. Following her husband’s death, John’s mother moved back to Buck county, Pennsylvania where she died in 1871. John’s parents were Quakers.
A search of the California newspapers revealed that John died tragically. “Sad Accident. A man named John A. Smith, late proprietor of the Anthony House in Nevada county, was thrown from his horse lately near Rough and Ready, and was so badly injured that he died in a few hours.” [Sacramento Daily Union, 11 June 1863] The Anthony House was built about 1850 and it was up for sale in 1852 and purchased by Mr. S. P. French. By that time it was a flourishing stage stop, serving as a hotel, restaurant, livery stable and post office. The original house burned down in 1876 but was quickly rebuilt (see newspaper clipping below).
This watercolor of Grass Valley was painted on 18 September 1851, less than a month after this letter was written. When the artist, Edward Gennys Fanshawe, visited Grass Valley, he described it as a “very retired spot two years ago, but now one of the principal mining stations, with seven steam engines at work crushing the [gold-bearing] quartz, which is dug out of the surrounding hills. It has also an hotel kept by an Englishman, to whose favourable notice we bore a recommendation…” Most of the excavations shown here are what he described as ‘ “coyota digging”, from a burrowing animal of these parts, in appearance between a wolf and a fox. This is only for burrowing near the surface for “pay dirt”, or auriferous earth, without undertaking the more solid quartz’ (p.285). The view here appears to be roughly west across Wolf Creek and the ‘coyote’ pits around it, with what became Mill Street running across the background and Main Street intersecting with that at far right, its near end being then the road north-east to Nevada City. [National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London.]
Grass Valley [California] August 23rd 1851
Dear Mother,
The time has again arrived when I deem it my duty to indite a few lines to you that you may know I am yet in the land of the living, well and hearty, and am making an independent living at least—such as it is—without owing a dollar or having a boss to say, “John, go…,” or “John, come….” It is a hard living, I say, and it comes by hard licks and many of them, yet there is but one thing necessary to render John happy and perfectly satisfied and that is to have the society to enjoy of the few near and dear relations that are left him. But this can never be. Therefore, John can never be perfectly happy.
This country does not suit every person. There is not one in every hundred that are here at this time neither rich nor poor that are willing to make the country their homes and hundreds upon hundreds are here to make a raise sufficient only to take them back without a red cent to expect when they get there except what must be earned by the power of wisdom, industry, and economy all combined. Under these circumstances I will not advise any person to migrate to this country, yet there are some no doubt were they here and satisfied to stay would do better than what they are doing.
I am informed there are but few who have returned home satisfied with the appearance and manners of things. This I know from common sense to be true. We all complain of the times being very hard here. True, they are very hard to what they have been. Yet I imagine the difference between the times here and those of the Atlantic States are so great and will be for years to come that I for one would not be able to withstand the change like others as I have said before without being dissatisfied. I do not mean to infer that I have staked my life on this spot of grass forever—no, not for two reasons. First, the grass might fail. Second, I am too young [and] too much like the wild Mustang to be corralled in any one place in this little world. Therefore you need not be surprised if I be with you tomorrow or at the World’s Fair, or some place else the least expected.
Time it is said will bring all things right. If that be true according to my way of thinking, I will see myself someday groaning under the weight of at least fifty thousand. That is what I would call right though it may not be so.
Dear mother, it has been a longtime since I have heard from you. The accounts in the papers of the high water together with the cholera renders me very uneasy and doubly anxious to hear from you all. I hope the damage may not be so great nor the health so affected as in ’44—a year long to be remembered by me.
The warmest part of the summer is now over with us though it is yet very dry. Operations are suspended in many parts of the mines for want of water which is somewhat the case here though the quartz mining is in successful operations and is looked upon as a safe and profitable business. Many of the most wealthy and enterprising men of this country can be seen in our small but beautiful village engaged or waiting for an opportunity to engage in the quartz business.
What a great change has taken place here since William Broadwater and myself on our way to Sacramento City in the fall of ’49 then a trackless forest beneath the wide spread branches of an Oak which now stands within view of my door. We made our bed down there upon to rest our wearied limbs, disturbed by naught save the cool breeze which penetrated the few and scanty blankets that covered us and on occasional outburst of screams from the coyote. From this place can now be heard the rattling of machinery, the noise of the hammer and axe, the tinkling of cow bells, the voice of both male and female. In short, everything that was familiar and tends to remind us of our native homes and absent friends. 1
Another view of Grass Valley, dated 1852
I have not seen nor heard of any of my country since I wrote last. Tell Bro. R. I have not heard of S. Bryan since March. If he has heard since, I would like him to inform me. We have a US Post Office at this place. Should anybody think it worth their while to write me, they will please direct to Grass Valley, Nevada county, I will then stand some chance of getting them. 2
Dear mother, I hope this unconnected and uninteresting letter may reach you in due time and find you in good health and spirits and do not forget that a few lines from you, dear Mother, will be so gratefully received. My love to all. Adieu. Adieu. Your affectionate son, — Jno. Andrew Smith
A facsimile of John A. Smith’s grave marker.
1 The Nevada Journal of 19 April 1851 boasted that Grass Valley was already a place of “growing importance.” It reported that “It already contains a population of some 2,000 souls, about 200 houses, and some 59 trading establishments. Two saw-mills and three steam quartz crushing machines are now in operation there—some of them running night and day, and several others are in progress of erection. The attention of quartz rock operators, which was at first attracted to the northern portion of the State, is now fast becoming concentrated in this neighborhood. The gold bearing quartz in this region is almost inexaustible, and is found in every direction for miles around. On gold hill, where the rock was first discovered, several hundred tons have been taken out. Large quantities have also been taken out of other hills. The rock on gold hill we found to be unusually rich.
2 A US Post Office was established in Grass Valley, Nevada County, California, in 1851. The town was named Grass Valley at that time, having previously been known as Boston Ravine since its settlement in 1849.
I could not find an image of Elisha Hummel but here is one of Andrew J. Grace who was the same age and also served in Co. C, 20th Iowa Infantry. (Iowa Civil War Images)
The following letter was written by Elisha M. Hummel (1838-1866) who enlisted in August 1862 when he was 25 years old to serve in Co. C, 20th Iowa Infantry. He was made a corporal and remained with his regiment until 16 November 1863 when he was discharged for disability at Mound City, Illinois. The letter was datelined from their camp at Marysville on 6 November 1862—just one month before the Battle of Prairie Grove in northwest Arkansas. In that engagement the regiment marched 110 miles in three days to reinforce the Union forces assembled there and when called upon to fight, they suffered 47 total casualties (8 killed, 39 wounded).
Elisha was the son of Mathias Hummel (1805-1881) and Louisa P. Mosier (1809-1890) of Winfield, Scott county, Iowa. Census records reveal that Elisha was born in Ohio and migrated with his family from Morgan county, Ohio, sometime in the late 1850s.
The only other letters I’ve transcribed (to date) by a member of the 20th Iowa were written by William Busby of Co. H. I published those 31 letters over ten years ago at: https://williambusby.wordpress.com
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Camp at Marysville November 6th 1862
Much esteemed friend,
After so long a period, I seat myself to inform you that I am well at this present time hoping you are the same. I have not been shot yet. We are on our way to Springfield. I think we will go to St. Louis and then go down the river where there is something to do. The rebels is afraid of us. They won’t stand fire here so we will go down the river to find work to do. We have had some very hard marching. The dust is so bad that we can’t see each other in the road. It nearly smothers us to march.
I sent you a [letter] some time since so I can’t think of much this time. I am looking for an answer every day, or every mail. The weather is dry and the days warm but the nights is cool so we can get along very well. The time slips along fast and smooth but we can’t have so much fun as I had last winter when I was down there to Uncle Bill’s. I would like to be down there this winter. I think I will be down there [before] long to see the folks. I think the war will end before long. I hope so anyhow. If I ever get free, I am coming down to see the folks.
We are 25 miles from Springfield now. We will go there tomorrow, I think, and then to Rolla, then take the cars for St. Louis. That is what we think now and I hope it may be so. It is very hard work to march night and day. We marched 84 hours and only got 6 hours sleep. That was pretty tuff on us. But I have stood it very well so far—only my feet, they get very sore sometimes. The road is so full of pebbles that it is hard on our feet.
Well, Miss Snider, I often think of you and that car ride that we have talked about in our letters. It would be a pleasant thing to me to take a pleasure ride with some nice lady. It is very seldom that I get to see a girl here. What few I do see is secesh and I do not like them very well. Just wait until I get out of war, you won’t catch me in this trap again, I think.
Mark Lockerbie Thomson (1835-1916), a native of Scotland, was the Captain of Co. C, 20th Iowa Infantry. He had previously served in Co. B, 2nd Iowa Infantry and participated in the Battles of Fort Donelson and Shiloh where he was wounded. (Find-A-Grave)
We have the best captain in the regiment. He was formerly a private in the 2nd Iowa Infantry and is now a captain in the 20th Iowa Infantry and a nice man.
Times is very hard here for you can’t buy anything here at all at any price hardly. I have only received one letter from [you] since I enlisted, I would like to hear from you once more. Can’t you write any more? You can write if you will. I hope you will write often to me and let me know how you are getting along in the land of rest or land of peace.
Well I must go and get a load of rails so as to get our supper. Well, I have been after the rails so I will finish this epistle. I sent cousin Anna a letter some time since but I have not received an answer yet but am looking for one every day from her and J. M. Hummel. When you write, tell me who he is waiting on now for he won’t tell her name. Well, I can’t write much more this time because it is getting late. I have no good place to write on. I just have to sit down on the ground and I am kept very busy the most of the time.
The Boys is full of fun today. I think they will have good times when they get to St. Louis. I will write when I get to Rolla or before if I have time. Direct to Benton Barracks, Mo., Elisha M. Hummel, Co. C, 20th Iowa Infantry in care of Capt. M. L. Thomson
To follow the regiment.
Please write soon. Yours as ever. — Elisha M. Hummel to Mattie E. Snider
Bishop Perkins was a Representative from New York; born in Becket, Berkshire County, Mass., September 5, 1787; attended private school at East Granville, Mass., and was graduated from Williams College, Williamstown, Mass., in 1807; studied law; was admitted to the bar in 1812 and commenced practice in Lisbon, N.Y.; subsequently moved to Ogdensburg, St. Lawrence County, N.Y., and continued the practice of law; clerk of the board of supervisors of St. Lawrence County 1820-1852; appointed district attorney of St. Lawrence County February 24, 1821, and served until May 21, 1840; member of the State constitutional convention in 1846; member of the State assembly in 1846, 1847, and again in 1849; elected as a Democrat to the Thirty-third Congress (March 4, 1853-March 3, 1855); was not a candidate for renomination in 1854; returned to Ogdensburg, N.Y., and continued the practice of his profession until his death there November 20, 1866; interment in Ogdensburg Cemetery.
Perkins wrote the letter to Charles Anthony, born in 1816 somewhere in Jefferson County, New York. Later he settled in Gouverneur, Saint Lawrence County, New York, where he pursued a career as an attorney. He also had business interests in banking, saw mills, and railroads, and was active in the civic and political affairs of Gouverneur, serving as town supervisor from 1850 to 1852, and as postmaster from 1853 to 1855.
In his letter, in which he conveys copies of the Nebraska Bill—recently passed by the US Senate—to his constituents back home, Perkins references the last-minute amendment put forth by North Carolina Senator George E. Badger (the “Badger Proviso”). This amendment altered the bill to ensure that it would not reinstate any pre-existing laws concerning slavery in the newly established territories. Although he articulated a desire to address the House regarding the Bill, it remains uncertain whether Perkins had the opportunity to do so. Prior to its enactment, Congress revisited the legislation to establish two separate territories—Kansas and Nebraska—and to formally repeal the Missouri Compromise.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Washington [D. C.] March 10, 1854
Charles Anthony, Esqr.
Dear Sir, yours of the 7th inst. is duly received. Each member of Congress has forty copies, I distribute 17 of those to Herkimer [county], 23 to our county [St. Lawrence]. I have sent one to your [Ogdensburg] Academy & one to Judge [Edwin] Dodge—all that I think I can fairly give your town. I assure you I have no friend I would be more delighted to gratify than yourself but I feel these books are not mine. I am only a trustee for their fair & honorable distribution.
It is true [George Edmund] Badger’s amendment modified the bill somewhat, yet it is far—very far—from being satisfactory. It leaves an open question—viz: Is slavery a common law matter of State rights of property in negroes recognized by the Constitution only to be prevented by legislation, or is it a municipal local law which under our system can only exist by legal enactment. I have a pretty clear conviction that the Southern judges who compose the majority of our Supreme bench will hold the former & the judges of non slaveholding states the latter. Beside, it is just as certain as that two & two make four that a Southern judge will be appointed for Kanzas and no man can be appointed & confirmed by the Senate as the judge of that territory whose sentiments on that question are unknown, nor any unless his views are thoroughly Southern on the question.
I get on here very satisfactorily to myself and find more respect paid to the expression of my opinions than I expected so early in the session. Indeed, I flatter myself my standing in the House is tolerably respectable.
I presume I shall speak on the Nebraska Bill. I now intend doing so if I can get the floor in any tolerable season.
Spared & Shared 23 