80th Illinois Infantry

1864-65: Jonathan Balch Mann to John Preston Mann

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Jonathan Balch Mann and his wife, Harriet Webb, were married in 1851. This image, with gilded touchup suggests Jonathan was an officer but he never held rank above sergeant in Co. A, 80th Illinois Infantry.

The following letters were written by Jonathan (“Jonty”) Balch Mann (1828-1913), the son of John Beattie Mann (1796-1881) and Albina Bloomer Balch (1797-1882) of Randolph County, Illinois. Jonathan enlisted in July 1862 to serve in Co. A, 80th Illinois Infantry. He entered as a sergeant and mustered out of the regiment in June 1865 as a sergeant.

He wrote the letters to his older brother, John Preston (“J. P.”) Mann (1822-1908), who served from 31 August 1861 to 27 October 1865 in the 5th Illinois Cavalry along with another brother, 30 year-old Calvin Anderson Mann (1833-1902). Both brothers were officers, Calvin rising to the rank of Captain of Co. K. During the seige of Vicksburg, Capt. Calvin Mann led a detachment of 40 men on a daring raid behind enemy lines that resulted in his capture. See Mann’s Raid.

In the 1850 US Census, Jonathan was enumerated in Chester, Randolph county, Illinois, laboring as a wagon maker. In 1860, he was married and farming in Randolph county. After the war, in 1870, he farmed in Salem, Dent county, Missouri. He died in Preston, Randolph county, Missouri. Jonathan’s wife was Harriet (“Hattie”) Webb (1834-1892), a native of Maine.

[Note: Recommended reading on the 5th Illinois Cavalry. See On Grant’s Front Line: The Fifth Illinois Cavalry in Mississippi by Rhonda M. Kohl, Illinois Historical Journal, Vol. 91, No. 1 (Spring, 1998), pp. 41-56 (16 pages)]

Letter 1

Camp Blue Springs near Cleveland, Tennessee
March 14th 1864

J. P. Mann,

Dear brother, your welcome letter of the 28th December has been gladly received and I now sit down to answer it. I arrived here at my regiment on the 12th inst., direct from home which place I left on the 2nd. All were well. I had a most splendid visit and you may depend I enjoyed it hugely. Was there 31 days of the prettiest weather I ever saw in February and March. I saw most of our friends. Your family were well off. They were never, ever hungry and I hope they never will be. Luther is just commencing to sell goods in Liberty [renamed Rockwood in 1865].

I found very many of our most able Generals in Randolph who daily plan the movements for our army and tis but justice to them to say that they do it well, considering they never was in the field nor I fear never will be unless drafted. My plan—if a soldier should have a plan—is to reenlist the veterans, give them a bounty, and then fill up the ranks with drafted men. Those who are for the Union would go willingly and those who are not, should be compelled to bear their portion of the hardships & dangers the loyal soldiers are now enduring for the maintenance of the best government in existence. Yes, “by the Eternal,” make them fight or leave the free land they are “so unworthy of.”

You ask if the 80th [Illinois Infantry] would not like to join the 5th [Illinois] Cavalry in a little raid upon Richmond for the express purpose of relieving our officers and men who are confined in the God forsaken place. My answer is yes—yes—yes! If such an order should come to us, there would be a shout go up from the 80th that would ring from the mountain tops of the Cumberland to the Valley of the Mississippi and I have no doubt that it would be re-echoed by the 5th [Illinois Cavalry] until it would cause rebel teeth to clatter like leaves falling in Autumn. 1

I saw a letter Calvin directed to you and sent to Alford to mail which he did. I glory in Calvin’s grit. I always that move was injudicious. It had not enough men for an advance guard for such an undertaking.

My health is getting better & “going home helped me.” I was on drill today. Harvey Clendennon is well and in good spirits. He is commanding our company and fills his office with credit to himself and to the company.

I met with one of Clinton’s company (Douglas from Evansville) who told me Clinton fell within six feet of him. He was taken to a ditch where he had his wound dressed and was then sent to the hospital where he fell into the hands of the rebs but was afterwards sent to Chattanooga where he died after a loss of ten or more days.

I came from St. Louis to Nashville by water. Was at Liberty all night the 4th of March as the boat lay up there. I surprised the folks at your house by walking in about 8 o’clock. They were well but anxious to hear from you as they last they heard you were about to march. But I must close with many good wishes for your safe return to your most excellent wife & interesting little girls. From your affectionate brother, Jonathan

1 Jonathan and “J. P.” Mann were interested in marching on Richmond to liberate the Union officers held in Libby Prison because one of them was their brother Capt. Calvin Anderson Mann of the 5th Illinois Cavalry who was taken prisoner (see Mann’s Raid). Calvin survived Libby Prison but transferred elsewhere and eventually escaped to return to his regiment.

Letter 2

Headquarters 80th Regt. Ills Vol.
Huntsville, Alabama
February 28, 1865

Mr. John P. Mann,

Dear brother, your welcome letter of the 7th inst. came to hand in due time, and now I find time to reply. I was elated to hear that Calvin had “waked” up some of the sleepers, and that he had returned to his regiment. But alas, for human expectations, they seem to present themselves to the mind just to allure us on, strengthening our hopes, and brightening our anticipations, for a little season, that they may the more effectually crush us to the ground by sudden disappointment. I cannot describe my feelings on learning (as I did last night by letter) that Calvin was at home again, not that I blame him for quitting the service for he had already put in his three years and was justly entitled to a discharge, but I do think there was too much blowing for the amount of wool that has been picked. For instance, I received a note on the 6th of January, dated Nashville, Tennessee, January 4th, in which the following sentence was inscribed, “I will fight them as long as I live.” That note was signed, Capt. C. A. Mann.

Now I thought at the time that was a brand assertion. Nevertheless, I gloried in the grit. It sounded like a soldier and a patriot, both of which the writer might of justly claimed the honor of having merited, had he not penned that sentence, before he retired. Now, Preston, the time was when I rejoiced in the name of Mann. At that time I could count four brothers that were sharing the hardships and dangers of the soldier’s life, as I thought, all for the good of our common country, and all holding higher and more responsible—if not honorable—positions than the one I occupied. But now, when I look around in the ranks of our army for my brothers so brave, where do I find them? One indeed “died at his post” (peace and honor be to his name) the other three have turned their backs upon the glorious & victorious army of the Union, and that too, while our government is still calling mightily for help. Can our government stand? can we remain as a free people? can we govern ourselves as a nation in this trying hour while treason is stalking abroad throughout the land, and personal self-interest for the present time seems to be the only principle by which so many are actuated.

You seemed to be rejoicing that the end of the rebellion was so near that the bright morning of universal freedom and returning prosperity was beginning already gild[ing] the horizon of our national happiness and future greatness. I would that I could rejoice with you, but when I look around me and behold so much contention, and petty strife, even in the midst of the most peaceful circles of society, and so much vice and wickedness and immorality, I am led to doubt whether or not we ever will enjoy that peace, and prosperity, and national honor and dignity that our forefathers was permitted to enjoy after they had come through the fires of want, and persecution and oppression for a long series of years.

Liberty,
Fair Godess, hast thou flown
Far away, and will not own,
Our Country
Twas our Father’s gift to three
Then Oh! return and make it free.

Perhaps you think I am predisposed to look largely upon the dark side of the scene, but such is not the case. My delight is in the contemplation of the happiness to be derived from the privileges afforded to a good & free people, by a government founded as ours is, upon the true principles Christianity. And it is that, together with a firm reliance upon the justice of God in defending his precepts, and principles, that sustains, and upholds me in passing through the varied & trying scenes of life.

“Tis Justice, meets to all
Equal balance, great or small,
With earthly honors, are they crown’d
Or lowly, yet they, will be found.

Lieut. G. Scudmore starts for home on a 20 day leave of absence tomorrow. My health is very good. I want you to let the Copperheads alone (that is, I want you to quit wrangling with them, and convince them by your actions and general deportment that your desires are for the good of all classes of society.

Just learn to watch as well as say,
Then you’ll have peace another day.

Please write to me often and tell me how the good Union men stood up to the draft, and if it was only the Copperheads that was scared, so as to be able to run their hands down into their well lined pockets and draw out the greenbacks to hire volunteers. Bah! such men I greatly fear would run away were danger near, and leave their homes, to traitors free, thereby enacting, “Refugee.”

Now I close this with many good wishes for your future prosperity & happiness. From your affectionate brother, — Jonathan B. Mann

Letter 3

Headquarters 80th Regt. Illinois Vols.
Greenville, Tennessee
April 6, 1865

J. P. Mann,

Dear brother, yours of the 24th ult. came to hand yesterday and found me well as usual. I was sorry to hear that affliction had befallen your family but the Lord loves them whom he chasteneth. Therefore, shall we not the more readily submit to afflictions. You seem to coincide with “everybody” in the believe that the white soldiers will all be mustered out of service in six months. I wish that I could see it in that light but I don’t. Although Gen. Grant has succeeded in taking the “ditches” around Richmond, there is yet a plenty of room for digging others, and when I hear of “everybodies” concluding that the war is about over I just think “everybody” don’t know much more about it now than they did four years ago when they were clamorous with the cry, “On to Richmond.” I just tell you, Preston, there is millions of people in the United States that don’t realize the true state of things in our government, and the eminent danger we are in by having the whole fabric of our free principles converted into the dark channels of anarchy, and ultimate ruin by those who are wrapped up in the veil of political prejudice, inexcusable ignorance, and willful selfishness.

Now Preston, I never blamed Calvin for leaving the army. I think he was right in that, but I did blame him for letting off so much gas jest before his quitting the army.. As to three years service in the 5th Cavalry, I can’t see that. Yet, I don’t doubt but they were on hand and frew big pay for three years.

Now as to “killing the Bar,” I never expect to try to do it “by stirring up Copperheads.” That my brothers feel they have done their duty, I have no doubt. Who would not in these selfish times when feeling for greenbacks is the principle criterion by which a large majority are governed. I can do no more than my duty, as a citizen and soldier of a free government. Have I done that? Ask my comrades. Your flattering compliments are a source of serious refection to me. I would not have any one to overestimate my character as a soldier or a true man. Alas! how far short we all come of filling the proper standard measure of true manliness.

As to drawing upon my imagination so strong as to suppose myself the Goliath of the “Manns,” I will only say the idea was entirely new to me when I first read it in your letter and I can only account for it by supposing it sprang from your own prolific imagination. As to somebody blowing to me out of malice or a want of sense, I will leave that to your decision as I have but a very limited correspondence and that almost entirely with my brothers and sisters. You can, therefore, readily judge of their “blowing” capabilities as well as their weight of “sense.” Now as to explaining the meaning of my former letter, it would be useless for me to do more than just say, what of it you could not understand? Let it rip, as a thing of no importance, whatever, for you know the world lives to move irrespective of what you or I could say or do. So now I close by subscribing myself your affectionate brother, — Jonathan

14th Amendment, Civil Rights Act of 1866, Lyman Trumbull

1866: Calvin Anderson Mann to John Preston Mann

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Calvin Anderson Mann

This letter was written by Calvin Anderson Mann (1833-1902) of Perryville, Perry county, Missouri, who was a Captain in the 5th Illinois Cavalry during the Civil War. He wrote the letter to his older brother, John Preston Mann (b. 1822) who served with him in the 5th Illinois Cavalry and, after mustering out of the regiment, began practicing law in Rockwood, Randolph county, Illinois. Calvin wrote this letter in March 1866 while in Washington D. C. during which time he was attempting to resolve some pay disputes he had with the War Department. While there, he stayed with his former friend and comrade, Thomas Henry Barnfield [see 1865-66: Thomas Henry Barnfield to John Preston Mann letters].

Calvin’s letter details his first impressions of Washington D.C. and his time at the US Capitol, where he watched senators debate the Civil Rights Act of 1866 after Congress failed to override the President’s veto of the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill. The Civil Rights Act aimed to declare that all people born in the U.S. (except American Indians) were citizens, granting them equal rights to contract, sue, and own property, and to counteract the “Black Codes” in some states. Meanwhile, in late February 1866, House Representatives were discussing the 14th Amendment. Mann’s letter reveals Republicans’ disappointment and sense of betrayal regarding President Andrew Johnson’s actions.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Washington City, D. C.
March 1, 1866

Mr. John P. Mann,

Dear brother, I am in this “metropolis of the nation.” I think my accounts with the Government are all settled and I expect to get my pay tomorrow.

I have “been to Congress” with [Thomas Henry] Barnfield once or twice. Judge [Lyman] Trumbull is a “trump.” I heard him take the starch out of Mr. [James H.] Lane of Kansas in a very few words. In fact, when Old Lyman looks up over his spectacles, you may expect to hear someone get a “satisfactory” explanation. [Charles] Sumner and [Benjamin] Wade look heavy but I have had but one good look at the former. When he gets up to speak, they all listen. [Garrett] Davis of Kentucky is an old fool of the Old Bob Moore stripe. I seen Mr. [Daniel] Clarke of New Hampshire call him to order four times in ten minutes. Dick [Richard] Yates looks a little “swelled” but never so drunk but what he can vote right.

Hon. Benjamin Gatz Brown of Missouri—“His hair and whiskers are red enough to make a head light for a western steamboat.”

[Benjamin Gratz] Brown of my state [Missouri] is an active rising man. His hair and whiskers are red enough to make a head light for a western steamboat. [Henry] Wilson of Massachusetts is [a] fine, fat, noble specimen of a “yank”—all right on the goose. [John] Sherman of Ohio favors the General [in appearance] and wants to heal the break between Congress & the President but in my opinion the ointment has not bee discovered that will do it. The fact is the President has gone back on us. I did think I would go to one of his levees but a good, loyal lady told me that they were so crowded with Democrats, Rebels, and pickpockets that I contented myself with walking through the grounds and trying to think of it as the Old Home of Washington and our dear old departed Lincoln.

The President’s Mansion is a superb marble building. The grounds are in the most perfect order at all times. Beautiful shade trees and evergreens are planted all through it and in fact, it is something that every true American must be proud of.

The Capitol Building is the largest, finest I ever beheld and the grounds surrounding are so much beautified that in walking round and through them you would almost feel that you was in paradise were it not that you are constantly meeting some conservative Democratic politician.

I have not yet visited the Smithsonian Institute but expect to do so tomorrow in company with my old devoted T[homas] H[enry] B[arnfield]. Tom seems to have a “fat thing” of it here. He has to copy two or three letters per day and the remainder of the time he can do as he pleases [and] is allowed to go anywhere inside of the District of Columbia.

I seen Mr. [Jehu] Baker. He is all right and very kind and if your district wants an earnest good loyal representative in Congress, keep “Jehu there.”

I will be at home soon. Yours, — C. A. Mann

2nd Wisconsin Infantry, Battle of 1st Bull Run

1861: Charles W. Messer to Amelia C. Larrabee

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I could not find an image of Charles but his uniform might have looked much like this in August 1861. The 2nd Wisconsin wore coarse, gray uniforms with a shako style hat during the Battle of Bull Run.

The following letter was written by Charles W. Messer of Co. B, 2nd Wisconsin Infantry. He enlisted on 22 May 1861 and was discharged due to disability on 27 May 1863 after two years service. Charles was the son of Moses Messer (1767-1823) and Abigail Stevens (1772-1833). He was married in March 1864 to Etta E. Phenix at La Crosse, Wisconsin. He was buried near Bangor, Wisconsin, in 1902.

In July 1861, the 2nd Wisconsin Infantry Regiment brigaded with three New York regiments of Infantry; all of them under the command of Colonel (later General) William T. Sherman. Together, they participated in the battle of Bull Run in Virginia on July 21. Later in the war the regiment became a part of the vaunted Iron Brigade. The regimental history states that Charles did not remain with his regiment in the East, however. In February 1862, he was detached into the Western Gunboat service and remained there until his discharge in 1863. Charles’ age at the time of his enlistment could not be found but he was probably middle aged, making the gunboat service a better fit.

Charles wrote the letter to his niece, Amelia C. Larrabee (1846-1893) of Elkhorn. Walworth county, Wisconsin. Her parents were Charles W. Larrabee (1815-1890) and Olive L. Messer (1815-1870). In the 1860 US Census, Amelia’s father was enumerated in Salem, Kenosha county, Wisconsin, where he was identified as a “Hotel Keeper.” Amelia’s siblings at the time included, John (age 10), James (age 8). That census also informs us that Amelia and her siblings were all born in Vermont, her father’s native state. Her mother was born in Massachusetts. Their residence in 1850 was confirmed as Shoreham, Addison county, Vermont.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Miss Amelia Larrabee, Elkhorn, Walworth County, Wisconsin

Arlington Heights
August 4th [1861]

My dear niece,

I received your kind letter with much joy dated July the 26th 1861. It found me well as it left you. I enjoy pretty good health this summer so fair. I hope this will find you enjoying the same blessing.

You wanted to know if I received your flag. I did and carried it through the hardest battle that ever was fought in the United States. We was fighting eight long hours and never came off from the field. We lay on our arms all the night before the battle was fought. We commenced marching about one o’clock in the morning without our breakfast—had none that morning, only as we could take a bite from our haversack. [Even] then it was nothing but hard crackers. This is what you folks up there called liberty. I wish [you] would send some of it down here. I wonder if it is good wheat. If it is, wish you would send some of it down here. We had two small pieces of beef tongue about the size of your hand to last us two days. I give mine to a prisoner. He eat it so it was good. It done me just as much good so I eat it myself.

I have told you all about the fight, I believe. I had some pretty close calls that day, I tell you—some closer calls than I ever had in my life. But I am not tired of it yet. If they would give us enough to eat. That’s what troubles me the most. I have laid down to sleep a good many times hungry. I cannot call it going to bed for we do not know what a bed is in the army. We have our blanket and the ground to lay on and the blue heavens over us if it don’t rain. And if it does, then we stand up so it can run off from us.

Amelia, you must not trouble yourself about me for only think how many thousand there is in the field that is as dear to them as I am to you or anybody else. I am coming home to see you once more. It may not be for a long time but I feel kust so. I hope you will not let your mind trouble you so so you cannot learn as much as you ought to this summer. I like the dress very much. Tell Emmy when you see her that you and she went through the battle with me and never got a scratch. But I come pretty near loosing you both on the field. There was a ball cut my breast pocket out of my short and knocked you and she on the ground. But I stopped and picked you and Emmy up again. I would not lose you both there and let them have you—no, not by a darn sight.

We some expect to go in a few days to Harpers Ferry but I do not know when we shall go. It may be some time this month. Oh! I forgot to tell you that one of our artillery men got both of his hands blowed off that day and the first ball that passed through our ranks [and] took three of our boys out. I was in file of them when it passed through. We was kneeling down when it went through.

I shall be glad when this war is over. Then I will come and see you all. You must have lots of things fixed up then for I’ll be pretty hungry by that time. I wrote to Hellen and Kat McCloud a short time ago. I hear from home very often. They’re all well up there. You must write to Julia for she would be glad to hear from you all. I do not know anything new to write more so goodbye. Give my love to your father and mother, to James and John and accept the same yourself.

Direct your letter to Washington D. C., Company B, 2nd Regiment Wisconsin Infantry, — Charles W. Messer

8th Iowa Cavalry

1864: George S. Day to Ruth Huber

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The following letter was written by George S. Day (1845-1901) of Co. C, 8th Iowa Cavalry—a survivor of Andersonville Prison. George enlisted on 31 July 1863, writing this undated letter sometime in the fall of 1863 from Camp Roberts near Davenport, Iowa. The regimental history informs us that the 8th Iowa cavalry saw little of real war until the spring of 1864, when it started with Sherman in the celebrated campaign for Atlanta. The regiment had been organized late in the previous autumn at Davenport. It left Iowa in the middle of October and by the middle of November was stationed at Waverly and other points west of Nashville, Tenn., where it remained on guard and garrison duty all the winter, with little opportunity for showing the pluck of its soldiers and no chance at all for distinction.

I could not find an image of Day but here is one of Aaron L. Ratliff who also served in Co. C, 8th Iowa Cavalry [Iowa Civil War Images]

In May, 1864, the 8th Iowa Cavalry was made a part of the 1st brigade of McCook’s division of cavalry. In the arduous campaign that followed, the regiment was constantly at the front, and when the Confederates, after weeks of constant skirmishing and battles, at last fell back behind the Chattahoochee, the 8th Iowa cavalry was the first troop across the river after them. So the fighting and the skirmishing went on around Atlanta, and then came that luckless raid of Gen. McCook’s to the Macon railroad, in which the regiment was captured near Newnan, Georgia, only a few escaping through the woods to tell how heroically the command had tried to save itself. It was on this raid that George was taken prisoner with most of the others in his regiment. He remained in captivity, which included a long stint at Andersonville—until mustering out at Macon, George on 13 August 1865.

George was the son of Timothy Roberts Day—a wagonmaker—and Eliza Jane Smith of Winchester, Van Buren county, Iowa. He wrote the letter to Ruth Huber (1843-1894).

[Note: This letter is from the collection of Michael Huston and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Camp Roberts
[Davenport, Iowa]
[Fall 1863]

Friend Ruth,

This being Sabbath I have nothing to do so I thought instead of idling away the whole day I would improve a portion of it by writing to you, hoping you will pardon the intrusion as no offense is intended. It’s merely to express these friendly feelings that I entertain for you and to let you know how I like a soldier’s life which I can assure you pleases me exactly. I can endorse the sentiments of some unknown poet who expresses himself thus.

A soldier’s life is the life form. I own I love it dearly. Soldiering is nothing but fun—that is, such soldiering as we have to perform. I presume that we get down in Dixie the joke will not be so funny but then we can form a very good idea of what soldiering is for we have to come down to discipline here as close as we would in Dixie, and have to perform guard duty the same as though we was in the Rebel’s land. Several times when I have been standing guard at the [ ] hour of night and it pouring down rain in torrents upon me, I have thought I would like to be at home. But as soon as I was relieved, I would think just to the reverse. I am satisfied as long as I can keep my health that I will enjoy a soldier’s life for it is not a laborious task by no means or at least it is not in my estimation.

It is true, I have not experienced much of soldiering and have not been to Dixie but then we have to perform the same duty that we would if we was there, with the exceptions of marches and I presume that part will not be hard to perform on horse back.

Ruth, I would like to return home for a few days to see all of my old friends again but I have no desire to come back to stay. But there is little hopes of any of us getting furloughs. The prospect is dead at the present at any rate. It may be that we can get them if we stay here all winter. Dave is very anxious to geta furlough to come home to stay a while but he says [ ] could not hire him to come home to stay if it was left to his own action.

Ruth, if you consider this worthy and answer, I want you to write and tell me how you are a progressing with your exhibition or whether it is gone up the flume or not. I imagine that you are having lively old times in Winchester now since the boys have all left for I suppose from what I have heard they have all left including those that are agoing to school. And I heard that George Moore had left Winchester and gone to Birmingham to sell goods. And if such is the case, Winchester is dead and I am not certain but what Betty is dead too. Ruth, I guess I had better bring this to a close before I worry your patience any more with this uninteresting letter. Please write soon if you think worthy an answer and give me all the news. So goodbye, from your friend, — George

P. S. Excuse this big blot for R___ shoved my elbow and caused me to blot it. — George S. Day

24th Michigan Infantry, Battle of Gettysburg, Iron Brigade, Lovell General Hospital, Portsmouth Grove, RI

1863: Thomas Burns to Albert M. Edwards

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Capt. Albert M. Edwards, Co. F, 24th Michigan Infantry

The following letter was written by Thomas Burns of Co. F, 24th Michigan Infantry while at Lovell Hospital in Portsmouth Grove, Rhode Island, in August 1863. Historians will recall that the 24th Michigan Infantry was a part of the vaunted “Black Hat” or Iron Brigade that played a critical role in the 1st day’s fight at Gettysburg, holding the Union line on Seminary Ridge long enough for the Army of the Potomac to arrive and set up a defensive line on Cemetery Ridge. Burns’ letter is directed to his captain, Albert M. Edwards, who led the regiment at Gettysburg after other senior officers were wounded. For his gallantry, he was later promoted to Major, to Lieutenant-Colonel, and finally to Brevet Colonel of the regiment.

Tracing the identity of Thomas Burns was complicated by the discovery that there were two privates by the name of Thomas Burns of Irish ancestry serving in the 24th Michigan—one in Co. E and one in Co. F. The one in Company E appears to have been several years younger and only served in the last year of the war. The one who had this letter penned on his behalf by another soldier in the hospital was probably born in the mid-1830s and may have been the one who was the son of an Irish emigrant named Patrick Burns (b. 1791) who worked as a carpenter in Detroit in 1850. This Thomas Burns died at a Soldier’s Home in California in 1915. He lies buried in the Los Angeles National Cemetery, Plot 26, C-18.

The letter does not reveal whether Thomas’s thumb wound was received in the Battle of Gettysburg or not. He is not listed among any Gettysburg casualty reports that I could find on-line. My friend Dale Niesen subsequently informed me that the Regimental history reports Thomas Burns of Co. F was wounded at Fitzhugh Crossing on 29 April 1863 at the same time that another man from the company was killed during an exchange of fire across the river.

[Note: This letter is from the Dave Ramsey Collection and was offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Portsmouth Grove, Rhode Island
August 17th 1863

Captain Edwards,

Dear sir—I seat myself this morning to write you a few lines to let you know how I am getting along. I am at present getting along well. My thumb is all healed up but is still tender. Captain, I was in Washington at the time you sent my Descriptive List to me but was sent away from there the next week to this place and the doctors has written to Washington for my Descriptive List twice but have failed to get it as yet. The doctor thought I had better send to my company any get it. It was not mine alone that was lost only for there was some of the 20th and 7th Wisconsin also lost. Theirs they sent to their regiments and have got theirs.

I have not been mustered since you mustered me last. Ten to one that the cussed doctors get your Descriptive List whether you ever see them again or not. Captain, I wish you would send me my Descriptive List as soon as you can for I begin to want a little money. If you don’t want to send it to myself, please send it to Doctor [Lewis A.] Edwards in charge of the hospital. There is some two more of the 24th [Michigan] here that were in the Gettysburg fight wounded. There is also some of the 7th & 6th Wisconsin boys here—one of them that is writing this for me.

I was very happy to hear of your brave deeds upon the battlefield and I am glad you come out as well as you did without getting a scratch. We get the Detroit Free Press every week here and yesterday I had the pleasure of reading a great speech made by Col. Morrow made at Detroit.

I was near forgetting [to tell you that] about two weeks ago, there was two ladies and a gentleman visitors [came] to this place, came into my ward, looked at my card, and said you belong to the 24th Michigan, and asked if I knew Captain Edwards. I told them he was my captain. He says, “Indeed! I am well acquainted with him.” At them words the steamboat sounded here for to leave the wharf. He shook hands with me and told me he should be back again in the course of a short time. I had not time to ask him if he was a Michigan man, but one of the nurses told me he was from Philadelphia.

No more at present but remain yours truly, — Thomas Burns

Give my respects to all the boys. Direct to Lovell Hospital, Portsmouth Grove, Rhode Island, Ward 15

5th Illinois Cavalry, 8th US Veteran Infantry, Anna Dickinson, Black Suffrage, Copperheads, Hart Island, Henry Wirz Hanging, Reconstruction

1865-66: Thomas Henry Barnfield to John Preston Mann

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The following letters were written by Thomas Henry Barnfield (1833-1920), a native of Kentucky, who resided in Randolph county, Illinois, at the time of the Civil War. He served four years in Co. K, 5th Illinois Cavalry, rising from the rank of private to 2nd Lieutenant. He mustered out of the 5th Illinois Cavalry on 17 March 1865. Soon after, he reenlisted as a private in Co. I, of the 8th Regiment US Veteran Volunteer Infantry.

Henry wrote the letter to John Preston Mann (b. 1822) who served with him in the 5th Illinois Cavalry. After mustering out of the regiment, John began practicing law in Rockwood, Illinois. John was married to Nancy Clendening. In 1867, Henry Barnfield married Nancy’s sister, Martha Alice Clendenin (1836-1890). After he left the service, Henry farmed in Randolph county for a while and then relocated to Bartlett Springs, Lake county, California, where he died in 1920.

Letter 1

Camp Stoneman [near Washington D. C.]
May 12, 1865

Mr. Mann,

Your letter which I have looked for with the most patient impatience. arrived night before last, but I was “on guard” yesterday and have not had a moment’s leisure till now. And even now, I expect I’ll be tempted to postpone replying till I run up to the 2nd and inform “Cap” that his interest demands his presence at Rockwood immediately.

Yes, W[illiam] Tecumseh] Sherman’s gone up forever. I was astonished at his conduct. 1 Even now, I can scarcely think him disloyal. Was he looking towards the White House? His doom fixed. I sometimes think of what [Secy. Simon] Cameron said of him in the early stages of the war. 2

I think I can see Sam Gordon trying to get Joel to refund the money. Why did Doel give him back any of it?

Bully for Hooker. Give him my best respects. Tell him to write to me and let me know how things were at Memphis. Let hang a few anyhow. Our squad of Vets shot two of them in an argument about Lee’s generalship. They (the Cops [Copperheads]) contended Lee was not whipped and that Grant could not whip him. Our arguments (though not numerous) were “weighty” and “well directed” and I am glad to say made an impression (one in the leg; the other in the shoulder). The dispute occurred at Crestline, Ohio.

We have moved into our “Dog tents,” have drawn our guns (not 16 shooters), and are “soldiering right.” We are guarding, drilling, parading, reviewing, &c. all the time. The weather is regular—one day very cold and two days very hot. I’m in my usual good health.

I like my Colonel very [much] for the acquaintance (I have see seen him three times). I got my “Special” the day before yesterday and will, perhaps, get the 1st installment of my “Regular” Monday. There’s any amount of money in camp and I must confess as long as I’ve been in the army, I never saw so much gambling. Boys start out in the morning with only five dollars (and that very often borrowed) and return in the evening with 6 or 7 or 800 dollars. It’s “Chuck-a-luck” (forgive the spelling) from early dawn till dewey eve. It is no exaggeration to say that from 100 to 150 thousand [dollars] changes hands every day in our Division. Cap. Barber is engaged slightly and at present is several hundred ahead. He think of going home on furlough in a few days.

Well, I must close for the present. Write as often as you can. Direct to Henry Barnfield, private in Co. I, 8th Regt., 1st Army Corps, Washington D. C.

1 The northern press expressed shock by Sherman’s unauthorized, lenient terms for the surrender of Joseph E. Johnston’s army. They appeared to allow slavery and secessionist state governments to continue, creating public outrage and rejection by government officials.

2 In October 1861, Secretary of War Simon Cameron deemed William T. Sherman “unbalanced” or insane after Sherman, suffering from nervous exhaustion, claimed he needed 200,000 men to defend Kentucky. Following their meeting, Cameron told others in his party that Sherman was unstable, leading to national press headlines about his “insanity,” a period known as his “demons.” 

Letter 2

Camp Bayard, [Trenton,] New Jersey
July 24, 1865

Mr. J. P. Mann

Dear sir, we have taken this place since my last writing. I will not say “without the loss of a man.” for the thinned ranks of the regiment and the Provost Marshals of Baltimore and Philadelphia could successfully contradict the assertion.

We left Washington City on Wednesday the 19th and arrived here on Friday evening, and were entertained with a sumptuous repast by the “Union Loving Ladies” of this city. Everything was exactly right. I would like for you to see the country we came through—particularly from Camden up here. I have not time to write about it more than to say it’s a very fine country, overflowing with “milk and honey,” alias peaces, tomatoes, watrmelons, cabbages, pears, blackberries, beets, potatoes, and all sorts of “Truck.”

Well, we are doing Provost duty. Trenton is full of soldiers awaiting payment. They do as soldiers always do—swear at the unexpected delays, grown at the government, and (some of them) get more “Lager” aboard than is conducive to military discipline. We are getting along very well in our delicate duties and are in “good standing” with both soldiers and civilians. When we first went on duty in the city, they cried, “Quinine!” but they very soon learned who we were and now we are “Hancock’s Regulars.”

Our dress parade yesterday evening was a splendid thing and was witnessed by a very large number of ladies and gentlemen including the “elite” of the town and some discharged soldiers.

Yesterday morning I was up town and strayed into a Presbyterian Church, one of the oldest in the state—“1712”—the same one Washington used to attend. There was a large congregation and the sermon was “fair.” In the evening, dress parade and after that I went with one of my “bunkies” to an Episcopal Church where everything—church, congregation, Bishop, sermons andall—were “stylish.”

We are allowed greater liberties here than at Camp Stoneman. We are allowed 12 passes (or 1/6 the “for duty”) to the company and the Colonel told them if they behaved themselves, he would let as many go as wished if it was 1/3 the company but if they got drunk, etc., he would not allow a man to go from camp.

We’ve had no mail since we left Washington City but look for one tomorrow. Please write soon to Trenton, New Jersey. No other change. Yours, — Henry Barnfield

Letter 3

Trenton [New Jersey]
August 7, 1865

My dear friend,

Your letter of the 2nd came to hand “on time.” I wish I could say as much for the letters our folks “ought to write.” I guess some of them are unwritten, leastways very few find their way to Trenton. What is the matter?

If Sherman’s “Bummers” were here, we’d show them how the Rebellion was crushed. Our officers think the world is on their shoulders instead of a brass foundry. And you’d hardly believe the 8th Hancock bear a thousand pounds of the base metal on dress parade. It’s true enough!

We were paid off last Friday to the 30th of June. Most of us got the 1st installment of Regular Bounty, 33.33 dollars. My pay amounted to $76.53 but I will not be able to send any of it home. I am very sorry for this but I never was a model economist. And here what with white gloves, paper collars, shoe blacking, Tripoli, emery cloth, etc. etc. (not to include peaches, milk, melons, pears, pies, &c.) One can spend a good deal of money with very little trouble. But then we live more like “merchant princes” than “poor devils of soldirs.”

I am glad to hear that Mrs. Lorance Clendenin is getting well again. Has Henry Clendenin been mustered out yet?

Do the 80th [Illinois Infantry] boys appear contented and resume their former avocations cheerfully? (say “Yes.”)

We are granting furloughs “muchly” — 6 or 7 to a company. But I told our Orderly Sergeant that I did not want one. It’s no trouble now to get a furlough. If it’s as easy in the fall, I’ll come home in October which will be too soon. No more now but remain respectfully yours, — Henry Barnfield

To J. P. Mann

Letter 4

Hart Island [New York City]
September 13, 1865

Mr. Mann,

I wrote you a letter about a week since but owing to one of those “accidents” which (we are told) will happen in the best of families, it was not mailed for four or five days after it was written and I was just thinking about it when yours of the 2nd came to hand. Now how is it that Henry Clendening’s letter mailed the 10th while yours mailed the 2nd does not get here till the 12th? Our post office is “demoralized.”

Well, your letter contains such various news I scarcely know what to think though I can think of nothing now but “Whit” Vance. I feel his loss most deeply. It is indeed difficult for me to account for such feelings for one who was so far from what i think one ought to be. But with all the bad, there was very much that was good in him. It was a strange mixture. I shall ever remember his rollicking fun, his quaint humor, and his natural kindness of heart. I feel as if I had lost in him one of my best friends. And I have often thought of the pleasure of meeting him after the war and having him tell, in his own rich way, some reminiscences of the days “when we were soldiering.” But it’s all over now. How fares it with him in that other world? is a serious question which we should apply to ourselves. 1

Are you in earnest?, Are they going to build a railroad from Cairo to St. Louis? —and through Rockwood? How you ‘stonish me!

No, we are not likely to leave here for 6 or 7 weeks yet.

There is an intense excitement on the island in consequence of “Ghosts”, “Spirits” or some other mysterious phenomenon. The barrack “Haunted” is on used by the officers of the 14th Regiment, or rather, it was used by them for they have evacuated it. The “ghost” tore the building up some and the men, trying to discover the cause of these demonstrations or manifestations and have even dug the foundations up. But as yet the ghost is not “unearthed.” The superstitious believe it’s the ghost of a Major (a Paymaster) who was murdered there about a year ago.

“Others” (to which class I belong) think a ventriloquies. We strongly suspect an Old Capt. is having some rare fun just to relieve the monotony of camp life, &c. &c. 2

Be this as it may, I’ll let you know how the thing turns out. Your friend, — Henry Barnfield

1 Andrew Whitney Vance (1832-1865) of Randolph county, Illinois, served in Co. K, 5th Illinois Cavalry. He died on 12 August 1865 leaving a wife and several children.

2 The Historic Pelham blog published a story about the 1865 ghost incident on Hart Island based on reports printed in the New York Evening Express in September 1865. The noises were described as “painful gasps and suppressed groans.” [Source: The Haunted House of Hart Island]

Letter 5

Hart Island [New York City]
September 22, 1865

My dear friend,

Time is “dragging its slow length along.” It never passed more drearily with us. I used to imagine it passed tediously but now I know I was wrong. Each day seems a week and a week is many months. And it is yet 9 days till the 1st of October, but the season is far enough advanced for November (at least six weeks ahead of Randolph county). It is real fall weather when one feels comfortable near the stove of a morning and at 9 and 10 when we stop drilling to rest for a minute or two, he doesn’t know whether sunshine or shade is pleasantest. We begin to think of winter and greatcoats, homes and discharges.

The ladies of Rockwood are proving their attachment to the Union. I hope those “who are going to be [married] soon may be, and that the [veterans of the] 5th [Illinois Cavalry] may marry the rest. If it’s perfectly agreeable, of course. Is my sincere wish.

Did you hear Sherman? or has he really tired himself out? I did not see him at Washington. Some of the boys said he looked worn and jaded.

I am glad to hear that there is a fair prospect of the Unionists carrying Old Randolph County. I want the Cops [Copperheads] to reap the reward of their treason and treasonable sympathies. Yes, I wish every man who wsa not Unconditionally Union to be severely punished for his treason, his profligacy, his weakness or indecision. They should be made to feel that it is a very heinous crime to array themselves against their government or fail to assist her in her hour of desperate need. Oh! No, don’t let them alone!

I got a letter from “Cap” yesterday. He is at Elmira and complains that his friends from Rockwood are neglecting him. He asks me to inquire about Joel and let him know where he is and what he is doing, etc., &c. Can you tell me?

I am quite distressed with the idea of having to stay in the service this winter. A party of us had planned a trip out “on the plains” this fall but it’s already too late now. However, we can’t have everything as we wish it in this world as I have long since found out.

How about John Barnfield? Where is he? How did or does he and Maj. Hindman progress? And you have not said a word (for some time) of Corporal Davenport. There ate others you may imagine me enquiring after.

By the way, do the celebrated European Capitalists propose investing in the “St. Louis & Cairo Railroad?”

I have promised some of the 5th [Illinois Cavalry] boys to come home when they are “mustered out” if they told when that important date arrived. But I cannot get a furlough now. How long this will last, I cannot say. I might get a 24 hour pass and come home on it but I’d be court martialed for it and might not get so easily this time. So it’s quite likely I’ll not see Rocjwood for six months yet. Considerably yours, — Henry Barnfield

Letter 6

Washington City
November 12, I865

Mr. J. P. M.

Yours of the 4th came at noon yesterday and ‘ere sundown, I had called on Sec. Stanton and stated your case. He referred me to Brig. Gen.—somebody—who told me (as it was quite late then) to call at 3 p.m. Monday and he could “tell me all about it.” I left your letter with him.

My health is very good. The weather is most delightful now after so much rain, and is just cold enough to be healthy. Freezing ice about one fouth of an inch thick of a night.

The “hanging of Wirz” came off on the 3rd according to the programme. I was on duty at the time and did not get to see the execution which was witnessed by all of our regiment who were not on duty. (I suppose you have seen the particulars in the papers.) He was perfectly indifferent to his fate, abusing the government in unstinted terms, He said “The American Eagle has degenerated into a Turkey Buzzard.” And to one of his guards (the evening before his execution) he said (as he looked at the gallows erected for him), “It’s just as I expected, and I don’t care a damn. I was only a captain here and I’ll be a Colonel in Hell.” This is pretty “hard” language and if it was not that Wirz was notoriously blasphemous, I would doubt if he ever made use of such language. But enough of Wirz. When the scaffold fell, soldiers and citizens united in a loud shout and several voices cried, “Now for Jeff Davis!” 1

I am delighted to hear the 5th [Illinois Cavalry] Boys are “Home at last,” though I regret that Maxwell is not with them and am almost afraid to hear from him. The 6th Ill. Cav. arrived here today. Our duty ought to be lighter after this. I am on duty every day now, am patrolling the city from 8 till 10 a.m. and from 7 till 9.30 p.m. This is not harder than having to go “on guard” every other day and attending Dress Parades, Roll Calls, Inspections &c &c from which we are exempt.

No more now. By the middle of the week, I will write you again. — Henry Barnfield

1 Henry Wirz, the commandant of Andersonville Prison, was hanged at 10:32 a.m. on November 10, 1865, at the Old Capitol Prison in Washington D.C., located next to the U.S. Capitol. His neck did not break from the fall, and the crowd of 200 spectators guarded by 120 soldiers watched as he writhed and slowly strangled. Wirz was one of only three men tried, convicted, and executed for war crimes during the Civil War (and, being a captain, was the highest-ranked of any executed), the others being Confederate guerrillas Champ Ferguson and Henry C. Magruder. As to the statements attributed to Wirz by his guards, I can find no other accounts to confirm them.

Henry Wirz hears his death warrant at the scaffold near the US Capitol, 10 November 1865 at 10:30 a.m., Library of Congress

Letter 7

Washington City
January 20, 1866

My dear friend,

Your letter of the 10th is here just now (ten days enroute). I hasten to acknowledge the receipt.

My health is improved. My neuralgia is worn out. The weather is very pretty but the melting snow, slush, mud, &c. is not very comfortable to runners round. But today will finish the thaw, I think. It is very warm today.

I am to Congress two or three times per week. You’ll see ere this reaches you that the “Negro Suffrage Bill” for the District of Columbia passed the House by a very decent vote. Baker’s name, I am glad to say, is found among the “yeas.” Hurrah for Egypt!” 1 I was in the Senate yesterday while Trumbull was speaking and joined in the laugh against Senator [Willard] Saulsbury of Delaware when he made such an ass of himself. 2

Last week I attended Miss Anna E. Dickinson’s lecture on “Flood Tides.” The sentiments uttered I endorsed most heartily and for the eloquent manner in which they were spoken I cannot speak too highly. I cannot praise Miss Dickinson too much. 3

I am sorry to hear you speak so disapprovingly of Rockwood’s prospects. By a very little exertion (I am quite certain). I could get a “posish” here at a thousand dollars a year, but notwithstanding the advice of some of my friends, I have not applied for the place. I received a letter from brother Till last week urging me to come home and take charge of the farm and relieve him (he wants to go with John somewhere) but, under existing circumstances, I think this the worst thing I could do and will not entertain the idea until I look further. I have been thinking of late of going South (near Canton, Mississippi) to raise cotton. There is a company here leasing lands in that section of country and offering very liberal inducements to settlers. I think I could clear $1200 the first year. The trouble is I can’t get out of this in time, though the agent of the company is trying to get some of us out so that we may go there. I doubt if he will succeed, so you see the fates are against me, again.

I wish you to remember e to all my fiends….Goodbye. Ever your friend, — Henry Barnfield

1 Egypt, or Little Egypt” was the name given to the extreme southern region of Illinois encompassing some 16 or 17 counties.

2 Willard Saulsbury, Sr., a Democratic Senator from Delaware (1859-1871) was a statunch opponent of racial equality and black suffrage during the Reconstruction era. In 1861, he made a speech on the Senate floor contending that “God, nature, everything has made a distinction between the white man and negro.” He believed the United States to be “the white man’s home…”

3 See The Forgotten Fame of Anna Dickinson by Amy Cohen.

Letter 8

Washington City
February 20th, 1866

Mr. Mann,

The President has taken his farewell of Freedom; notwithstanding the (almost) prophetic warnings of persons who know too well whereof they affirmed the loyal men in and out of Congress were astonished at the veto of the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill: still more are they surprised at the wholesale opposition to the principles of the Bill. If the Republican’s falter, or if any considerable number of them go over to the Johnson-Doolittle train—Copperhead—Union! Fernian Party, we are lost. 1

Copperhead stock was high yesterday. They were exultant. The Union men were troubled and vexed. Everybody was anxious to know what the Senate would do. The throng was so great that I worked half an hour before I could get into the Gallery. Sumner was up, in a moment Davis of Kentucky took the floor and kept it for an hour and a half, after which Senator Trumbull in a two hours speech gave the President’s Veto Message a complete refutation; in the House Mr. [Thaddeus] Stevens under the previous question asserted that Congress had something to say about admitting members from the 11 states. The vote was 108 to 37, but you’ll see all these things in the newspapers long before this reaches you.

There’s to be a large Mass Meeting at Grover’s Theatre this evening of Fenians, Copperheads &c. to endorse President Johnson’s Veto.

February 22nd I866

It seems as if all the elite of the city are out today, yet there is no celebration nor anything else extra, except a few Johnson meetings. The weather is—- (well, I’ll have pity on Montague) delightful, and as hoops are not yet entirely out of fashion, the sidewalks are thronged.

Senator Yates made a very able speech a few days since (you’ve seen it, I guess). I hope his proposition (or Sumner’s) will be adopted. If some simple and effective measure could be passed securing the Freedmen their rights directly it would be much better than all the Freedmen’s Bureau Bills ever gotten up. I see Mr. Lane gave notice that he would move to continue the present Bill, but Johnson will not sign it. He’s just bull headed enough to do nothing now. The Intelligencer has him under its protecting aegis now. I presume the Herald will champion his cause, and out west the Republican will continue to be the exponent of copperheadism.

Lloyd Garrison lectures tomorrow night. The title of his lecture I cannot help but think is premature— “Liberty, Victorious.” Nevertheless President Johnson is pledged to “Make Treason odious.” I’d like to see him begin the work! but I feel that it is vain to indulge in such hopes. I forward you a slip about Dr. Sunderland’s break with his church.

February 23rd I866

Well there was more Treason spouted in this city yesterday than I ever heard before. The very name of Andrew Johnson is a synonym for all that’s disgraceful. I send you a Chronicle you can see his speech and judge for yourself. We are, I fear, on the eve of Revolution. Will the people abandon our Representatives in Congress and go for this? Well, I’ll not say it, —– President of ours. Has the Republican Party finished its work? and must it now be disbanded? It looks a good deal like it certainly. But the Union Congressmen meet this evening. Let’s see what they do! [no signature]

1 President Andrew Johnson vetoed the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill on February 19, 1866, marking a major conflict in Reconstruction. He argued it was unconstitutional, a peacetime misuse of the military, and “class legislation”. Congress failed to override this first veto, but later passed a revised bill in July 1866, which they successfully overrode. 

Copperheads, Illinois Homefront, Knights of the Golden Circle

1863-64: William Houston Mann to John Preston Mann

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Wm. Houston Mann as he might have looked in 1863 based upon an image taken around 1900.

The following Illinois home front letters were written by William “Houston” Mann (1820-1907), the son of John Beattie Mann (1796-1881) and Albina Bloomer Balch (1797-1882) of Randolph County. Houston wrote both letters to his brother, 41 year-old John Preston Mann (1822-1908) who served from 31 August 1861 to 27 October 1865 in the 5th Illinois Cavalry along with another brother, 30 year-old Calvin Anderson Mann (1833-1902). Both brothers were officers, Calvin rising to the rank of Captain of Co. K. During the seige of Vicksburg, Capt. Calvin Mann led a detachment of 40 men on a daring raid behind enemy lines that resulted in his capture. See Mann’s Raid. Houston was married in 1843 to Martha Pettit and lived until 1884 on the homestead near Kaskaskia he fondly called “Pleasant Ridge.” He afterward moved to Salina, Kansas, where he died in 1907.

Letter 1

[Editor’s Note: William “Houston” Mann wrote this letter to his younger brother, John Preston Mann (1822-1908) who served in the 5th Illinois Cavalry with another brother, Calvin Anderson Mann (1833-1902). John P. Mann was married to Nancy Clendenin Mann (1829-1912) adn they lived in Liberty (now Rockwood), Illinois on the Mississippi River 70 miles south of St. Louis. John served in the 5th Illinois Cavalry from 1861 to 1864, rising to 2nd Lieutenant, Company K, and regimental commissary. Because he saw little action and was stationed only a few days’ journey downriver, John Mann was able to preserve all of Nancy’s letters. These letters offer scholars a chance to study all aspects of life on the homefront from the perspective of a woman who watched the war’s traffic steam past her front porch. Nancy kept John connected to their four daughters and consulted him about the family finances. She also depicted political tensions in a town where many families had southern ties, while their neighbors provided shelter to runaway slaves on the Underground Railroad. Nancy’s letters to her husband are preserved in the Mann Family Papers at the Southern Illinois University archive in Carbondale.]

Addressed to J. P. Mann, Vicksburg, Mississippi

“Pleasant Ridge” [homestead near Kaskaskia, Randolph county, Illinois]
June 24th I863

Dear Brother [John Preston Mann],

Yours of 14th of June came to hand in due time and was gladly received. We had heard that you had left Helena but had not heard where you had gone to—only that you had gone down the river. Was glad that you & Calvin [5th Illinois Cavalry] escaped so well out of that skirmish & that the Rebs have learned to fear the “Yankees,” “Northern Hordes,” “Lincoln’s Minions” &c. Hope you & Calvin will trade horses until you get mounted on the best. To be sure, you are right and in a [illegible]. I believe you both have the true grit & if only well mounted, would go as far as the foremost. Your Major could not have been well mounted or he——-

But you must respect your superior officers. I hope Gen. Grant will succeed in taking Vicksburg as soon as possible. I have no doubts myself that he will finally succeed, but many of the copperheads seem impatient at his slowness. I only fear that Johnston and Beauregard will get reinforcements sufficient to break up the siege & if so, the Northern traitors, K. G. C’s [Knights of the Golden Circle], Copperheads, & discontents generally would give oyster suppers, send greetings, & have a good time generally. I think that the traitors of this country have knocked under and are lying mum—even at Evansville, the rankest Secesh hole in the county they are quiet. They have found out that Union men have been holding private meeting as well as public & they are not invited to attend. Neither is anyone permitted to go into them who would reveal the objects & plans of the Union men.

They have also learned that the Union men are arming themselves, having heard a report that two wagon loads of some mysteriously covered commodity left Sparta six weeks ago & came down in direction of Preston and Harmon settlement, which is often confirmed by them talking to our men about it when our men “looks wise and speaks doubtful” and in some instances showing the handle of a revolver. This is done for effect as they are not armed except with the usual hunting rifle & shot guns that they have been accustomed to use on their farms. The Union men around Preston have procured some forty or fifty revolvers, individually, & I suppose they carry them at all times when they leave home. This is done to be prepared to meet an organization of K. G. C.’s at Evansville in which a proposition was made to raise a bushwhacking company to kill Union men & destroy their property. In that lodge, Chestnutwood, Alex Hood, & 36 others did form & organize a company for that purpose & elected their officers, Jim Richey (Bill’s son) and Blair (Sandy Dunn’s brother-in-law) opposed it to the bitter end. They said they were Democrats but they never joined the K. G. C.’s for that purpose and would not go into it. The result was they had a fracas in meeting & since then Jim Richey has left for California.

News from Vicksburg to the 4th—Good! Good! There is to be a Grand Demonstration here this evening, firing of the cannon, illumination &c Good! Good! Thank our Maker.

July 7th I863. Since writing the foregoing we have finished our harvesting. Alfred’s pretty good My own very light. They had a meeting in Chester which was large. The Union men seemed to have the majority. The Chester copperheads went to Evansville as there was to be a pay dinner there, the proceeds of which was to go to assist in supporting the Picket Guard. Poor thing! It is not able to support itself & has to be supported upon fashionable charity. There was a very large celebration in Lively Prairie of Union men. Other parts of the county is not heard from.

We have all been enrolled for the draft. No trouble. In Kaskaskia, William Crawford was appointed to do it. His manner at the commencement led some of them to think that he was afraid & they played off a joke upon him & got him so alarmed that he backed out. A copperhead told me that if he had went at it & done it, there would have been no trouble about. Bob Gant enrolled all of the township east ofthe river including Reily’s and Roberts’ neighborhood & if he had his [illegible], it would all have been done by this time.

We have just heard of a heavy battle in Pennsylvania & hope it is as well for us as reported. We are looking for [brother] Jonta [Jonathan Balch Mann, 80th Illinois Infantry] to come home on furlough. His address is Murfreesboro, Tennessee Field Hospital, Tent No. 9. But it is no use for you to write him as he will be moved if he don’t come home. — Huston

[Brother] Clinton’s 1 address is Murfreesboro, Tennessee, Care of Capt. Nevill, 22nd Regt. Illinois Vols.

1 Robert Clinton Mann (1824-1863) served in the 22nd Illinois Infantry and was wounded in the Battle of Chickamauga in September 1863. He died of his wounds on 2 October 1863.

Letter 2

Pleasant Ridge
January 29, 1864

Dear Brother,

Yours of the December last came in due time and answer delayed in hopes of seeing Luther but on account of the cold weather he has failed to come up. I am engaged in teaching & cannot go down there to see him. Therefore, I will write without waiting further. Papa, Alfred & I agree in thinking that the McLaughlin debt is the only debt that is crowding us now & that it ought to be settled as soon as possible. Enclosed I send an account of the indebtedness to him with the amount of of credits. I will consult Luther the first opportunity & I think you may safely entrust him with it as he has been in tight places himself & has always managed to get through.

Boyd’s cannot crowd for two years yet, unless they can get something on you personally. I suggest that you send Papa & Mother a five or a ten once in a while as they have nothing to make pocket change out of and they often would get little comforts that they don’t ask Alfred for & do without.

You wrote Papa that you had no account of the particulars of Clinton’s death. Neither have we. He was wounded in the shoulder and taken to the hospital which the rebels succeeded in getting possession of & he was with them till the morning that he was exchanged & we do not hear of any of our men that saw him alive but suppose that he died about the time he was brought in. He is buried in Chattanooga. Jnta [Jonathan] saw his grave. Poor brother! Blasted in his earthly ties. We hope he is now at rest where he can enjoy that happiness that is lasting as eternity, free from all malice, hatred, envy, strife, and sedition.

Mrs. Pettit is very sick & has been for two months. The rest of the neighbors are well. There is nothing new—only one of my scholars dared to put on the secesh badge a few days ago in school which when I found out, I took occasion to reprove & forbid in future. The lassie went home in high dudgeon at the infringement of her rights & I understand that her father is [in] great perplexity & doubt how to proceed. Such an insult to the South is not to be borne at all. If Jeff Davis was to hear that such conduct was tamely submitted to on the part of his professed friends, he would class them as no better than an Abolition Schoolmaster.

J. H. Nelson is dead and what a twitter there is in the Union ranks. Many Union men think that as they are for the Union, they are entitled to the suffrages of the people. Many more are Union men for the sake of the offices (the court house including a certain butcher). I do hope that the Union will lay aside all private friendships & bring out men that are honest & well qualified & leave out all of the old wind broken, shavened, stage horses that are but a hundrance to the cause. — Houston

29th Wisconsin Infantry, Battle of Champion's Hill, Helena, Arkansas

1862: Julius Hyde Keyes to his Parents

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The following letters were written by Julius Hyde Keyes (1840-1893) to his parents, Sewell Keyes (1800-1883) and Marcia Hyde Prouty (1803-1881 of Watertown, Dodge county, Wisconsin, while he served in Co. B, 29th Wisconsin Infantry. He enlisted on 14 August 1862 and remained with his company until he was severely wounded in the Battle of Champion’s Hill on 16 May 1863 by a bullet to the head. From a field hospital he was transported to a hospital in St. Louis, Missouri.

“Corp. Julius H. Keyes of Co. B, 29th Regiment, reached this city last Tuesday.  He was severely wounded in the battle of Champion’s Hill and for some weeks has been confined in the hospital at St. Louis.” [Source: Watertown Democrat, 23 October 1863]

Two years later, the bullet was finally extracted:

Watertown Republican, 1 November 1893

“On Tuesday last Dr. Brainard of Chicago, probably the most eminent surgeon in the west, performed a very skillful and successful operation on Julius H. Keyes of this city – extracting a minie ball from his head where he has carried it with much pain and suffering ever since the memorable battle of Champion Hills, two years ago the 16th of May.  The ball entered the head near the right temple, destroyed the optical nerve in its course, pressed the eye outward, and embedded itself well up under the nose.  It was removed by first being pressed into one of the nostrils and then drawn out.  It was found to be an ounce ball, badly flattened out.  At the time of receiving the wound he was a corporal in the 29th and belonged to the color guard – a post of honor and danger.  The officers and men of the regiment who passed through that sanguinary battle with him will be rejoiced to learn of a prospect of the speedy recovery of their former comrade who fell, as all supposed, mortally wounded in their decimated ranks, where the fire was the hottest and raged the fiercest.  On the eve of his departure for Chicago a number of liberal-hearted citizens, remembering with pride his gallantry in the field and the indomitable courage with which he has borne his sufferings, presented him with a purse of $50 as a slight testimonial of their appreciation of his services in fighting the battles of his country.”  [Source: The Watertown Republican, June 1, 1865]

Letter 1

Camp near Helena, [Arkansas]
December 3d, 1862

Dear Friends,

I received your letter yesterday and will hasten to answer it hoping this will find you in as good health and spirits as this leaves me and will be received with as much eagerness as I received yours. I do not remember of ever getting a letter which I looked for so anxiously as that one. I had almost given up ever hearing from you again. But on receiving that letter, it was a double assurance that I had not been forgotten by those left at home and I tell you that it is some consolation to think that he left dear ones at home, and that they are following him through scenes and dangers with an ever watchful eye. I really think that with some men that when they are out on picket some cold and rainy night, that the thoughts of their dear ones left at home, nerve them to endure even more than they could otherwise. With the thought that they will, at all hazards, go back to enjoy the comforts of home and the genial society of their friends once more.

But enough of this nonsense, and I will try and write something more interesting. I spoke in my last letter of an expedition of going down the river. There was forty out of this company went and you probably have heard of the White River Expedition with the intention of going to Little Rock, Arkansas. But on the account of the water being so low in White River, the boats could not go up only about three miles. They stayed there two days to ascertain if there was no other way of getting there, but at length abandoning the pursuit, they started up the river, arriving here on Saturday, having been gone just a week which seemed a month to us left behind. There was 10,000 men in all and 15 boats.

There was an expedition left Helena about a week ago to take possession of a railroad and to cut off Price from retreating from Holly Springs to Vicksburg. How they made out, I have never heard. I suppose you know more about what is going on in Helena than we do. I have been over there once and it is a miserable hole—all mud and water. It was once a place of about 3,000 inhabitants and you can hardly see anyone but soldiers and merchants and they are all thought to be “secesh.” There has been an additional force sent here—some of cavalry and battery and some in infantry, consisting of Ohio and Missouri troops. They are mostly all dutch [German] and have been all through Missouri and Arkansas having been in a good many battles and have seen a pretty hard time.

There is not much news here—only every four days there is foraging parties sent out for corn. But the boys take everything they want and have got their tents fixed up in good style, having got fireplaces in their shanties, seats, bunks, &c. They have gone out again today to get some boards and beeves if they can find any. We have been pretty lucky in getting cattle. We have killed and ate a good many.

In all our travels we have not seen a secesh in arms. They have gone further into the country where their friends are, leaving their negroes to go where they have a mind to. They are coming in here every day of all description. We have three wenches in our company and five negro men and I wish you could hear them sing and see them dance and crack their jokes. The most of them are very intelligent but their thick lips and black faces is enough, if ever he was an abolitionist, to greatly alter his opinion. At least it has mine and I have a great deal of fun of plaguing Cyprian Young about hugging them wenches.

I have received a letter from Sophia and also from Cal Jones since I have been here. They did not write any news—only what you have probably heard.

I am now writing sitting in my bunk and a very comfortable place it is—dry and clean. My bedfellow, Capt. [Darius S.] Gibbs, has gone out foraging. So you see, I have it all to myself. You need not woryy for my safety for I never was in better health in my life. The imagination of this soldiering is worse than the reality. I find it so and it is almost universal. They all say they find it better than they expected. You would think it was so to see the boys cut up and act. The health of the regiment is also good and we’ve not lost [but] one man and he fell overboard on the expedition down the river. The Colonel is very popular among the boys and any of them would die for him. He looks for their interest all he can and is one amongst them.

Olivia spoke about some mittens. I would like a pair but instead of mittens, I would like gloves. I have not got any. I was going to get a pair in Madison but we were ordered away so suddenly that I had not time, and if you could knit me a pair of gloves that will fit close, and send them. I would like them.

Write soon and oblige, — Julius Keyes

P. S. Tell Willis if he can get a chance to learn to set type to learn. I was glad to hear you was getting along so well and I hope as well as believe that I will be home next summer so that there is going to be something done this winter. I am certain. We can tell this month how things are going to be for the next six. My love to all. — Julius H. Keyes

Letter 2

Friar’s Point, Mississippi
December 26th 1862

Dear Friends,

I received your letter dated the 14th while standing on the bank of th Mississippi river at Helena waiting for the boat to convey us to this place. In my last letter, I spoke of our going across the river to Helena to encamp which we did on the 23rd, but had not but just hot there and was setting up our tents when the order came to pack them up in the shortest notice to go where a soldier never knows. The order come at noon but we did not get on board the boat until dark and did not leave Helena till Christmas morning and was about two hours coming to this place, it being only 15 miles below our old camp.

When we arrived at this place there was some dozen guerrillas here enjoying their Christmas and it would have done you good to have seen them run. As soon as they saw the boats were agoing to land, they put [out] and we sent a shell after them but did not hit any.

This town is a very pretty little town and in time of peace, there might have been two thousand inhabitants but now there is but very few men and the stores seem deserted. There is considerably many women and intelligent and good-looking ones too. We occupy what houses we want for our commissary store, hospital, &c. and the Colonel [Charles R. Gill] has got his headquarters in one of them. But how long we shall stay here, I cannot say. The Colonel is in command of this place and as long as he is in command, we shall not want for fresh meat as long as it is running at large about the streets. You would laugh to see us last night when the Colonel rode along and spying some hogs, he said, “Boys, we want some of them to eat,” and then the boys went in, and such a time you never seen. But by that, we had some fresh meat for breakfast. The men in this town do not say a word against our taking everything we want, and will do anything. But we do not trust them much. The most objection to taking anything I saw was an old negro wench when we was killing a hog. She cried and took on and said it was one that her massa had gave her. Her master stood close by but said nothing.

The force at this place at present is our regiment, an Ohio Battery, and about 60 cavalry. The opinion of the Colonel is that there is not much of any Rebel force here. We have, at any rate, got in a good position to hold a superior force back—being behind a large embankment or levee.

I will devote this page almost entirely to answering questions which I have omitted to write. First, I fare pretty well and have enough to eat but not of the daintiest kind to be sure.But of good, wholesome food such as meat (fresh and salt), hard bread, beans, coffee, tea, sugar, molasses, potatoes (sweet and Irish). We have all these things but potatoes sometimes we cannot get. The rest we have plenty of and some spare.

We have not received any pay yet but I have got money enough yet. I have made an allotment of ten dollars a month to be drawn from the State Treasurer at Madison when I please so you see that it leaves me only 3 dollars a month to spend which is plenty enough.

You wanted to know how this picketing was conducted. It is done this way. In the morning at 8 o’clock the men that are detailed for pickets—which every man shares alike—is drawn up in line. There has to be an officer of the guard, a sergeant of the guard, a corporal of the guard. They are then three men placed on a post which is behind a log or tree and two sleeps while one watches. The officer of the guard—which is a commissioned officer—has charge of the whole. The sergeant and corporal do not have to watch but to keep things straight and take in prisoners to camp if there is any. They are relieved every 24 hours. The have to take provisions to last them that long. I do my own washing and do it good too. I think you would send me some postage stamps but I would not send more than one or two in a letter at a time. Write soon. Your son, — J. H. Keyes

I want you to number your letters.

You need not fret about me. I will take care of myself. I wrote you a letter at Madison stating the reason I did not come home before leaving. I was coming the next Monday but the order came 4 days too soon.

Antislavery Movement, Presidential Election of 1840, Slavery, William Henry Harrison

1840: Robert H. O. Goodell to Gaylord George Goodell

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The following letter was written by Robert H. Goodell who had clerked for Joseph S. Bates & Co. in Cincinnati until he was appointed postmaster at Franklin Furnace, Scioto county, Ohio. He wrote the letter to his younger brother, Gaylord George Goodell, in response to a letter Gaylord sent him, datelined from Cazenevia, New York, on 27 April 1840. That letter, published on Spared & Shared 1 years ago, speaks of politics and asks Robert for his opinion on the presidential candidates and on the question of slavery:

“You wish to know what your brothers think of politics. David is a hot Whig; Edwin an administration man; Dwight’s mind is not fully made up yet, I think, but at Town Meeting he voted the administration ticket more somebody wanted he should than anything else. Nothing exceeds the enthusiasm expressed here for [William Henry] Harrison. There is nothing to be heard but log cabins & old cider. Last week there was a county convention at Morrisville which was attended with great display. Each town carried its log cabin — some drawn by 6 horses & some by 8 — with a barrel of old cider attached to the stern & 3 or 4 coon skins nailed to the side. The diner was composed of pork and beans with cornbread & old cider which they carried with them for it would have been extravagant to have bought a dinner these hard times. It is said to have been the greatest collection of people ever known at Morrisville. Each town dined in its log cabin. Such a display of flags I never before saw. Each wagonload had its flag with a motto of some kind relative to Harrison. Although I am in favor of Harrison in preference to Matty [Martin Van Buren], yet there are others that I should prefer. People act so much like cursed folks that I am disgusted with anything that bears the name of political. It appears to be the whole business parties to frame thunderbolts vulcan-like & hurl them against each other with Herculaneum strength. Please write what you think of abolitionists. They are getting a third party here.”

In response, Robert informs his brother that he considers slavery an evil but think the abolitionists do the slaves more harm than good by their fanaticism, causing the Southern slaveholders to tighten their control of their human property. He thinks the only viable solution is for Congress to outlaw slavery, to compensate the slaveholders for their lost property, and to export the Blacks from the United States. To emancipate the slaves without compensating the slaveholders, he considered robbery and would take up arms with the slaveocracy even against his own state if need be.

1 See 1840: Gaylord G. Goodell to R. H. O. Goodell on Spared & Shared 8.

T R A N S C R I P T I ON

Franklin Furnace, [Scioto county] Ohio
June 4, 1840

Dear Brother,

Yours of date April 27th was received in the last of May while Joseph was with me. He remained with me about two weeks. I could prevail on him to stay with me no longer, he being anxious to get to Texas by the first of June. It did me almost as much good to see him as it would to go him. I am very sorry he met with bad luck in Fulton but I trust he will soon work out if he has his health. I received of him a letter from Canfield & my good Aunt which please acknowledge & say I will answer soon. About the middle of April I wrote you and enclosed a $50 note on the Franklin Bank of Cincinnati which i suppose you have ere this received. You ought to have had it about the time you wrote but you do not mention it. I have waited about two weeks before writing to hear from you. Sister has not written me yet. I got a letter from Mother by Joseph. Expect another every day. I think you have improved very much in writing but you have the same fault with myself—you write too fast & take too little pains. Were you to be more careful, you might write very well.

You wish me to say what I think of Abolitionism. I think just this. I am an abolitionist in principle at heart in the nat[ural] sense of the term. I consider it [slavery] an evil but I consider there is no remedy that can possibly be expected at present. I am not one of your N. Y. hotheaded fanatic fools that spent & make a great fuss about what is not my business to meddle with. I think all acting abolitionists are little better than common highway robbers & murderers. They are in effect cutting the throats of all the southern country. By their noise, they stir the negroes up to rebellion & thereby draw the lines of bondage tighter in proportion to the extent of their fanatic inconsiderance. It is a little curious that you will not find a man who has ever seen slavery & its effects & the treatment the slaves in this country receive from their masters but he is an abolishionist at heart, goes decidedly against all acting abolitionists. He sees that their actions seem to make the condition of the slave much worse with no possibility of making it better. They are a hundred times better off as slaves than they can be free under any circumstances.

Slavery is an evil but take the slaves together, they are much more happily situated than the Whites of this country when taken together. This I do know myself from observation. Then, know my opinion. I think slavery to be a serious evil. I believe the continuance of slavery to be a far less evil than the destruction of it except it be done in one way [and] the only effective way that can ever be adopted—that is, to leave it to Congress. When Congress thinks it a greater evil than it is a benefit, they will buy all the slaves with the public money and send them from the country.

Do you suppose that a man with a human being will suffer his property to be turned from him with no remuneration by a set of ruthless, heedless, headlong fools? No! Nor is there a slave holder in the U. S. that would not gladly sell their slaves to freedom for two-thirds their value. This I do know. Then know that I could wield a ponderous weapon in favor of the South were I called upon even against my mother state. I am equally enthusiastic in that as I am in the Harrisonian cause. There are others I would prefer to Harrison, [paper torn] cannot get them now. Harrison is the most available. In 1844, we will try to march the greatest man in the world to Washington—Henry Clay. Next we will take Daniel to the Capitol. Harrison goes it as Jackson did. He sweeps the whole country. Men, women and children cry, “Live, Tippicanoe, live!” The right spirit is abroad now. The country sees her wrongs. The rascals are too Vanfaced. Their race will be over in November.

Tell Aunt I will write her in a day or two & you must write me immediately & I will write about something besides public affairs. Remember me to all. Truly your brother, — R. H. G.

to G. G. G.

3rd Delaware Infantry, Battle of Weldon Railroad, Battle of Yellow Tavern, Uncategorized

1864: Horatio Cornell to George B. Titus

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The following letter was written by Sgt. Horatio Cornell of Co. H, 3rd Delaware Infantry. It describes the actions of his regiment during the Second Battle of Weldon Railroad (otherwise known as “Yellow Tavern” or “Blick’s Station). In this engagement, the 5th Corps was attacked on 19 August 1864 by five infantry brigades under Maj. Gen. William Mahone, rolling up the Union right. The next day, after being reinforced, the Union counterattack by Major Gen. G. K. Warren, regained the ground lost. In the third day’s action, neither side gained any advantage and the Confederates were forced to withdraw with the result that the Weldon Railroad—a supply line for the beleaguered city of Petersburg was cut off.

In his letter, Hiram mentions that his comrade and tent mate in Co. H, Sgt. John Shilling, captured a battle flag during the action on 21 August 1864 in the battle of Weldon Railroad. He was later awarded the Medal of Honor for this achievement. Shilling (1832-1884), a native of England, resided in Felton, Kent county, Delaware, at the time of his enlistment.

Horatio mustered into the 3rd Delaware Infantry, Co. H, on 17 May 1862 as a sergeant and was present for duty throughout his service, reenlisting as a Veteran in March 1864. He mustered out of the service on 3 June 1865 at Arlington Heights, Virginia. He wrote the letter to his uncle, George B. Titus (1822-1908), a farmer living in Lewisville, Chester county, Pennsylvania.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Weldon Railroad
August 28th 1864

Dear Uncle,

I received your letter some two weeks ago but have not had time to answer your letter before this for we have been marching and fighting ever since—hardly any sleep or time to eat a peaceful meal, I am nearly worn out. I am so weak that I can scarcely travel at all but am getting a little stronger than I have been as the Rebels appear to have got enough of attacking us. The Rebels made three attacks on the 5th Corps on Friday and Saturday and Sunday week. We—our Brigade [2nd Brigade, 4th Division, V Corps]—slaughtered them on this day week that they have not tried our Corps since. We piled them up. I was on the skirmish line and they attacked us about daylight and we fought them about five hours but during Saturday night, our Brigade fell back and took up a position on the left flank and they left the skirmish line without higher support. And when we had fought until every man was tired and we was ordered to fall back, we had to run about half a mile through a terrible shower of shot and shell—the most terrific that I have experienced since I have been down here.

An AI-generated watercolor of a post war image of John Shilling who served in Co. H, 3rd Delaware Infantry.

While we was on the skirmish line fighting, the Rebels made a break on the left flank on the Brigade behind works. The Brigade slaughtered them badly. Our regiment captured two [battle] flags. Shilling captured one of them. Our company has to mourn over the loss of four men. Sgt. [James E.] Trazzard, one of our men, was missing in the fore part of the fight. 1 The Rebels must have lost at leave five to our one.

This day week I am told by one of the men that our men picked up two thousand stand of arms in front of our skirmish line since the Rebels had evacuated it. There is heavy firing on the right of the line this morning. I suppose that the Rebels are trying to break our lines as they have failed to drive us from the Weldon [Rail] Road.

I suppose that you are picking peaches now and enjoying yourself. I wish you could see us down here. I do not wish you was a soldier—especially if you seen as hard times as we do. I lost everything on Sunday’s fight. I have thing but half of a [tent] shelter, no blanket or nothing to cover myself at night except as Shilling shares at night with me.

Saturday week we fought in entrenchments half knee’s deep in water.

I will bring my letter to a close by sending my love to you all. Write soon. From your nephew, — H. Cornell

[to] George B. Titus

1 Sgt. James E. Trazzard (1832-1864) was from Kent county, Delaware. He was captured near Petersburg, Virginia on August 19, 1864. Sent to be confined in Richmond, Virginia on August 22, 1864. He was later transferred to Salisbury, North Carolina on October 9, 1864. He died there on 6 December 1864.