The following letters were written by British emigrant Joseph W. Luxford (or Laxford) (1838-1862) of North Troy, Orleans county, Vermont. Joseph enlisted as a private in Co. D, 6th Vermont Infantry on 29 August 1861 and was mustered in on 15 October 1861. Within two weeks of his muster, as can be seen in Letter 1, he was transported with his regiment to Camp Griffin in Virginia where they spent the winter of 1861-62. Before spring, however, Joseph had died. Muster rolls record his death as having taken place at the Broad & Cherry General Hospital in Philadelphia on 23 February 1862. The cause of death was Diphtheria.
Descriptions of Joseph’s illness and death were captured in two letters written by Moses Abbott who served in the same company with him. These letters are housed at the University of Virginia and have been transcribed on-line. See:
(6624) [writer] ~ Moses Abbott to Dinah Luxford, 1 February 1862
(6625) [writer] ~ Moses Abbott to Dinah Luxford, 26 February 1862
Joseph was the son of Henry Luxford and Mary Tabitha Turner of Kent, England. It appears the family must have emigrated to the US in the 1840s. Joseph wrote the letter to his sister Dinah.
Enclosed with Letter 2 was this calling card with the words, “Health and Peace” and the visage of Gen. McClellan.
[Note: These letters are from the private collection of Greg Herr and were made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Letter 1
Lewinsville Camp Griffin October 30th 1861
Good morning sister,
As I have opportunity to write, I thought I would improve it and write you a few lines to let you know I like camp life so far first rate. I have enjoyed good health so far and that you know is one of God’s greatest blessings. I enjoyed the journey from Montpelier to Washington right well for it was something new to me, you know—to get away from home and riding on the cars—to see something new too. So you see there was a good eal to keep me awake and to look at.
We started from Montpelier one week ago last Saturday morning about eight or nine o’clock. Sunday morning we stopped at Springfield, Massachusetts and eat supper. I see Henry Kirk there. He was well. He told me he come seventeen miles [for the] purpose to see the boys. We stayed at New Haven until eight o’clock, went on board a steamboat—Elm City by name—and unloaded at Jersey City. It was the pleasantest ride that I ever experienced. There was a good many things to attract our attention. Perhaps you will not know what to look for [in] these places but if you don’t, go to Geography and find Montpelier. Then find New Haven in Connecticut and follow the railroad from one place to the other and you can see the places that I passed through. From New Haven to Jersey City it is 90 miles and I think it’s as pleasant a ride as a fellow can take on the water.
From Jersey City we went to Philadelphia in Pennsylvania. From there to Baltimore in Maryland. From there to Washington which you know is the Capitol of the United States. You can, by looking on the map, tell the places that I passed through better than I myself for I rode day and night from the time we left Montpelier until we got to Washington so you must not blame me if I don’t give you a detailed account of everything that transpired on the road for I was tired and slept. When we got to Philadelphia, I eat my supper and went out into the street where we had to wait two hours for the cars. I laid down on the sidewalk and had a good nap though it was of short duration for some of the boys felt pretty well and they made so much noise that it was almost impossible for a fellow to sleep.
Now I guess I must tell you something about my present location. We are situated on a pleasant swell of land with encampments all around us. We are in Virginia about five miles from Chain Bridge. Report says there is 50,000 troops within two hours march of us but whether that is true or not, I do not know. But one thing I do know and that is that the ground is pretty well spotted with encampments.
Last Friday, Mr. [Liberty] Aldrich and [I] went out in the woods to look around a little. We went out where there was a band playing. It done me good to listen to the music. After we had listened to the music awhile, we went over to the 5th [Vermont] Regiment where we found Timothy Abbott and he was just getting over the measles. He is getting quite strong. I have seen Goodwin…one by one crutch and a cane, the cause of …fingers is shattered too caused by an accidental discharge of his gun while on…
I wish you had been here last night for just after I went to bed, a band of serenaders made our regiment a visit and played about an hour and I think it was the best band that I ever heard play. It seems like home where I tent for there is Wilbur Leach, Liberty Aldrich, Moses Abbott, Harry Pettingill and three more. Two persons from P____Hill.
Well. I guess I must tell you what I am now [illegible]…to stand on guard two hours and then…
Wilber Leach, Moses Abbott and I went down to the brook and washed our clothes and now I must tell you goodbye for the present. This from your loving brother, — J. W. Luxford
Direct your letters to Washington, Company D, 6th Regiment Vermont Volunteers.
Letter 2
Directed to Miss D. E. Luxford, North Troy, Orleans county, Vermont
I received your welcome letter a few evenings ago. Was glad to hear that you are all well but should like to hear that you could feel as contented about me where I am as you would if I was there at home where you could see me every day for I am enjoying both life and health at the present time and expect to while I stay here.
It is the coldest day that I have seen since I have been in Virginia. The wind blows quite cold and chilly this morning. It seems the most like Vermont weather of anything that I have seen. It is quite different here than it is there for some times through the day, it is as warm here as it is there in May. But when night comes, there is quite a change for then it becomes damp and chilly so that a fellow needs his overcoat on to keep from catching cold.
Well, Dinah, I guess I must tell you something of my soldier’s life this week and when you answer this, I want you to tell me what you think about my enjoying myself. Well now, for a commencement, Monday I drilled some in company and some in battalion.
Tuesday, Harry J. Bailey, William Blanchard, Harry B. Pettingill, Charles Santau and I from our company and twenty more from other companies started off to husk some corn for Uncle Sam. we went about three miles from camp, We husked about an acre and a half. After we got the corn husked, we started off to see if we could find some classmates but were not successful. We then went back to the cornfield to wait for the teams to come and draw the corn away but when we got to the cornfield, one fellow told us that he saw some grapes in the woods but they were up so high that they could not be got. But we thought it was best to go and see so away we went and found the grapes. They was not up so high but what we could reach them though some of them were up thirty or forty feet. We found all we wanted to eat and had a good time a climbing through trees to get them.
Wednesday, three of the crew that went to our tent and two more went up with our axes and picks to level off some ridges and dig some stumps and fil some ditches. We worked until about two o’clock. Then we went back to our camp and left our tools. Then we went back to see the regiments drill. There was 26 regiments all drilling at one time. They looked well now, I tell you. I wish you could be here next Monday if it is pleasant for report says there is going to be a reviewing of 90,000 troops and if that is so, I think it will be worth seeing, don’t you? At any rate, I wish to see what there is to be seen for a lot of well-dressed soldiers with their guns are a splendid sight. At any rate, I think they are. Well, I guess you will think that I lost the track. I must confess that I have got a good ways from it if I have not lost it.
Well Thursday five of us started off with our guns for headquarters to stand on guard. Well, we got there about nine o’clock, I think. Oh, I forgot to tell you that there was 45 went from our regiment. We had to guard the prisoners—not prisoners that were taken from the rebel army but unruly boys that had done something wrong. Some had got asleep on guard, some had talked saucy to the officers. Part of the time I was guarding them poor unlucky fellows, part of the time I was guarding a stack of wheat, part of the time I was guarding a cabbage bed and the magazine, part of the time I was guarding spring to keep folks from roiling it up. So you see I was not tied to one spot [even] if I was on guard. Oh, I have not told you the best of the story but I will in a few words. Well, it rained—that was the best of it.
Friday I didn’t have to do anything and today it is about the same. Well, I don’t know as I have more to write. Harry Bailey sends his respects to you. Moses [Abbott] the same. Give my love to all enquiring friends and accept the same yourself. Direct the same as before. This from your loving brother, — J. W. Luxford
Write as soon as you can for this time my hand and feet are cold and I must [say] goodbye and go to the fire and warm them up, Goodbye.
Co. D, 6th Vermont Infantry at Camp Griffin, Virginia. (LOC)
A watercolor of Charles Anderson Raine in later years.
Charles Anderson Raine (1841–1902) was a Confederate soldier from Virginia who was captured during the American Civil War and held as a prisoner of war at Fort Delaware on Pea Patch Island. The diary he kept while a prisoner is housed at Washington & Lee University Special Collections and Archives (Identifier WLU-Coll-0574). The description of that diary reads as follows:
“According to Raine’s opening inscription, this leather bound pocket diary was a gift to Charles A. Raine from fellow Fort Delaware prisoner Lt. Henry C. Cromwell of the 10th Kentucky Cavalry on August 4, 1864. Raine had just arrived at Fort Delaware as a Confederate prison of war. The diary is written in both pencil and ink. The first twenty pages are Raine’s notes on various subjects of English history. After a gap of blank pages, Raine’s diary entries begin on January 1, 1865 and continue until his release on June 17, 1865. The final paragraph of the diary section details his journey home to Virginia. Entries vary in length, averaging a few lines per day, and detail the weather, Raine’s physical and emotional state and the miseries of prison life, news of fellow prisoners, preaching and religious exercises in the barracks, letters written and received, parcels and money received, news concerning the war and prisoner exchanges, and thoughts on his imprisonment and the future. Notable entries include the news of General Robert E. Lee’s surrender and his entries mentioning debate topics and results by a debating club formed among prisoners. The next section of the book includes a letter draft to a friend, a number of pages of poetry, miscellaneous literary excerpts including a page of notable lines of Shakespeare, and some accounting records that may be post-war. The final section of the book includes autographs, addresses, and some personal notes from sixty-three fellow prisoners. The diary also had within it a number of loose items including letters received, poems, notes, etc… written by him and other authors during his imprisonment and in the post-war years.”
When Raines was 55 years old (in 1897), he wrote a brief autobiography at his children’s request. In it he described his war years as a member of Co. E, 23rd Virginia Infantry—part of Stonewall Jackson’s foot soldiers. In describing his capture in May 1864, Raines wrote that he with other prisoners were marched to Fredericksburg, then to Acquia Creek, then to Point Lookout, Maryland, for 6 weeks, “undergoing all sorts of indignities…by the Negro troops (ex-slaves) who guarded us.” Finally they were moved to Fort Delaware, reaching there in late June 1864.
Of his experience at Fort Delaware he wrote: “Recollections of prison life at Ft. Delaware can never be blotted from my memory. To the kindness of Southern sympathizers in Baltimore and elsewhere within the Federal lines are many of us indebted for the only comforts we had. We were both clothed and fed by these good people. The scanty and unwholesome allowances of rations – wormeaten beans, tough beef and half risen hard bread – were barely sufficient to sustain life. I feel and hope that all of my children will ever feel a debt of deepest gratitude to Mrs. Ann [should be Jane] Eliza Bestor and Miss Alice Kay Howard of Baltimore for their kindness to me in furnishing clothing, books and writing material, without which I could not have lived.”
Raines remained in Fort Delaware until after Lee’s surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia when he took the oath of allegiance and was released. [See C. A. Raine’s Autobiography]
Raine wrote the letter to Jane Eliza (Brown) Bestor (1820-1885), the wife of John Rollin Bestor, Sr. (1813-1867). This Baltimore couple had twin sons who served in the Maryland Guard that became Co. B, 21st Virginia Infantry. Eliza seems to have corresponded with numerous Confederate soldiers seeking information about her sons. The Bestor brothers’ letters have been transcribed and may be found at 1861-65: The Bestor Brothers of Baltimore.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Fort Delaware, Del. Aug. 3, 1864
Mrs. J. Eliza Bestor
My dear friend, it gives me pleasure to acknowledge yours of the 29th ulto. which reached me yesterday evening. Please allow me to express my deepest gratitude for your proffered kindness. I shall ever feel under obligations to you, and should it be the will of our Divine Master to permit me to return to Dixie again, it shall be my most pleasant duty to make the acquaintance of your sons, and extend to them the use of my purse, and hospitalities of my home.
I am in need only of a few articles of underclothing at this time, and will in obedience to your request ask to be supplied. Please send two grass linen shirts and two pair drawers of the same material. Also colored socks and handkerchiefs. At the same time, please send a small reference Bible and a Presbyterian Prayer Book. It may be necessary to state that you may have something to guide you in selecting some of these articles that I am very tall (6 feet 2 inches).
Prison life is by no means pleasant, yet there are many things to render us comfortable and happy. We feel that our walk with God is closer and that we enjoy a sweeter communion with our blessed Redeemer. We are organized into a Christian Association and enjoy many sweet privileges. Only one page is allowed me at a time. Hoping you will let me hear from you again, permit me to subscribe, dear Madam, your friend & humble servant, — C. A. Raine
Please allow me to add another article of which I am greatly in need and for the want of which I really suffer—that is chewing tobacco.
The following letter was written by Capt. Emmet E. DePriest of Co. H, 23rd Virginia Infantry (a.k.a., “The Richmond Sharpshooters”). Emmet began the war as the 3rd Lieutenant of Co. H but “the first three officers listed on the roll were either discharged, resigned, or not reelected. The most junior officer, Emmet E. DePriest, a young, 21 year old, third lieutenant was elected captain in 1862. His service records indicate that he was an able leader but sickly. He was cited for gallantry in 1861 at the action at Carricks Ford (Joslyn 1995:86) but in 1862 he wrote a letter to Confederate Secretary of the Treasury, Christopher Memminger, seeking a job as a clerk due to poor health stating he could not survive another winter campaign (DePriest 1862). He served briefly as a recruiter in 1862, was wounded at the Battle of Chancellorsville in 1863, and suffered from neuralgia in Richmond hospitals in March, 1864.”
“DePriest’s future took a dramatic turn when he was captured at Spotsylvania Court House in May 1864. He was held as a prisoner-of-war at Point Lookout then transferred to Fort Delaware in June 1864 (Joslyn 1995). During his confinement, DePriest was sent to Charleston, South Carolina to be used as a human shield along with other Confederate officers known today as the “Immortal 600″ (Stokes 2013). This action was ordered by Edwin Stanton, Union Secretary of War, in retaliation for Confederate forces placing 600 Union prisoners in the line of Union artillery firing on Charleston. He was then transferred to Fort Pulaski where fellow prisoners died of dysentery. While he was being transferred back to Fort Delaware in March of 1865, he escaped (Joslyn 1995:86).” [Source: The Richmond Sharpshooters, Co. H, 23rd Virginia Infantry]
DePriest wrote the letter to Jane Eliza (Brown) Bestor (1820-1885), the wife of John Rollin Bestor, Sr. (1813-1867). This Baltimore couple had twin sons who served in the Maryland Guard that became Co. B, 21st Virginia Infantry. Eliza seems to have corresponded with numerous Confederate officers seeking information about her sons. The Bestor brothers’ letters have been transcribed and may be found at 1861-65: The Bestor Brothers of Baltimore.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Fort Delaware, Delaware July 26th 1864
Mrs. Bestor,
Yours of the 24th came to hand last evening and it affords me much pleasure to give the desired information. Colonel Fitzgerald 1 has been sent to Charleston, South Carolina, with a number of other officers from this place. Capt. Saunders and Adjutant [C. A.] Raine are here. Anything you may desire to send them can be sent by express. Lieut. J. W. Jones who is my 1st Lieutenant is not here. He was killed, I am afraid, on the 10th of May for there has nothing ben heard of him since. Mr. W. C. Tompkins is a prisoner at Point Lookout, Maryland. Mrs. McFarland can give you more information in regard to him than I can. Thanks for the news you gave me from my family. It is all that I have heard since being a prisoner.
How is [your boys] Rollin and John? I suppose you have heard from them lately. Hoping this has given the desired information. I am yours to command, — E. E. DePriest, Capt. 23rd Virginia Infantry
Mrs. J. Eliza Bestor, 166 North High Street, Baltimore
1 Colonel John P. Fitzgerald served in the 23rd Virginia Infantry. The regiment fought primarily under General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley and later as part of the Army of Northern Virginia. He survived a serious wound at Antietam but was captured at the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House and taken to Fort Delaware. He was among the 50 field officers (of a larger number of 600 Confederate officers) selected to be sent to Morris Island to be used as human shields. Fitzgerald survived the ordeal and the war.
Robert Brank Vance (1828–1899), elder brother of North Carolina Governor Zebulon B. Vance, began his Confederate military service in 1861 by raising a company known as the Buncombe Life Guards and becoming colonel of the 29th North Carolina Infantry. His regiment served in East Tennessee, participated in the defense of Cumberland Gap, and accompanied General Edmund Kirby Smith during the Kentucky Campaign of 1862. At the Battle of Stones River (Murfreesboro) in December 1862, Vance distinguished himself in combat, losing his horse to an artillery shell. His service earned him promotion to brigadier general on March 4, 1863. Following a prolonged illness, he was assigned command of Confederate forces in the mountainous region along the North Carolina–Tennessee border, where he conducted raids against Union supply lines. On January 14, 1864, after capturing a Union wagon train near Knoxville, Vance and most of his command were themselves captured by Federal cavalry.
Following his capture, Vance was held in several Northern prisons, including facilities in Nashville, Louisville, Camp Chase in Ohio, and finally Fort Delaware on Pea Patch Island. During his confinement at Fort Delaware, he was photographed in May 1864 alongside several prominent Confederate prisoners, including Brigadier General Meriwether Jeff Thompson. His eventual release was aided by the Reverend Nathaniel G. Taylor, a Union sympathizer whom Vance had previously held prisoner in Tennessee but had treated kindly and released. Through Taylor’s intervention, President Abraham Lincoln granted Vance a special parole permitting him to purchase clothing and other necessities for fellow Confederate prisoners. In March 1865, Lincoln granted Vance a conditional pardon, allowing him to return home to North Carolina on the condition that he take no further part in the war.
Vance wrote the letter to Jane Eliza (Brown) Bestor (1820-1885), the wife of John Rollin Bestor, Sr. (1813-1867). This Baltimore couple had twin sons who served in the Maryland Guard that became Co. B, 21st Virginia Infantry. Eliza seems to have corresponded with numerous Confederate officers seeking information about her sons. The Bestor brothers’ letters have been transcribed and may be found at 1861-65: The Bestor Brothers of Baltimore.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Fort Delaware, Delaware July 22nd 1864
My Dear Madam:
I was surprised and grieved yesterday to learn that my letter of thanks for your beautiful presents had never reached you. Such things are mortifying but, in a case like mine, cannot be helped.
The package came some days after the departure of our friends –Generals J. & T.—and I wrote you promptly. I ask the privilege of again returning my grateful thanks and to assure you how highly I appreciate such acts of kindness. The handkerchiefs, knives & forks are really very tasty. What must I do with the articles for Gen’s J. & T.? If you have a surer opportunity of sending the articles to them, I can return them to Baltimore. Please advise me on that point.
I hope your sons John Rollin & Rollin John are safe and well. I would express my feelings more fully in regard to those patriotic boys, but I find that notes thus embellished are apt to go by the board. God bless you, madam, for your thoughtful kindness in providing for me in prison. I trust that you may be rewarded by the silent plaudits of the heart.
Your obliged and obedient servant, — Robert B. Vance
Regrettably there is no signature by the author of this poem entitled “A Prison Song.” Since it contains no strikethroughs or other editing marks, I’m going to conjecture that it was copied from somewhere—perhaps a Baltimore newspaper. If this version was actually handwritten by the author of the poem, it is likely a copy. It was found among the Bestor family papers but I have not yet been able to identify the handwriting.
I searched the internet for a printing of this poem and found it in only one source so far, that being the book published in 1911 by James J. Williamson entitled, Prison Life in the Old Capitol and Reminiscences of the Civil War. It appears on pp. 48-49 in his book with slight variations in the wording and without the final stanza. Curiously the hand written version is actually precisely dated as Feb. 9th 1862. Williamson was not imprisoned in the Old Capitol Prison until 1863 and in introducing it in his book, he states that it had been written before his arrival by someone whose name he did not know.
Because this item was found among the Bestor family papers, I dug deeper suspecting a connection to the family. I discovered that Maria Louisa Bestor (1819-1891) of Harpers Ferry—a relative of the Baltimore Bestors—was married in 1836 to Aaron Amasa Van Camp (1816-1892). Dr. Van Camp was trained in dentistry and when the Civil War broke out, he was practicing dentistry in Washington D. C. He quickly aligned himself with the South, as did many of his Bestor family cousins, and he became a prominent operative in the Rose O’Neal Greenhow Spy Ring. Using his dental office as a cover, he funneled military information across Union lines to Confederate forces. He routinely gathered military information from strategic sources including John Callan, a clerk for the US Senate Military Committee. This spy ring was sniffed out by Allan Pinkerton leading to his arrest and imprisonment in the Old Capitol Prison as a suspected spy, one of his accusers writing that the doctor was “a bitter and dangerous malignant against the government.”
Following his arrest on 31 December 1861, the doctor remained in the Old Capitol Prison until mid March 1862 when he was released after signing an oath of allegiance to the Union. This did not stop him from cooperating with the Confederate Secret Service, however. In 1864, he was discovered to be aiding the Confederacy in the destruction of steamers and foundries in locations between St. Louis and Vicksburg under the guise of being a cotton trader. [Source: Wikipedia]
Given the connection to the Bestor family and the timing of his captivity at the Old Capitol Prison, I’m going to attribute the poem to him but I can’t prove it. Perhaps it was left unsigned intentionally so as to avoid self incrimination as the doctor professed his innocence. He may have been the same “Dr.” whom the Bestor twins credited for having encouraged them to join the Confederate service. See: 1861-65: The Bestor Brothers of Baltimore.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
A Prison Song
All prisoners confined in the old Capitol jail Must know “Habeas Corpus” will never avail In taking them out for ’twas lately decreed That law is defunct to all men of our creed.
But this one advantage ’tis ours to claim Though prisoners in fact yet proud of the name While others the statues pull down from the shelves We legally make other laws for ourselves.
Abe Lincoln full gorged with imperial power Distroying the worth of long years in an hour Makes anarchy reign heaping sin upon sin While we are establishing order “within.”
On the streets in the halls where the multitude throng To speak certain truths is essentially wrong But here we’re more free be it spoken or sung Here a lock on the door but no lock on the tongue.
Outside if you drill with a stick for a gun You are called a “vile rebel” and treated as one But here we’ve a barracks in every room And in lieu of a musket disport with a broom.
We’re healthy within, but there’s danger without For wherever you turn, there’s a gun at your snout, But here we’re as safe as a bug in a rug And the adage is false that “There’s death in the jug.”
We need not the twaddle of Tyrants or knaves All the laws they make, can’t make us slaves Unheeding the wrong and maintaining the right, We’ll stick to our creed to the end of the fight.
So lets be content, whatever may come, We will live upon hope in the absence of “Rum.” And in water we’ll drink, when afflicted with drouth A health to Old Jeff’ and success to the South.
Composed by a State Prisoner confined in the Old Capitol Prison Washington Feb 9th 1862
The following letter pertains to the search for the body of Lt. Hugh Jones Gaston (1836-1862) of the 48th North Carolina Infantry who was wounded in the shoulder and face and captured in action in the West Woods at the Battle of Sharpsburg on 17 September 1862. It would be his first and last battle. He was paroled on 26 September 1862 but died of his wounds about 15 October 1862, probably at a field hospital near the battlefield.
Gaston graduated from Georgetown University in 1855 and was licensed to practice law in 1857. He was in Memphis when the war erupted and served as a private in a Tennessee artillery company before returning to North Carolina, accepting a commission as 1st Lt. and serving as the adjutant of the 48th N. C. Infantry. His Find-A-Grave memorial places his death at Hagerstown and speculates that he was buried in the Washington Confederate Cemetery there.
This letter suggests that Lt. Gaston may have been in a field hospital near Sharpsburg on the property of Peter Grove but I am unable it identity anyone by that name residing there at the time of the battle. The writer may have been referring to the property of Stephen P. Grove near Sharpsburg which was used as a hospital. Neither could I find a Peter Grove living near Hagerstown at the time.
This letter was written by Rev. William Daniel Strobel (1809-1884) who held a Doctor of Divinity and began his missionary work in South Carolina. He was later affiliated with the Maryland Tract Society in Baltimore. He was serving as the pastor of the Zion Lutheran Church in Middletown, Maryland, from 10 April 1863 through June 1867. It was said of him that his “true Christian charity and forbearance in the midst of the alienations produced by divergent political views held the congregation together” during the Civil War.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Middletown [Maryland] 17 February 1864
Dear Col.
I have been trying to find some trace of the body of Lieut. Hugh Gaston who was wounded at the Battle of Antietam, died and was buried on the premises of a Mr. Peter Grove at Sharpsburg. The body cannot be found, and I hear from Sharpsburg that some time last summer, a Mrs. Archer from Baltimore came up there and removed the body of Confederate Lieutenant, which seems to correspond with the one I am seeking. If not too much trouble, would you inquire amongst the Archers of your acquaintance to see if I can gain any information from that quarter.
The following Prisoner of War letters were written by Capt. William J. Bailey, Jr. of Leon county, Florida. Early in the war he commanded the Aucilla Guards at St. Marks but when the 5th Florida was organized early in 1862, he joined that regiment as Captain of Co. G. Bailey led his company through some of the most brutal battles of the war—2nd Manassas, Sharpsburg, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, and was with his regiment in Lang’s Brigade at Gettysburg where he was wounded and taken prisoner in Longstreet’s sunset attack on the Union Left July 2, 1863. He spent the latter half of 1863 and most of 1864 imprisoned at Fort Delaware. History records his having been selected on 20 August 1864 as one of the “Immortal 600” Confederate officers that were used as human shields on Morris Island during the siege of Charleston. Bailey was reported to have been bounced between several prisons including Fort McHenry (Baltimore), Johnson’s Island, Point Lookout, and Fort Delaware.
In November, 1864, some 200 of the 600 were removed to a prison on Hilton Head Island where they experienced conditions similar to those they did on Morris Island. Prisoners were driven to “catching and eating dogs, cats and rats,” according to Lt. Peter B. Akers. Here, Bailey’s health became so broken by wounds and confinement that he wrote a poignant letter to the Union authorities dated December 25, 1864. Realizing that he would die in prison if not exchanged soon, he sought a parole of 60 days to return home and effect an exchange. For this special consideration, William gave his word of honor to distribute whatever the Union authorities wished (within reason) to the Federal prisoners in the South. The request was denied and Capt. Bailey died of inflammation of the lungs on March 5, 1865. He left a wife—Maria Bolling (Baker) Bailey (1836-1885), and four children born between 1855 and 1861. [Source: The Immortal 600 at Gettysburg.]
Bailey wrote the letters to Jane Eliza (Brown) Bestor (1820-1885), the wife of John Rollin Bestor, Sr. (1813-1867). This Baltimore couple had twin sons who served in the Maryland Guard that became Co. B, 21st Virginia Infantry. She seems to have corresponded with numerous Confederate officers seeking information about her sons. The Bestor brothers letters have been transcribed and may be found at 1861-65: The Bestor Brothers of Baltimore.
Confederate prisoners at Point Lookout, Maryland, were quartered in tents rather than barracks, and guarded by Black troops in 1864. These tents were in poor condition and often lacked stoves to keep them adequately heated during the winter. When combined with the lack of blankets and clothing, prisoners experienced widespread suffering from the cold.[Source: Inside a Civil War Prison Camp: Sketches from Point Lookout.]
Letter 1
Pt. Lookout, Maryland March 18th, 1864
Mrs. Bestor,
Robert Watkins Adams, Florida Memory
Madame. Yours of the 16th inst. to Lt. [R. W.] Adams 1 has been received & finding it from you, I took the liberty of reading it & determined to write you. Lt. A. left here on the 3rd inst. for City Pt. & I have rec’d a note from him at that place in which he said that he expected to leave for Richmond every moment. I presume in this he is enjoying all the sweets of a dear home surrounded by all the loved ones most dear to him. He was particularly fortunate in being one of the chosen few. I have heard him speak so often & so kindly of you that I feel that I am acquainted with you & therefore taken the liberty of answering your letter. I am much obliged to you for the kind sympathy expressed for me. Should I reach Richmond soon, will do myself the pleasure of writing to your sons. The exchange is still going on in an informal way. 50 officers & 600 men left yesterday. The members of Lt. A.’s old mess join me in kind regards.
Respectfully, — Wm. Bailey, Capt. 5th Fla. Regmt.
1 The Lt. Adams spoken of in this letter was Lieut. Robert Watkins Adams (1839-1886) of the 5th Florida Regiment. We know this because of another letter she wrote. There were a number of officers transferred to Point Lookout, Maryland, and officially exchanged on 6 March 1864. He had been appointed 3rd Lieutenant in October (to date from August) and was promoted to First Lieutenant on 3 March 1863. He was captured again, at Gettysburg, PA on 1 July and was a prisoner on Johnson’s Island, near Sandusky, OH until he was exchanged on 3 March 1864. He may have been promoted to Captain while a prisoner, after Captain Frink was killed at Gettysburg. He went on sick furlough on 11 June, was in a hospital in Lake City, FL, and resigned his commission on 29 December 1864.See second letter below.
Letter 2
Point Lookout, Maryland April 10th, 1864
My dear friend,
Yours of the 1st inst. with box did not reach me until yesterday & I hasten to acknowledge the receipt and thank you for your kind consideration in ministering to my wants. The books not only will drive off dull care & break the dull monotony of prison life, but will furnish much useful information. With these & the fair prospect of an “exchange” soon, I think we will be able to pass the time rather pleasantly compared with the manner of life for the past nine long weary months. Many thanks to you also for delightful eatables, which came like a shower of manna to the “children of Israel.” We are getting on more comfortably now. The weather more pleasant & the prospect of rejoining our friends at home more cheering now than ever. On my return South, will write to Mr. Tuller. Anything else that I can do for you will be most cheerfully done. With considerations of the highest respect, I am your friend, — Wm. Bailey
The following letter was written by George Baird Caldwell (1840-1916), the son of Alfred Caldwell and Martha Baird of Washington, Pennsylvania. A graduate of Washington College, he was studying law in the office of the firm of eminent lawyers, Acheson & Wilson, at Washington, Pennsylvania, when the war broke out. When the first call was made for what was known as the “three months men,” George “left his law studies and took the field as a member of the 12th Pennsylvania Regiment, being appointed a corporal in his company, and although small in size, he did his full duty during this term of enlistment.
While in Beaufort in 1862, many soldiers in the Roundhead Regiment had their tintype taken like this one of Sgt. Robert Moffatt (Michael Kraus Collection)
Upon returning home, his regiment having been discharged, George immediately reenlisted at Washington in Co. A of the 100th Pennsylvania Regiment, known as “The Round Head Regiment.” With this regiment he went under Gen. Benham to South Carolina and took part in an abortive attempt by that general to storm the Confederate works in and about the city of Charleston. By request of the loyal governor of Virginia, Mr. Caldwell, after a service of eighteen months in the ranks, was honorably discharged from the Pennsylvania troops by proper authority, for the purpose of receiving a commission in a loyal Virginia regiment being organized, and which was afterwards known as the 12 West Virginia (Union) Infantry. He was commissioned first lieutenant and adjutant of this new regiment, and served with it until practically the close of the war, when he was honorably discharged from the service on account of a reduction of the army, and entered upon the practice of his profession as an attorney-at-law in the city of Wheeling, serving, in all, nearly four years as a soldier.”
“While with his commanders, Gen. Thoburn and Col. Curtis of his own regiment, making reconnaissance, just before the battle of Fisher’s Hill, (called Mount Hope by the Confederates), a Confederate battery of field artillery, securing the range to where this clump of Union officers was gathered on an eminence, threw a shell into their midst, which carried off one leg of the horse upon which Adjutant Caldwell was riding. The next day he went into action on foot. As he was near one end of the Union line, which had pushed forward and covered ground faster than the rest of the assailants, he was one of the earliest to scale the Confederate works, and found himself almost alone when he jumped down amid the enemy. While shouting his commands to the Confederates, who were throwing down their arms and surrendering, to get over the works in the direction from which he had come, and behind the Union lines, a private soldier, who had scaled the works long after he had done so, stooped down, right at the adjutant’s feet, and picked up a Confederate flag or stand of colors, encased in a black oil-cloth case, which had been for some minutes lying at the officer’s feet, unobserved by him. A sergeant of his regiment called to him and asked him to take the colors from this soldier who had picked them up, saying that they rightfully belonged to the adjutant, whose foot was almost on them, and who, as stated, had been in the works long before the man who picked the flag up. He refused to take the captured colors from the enlisted man who had picked them up, because, as he always said, he would not have it charged to him that he had exercised his power as an officer over an enlisted man in such a case, however much justification he might have for it.” [Source: Caldwell Family Records]
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Kalorama Heights [D C.] September 9 [1861]
Dear Aunt,
We are encamped on the hill styled as above, northwest of the Capitol dome about a mile and a half. And truly it has been beautiful as its name would imply. Shaded all over by the dark and symmetrical cedar pine, and abounding in cool springs, it was just the place for a camp, tho’ it seemed most desecration to devote it so. From the tents you may look over all Washington. The snowy habitations of our comrades over the river, and creation generally all round. It’s a pity, but a necessity, that this beauty of a woods must go. Already we have eaten into a half mile square or so. Such is war. Of course we had the usual amount of delay and fatigue in getting here. That is forgotten in a very comfortable present.
We started Monday week from Pittsburgh, got to Harrisburg in 17 hrs., baked in sun 7 hours, and ran here in l6 hrs coming thro’ Baltimore by night march. In Washington, piled into the “Soldiers Rest” and refreshed. This is a large barn-like edifice, water—lots of it—for the weary troops to refresh in. We had a government dinner, pork, bread and coffee, and a good rinsing therein. Then slung knapsacks and 3 miles walked to here.
At 9 p.m. we got blankets from quartermaster and tents, but did not need them, having found beds by kindness of the N. Y. 79th—the Highlanders—with them. My host I think a very clever Scot, [even] if he did mutiny, 1 showed me a shot thro’ his haversack got at Bull Run. It went in, struck a black tin platter in the side, went thro’, raked a furrow in bottom, and out the other side clear and clean. Said he did not know it till after the fight was all over.
Tents and blanket are all we have gotten yet from the government but I hear rumors of uniforms coming today perhaps—but who cares. Our rations are now of the best. Everything is systematic now, and the plundering I think quite stopped. He who complains now is an unreasonable grumbler. We have potatoes, mess pork, corned beef, and fresh, crushed hominy, coffee, sugar, bean soup, Gumbo soup, a plate, knife, fork, spoon, tin cup, and nigger cooks; quite a variety of diet. Discipline is strict. The rabble of 3 months memory is metamorphosed into a grand, order-loving, well-supplied army. Hourly we wait to hear the thunder of battle cannon from the other side the river. All think a battle pending.
A calm, confident, determination is the spirit of the soldiers—no bluffing, but just the right mood. To give you some idea of the change in affairs, I may mention that our company, composed of certainly worse material than the old one, now does better on marching than it ever did—no exaggeration. We are comfortable, contented, and learning. I was assigned to the sergeants’ mess, one corporal being required to go there. It contains Ed Bausman, [John] Cook and [James W.] Montford of Middletown, Jim Kennedy—old Peter’s son, and self. John Koontz is doing well. Tell Uncle Dave. I believe uncle has always been his friend. No whiskey is come-at-able. Old Ship is as hearty as ever too, and everybody well.
I was over to Alex Wishart’s Co. and stayed all night. Saw them all. Alex. Hart says old Peter Kennedy is no account, and the rest say same. Gets drunk &c. You know what they said of him superseding Alex. All balderdash. Alex is undoubtedly one of the most self-denying, hard-working efficient captains in the service.
I have gotten no letters from Wheeling or Washington yet, but as I hope you are nearly well again will hear as soon as you can let me. I tell you it would do me good to hear how you all are. Remember me to Uncle Dave. Love to Jennie, G’Ma and all the rest, with much to yourself. We stay here probably 3 or 4 weeks for instruction. Write care of Capt. Jas. Armstrong, Col. Leasure’s Regiment, Washington D.C.
Affectionally your Nephew, George B. C.
1 The 79th New York (“Highlanders”) Infantry suffered severe losses at Bull Run, including the death of their Colonel, James Cameron (brother of Secy. of War Simon Cameron). When they did not get a chance to return to New York to recruit and select their own replacement Colonel, they revolted and refused to obey orders or perform fatigue duty in building defenses around Washington D. C.
These letters were written by Meriwether “Jeff” Thompson (1826–1876), one of the more colorful Confederate commanders in the Trans-Mississippi theater. A native of Virginia who settled in St. Joseph, Missouri, Thompson worked as a surveyor, engineer, businessman, and served as mayor of St. Joseph before the war. He was married in 1848 to Emma Hayes, the daughter of a Baltimore artist. An ardent secessionist, he was elected brigadier general of the Missouri State Guard in 1861 and became famous for his operations in the swamps and river country of southeastern Missouri, earning the nickname “Swamp Fox of the Confederacy.” Although commonly styled a Confederate general, Thompson’s brigadier-general rank was actually in the Missouri State Guard; he never received that rank in the regular Confederate Army. His wartime service carried him through Missouri, Arkansas, Tennessee, and Louisiana, including a brief stint commanding Confederate river vessels.
Thompson was captured at Pocahontas, Arkansas, in August 1863 while attempting to raise a new command. After confinement in St. Louis and at Johnson’s Island, Ohio, he was transferred to Fort Delaware, the formidable Union prison on Pea Patch Island in the Delaware River. Thus, when he wrote this letter in March 1864, the once highly mobile “Swamp Fox” had been a prisoner for more than six months. At Fort Delaware he became a prominent figure among the Confederate officers, writing poetry and helping organize entertainments to relieve the monotony of captivity. He remained there until his exchange in August 1864, after which he returned to the field, commanded troops during Sterling Price’s Missouri campaign, and ultimately surrendered his command in Arkansas in May 1865. He died of tuberculosis in 1876—a disease he probably contracted while in prison. [Sources: Encyclopedia of Arkansas, Civil War on the western Border (KC Public Library)]
Thompson wrote the letters to his Baltimore relative, Jane Eliza (Brown) Bestor (1820-1885), the wife of John Rollin Bestor, Sr. (1813-1867). This Baltimore couple had twin sons who served in the Maryland Guard that became Co. B, 21st Virginia Infantry. Their letters have been transcribed and may be found at 1861-65: The Bestor Brothers of Baltimore.
An interesting aspect of this particular letter is that it was three pages in length. Most prisoners were limited in their correspondence to one page—for both outgoing and incoming letters. “Supposedly, all letters were examined by censors and any letter over one page was considered to be contraband and therefore not delivered to the prisoner. This rule led to prisoners using every square inch of the page to write their messages. At times the letters greater than one page were removed from the cover, and the empty cover was sent to the prisoner. When General M. Jeff Thompson was imprisoned on Johnson’s Island in September of 1863, he took steps to eliminate the one page rule. He struck a deal with those censoring the letters. Long letters were to be read by the censors in the evening rather than during the day. Thompson would see that they received two and one-half cents per page for each page read. The censors agreed, but the matter had to be kept secret. This worked well as the censors were able to make several dollars more per day than their pay. However, the scheme fell apart when a prisoner complained to the prison commandant that he had to pay a dime tax to receive a four page letter. After the matter was investigated, the long letter mail was stopped.” Perhaps Thompson struck such a deal at Fort Delaware as well for his are the only letters I’ve seen that exceeded one page. [Source: Letters to and from Confederate Prisoners]
[Editor’s Note: The image of Thompson in the header is based on a photograph in the Library of Congress.]
This image of Confederate officers held at Fort Delaware was taken in April 1864. M. Jeff Thompson is seated second from right. The Rev. Isaac W. K. Handy, a political prisoner held at Fort Delaware wrote on 30 April 1864, “The photographer has been the great man of the day. The artist tried his skill, with a group embracing the paroled officers, [Henry] Brogden and myself, making fifteen in all.
“The company did me the honor to give me the central position with General [Robert] Vance on the right, and Gen. [Jeff] Thompson on the left—the others seated on either side, or standing in the rear, with Bailey [Peyton] Key, the orderly, on a blanket in front.
“Something was said about bringing a couple of Rebel ladies into the picture. Gen. Jeff [Thompson] good humoredly suggested, that it was ‘bad enough to introduce a preacher into such company;’ and so the ladies, beautiful, and thoroughly ‘secesh,’ will be more appropriately daguerreotyped upon the hearts of certain distinguished heroes, for whom their visit was more especially intended.”
Letter 1
Fort Delaware, Delaware March 4th 1864
My dear Madam,
Your kind note of the 2nd inst. reached me this day and I hasten to thank you for your interest in my comfort and welfare. I am very pleasantly situated here, having many more privileges than are generally granted to Prisoners of War. But still any or all of the little matters that go to fill up a good housekeeper’s pantry are most acceptable as Uncle Sam only furnishes us with a soldier’s rations, and without the exercise, that gives the appetite to enjoy such food, it is not very tempting. There are a few other things that I need but I can purchase most of them from the sutler.
I wrote to Mr. George R. Frick to ask some lady friend to send me a pillow. I have not received it yet and if he has not sent it, I would be onliged to you for one. Mr. Pat Reilly of the Elden Hall on Lafayette Street has occasionally send me a box of eatables when I was at Johnson’s Island, but I have received nothing since I have been here. 1 I will try that my friends in Baltimore shall know each other or I may “feasts and famines” too often.
Do you know Mrs. Thompson’s step mother? I remember your cousins as well as if I saw them only yesterday, though many years have passed since we met. If I remember tightly, Charley studies Dentistry under Dr. Camp, his brother-in-law, after they left Harpers Ferry. I would be much pleased to hear from all of them.
Mrs. Thompson is now living in St. Louis and if you would write to her, she would be pleased to hear from you as she has no correspondent in Baltimore and I know she would like to hear from her relatives. Address her Mrs. Emma C. Thompson and she will get the letter as I write to her nearly every day and she send to the post office daily. She has our only living son with her but the two oldest girls are in the Convent of the Sacred Heart near New Orleans and our baby is at St. Joseph with my sister.
Shortly after I was captured, an article was published about me in which I was represented as having spoken very disrespectfully of my wife. I have heard that the Baltimore papers published it but never published my answer to it. You may have seen the article I allude to and I therefore send you the answer that you may know the truth. You can show it to Emma’s other relatives and friends who may have seen the first article.
I hope to hear from you often as I am here alone and have plenty of time to read and write letters. Should some little articles that I have written for not be sent me, I will let you know what they are.
Very respectfully, your cousin, — M. Jeff Thompson, Brig. Gen. M. S. G. [Missouri State Guard], Prisoner of War
To Mrs. J. Eliza Bestor, Baltimore, Md., No. 166 North Hight Street.
We have been married 16 years this very day—4th March.
1 Patrick Reilly was the proprietor of Eldon Hall, a well-known restaurant and dining saloon in Baltimore. It was located at 75-78 West Fayette Street. Reilly sold it in 1888.
Letter 2
Fort Delaware Del. April 5th, 1864—Tuesday night
Dear Cousin,
The Box reached me safely today, and I am delighted with the pants and coat, and everything else sent.
Today has been too inclement to go to the barracks to distribute the other clothes, but tomorrow I hope to be able to get down. The collars were the style I wear exactly, and I now have enough to last me through the war, and the steel collar will do to wear where washing is difficult to be done. I received several things from New York today and am now well supplied with clothes. I gave my old clothes to the “pile” to be distributed tomorrow. I can only have a valise full of clothes on hand with a probability of getting them through when I am exchanged, and therefore when I get anything that suits me better than what I have, I give away what I swap for.
Martin’s bundles will be properly delivered. He was present today when the boxes were delivered and was sent away empty handed because my boxes were not examined, and I had not received the letter until after he had gone back to the barracks. After he was gone, we found the bundles and they will be delivered to him tomorrow.
Brogden did not report anything as being for me but as I often eat with him, it answered the same purpose when he received boxes. But now I am not permitted to visit the Political Prison and therefore cannot eat with him now. Brogden now has a parole of the Island, and is much in my room. He is a very nice fellow, and I am quite fond of him.
The fresh oysters you sent are soured, and I have tried the experiment of pickling one can, but the others had to be thrown away. I regretted it much as I am passionately fond of them, and these looked so large and fine that I felt tempted to risk the cholera morbus on them. The Cove Oysters are nice, and I stewed and ate one can of them by myself today. The tomatoes are my next favorite dish to oysters, and I will try them tomorrow.
My messmates all send their thanks to you for your sympathy, and also for the eatables. We have ten now besides Bail! (our orderly) in the mess, and I am the housekeeper or chief of mess. So I have my hands full of business.
I suppose you allude to Major Simon’s sister. Did her Father receive a letter from me shortly after I came here? If he did not, I will write again, just for the pleasure it will give Gus some of these days, when he knows that I told his Father what a brave and efficient officer he was.
I sent Miss Lou one of my Photographs last night which will replace the mad L [?] one you gave away. If you would like to have one of the others, I will send it to you, as I have two of them left.
You must cheer up about your Jewels, and thank God and be proud that you are able to do so much for your country. I know it is hard—very hard—to be separated from them when they are in constant danger, but if you are uneasy and unhappy about them, it may unnerve their arms and then they would be truly in danger. I wish my girls were all boys and old enough to be in the ranks. I would be very proud of them.
Since the creation of the world there has been wars, and there always will be wars, and the bravest and the best will do the fighting and sacrifice their lives for Liberty, Glory, Religion, or honor, and brave sons should have brave Mothers, and you must trust your Jewels in the hands of God, and abide His will.
Give my kindest regards to all friends and relatives. I will write again soon.
Your Grateful Cousin — M. Jeff. Thompson
<missing scans>
Letter 3
Fort Delaware, Del. April 21st ’64 Thursday night
My dear Cousin,
Yours of the 18th reached me yesterday. I am very glad you have heard from the “Jewels” and hope that you will be contented for a while and not be borrowing trouble when the reality may come at any moment. You are right about not wanting John to live in Richmond when he can be in the field and should I have an opportunity, I will advise him to remain with his command. I am quite intimate with Gen’l Breckenridge and may visit him when I get through to Dixie, when of course I will see the boys. I wrote to Breckenridge tonight to go by the Boat, which leaves here tomorrow with the sick Rebs for City Point. I almost wish I was sick so that I could go through with them.
John is evidently the kind of man for the cavalry, but it is well that he has his more cautious brother with him. If I knew exactly when I was to be exchanged, I would let you write some long letters to take through the lines, for it is surely poor satisfaction to write one page to a son who is in constant danger.
Gen. Robert Brank Vance. On 14 Mar. 1865 Vance was given a full pardon and allowed to return to North Carolina on condition that he not fight again.
I hope Cousin Lou has recovered from her cold and is ready to write me another long letter. We will have a photographer here on Saturday and I will have some pictures taken of my present appearance and will send you one. I will wear Gen’l [Robert Brank] Vance’s uniform for my old uniform is in Arkansas, and my new one from Alton has not yet been sent me. I will probably get it before I leave—at least I hope so.
You must present my regards to black Mamma and tell her I am glad to hear that she is “sound on the goose question,” for it speaks well for her judgement.
All the news we now receive is encouraging for us and I think the next ninety days will see our last dark days, and that all will be bright thereafter. God grant it, for I am heartily tired of bloodshed, and if the war lasts over three months longer, there will be no more quarter given, and then the most terrible sights the world ever saw will be enacted. Fort Pillow will be a bright spot in the dark scenes which will soon come. We must not, and will not and cannot be conquered, and it is a big job to kill all of us.
Remember me affectionately to all friends and let me hear from you often. I hope you have written to Emma.
Your affectionate Cousin, — M. Jeff. Thompson
Let some of the girls send our little orderly a pair of no. 6 boots.
General Robert B. Vance is seated third from left; M. Jeff Thompson seated 2nd from right. The 15 year old “boy”orderly” seated on the ground in front was Bailey Payton Key of Tennessee. He must have been the orderly referred to in this letter.[Delaware Historical Society Collections]
Another scene from Fort Delaware showing Rev. Isaac W. K. Handy (1815-1878) preaching to fellow prisoners around 1863. Seated L-R: Lt. J. N. McFarland, Capt. G. L. Roberts, and Capt. W. F. Gordon; Standing L-R: Rev. Isaac W. K. Handy, Capt. J. H. Dye, Lt. Wash C. Shane, Lt. T. S. Armistead, Capt. J. J. Dunkle, and Lt. J. T. Mackey. Rev. Isaac W. Handy (1815-1878) served Presbyterian congregations in Delaware, Missouri, Maryland, and Virginia. During the Civil War, the Union Army detained him at Fort Delaware for fifteen months for refusing to deny allegations that he made statements against the American flag. While at Fort Delaware, he preached every day and conducted Bible classes, contributing to the conversion of over seventy Confederate officers. (Presbyterian Historical Society).
Letter 4
Fort Delaware, Delaware May 13th 1864 Friday morning
My dear Cousin,
Lately our correspondence has dropped off but you must not blame me for I have had great trouble lately, and then the intense interest which we all feel in the battles now going on in Virginia is sufficient excuse for neglect if even I had not my great private trouble.
I feel every confidence in our success in Virginia but many thousand brave men must bite the dust and grief will overspread our lane even though victory shall crown our arms. You have probably heard of the great calamity that has befallen [my wife] Emma for I wrote To Adeline and she has probably told your mother who has told you. I hope to be more cheerful in a few days and will write to you again. In the meantime, do not stop writing to me for I am sure I can encourage you about your brave boys who are just where they ought to be. Love to all.
Yours affectionately, — M. Jeff Thompson
To Mrs. J. Eliza Bestor, Baltimore, Md.
Letter 4
[Editor’s note: These two scraps of a letter are clearly in Gen. M. Jeff Thompson’s handwriting but I don’t know if they were associated with any of the earlier letters or just the remnants of another letter.]
….be filled with pride and satisfaction instead of forebodings for McAleer did not write more encouragingly than we all feel, for our prospects are bright, and though many brave and gallant men have to “bite the dust,” in the next sixty days, yet we are sanguine and I pray that I may be exchanged in time to bear my part of the heat and burden of the day.
There is no occasion for you to do anything but pray and wait and surely you will not be banished for doing this, even though Lew Wallace is in command. He is a…
…you allude to. I was intimate with [paper torn (PT)] church and belonged to the same societies [PT) I go South. I will write to [PT].
Give my respect to Mr. Bestor [PT] ladies. I wish I could send you [PT] They are contraband of war in Baltimore [PT] and I hav sent them to my lady friends [PT] you often and I will always pray [PT]
to Mts. Eliza Bestor, No. 166 North High Street, Baltimore, Md.
The following letters were written by Rollin John Bestor (1842-1899) and his twin brother, John Rollin Bestor, Jr. (1842-1891). They were the sons of John Rollin Bestor, Sr. (1813-1867), a Baltimore book-keeper, and his wife, Jane Eliza Brown (1820-1885). The couple married in Baltimore in October 1835. In 1860, they resided at 97 South High Street—a dense, bustling, enclave that had been the heart of Baltimore’s German-Jewish community but was transitioning to a working class society of Irish and Italian emigrants. Their home was most likely a two or three-story row house on a gas-lit cobblestone street frequented by horse-drawn omnibuses that daily transported passengers to the inner city. A few blocks to the south, within walking distance, was the harbor basin, lined with wharves, packing houses, and tobacco warehouses. By 1863, the Bestor family had moved to 166 North High Street, an older established neighborhood almost in the shadow of the Fayette Street Phoenix Shot Tower. The boys’ father had a presence in Baltimore in the 1830’s; he left advertisements in the local papers offering flute lessons and for selling a one horse buggy. John Rollins, Jr. was also trained in music—gave concert at Masonic Hall in 1853. He also won an award for penmanship in 1852.
When the Civil War began the boys turned their back on Baltimore and joined Co. B of the Maryland Guard. They quickly moved to Richmond where they drilled, mustered into service, and were eventually assigned to the 21st Virginia Infantry. <insert more detail later>
Obituary of John Rollin Bestor, published in The Sun, 18 May 1891. Burial was at Loudon Park Cemetery. “Mr. Bestor was born in Baltimore 48 years ago, was graduated from a college at Chillicothe, Ohio at the age on 19 years, and became a civil engineer… [He worked in City Surveyor’s office and later for the Chesapeake & Potomac Telephone Company.] At the outbreak of the late war, he enlisted in Col. J. Lyle Clark’s regiment, was captured, and after being imprisoned at Fort McHenry for a short time, was exchanged and served till 1865.” [Died of a brain tumor]. Note: The only possible colleges in Chillicothe at that time would have been John Allen’s Ohio Militaty Academy that operated from 1857 to 1860, or the Chillicothe Academy (not technically a college).
After the war, Rollin Bestor was listed in the 1870 Baltimore Directory as a bookkeeper for the N C. Railroad. His obituary states that he was at one time on the private staff of stonewall Jackson. He died in 1899 of Bright’s Disease at his home at 19 Washington Avenue in New Rochelle, Westchester county, New York, when he was 57 years old. He was married to Lucy Maria Tuller (b. 1847).
The following pages are from The Maryland Line in the Confederate army, 1861-1865, pages 160-162.
97 South High Street was located within the orange circle on this 1860 Map of Baltimore, MD
Letter 1
Editor’s Note: In August 1861, Gen. Robert E. Lee marched north an area along the Pocahontas-Randolph County Line where he established his headquarters at Valley Mountain, guarding the pass between the two counties. The Confederate troops spent a miserable, rainy month at Valley Mountain. The cave mentioned in this letter was the Simmons-Mingo Cave.
Valley Mountain Camp Pocahontas Co., Va. August 6th 1861
Dear Mr. Carrol.
Your favor just received today. Am glad you still think oof us. We are out here after marching over 120 miles from Staunton on the extreme north of Pocahontas county. In fact, we don’t know whether we are in said county or in Randolph. We can hear the enemy’s drums in the morning, expect battle in a few days, but think the enemy are in retreat. Rollin & I are well contented though we have had severe & fatiguing marches—sometimes without any time to east for a day. We can get neither coffee, sugar, or candles or salt.
We have about three thousand men here and expect three thousand [more] in two days. We have footed the grandest part of Virginia & are surrounded on all sides for 50 miles with vast mountains. Some of the people here are so green that they never heard of Jeff Davis before. One of our camp killed a deer this morning and one was killed yesterday. One of the pickets saw two fine bucks a day or two ago but being on duty could not fire. We have plenty of deer here and some bears.
Write to Ma soon & you had better send this letter as it is impossible to get paper here & I am at present writing on a leaf taken out of a copy book. We have the finest water in the world & have within a mile of us a most remarkable spring I ever saw & perhaps in the world. It is a cave & if you are very hot, it is very dangerous to enter it for the wind blows out of it like Old Boreas in dead of winter. The water is as cold as ice.
Excuse my writing. It is the first time I have had a pen in my hand for a month. I am at present sitting on a camp stool & can see the mountains for 30 miles off. We have our tents pitched on top of a very high hill guarding a very important point. The enemy was striking for it but having failed to reach it before us, we suppose they are retreating. Excuse also my wild writing. I write just what first comes in my mind. Rollin send his very kindest regards to you. Give our best respects to Mrs. Crawford & Dowell. Tell Ma to give my love to Pa & Doctor. I am always thinking of them both. Hope Ma is well.
The war cannot last long. That brilliant victory at Manassas will settle it. Tell them we will be home in a month or two more & it would be a bitter pill if all were not well to receive us. Goodbye. We are always glad to hear from you & look upon a letter from you with as much joy as if it came from dear home. Write soon.
Ever & Respectfully, — R. J. Bestor
Letter 2
[Editor’s Note: This letter describes the fight at Cheat Mountain in mid September1861. “The three Confederate brigades that attacked Cheat Summit Fort on September 12 had to contend with limited visibility due to poor weather conditions, a defending force that knew the terrain well, and poor coordination between each brigade; during the battle, each brigade acted independently and never made contact with each other. The 14th Indiana, comprised of about 300 men, put up a stubborn defense that was so aggressive that Confederate commanders believed the force was much larger than it was in reality. Daunted by these odds, they withdrew. At the same time, three more Confederate brigades were attacking Camp Elkwater, but the camp’s well-prepared entrenchments allowed for a solid Federal defense. Lee soon called off the entire attack. He maneuvered in the area before withdrawing to Valley Mountain on September 17.” Source: American Battlefield Trust]
Valley Mountain Camp September 17th 1861
Dear Ma,
I received yours dated July 9th over a week ago which I answered & sent to Baltimore by way of [Evansport] as directed by Mr. Carroll. Also one from Mr. C. dated July 27th stating the death of his daughter which I deeply regretted hearing. Also one from Tuller which I will send you.
But following your advice, I will have to write to him as if I had never received it. We could not answer either of the last on account of marching away from here towards Huttonsville. We started from here last Monday and marched 13 miles, fighting for every foot of the ground—the Yankees disputing it with us. Our company, Co. F, and Capt. Berkeley’s company were in advance & the way Yankee bullets whistled about our heads was no fun. But owing to traitors having discovered Gen. Lee’s plans, inferior numbers, & one or two false steps of some of our commanders, we could not go on & retreated.
The Yankees have a telegraph wherever they go so that they can be reinforced in a very short time. Had we done the same thing, we would have whipped them out in less than a week. Gen. Lee’s plans were for us to march on them in four different roads with four different brigades. We whipped them whenever we met them. Anderson took Cheat Mountain. Donaldson or Jackson cut off their retreat & broke their telegraph, and we with Gen. Lee with us had marched up to their batteries & drove them into them, but each brigade being ignorant of the success of the other—they did not advance. Had we only had a telegraph connecting us like the Yankees have, we could have advanced and whipped them easily.
We killed several of the Yankees—about 30, took 68 prisoners, and all with the loss of 4 killed & about 15 wounded. Cheat Mountain was deserted by our forces after having taken it from them & held it three hours longer than orders. You see the reports of our being wounded or killed is false. Dear Ma, believe nothing until you hear it from one of us or Mr. C.
We arrived back yesterday and received yours of September 6th saying you are in Virginia. It is anything but a source of pleasure to us to know that you are grieving your life away about us when you know that we cannot get out of service until 24 May next without the war stops. We would be happy & contented but for that. We feel that our going to the war is shortening your life and it is a source of bitter sorrow to us.
Dr. drove us to it & we have our necks in the halter until the year is over. We could not help it. If we could get away without disgrace & dishonor, we would. Do not grieve after us. We told you that you must not expect to hear from us often. We have written to you repeatedly but you have not received our letters and paper is so scarce that it is almost impossible to get it. Comfort yourself. Remember that a just Providence orders & watches over us—that all is for the best, & it is wrong notto bend to His will. If it is His will that we die, the His will be done. We have the consolation of dying in a just cause. As for myself, I look cheerfully to a bright future when we will all unite around the dinner board & talk of the past.
But you woefully wrong us by pining your life away while we are cheerfully going on. Should this kill you, there will be no happiness in the world for me. It will be a curse that I would soon rid myself of. The last four months have mounted the wings of time & flown by to me like a mid summer night’s dream. It hardly seems a month. But the knowledge of your uneasiness may make the next eight months plod wearily by. It will all soon pass away & we will all meet happily together again. Other mothers have to do the same—and more. Many a fond mother sent her only beloved son to Manassas, never to hear from him again. You are indeed blessed in knowing that yours are well & contented. Why should you then pine?
Our getting a furlough or your getting our likeness are both impossible & useless. We are in active service now & may march on the Yankees again. I just heard we will soon be reinforced by ten thousand men from Monterey. We will soon rid ourselves of them & then go into winter quarters where you will be able to see us if in Virginia. We can get a furlough & you can get the likeness. I will continue on Tuller’s letter. [end of letter, unsigned]
Letter 3
Camp at Edray 10 miles north of Huntersville Pocahontas county, Virginia September 28th 1861
Dear Ma,
I sent you a letter from this place two days ago. I expected to go on to Warm or Bath Alum Springs but have not started yet. Our regiment is doing nothing at present & it is supposed that we will go on to Richmond to recruit in a week or so. If we do. I and Rollin will be able to see you. I received a letter from Rush Tuller yesterday saying he had written several different places to us & stating he wanted to send us money &c. It is the second letter I have received from him. I will answer it, I think, but fear to write to him for money because I may not get it. The mail is so irregular. If you do not receive this in a week, you had better not write to me as I may not get it. If you do, direct me a letter enclosing ten dollars and I will try to come to you. Direct to Huntersville, Care of Capt. Clarke, 21st Virginia Regiment, Col. Gilham.
Rollin & I are both well. We had the worst storm here I almost ever saw yesterday, filling our tents with water a foot deep. Nothing new. Don’t attempt to come here as it would be impossible on account of the bad state of the roads & if you were to get here, you could not stay anywhere. There are no houses here—nothing but tents & eight persons in each. It is almost unnecessary to write this but I know you too well.
I must close as I want to write to Tuller. I will tell him not to send me anything at present as I may not get it. Give my kindest regards to Mr. Carroll & family. In haste.
Your loving son, — John
Excuse dirty paper, &c. We want the flannel but not the overcoat &c. I think our regiment will soon go to Richmond. If so, I will go to Seven Fountains on the way if I can.
Letter 4
Camp at Greenbrier Bridge October 18, 1861
Dear Ma,
Your letter of 6th received yesterday enclosing one from Mr. Carroll. I have a few minutes to write as the courier to Warm Springs is going. There will be some arrangement made for us to meet you at Warm Springs or Staunton but you will get a letter from Capt. Clarke in a few days which will explain it.
It is generally supposed that we will winter here. I hope not. It would decimate the regiment. Hoping soon to see you. I am in haste. Love to Mr. Carroll & family. Your loving son, — John
Letter 5
To all whom it may concern. JR & RJ Bestor, privates in Capt. Clarke’s Co. B. Md. Gds. 21st Va. Regt., were enlisted in Richmond on 24 May ’61 to serve for a period of 12 mos. We are twins, 5 ft. 8½ in. high, dark complection, eyes, & hair. The said R. J. Bestor & J. R. Bestor give the following reasons for asking. Our mother has come from Md. into Va. & is very anxious to see us. She is at Seven Fountains & has been very ill ever since she has been here—about six weeks. I would respectfully say that Gen. Lee wrote to her saying he would give us a furlough with pleasure [illegible]… She has with her some winter clothes for us, & as we are almost without clothes, she will give us a full supply for the winter. We respectfully ask leave of absence for 3 weeks.
Furlough pass
J. R. & R. J. Bestor, privates in Capt,. Clarke’s company, Co. B, Maryland Guards, 21st Regiment Virginia Vols., were enlisted in Richmond on 24th May 1861 to serve for a period of one year. We are twins, 5 ft, 9 inches high, dark eyes, complexion & hair & 20 years of age. We were born in Baltimore & are by profession Civil & Military Engineers & Surveyors.
We give the following reasons for asking a leave of absence.
R. J. Bestor is suffering from hereditary sore throat which disqualifies him from duty & our mother wishes to take us to Staunton & get us sufficient clothing to last the winter. This she is anxious to do before going back to Maryland as she is unable to get here what she requires.
We respectfully ask leave of absence for six days.
J. Lyls Clarke, Capt. Co. B, 21st Regiment Va. Vols.
Letter 6
Camp N. West Army Northwest Va. Pocahontas Co. Feb. 21st, 1864
Dear Father,
I rec’d your letters of Sept. 1, 14, 15, 16, Oct. 23rd. I and brother are enjoying the most vigorous health. I am preparing a long letter in answer to your last. I have many things to tell you, but as this will reach you by “flag of truce,” I am not permitted to speak—only of family or private affairs.
I have not been to Richmond since Feb. ’63, and J[ohn] since August ’63. Have not seen M—-. I do not owe a dollar in the world. I will attend to everything you mentioned in last. Have not seen G’s for 12 mos. I know their characters and notice them no longer. Send me some U.S. Stamps as they are required to put on letters going North.
Answer immediately by “flag of Truce.” Direct Care of R. A. Tompkins, Richmond, Va. Good bye. Love to all. Affectionately, — Rollin
Letter 7
Huntersville Feby 23rd/64
Dear Ma & Pa & Doctor,
Rollin has written you a long & worthless scrawl in which he acknowledged the receipt of some of the “hundred” letters you had written. He has related our circumstances at present, but I must explain some portions of his letter. With regard to the bundles at Martinsburg, I remember you told me something about them & I would have attended to it before but had forgotten it, having lost my Memo. book in running the “block” last May. Tuller wrote us distinctly that he had paid both Mrs. Rowles & $10 for Miss Burke.
We rec’d a letter a short time ago (and one today from Dr. Carroll saying he had written to Geo. Norfolk giving the sad news of dear Mrs. Brown’s death. George is well, but unfortunately I have not seen him since I came back. Dr. Carroll carries on a tolerably good correspondence with him & keeps me posted with regard to him. This I take pleasure in doing, since I like George very much on his own account, but more on account of his two pretty sisters, from both of which, having received at least 10,000 kisses, it would be ungrateful in me not to keep posted about him for their sakes.
Maj. Harry Gilmor of Baltimore, commanded his own 200-men unit called “Gilmor’s Raiders” (The Horse Soldier)
With regard the Gilmor’s, I only saw Harry about 5 minutes the night I arrived in Richmond from Baltimore. I have never seen him since or his brothers at all. With regard to the stolen $1500. it was not Harry but Howard Gilmor who died the 2nd year of the war in Harrisonburg, Va. Dick & Grahame are still following their wild courses & heaping disgrace on their family & Harry often weeps about it. If he was disgraced before the war by his wild course, he has fully redeemed it since by his gallantry & noble exploits, one of which I enclose. Harry, who is now a Major, is determined to become honorable & go to Baltimore with untarnished name & God help him in his noble work of redeeming his character. This is no excuse for Harry, as he needs none & as he stands high in the estimation of all who know him in the Confederacy, & while I will always treat Harry kindly, I will always avoid his brothers & I will be on no terms of intimacy with him since Pa desires it. But his character is redeemed by his noble exploits, which are numberless & follow fast upon each other, & mark my words, no Marylander will be rec’d in Baltimore or will deserve to be rec’d there with such honors as the reformed gambler &c. Maj. Harry Gilmor. 1
Look at Gen’1 Jno. H[unt] Morgan before the war. He was a common gambler & horse racer about on a par in society with William McDonald of Baltimore. 2 No character. No nothing. Look what his patriotism has done for him. Respected & honored by the whole Confederacy. He has married a young lady (Miss Ready), whose family would not have wiped their shoes on the gambler Mr. Morgan. Cannot Harry do the same since he has reformed & more so, since he is a Gilmor? Almost every paper isued in the Valley has daily some exploit of “the Gallant Harry Gilmor.”
With regard to Jake Brown, I don’t know him & don’t want to know him.
We continue to receive letters from Tuller, but I must say Bob Tompkins is a horrid correspondent. Dr. Carroll—whom we really like—writes about once a month & his letters are always filled with protestations of regard & friendship. Mrs. Carroll has changed her opinion of us & is convinced that C. Pearson only lied to her & begs us to forget her unfriendly thoughts &c. I must still affirm that I like Dr. Carroll very much. He is in delicate health yet & met with an unfortunate accident sometime ago from which he has entirely recovered. He was run over by his own buggy, one wheel passing over his neck & I believe injuring his arm. I am inclined to think he was “tightly slight,” though he don’t say so. I intend to write all the news & also to George Norfolk soon as I can get his address. I know where he is but would like a certain address from him that my letters may reach him.
You have never in any letters let me know where Charles Pearson is. Has he come South or is he still in Baltimore? Let me know certain whether he is north or south of Mason-Dixon line. Everything is very high in the Confederacy & one dollar in gold is worth $20 in Confederate money.
2 William (“Billy”) McDonald was a famous “sporting man, high roller, and enthusiastic horseman of Baltimore in the 1850s. He inherited a staggering fortune in 1850 from his father, Lt. Col. William McDonald (a wealthy merchant and War of 1812 militia leader). Rather than maintaining the family business, Billy became a legendary bon vivant who rapidly blew through his inheritance on a lavish lifestyle, high-stakes sports gambling, and horse racing. Because of his strong Southern sympathies, federal authorities targeted him, seized his properties, and threw him briefly into the prison at Fort McHenry.