The following letter was written by Sgt. Horatio Cornell of Co. H, 3rd Delaware Infantry. It describes the actions of his regiment during the Second Battle of Weldon Railroad (otherwise known as “Yellow Tavern” or “Blick’s Station). In this engagement, the 5th Corps was attacked on 19 August 1864 by five infantry brigades under Maj. Gen. William Mahone, rolling up the Union right. The next day, after being reinforced, the Union counterattack by Major Gen. G. K. Warren, regained the ground lost. In the third day’s action, neither side gained any advantage and the Confederates were forced to withdraw with the result that the Weldon Railroad—a supply line for the beleaguered city of Petersburg was cut off.
In his letter, Hiram mentions that his comrade and tent mate in Co. H, Sgt. John Shilling, captured a battle flag during the action on 21 August 1864 in the battle of Weldon Railroad. He was later awarded the Medal of Honor for this achievement. Shilling (1832-1884), a native of England, resided in Felton, Kent county, Delaware, at the time of his enlistment.
Horatio mustered into the 3rd Delaware Infantry, Co. H, on 17 May 1862 as a sergeant and was present for duty throughout his service, reenlisting as a Veteran in March 1864. He mustered out of the service on 3 June 1865 at Arlington Heights, Virginia. He wrote the letter to his uncle, George B. Titus (1822-1908), a farmer living in Lewisville, Chester county, Pennsylvania.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Weldon Railroad August 28th 1864
Dear Uncle,
I received your letter some two weeks ago but have not had time to answer your letter before this for we have been marching and fighting ever since—hardly any sleep or time to eat a peaceful meal, I am nearly worn out. I am so weak that I can scarcely travel at all but am getting a little stronger than I have been as the Rebels appear to have got enough of attacking us. The Rebels made three attacks on the 5th Corps on Friday and Saturday and Sunday week. We—our Brigade [2nd Brigade, 4th Division, V Corps]—slaughtered them on this day week that they have not tried our Corps since. We piled them up. I was on the skirmish line and they attacked us about daylight and we fought them about five hours but during Saturday night, our Brigade fell back and took up a position on the left flank and they left the skirmish line without higher support. And when we had fought until every man was tired and we was ordered to fall back, we had to run about half a mile through a terrible shower of shot and shell—the most terrific that I have experienced since I have been down here.
An AI-generated watercolor of a post war image of John Shilling who served in Co. H, 3rd Delaware Infantry.
While we was on the skirmish line fighting, the Rebels made a break on the left flank on the Brigade behind works. The Brigade slaughtered them badly. Our regiment captured two [battle] flags. Shilling captured one of them. Our company has to mourn over the loss of four men. Sgt. [James E.] Trazzard, one of our men, was missing in the fore part of the fight. 1 The Rebels must have lost at leave five to our one.
This day week I am told by one of the men that our men picked up two thousand stand of arms in front of our skirmish line since the Rebels had evacuated it. There is heavy firing on the right of the line this morning. I suppose that the Rebels are trying to break our lines as they have failed to drive us from the Weldon [Rail] Road.
I suppose that you are picking peaches now and enjoying yourself. I wish you could see us down here. I do not wish you was a soldier—especially if you seen as hard times as we do. I lost everything on Sunday’s fight. I have thing but half of a [tent] shelter, no blanket or nothing to cover myself at night except as Shilling shares at night with me.
Saturday week we fought in entrenchments half knee’s deep in water.
I will bring my letter to a close by sending my love to you all. Write soon. From your nephew, — H. Cornell
[to] George B. Titus
1 Sgt. James E. Trazzard (1832-1864) was from Kent county, Delaware. He was captured near Petersburg, Virginia on August 19, 1864. Sent to be confined in Richmond, Virginia on August 22, 1864. He was later transferred to Salisbury, North Carolina on October 9, 1864. He died there on 6 December 1864.
The following letters were written by Maj. Henry Ewing (1840–1873), the son of Orville Ewing (1806-1876) and Milbrey Horn Williams (1815-1864) of Nashville, Tennessee. Henry served as an Assistant Adjutant-General on the staff of Confederate Brigadier General John S. Marmaduke during the American Civil War, specifically within the Trans-Mississippi Department in Arkansas and Missouri. He was associated with the Missouri Cavalry in Marmaduke’s Division and participated in campaigns in the region.
Henry Ewing was Assistant Adjutant-General for Brigadier General J. S. Marmaduke during the American Civil War. “At the time of the secession crisis Henry was a student at the University of Virginia and a member of one of the student-organized military companies at the university. As a member of the “Southern Guard” Henry participated in the seizure of the arsenal at Harpers Ferry on 18 April 1861. On 14 June 1861 Henry enlisted in the 20th Tennessee and applied for a commission. Receiving a commission in the State Militia he served as General Felix K. Zollicoffer’s aide. Eventually, Richmond also issued a commission to Henry. Before the war was over, Ewing participated in several battles including Shiloh, and served with Marmaduke’s cavalry and with Sterling Price in his raid in Missouri, September-October 1864. Following the war, Ewing eventually settled in St. Louis and published the Sr. Louts Times. He died 13 June 1873.” Source: “The Tennessee Cavalier in the Missouri Calvary” by William J. Crowley, 1978.
A post war image ofEmily (“Emma”) Weaver
Henry addressed his letters to Miss Emma Weaver of Batesville, Arkansas. There is a comprehensive biographic sketch of Emily Weaver (1847-1917) on the Encyclopedia of Arkansas which informs us that she was charged by Union authorities as a Confederate spy in 1864 and sentenced to be hung though her case was eventually dropped for insufficient evidence. She was born to Abram and Mary (Burton) Weaver of Chester Valley, Pennsylvania but came with her mother and six of seven brothers to Batesville in 1859; her father intending to finalize is business affairs in Pennsylvania and set up a new business in Memphis, Tennessee. When family plans were disrupted by the Civil War, Emily’s father joined the Union army while three of her older brothers joined the Confederacy. It was in Batesville that Emma befriended Gen. Marmaduke and members of his staff, including Henry Ewing with whom she must have carried on an extensive correspondence. They referred to each other as “cousins,” though they were only cousins via Henry’s marriage to Emma Patrick Burton Burr (1845-1932) of Batesville. Emma was the daughter of Batesville merchant, Edwin T. Burr and was enumerated in the 1850 Census as a five year old daughter. Family lore says she married Major Henry Ewing in a romantic wedding at Engleside (the Burr family plantation home on the White River), Batesville, Arkansas on June 2, 1863. Henry’s first letter was written on 29 May 1863—just days before the couple’s wedding. The other three letters were written later in the summer of 1863.
Batesville, Arkansas, during the Civil War.
Letter 1
Addressed to Miss Emma Weaver, Batesville, Arkansas
Headquarters &c. Jacksonport [Arkansas] 1 May 29, 1863
I’d like to know what right you’ve got to injure my character by calling me “Coz.” Ah, I see. You think I’ve been coz–ened and as you have been, you therefore prefix the “Dear” on sympathy—but I’ve got through your threat to him, a “leave” from “Uncle John” and I won’t have a paper fight with you now, but report in person in Batesville on Monday morning where you will (I hope you know I’m a “fightin” character) get your packsaddles ready. I regret to say to so literary a character as yourself that, except the writings of Moses—also Shakespeare, I have none other now. I can refer you only back to yourself and ask you to read that little volume bound—not in calf—and I’m sure from my experience you’ll find the book a very readable effort—an easily read one.
Gen. John S. Marmaduke
Now as to that wisdom which you have “laying loose” about you—I’ve felt a want of it a long while but then I hoped one day, you know, to be nearer you than now, and then I could profit by it. But I hope yet to set at the feet of your long [ ] and learn wisdom without having these Jones’s Redds, 2 &c. to trouble me. But you are making “Em” jealous, you say, and even she tells me “Now you musn’t write her ten pages” so I’ll be sensible for once & not bore you with a “ten Page” letter. I can’t stop though now because I wish to assure you that your entreaties have so prevailed on me that I do intend coming up soon & settling “this matter”—especially as “Old Marmaduke” says “it’s all right.” Unless the devil is to play elsewhere, he’ll be up too & other “purty” staff of his. He says [ ] letter burns him you threaten & when he said this, he rolled his eyes in very cannibal like style. What tale now have you been telling, Miss Em, on me about my “converse” with you at the cave? I tell you, you will make trouble with me yet & I will have a broomstick broken over my head. I beg you to keep silent. T’won’t do now. After the supposition becomes fact, it will be all right, you know.
The General & staff beg to return to you their profound thanks and obligation to you. They are better this morning, and those “inquiring friends” say they already know enough on [ ] don’t wish to inquire further. But you must settle your difficulties with them & with thanks for your note—with tears in my right eye—with a very bad pen in my hand, & but very little hair on the top of my head, I remain your “Dear Coz.”
— Henry Ewing
To Col. Weaver, Commanding Batesville &c.
1 At various times Jacksonport, Jackson county, Arkansas, was headquarters for such noted military leaders as Frederick Steele, Earl Van Dorn, John S. Marmaduke, Dandridge McRae and Jo Shelby.Jacksonport is approximately 20 miles from Batesville.
2Could this be slang for hemorrhoids?
Letter 2
[Editor’s Note: This letter was penned just one week after the Battle of Helena. During that assault on the Union garrison, Marmaduke commanded a cavalry division tasked with attacking the Union-held Battery A from the north. Marmaduke’s attack, part of a failed, disjointed three-pronged assault, was inefficiently supported by Brigadier General Marsh Walker, leading to personal animosity. This rivalry continued after the battle, leading to a duel near Little Rock on September 6, 1863, in which Marmaduke killed Walker.]
Headquarters Jacksonport [Arkansas] July 12 1863
My dear little cousin,
My feelings partake of the gloominess of the day and my mind is wearied with anxiety as to passing important events, and—to add to all this—with little to do in my office and a host of deadheads who could act in my place, I can’t get to Batesville. Altogether, I’m in a bad humor. I’ve got the blues. Can’t you, my dear little Coz, say something to cheer me? “They say” you’re a well filled head and I know you’re a big heart. If Vicksburg has fallen as all rumors go to prove, why “the deuce is to pay with our ducks” literally and metaphorically speaking. But then there’s glorious Old Lee who has defeated them terribly in Pennsylvania, taking 40,000 prisoners (so every account says) and sturdy Magruder has been “making much mischief” with them around & perhaps in New Orleans. Why should one feel sad patriotically? No reason. Then I must resolve my blues into a want of good weather and “baby talk.” Andy will say the weather is no excuse of course—so there you see my blues which started off on patriotic philosophic and affectionate principles are resolved down to be caused merely to a necessity to have my ears flattened by “baby talk” from—who? But what do I care if the world does know than I am exceedingly anxious to see Em. I’ll be hanged if I don’t send a special courier after her. If the General [Marmaduke] don’t in a few days, in the mildest, blandest tone imaginable say, “Well Ewing, I reckon you can go up and stay a few days provided you don’t injure my character there.” Wonder if I was to send [for her], if she (the little “Margarite” in prode) would come. “I can call spirits from the vasty deep.” “Ah, but says she [ ], will they come.”
To sum my feelings up almost in a word, I expect I could be “written down” not an ass exactly, but “a spooney” to use a slang phrase. But why should I fret. I doubt not she’s a hundred percent better off now that she’s used to being absent from “Harry” than if I were there. How selfish love is—isn’t it? Just wait until you are so foolish as to fall in love with (what am I saying—as if you were not already in love and that too perhaps with the horrid name of Jones.– ugh!!) or rather to get married and you can experience these blues a little yourself.
Col. Jo Shelby, a “gutsy” warrior, was wounded in the Battle of Helena.
I expect ere this, you have heard of the battle at Helena and to tell it o’er were to make it stale. [You probably] heard of the death of the gallant, noble Smith and Col. [Jo] Shelby’s chivalrous bravery 1 & the sufferings of others. I’ll not speak more more of it—it is a sad, tearful picture. What are you giving, Em, a chance to act “le grande fight” for, coupling death & my letters together. The Yankees wouldn’t shoot such a blunderbuss as I and therefore, she need never fear.
I have just received your kind letter by Carlisle. The soldier, even if he has a wife dearer than all else, cannot fail to appreciate the kind feelings expressed in your letter. It makes me proud of myself that I am esteemed worthy (however unworthy I am) of such love and anxiety. Be assured it is not lost—that I have a heart which does not quickly love the impression made & that little cousin Em is ever dearly remembered. I’m sure I’m not to blame for Em’s not knowing of my safety. If I haven’t written 20 letters since leaving, I hain’t written one. I speak figuratively. So many did I write it drew the attention of [Gen.] Price’s staff to my frequency in writing epistles and the General thinks I am the most ridiculously in love man he ever saw. Says he protests against my using government paper and wishes I hadn’t gotten married—ain’t half as good as Asst. Adjutant as I was because I do nothing but write & sit wishing I was back home. This of course is a way he has of coloring a picture you know. He’s great at embellishing. Ain’t it a pity he didn’t get shot a little in order that his staff might be in Batesville, for he’d be certain to go to Batesville. He certainly deserved a wound for exposing himself so unnecessarily. 2
With your letters Eddie Burr came also. I was very anxious to see him. He don’t look much like Em but I recognized him immediately & spoke to him before reading Em’s letter of introduction.
I must close. I haven’t written Em yet & she’ll think the deuce is to pay if she don’t hear from me. I will write again in a few days or present myself “in propria persona.” Remember me to Aunt Mary & Burt, and believe me your most affectionate cousin, — Harry
1 Col. Jo Shelby earned fame in the attack on Helena for his “audacious” and gallant leadership. He was wounded during the battle and credited with saving his battery.
2General Sterling Price had a reputation for always being active in the front lines with his men. He did not command from behind and while his heroism was never questioned, it sometimes led to poor coordination between cooperating commands. It was Price who led the attack on Battery C (Graveyard Hill) and, after it was captured, stayed with his troops under intense artillery fire from Union batteries and the Union gunboat Tyler.
Letter 3
Headquarters Marmaduke’s Division Near Jacksonport [Arkansas] August 4, 1863
My dear little coz.,
Your note of yesterday by Dobbins and letter of today before by [ ] came to hand yesterday evening. Why—why, don’t you come by and present yourself, which is worth a dozen letters. But I am blaming you for something which really my reason tells me you did right in. But indeed, I would like so much to see you. Where did you find my letter to “Dear Sally?” I have been looking for months, afraid that Em would find it and pull my whisker for ever having loved anybody else than her and that she too would feel “jealous” about my keeping “them angals” in “Old Macnany [?]” You have done me a favor. I shall return it whenever I can. Now you mark me if I don’t find one of your letters to Jones soon and be kind enough to read it to you. And your own letter—so like you—cheerful and happy. It is almost a welcome as one from “Queenie.” If I can see Adam, I will deliver your message. I am kept so close in my office as our command is so far separated that I am never seen of delivering a message given me.
I think your conclusion about staying at home even in case the Federals occupy the country for most sensible. If they do remain for a long while, I shall send Em back but not as you think in a “few weeks.” I want her to stay until matters become quiet and the problem is solved. Of what disposition the Federals, after they obtain possession, intends making of things—whether Arkansas is to become a second Missouri—I know her little heart will break down in its resolution, but when it does, there is time enough for her to return. I think too & thought before getting her to go of what you say—her great anxiety in case I were wounded, which is probable at all times. Your case, I think, entirely different, and yet I know what it is to bear the “taunt of gallency tongue.” If you go to Little Rock, you most likely will have to leave them and at any rate, you will have to leave your mother who will be left by herself and in no way can I see that it is a proper course to take to leave home unless the occupation of the Federals is perpetual. You can stay at home in quiet—what you really need very much—reading and planning, perhaps to do many kindnesses for prisoners. You can, as it were, domesticate yourself. Indeed, my dear little coz, I think your going out now would go far towards making you as [ ] as a ship without a helm. This “helm” is and will be given you by quiet. You, as yet, have your thoughts & objects in life “all in a mix” and you would more greatly mix them by leaving? We cannot long be beat down but like Laurence’s serpent, we may be struck, but we bite in return and it will be more deadly. 1
I admire your courage. I love a woman or man who shows such character and I despise the weak hearted who whines, “We can’t whip ’em.” “Once more to the breach, dear friends, once more!” is my motto forever. God has smiled on us even while chastening us. What is liberty if not purchased with sacrifices with blood? Liberty before everything. It is a solemn duty. It is a principle invested in us by God Himself and it is only the sniveler who gainsays it.
I heard from Em, my little d____q___ yesterday. She dated her letter July 31st at Adam’s, 21 miles from Little Rock. Said she was very well but tired. Didn’t know how long she would remain as Little Rock, of course, is a little low spirited. Says everybody she meets is cursing Marmaduke—poor fellow. I learn from several meeting her that she has got to Little Rock the next day—Saturday August 1st.
If possible, I will be down to see you. Hope to go with the General some evening but my dear little Coz, don’t think hard if I don’t. I have been away very much you know lately and the others have not so I will have to play housekeep awhile. I send you a book to read. Perhaps it will interest you. I know you will have a gay time. Tell cousin Laura I received her note, delivered her letter after “dueling” the General awhile by keeping it. I would rather answer her letter to him than hers to me. Oh what an amount of rascality is in that correspondence. She writes to me like a preacher; to the General like—what? Give her my love and say that I will send her all the papers I can get my hands on. Tell Mr. Cox to send me the money for the two pounds of butter she eat. It’s scarce.
Cousin, don’t dream of & fill your [ ] with possibilities. They will make you unhappy. Drown these thoughts out. Goodbye. God bless you. Believe me your affectionate cousin, — Harry
I send this by a handsome man and better proxy than myself. If Mr. Cox wants something to smoke, we have some fine cigars.
1 This allegorical reference remains an enigma. I could not find any reference to it in period literature yet, ironically, decades later, D. H. Lawrence’s wrote a poem called “Snake,” in which the allegory of the serpent being “struck down but biting” was the subject. It represents the conflict between innate, natural impulses and the destructive influence of societal conditioning, or “voices of education.”
Letter 4
Headquarters &c. Des Arc [Arkansas] August 18, 1863
My dear little “Coz,”
Capt. Hooper formerly of Col. Greene’s staff, returns to Jacksonport tomorrow and if Col. Greene is still in Batesville, will also go there. If not, he promises to send this to you. It may be my last chance to write you & notwithstanding my intense laziness, I cannot resist writing it if it “just a little.”
After leaving you at Simpson’s, I hope you pardoned my impoliteness in leaving you alone. [Major Charles Cicero] Rainwater 1 and myself, as Newton would say, “rushed frantically” to Searcy. We thought we could make it by dark but Rainwater’s horse was very much tired and we had to halt an hour to let a terrific rainstorm pass, and ride out with it until about nine. I feared that Em, getting tired of waiting, had perhaps gone on and when within three or four miles of town and hurriedly on went to one hotel, I was then informed she was at one below. There she was in truth and really cousin, I was afraid to go in except stealthily for fear that she would make a scene. As it was, though General [Marmaduke] had told her I would be there early in the evening, the little thing had been beset with the fidgets all the evening, running to the window & looking out of the door and was listening for me. Although I came in quietly, she happened to be coming out in the hall, I suppose, to ascertain the cause of the noise when she met me. Of course there was a scream and “Why Harry!” and I was again happy. She then remained with me until the second day after (Judge F, only then being ready). You may judge that neither lost any time in gadding about. The time came too soon for her to leave and again she was off, sobbing like her heart would break to the [Little] Rock. She rather thought she had done wrong in returning but know as well as I did that even when I disposed to scold her before, I would forget it in her presence. What plans and ideas are swept away by the masses of her presence. After riding along or sitting, I think of something to change or improve in her nature—something to wile her mind interactively . But when I meet her, it is forgotten in the ecstasy of her presence.
Oh! little Coz, she is indeed with all her faults worthy the deepest love of any and often comparing my more phlegmatic nature with hers, I fear I am not capable of a love deep enough to requite hers. Well, well, the subject always runs away with me.
I handed your bundle to Uncle John. He opened, read the note but could not make it out. Asked me from whence it came. Pretended to be ignorant, I suppose, but you may be sure he was very grateful for the opportune present (and I was too for he’s always using mine). I let him know who lost them. I sent your letter forward.
Speaking of letters, Em had written you already when her letter went to Mrs. [Laura A. Erwin] Cox but by some mistake the letter was never mailed. Now didn’t I tell you so! I told her of it. She intends writing you by first opportunity. Mrs. Cox and [General] Price had the devil of a time getting [ ] from the Glaizo. They were lost near Red River and stuck in the mud. Price had to push the buggy out while Mrs. Cox led the horse—the mud 6 inches deep. You can well imagine how much fun Mrs. Cox had out of Price. She was in great spirits while in Searcy. Was there during the gunboat excitement but packing up ready to leave. Did not get off until next day when the General sent Carlyle along with her. She will be great company for Em while they are together in Little Rock. Rare talks they will have. While here, she got a letter from [her husband] Maj. [Thomas] Cox in which I believe she said he would shortly be in Little Rock. 2
My dear little cousin, how dearly I would like to find my table with you tonight. I know not why it is, but I have tire of talking some to others, “mums the word entirely.” Are you adopting any of my well meant but I fear stupid antics. Would I might see you occasionally to cheer you up. But the war is not eternal, I hope, and “we will meet again.” I write on time. Forgive my brevity. Remember me kindly to Aunt Mary and Mrs. Kinnard & for fear I won’t again have opportunity to write to all at Mr. B’s and to “Auntie” dearly and now you won’t forget ne? Will you? Please don’t. It would hurt me, and believe me, my dear little cousin, I will often be carried back in memory and my heart will yearn to see you & see you help to make your happy. Goodbye. God bless you, — your cousin & friend, — Harry
The enemy are crossing the river—White—below Clarendon. We will have a big fight above Little Rock unless they make a rear movement by way of Pine Bluff. Shelby’s Brigade has been ordered I suppose temporarily to support Gen. Walker. It creates great dissatisfaction in the Brigade.
1 Major Charles Cicero Rainwater (b. 1838) was appointed ordnance officer on the staff of Gen. John S. Marmaduke in 1863.
2Lilburn “Thomas” Cox (1829-1871) was born in Indiana but came to Springfield, Missouri, in the fall of 1836. He served in the Missouri Militia during the Mexican War and later became a protege of Gen. Sterling Price. In 1858, Cox relocated to Batesville and married in 1842 to Elizabeth Hayden. He was a school teacher in Batesville and attempted to establish a law practice. Before the Civil War, Thomas purchased the Batesville mansion built by his father-in-law and hosted many dignitaries. During the war, the house was occupied at times by Gen. John S. Marmaduke. In January 1869, Thomas remarried to Laura A. Erwin (b. 1836). In 1860 he owned 2,650 acres of land in Independence county. A Quaker, Thomas owned only one slave in 1860. After Thomas’s death in 1871, Laura A. Erwin Cox was remarried July 2, 1874 to Dr. David Ewing, believed to be the former husband of Em Ewing mentioned in her letter reproduced above.
The “Independence Chronicle” printed a letter written by Laura A. Erwin Cox to her husband dated September 14, 1863. In an edition printed in October 1963 the newspaper expressed appreciation to Miss Elenor Gray of Batesville who was a grand-niece of Laura A. Erwin Cox. The newspaper terms the letter one of the most graphic accounts of the Battle of Little Rock and the retreat of the Confederate army. The writer of the letter was in Little Rock when the evacuation began and accompanied the soldiers at least as far as Arkadelphia, Arkansas. It is believed that she had left the Cox home in Batesville when northern Arkansas fell into Union hands. The letter reads:
September 13, 1863
My Dear Tom,
Here I am, right side up with care, but quite a wonder considering what I have gone through with in the last 5 days. You will have heard of the evacuation of Little Rock by our troops, that the enemy now holds our Capitol, etc. This was done on the 10th. I closed a long letter to you on the morning of the 10th, and at that time it was thought we could hold the place, but a few hours soon told a different tale. The enemy advanced below town, crossed in force, but did not come up on our fortifications as was expected by Gen. Price, but shunned them as all sensible people would do when they could effect their aim without it.
Gen. Price estimated their strength at 30,000 some more (cavalry infantry under [Gen.] Steele, Davidson, Curtis). On the morning of the 10th it was found that they were crossing some 4 to 6 miles below the Rock. Marmaduke’s Cavalry was immediately crossed on this side, sent down to keep them in check til the infantry could come over, which they did immediately commenced the retreat, which was about 10 o’clock. The cavalry was fighting all the time in the most daring and gallant manner ever witnessed. They, thinking all the time that the infantry was to support them, gave a general fight which every man was anxious for. There was no infantry engaged—only the entire cavalry force (including Newton’s & Dobbins’ regiments which were under Marmaduke also). The artillery was partly engaged. Pratt’s Battery did good work, also Woodruff’s, which was made up of volunteers.
At 1 o’clock it was generally known that a general retreat was ordered. The cavalry stood up to the last minute disputing every inch as they fell back. Never did men fight better, never more hurt at the giving up a place, for they felt it would be a long retreat. The men all would have felt better satisfied if they would have given them a trial. Many blame Gen. Price— think the force not so great, but it is bound to be large. They move with entire confidence. I suppose Gen. Price knows best, but it does look like it was rather badly managed. Had his fortifications been extended down the river and up–instead of putting the entire works in front of the town, the time might have been prolonged, if not successful entirely. I will not criticize ‘Old Pap’s’ generalship for he has plenty of that. He may be all right in his notions. The retreat did not take him by surprise for to my certain knowledge there has been more arrangements to evacuate the place than to hold it.
It’s all gone up now—all North Arkansas. Where their lines will be in four weeks, no one knows. I left at 4:30 that evening, came out with brother as our cavalry retreated. When I left Dr. K., our cavalry was in line across the lower end of town below the P. O. fighting. I helped Dr. K. bind up some of our wounded. You have no idea what a cram there was. Marmaduke through Price was influenced by some of the citizens not to fight so close to town, and he was very much enraged. He sent me and Em Ewing to get out of town. Mrs. Peyton and a few others said he was going to raise H— before he left Town. He fought them all the way through the town, but lost only a few men. He killed a Federal with his pistol in the street by Dr. Peyton’s near the middle of the town. He acted in a reckless manner all day. His men all followed him. They captured three pieces of artillery and brought them off. The men were dismounted—all save the General and his Escort when they charged the Battery. The General told them the first man that lagged or faltered, he would shoot them down. They killed 3 men off of the Battery after they took it. They would not give up. It was their intention to destroy the main portion of the Town & would have done it, but were hurried too much. There is not much love for Little Rock in the soldiers.
We followed the trains and infantry on, traveling all in a cram, the cavalry fighting in the rear. We all stopped about 3 o’clock in the night and took a rest until daylight. I slept under a tree with brother Bill and slept as sound as if I were a thousand miles from the enemy. Daylight found us all on the stir, the enemy were crowing the rear, the cavalry still fighting them. Brother and I came on, stopped about 12 and got dinner—the first eating done for several meals. We managed to get to stay in a house the next night. The [wagon] trains, passing all night, put us behind again. The Feds followed on to Benton in Saline County where Marmaduke gave them a little fight and repulsed their cavalry force that had been following them. They were soon reinforced by their infantry, and Marmaduke had to fall back. The infantry of Gen. Price was halted at Salmi River & a portion of the train. If the force had not been too large they could have fought them there, but owing to their attempting to flank our forces, they had to go to Rock Port 35 miles from here where we left them yesterday morning.
We got here to cousin Ann McFadden’s last night, tired and hungry, for something to eat had played out on the road from Little Rock here. I brought George and Fanny [horses] with me. I have given you a faint idea of the retreat & hope soon to be able to give you a more minute description by word of mouth. This is my first big retreat and I hope my last for, I assure you, it was not pleasant. The dust was so thick for your life you could not see a man five steps from you. I passed more broken down wagons, buggies, etc than you could imagine could be in same distance. I saw everybody but you on the retreat.
Mrs. Hull was along, seemed cheerful as a bird–could not tell whether she was white or black hardly. Col. Hull is in Missouri. I left Dr. Peyton’s wife 2 miles back of Arkadelphia with a host of ladies (camped). Every house in Arkadelphia and around is full. Poor Em Ewing, I left her just crying to kill nearly, in the streets. Maj. just got to say goodbye as he galloped by, the balls flying after them. Em had no way of coming out. I hated to leave her. Since I have been with Em of late I find her quite a different girl from what Nannie has always represented her to be. She has one of the best husbands except mine. He [Harry Ewing] is a noble fellow. Although Nan says Em has picked up a stranger, she tried to pick him up and failed as she has in a few other cases.
Dr. Kirkwood went down the morning of the fight and tendered his services as a Sergeant or as a man for the ranks. He thought he would be successful that morning. John Kirkwood was a volunteer gunner of Maj. Woodruff’s Battery and will make a good soldier, but Dr. tried to keep him out as long as possible. Dr. was very uneasy when he found we were going to evacuate the place. The people accused the Dr. then of being Fed, but I don’t think he would wish us anything but success, but his confidence in our cause is light. He really wishes it different, but can’t feel it will be & speaks it out while others think as he does and say nothing. But he will play his hand as to get along with them, I know. He wanted me to stay, but really I felt as if I could not stand to hear them exulting over their success.
And to be there and not hear a word from you–I could not think of it. Yet it looks just now like to keep out of the war lines will be next to impossible. Whether our army will make a stand here or not I can’t tell, but I think if the enemy still come on, they will fall back as far as Washington where they are sending all the Government stores now. Gen. Cabel’s Command got to Arkadelphia yesterday. Gen. Price & Staff got there this morning. I have just learned that it is thought the enemy will not move on here immediately. They could put this outfit through rapidly if they were to push them now for they need rest, and they are somewhat demoralized. Quite a number deserted on the retreat, mostly Arkansas men, Reg. and the infantry. The Negroes dropped off by the dozens the first night we left Little Rock.
I do hope the Feds will put the last white man that sneaked in home in the ranks & pray they may all be killed the first battle. Many of the desertions are not aiming to quit the service, but are opposed to being sent so far from home. It looks like we are losing ground here, but I hope things will change. Tis a long lane that has no turn to it. The Rebels are having a hard time. There is said to be 2,000 cavalry from the Missisippi River to be at Arkadelphia tomorrow. The militia is all encamped at town and all the old men have volunteered for 12 months in this county. Uncle James Wilson is orderly Sergeant of A Company & left this morning for Camp. McFadden is also out in a Pioneer company. The entire country is deserted by the men around here, but they are too late going out I fear. The Federals now have the best part of the State. I would not give North Arkansas for 50 times the extent of this country. From here to Little Rock there is not enough corn to feed a regiment of cavalry for three months, and the people are living on half rations—Little Rock not excepted. I positively nearly starved since I left home for something I was used to eating.
How often I have thought of the poor soldiers & as I came along the road, I was reminded of the hardships my poor brothers have undergone while on those marches east of the Mississippi River. I shall feel more for the poor soldiers now than ever. One poor fellow I saw dying by the roadside. How much I wanted to get out and do something for him. I asked Col. Newton’s wagonmaster to see to him, but he was hurried so I doubt but that he was left to die alone and maybe unburied.
I find this whole country filled with sick. The Citizens–McFaddens all sick and their neighbors. I hope I will not get sick. I had my spell in Little Rock, had only been up 4 days when I left. I feel quite well now since I got enough to eat again. This country does not look like it did when I was here before. I feel a lonesome or blue spell coming on me. It is so quiet here still I have been in such a crowd for so long, I know I will be lonesome here. Lou Ross heard I was here last night, and she came calling on me this morning has just [illegible] Lou was very glad to see me. She is about all of my old friends left around here that is not married 2, 3 children. Lou wanted to know where mine were. I told her I hung them up in my wardrobe before I left home.
Brother Bill has gone down to Aunt Rutha’s, three miles from here. He will go to his command in the morning. I am half crazy to hear from you. If you wrote me at Little Rock I have never gotten a letter since you got my letter written you at Little Rock. I was there 4 weeks, and during that time I wrote you from 3 to 4 times a week. I hope you got them. I suppose Capt. Price will find your letters to me in the mail destined for Little Rock which will be opened at Arkadelphia now. He told me he would attend to it for me. He came on yesterday with us, is quite unwell, has been on the decline since the Helena fight. I hope he will get better for he is an excellent young man and a good friend of mine. He has been very kind attentive since I left home.
Col. Shaver came during the skedaddle out of Little Rock to assist me in getting out. He said his ambulance tent and his servant with himself was at my service. He was most the most excited man I saw during the day.
Head, John Smith & about 20 others came after me as they feared I had no way of getting out, knowing I was there. I will never forget such friends for they are true friends. Head is a great soldier. John Smith is highly complimented by the Reg. for his bravery. He makes a good soldier with a Reg. of Henry Smiths who, bye the bye, I hear has gone to Mexico, family and all. I guess ’tis so he would rather go to Africa than fight. I don’t know where Freas is now, but is out of danger, I guess. Can’t hear from up there now. You need not be surprised to hear of me being homesick. I would give a great deal to see Pa, Ma little Matt now, and if I don’t get to see a big six footer down here pretty soon I don’t know what I will do. I’ve not got the patience of Job. It seems an age since I saw you. I hope I will see you soon, but I see but little hope of it now. May paper is out. I must close. Truly yours, — Laura
P. S. I am going to write Mr. Ruse [Ross?] tomorrow. Maybe he can get a letter to you or has heard from you. If our army has to fall back from here, I will go as far as Judge Rose’s if our army can make a stand there I think I’ll go no further unless I get with you. I will keep George [horse] with me as long as I stay within our lines, but in case I have to remain in the enemy’s lines I will leave him with Brother or some Officer for you. Fanny [horse] I will keep with me and take the chances. Truly yours, — Laura
The following letters were written by Felix Thomas Griffin (1838-1905), the son of Richard Callaway Griffin (1798-1849) and Phoebe Yates (1801-1858). Felix was commissioned a Lieutenant in Co. A (“Irvin Guards”), 9th Georgia Infantry, in June 1861, but transferred to Co. C, 11th Battalion Georgia Light Artillery in December 1861. He was elected 1st Lieutenant in January 1862. In the Battle of Crampton’s Gap (South Mountain), Felix and Sergeant John C. Dyson were wounded and Private George D. Bruckner was killed.
Captain John T. Wingfield’s Company C was one of three batteries comprising the artillery battalion led to Gettysburg by Major John Lane, which was attached to the infantry division of Major General Richard H. Anderson of the Third Corps, commanded by Lieutenant General A. P. Hill. Capt. John T. Wingfield, Senior 1st Lieutenant Frank Arnold, Junior 1st Lieutenant Felix T. Griffin, Senior 2nd Lieutenant Joseph W. Barnett. The battalion was usually referred to as Cutts’ Battalion, after Lieutenant Colonel Allen S. Cutts, who missed the campaign due to an undefined “indisposition.” It was officially the 11th Battalion of Georgia Artillery, which was called the “Sumter Battalion,” from Americus, Georgia. However, Company C traced its roots back to Company A of the 9th Georgia infantry – the “Irvin Guards” from Wilkes County, Georgia.
At Gettysburg, Company C was equipped with five pieces – three 3-Inch navy Parrotts, and two heavy 20-pounder Parrotts. During the battle a total of 406 rounds were expended, including 300 rounds of navy Parrott ammunition and 106 rounds of 20-pounder Parrott shell. Approximately 85-90 rounds were fired on July 2 and the remainder on July 3.
After the war, in 1868, Felix married Laura Corintha Strother (1847-1890). Both Felix and Laura were buried in the Old Griffin Cemetery in Thomson which was bordered by Little River and on the property which was once the Griffin Plantation, purchased by Felix’s grandfather, Jeremiah John Griffin (1774-1847). It seems that Jeremiah was a wealthy landowner in McDuffie County when two Englishmen discovered gold near Thurmond Lake in 1823. They couldn’t afford to buy land, so they approached local farmers. Jeremiah bought about 3,000 acres along Little River, essentially establishing a gold mining monopoly. He used slaves to extract gold from the quartz by a chemical process that involved pulverizing the quartz, mixing it with mercury and heating it to 400 degrees. Jeremiah’s claim to fame was the invention of the stamp mill in 1833. Similar in concept to a grist mill for flour, the stamp mill automated much of the process of extracting gold using water power rather than human power. The process is explained in more detail in an article in the Augusta Chronicle of March 30, 2008, headlined “McDuffie County was rich in ore.”
The letters were addressed to Col. Joseph Belknap Smith (1815-1898), the son of Joseph Nicholas Smith (1771-1857) and Polly Emerson (1784-1868) of Strafford county, New Hampshire. Joseph Belknap Smith (1802-1916) was a speculator and one of the founders of the Columbia Mining Company in eastern Georgia, not far from the Savannah river, where gold mining had been going on since the 1820s. By the 1850s, the mining operations required capital and equipment to extract the gold from veins deep in the ground. It also required steady labor for digging, hauling, and washing the ore—a labor that was supplied principally by slaves. The slaves were either owned outright by investors or hired from local slaveholders, of which there were many in the area. For example, Felix Shanks and his brother George owned 50 slaves between them, some of whom may have been hired by Smith seasonally. Smith’s operations at Columbia included a stamp mill and ore-processing machinery, producing as much as $2 million in gold before the Civil War (roughly 4 tons of gold). Records held in the Duke University Archives indicate that he employed about 120 enslaved laborers and processed 10 tons of ore per day.
Letter 1
Addressed to Col. J. B. Smith, Columbia Mine, Columbia County, Georgia
Headquarters Irvin Artillery Near Orange Court House, Virginia April 22nd 1864
Dear Colonel,
I will pen you a few lines to let you know that I am still a live rebel and that you are not forgotten. I am sorry I did not get a chance while at home to have a long sociable chat with you—not that I did not try for I called at your hall twice, but the truth is the Colonel is such a business man not to mention his lady propensities that he is somewhat (or at least I found him so) like the irishman’s flea. However, it is all right, especially if he will take care of the fair damsels in our beloved old section which the cruel fangs of war have so long separated so many of us from. I regretted very much to have to leave them all so soon, both at home and also in South Carolina where I had a good time generally, but these regrets and sad partings from them and other kind friends were somewhat alleviated by thoughts of returning to duty in the field which if left undone, life with all of its former attractions would become a burden to me and them.
Three long years have passed by and yet grim war is still upon us, and in that time we have had bright and as often gloomy prospects. But I have never been without the strongest hopes of our final success, and if I am fortunate to be one of the survivors, then life, I think, will then appear to have only begun afresh and it is a pleasing thought to have the pleasure of again sitting under our own vine and fig tree. I think our prospects were never so bright as at present and we hope that the end is near for the fulfilling of these hopes.
We are concentrating a very large army here and it is believed by many that Grant is the last trump of Old Abe. If we hold the best hand, it is thought the game is out.
The weather is now getting favorable for the campaign to open and the troops seem eager for the work before them. Two of Longstreet’s divisions are here and with other reinforcements, we expect to march to victory. I have no doubt it will be the greatest battle of the war if both of the opposing armies are concentrated. A defeat of the enemy’s plan now would inevitably bring great commotion in the councils if nothing else. And a few more hard blows would, I think, suffice. Now is the time for us to present a bold unbroken front in everything that pertains to our success. Unfortunately, I am afraid some of the demagogues of our own state will by their untimely and uncalled for opposition to the general government, prolong the end. I enclose you some resolutions of our Battalion which without farther writing express my views and I believe them [to be] the almost unanimous sentiment of the Georgia troops.
We are not faring altogether like Queens and Kings and Princes but on 1/4 of a pound of bacon, a plenty of corn meal with genuine coffee enough, also rice, and a sprinkling of sugar and molasses, with an occasional reminder of some other articles that grow in the Confederacy. We are doing finely and are healthy, hearty, robust, and we fancy good looking—if we could only get on a boiled shirt and the other paraphernalia (if you need an interpreter, call up Capt. Murphy).
I go out hunting occasionally and get up something in the shape of a bird pie which is hard to beat. Rabbits are also in great demand and although it is now spring time, we have no contentious scruples about eating them.
Drilling is now one of our daily vocations and target shooting also with the infantry. The artillery also has been practicing some in the rear but we being in the front, have not been granted that privilege.
Colonel, if you see Gabe before he comes out, please tell him to bring my ring you had the kindness t take to Augusta to be mended, if it is still there. But if you have paid for it and it is at home, you need not say anything about [it] except to ask Mr. Woodall for pay for repairing it if he has not done so.
I believe there is nothing else that would interest you. I will be glad if you would fulfill your long promise to write if the ladies don’t require too much of your attention. Nothing else will excuse you—even if that be admissible. Remember me to all friends. My special regards to the fair sex. Yours as ever &c. — F. T. Griffin
Address, Irvin Artillery, Cutts’ Battalion, Army of Northern Virginia
To Col. J. B. Smith, Columbia Mine, Georgia
Letter 2
Wagon Camp near Richmond, Virginia June 4th 1864
Dear Colonel,
Your communication was received a few days ago and also the box containing your generous donation to our mess come to hand soon after. I would have written to you some time ago acknowledging your first welcome letter, but having (as you say) from being actuated by some kind of sympathetic, mesmeretic or (I will make a dictionary of my own) unetic feeling, written only a few days in advance of the receipt of yours and failing to write immediately I soon found that an arduous campaign [and] was anything else but favorable to letter writing, and a number of my best friends and relatives remain yet unaccommodated.
I will now attempt to respond to your interesting document though if you judge from the heading of my letter & of my excuse for being here, you will be willing to make allowances for brevity and dullness in what few lines I shall write. I have been very unwell for the past three days and for once, while the storm of battle is raging, I am safely stored away from bullets and shells with our brave quartermasters and commissaries. But I am so much improved today that I think of going on the field tomorrow though my surgeon advises me not to get out so soon.
“We hope soon to take Grant’s commission away. He is a stubborn fighter and the very best one in my opinion….” — Lt. F. T. Griffin, 111th Ga. Artillery
I enclose you a synopsis of the fighting yesterday which you will find very gratifying. We are all in the finest spirits and we hope soon to take Grant’s commission away from him. He is a stubborn fighter and the very best one in my opinion they could have sent against us for when we send him back—if such a thing is not utterly impossible—it will be with a fragment of an army and such an one as I think will never be recruited. If Johnston will only now make good use of his strategy & do his work well, I think that the end is near. God grant that it may be so and that once more we may prosper under our own vine and fig tree with none of the Habeas Corpus and other Scarecrows dangling among the limbs over our heads.
But before I go farther, Colonel, I must thank you for Capt. Wingfield, Lts. Barnett and Irvin who join me in grateful acknowledgement for the contents of your timely box. Nothing else you could have put in would have been more acceptable. We had been pretty hard up for rations on this campaign most of the time. We had two negroes to feed off of only 4 rations that we drew, making 6 living on four short rations.
I see that Congress has taken the matter into consideration again and we expect to soon have the privilege of two rations which gives us abundance. All of our neighborhood boys are getting a benefit. I am now able to reciprocate for past levees made upon their commissary stores, some of which bore evidences of Col. Smith’s handling.
Our Battery has not been engaged in the late battles near Richmond though we have been on the lines. At Spotsylvania and North Anna River we were under a terrible artillery fire but being behind good works, sustained no loss except a few wounded. We had several wounded by the bursting of one of our 20-pounder Parrott guns on North Anna. One of my ammunition chests was also blown up and another pierced by a 12 pound ball. None of those hurt are among your acquaintances. We get two more new guns from Richmond today to replace the bursted one and the fellow to it we had condemned and turned in. The Battery brother William is in suffered heavy loss yesterday—three killed and over 20 wounded (brother among the latter but said to be only slightly so.)
It is now 10.30 o’clock a.m.; heavy artillery firing is going on in the direction of Gaines Mills. As it is about time for the mail to go, I will close. Let me hear from you again, Colonel, and you shall always have a reply even if it comes from the abode of quartermasters and commissaries. My regards to all my office friends. With the best wishes, I remain your friend, — F. T. Griffin
The boys send their regards to you and we would all be pleased to see the Colonel in camp where we can show him what finally becomes of the good flour he sends. — F. T. Griffin
I am sorry you lost your old house dog, Dalco, as you seemed to like him, but although I disliked to part with him, his condition for service was such I do not much regret it. — F. T. G.
P. S. Major [John] Lane, our former Captain, is severely wounded in the hand.
Letter 3
Fort Mahone Near Petersburg, Virginia September 18, 1864
Dear Colonel,
Perhaps a few lines at this time may not be altogether uninteresting, and it being Sunday which is usually a quiet day (Grant having got to be a Christian in this respect), I will see what virtue there is in writing a little. There is no news of a very exciting nature from this part of our lines. Everything has been comparatively quiet for the past few days. Picket firing and occasionally artillery dueling constitute our battles nowadays. I must confess though that this sort of warfare does not exactly suit me.
Our battery is in position in a fort some 150 or 200 yards in front of our line of battle and the Yankees seem to consider this point an excellent target for practice. They keep up a continuous whistling of Minié balls over our heads and this latter mentioned organ has to keep down, and not at all wish to satisfy his curiosity, if they would study their own interest and of course that comes natural. Nevertheless, we have had three of our men (Henling, Keough, and [Lewis D.] Sherer) severely wounded in the last few days by these Minié whistlers, none of them however dangerous, but only good furlough wounds.
We take out our guns to the rear of our line of battle after dusk every night and bring them in again before daylight. As this breaks into my morning naps considerably, I do not find this mode of doing [enjoyable], yet I have long ago found out a soldier must be a soldier or no soldier at all. And so long as Mr. Bob Lee says do so, we all say all right. I only wish we had another Bob Lee at the head of the army in Georgia. Sherman would hardly get many more days of truce. I believe the impression seems to be gaining ground that Grant intends to play his hand again soon with Richmond, for his prize and that he will have all the cards to do it with. In that case, Sherman will have to rest on his laurels—if Hood allows him—and bring some of his men up here who have been in the habit of driving rebels. They will find out that these fellows up here have been shot at so much they don’t drive well and perhaps they may be a little disappointed.
We are expecting to have a pretty hard time of it here this winter owing to the scarcity of wood and the close proximity of the enemy to our lines. We are now building a railroad from Petersburg running into the country some distance to bring in supplies of wood, but even with this arrangement we are fearful of a short supply. Heretofore we have been in the habit of using as much as we saw proper and our fires often in the dark cold nights of winter supplied the wants of blankets. However, the infantry have already been drawing on the Yankees for a supply of these and perhaps they may put in another requisition before long. Some of them seem to be overstocked already (those who were in the last fight) as they are offering some fine ones I understand for sale.
[Ferdinand C.] Duvall 1 and myself had a very pleasant journey from Augusta to Richmond—Duvall especially as he met up with a beautiful female friend of his and come the most of the way with her. This lady was the idol of General Hood’s heart, but unfortunately, [being a] one legged fellow, he did not succeed. Colonel, you—I have no doubt—think those young widows very charming but this Missee takes the shine off of any I saw at home. 2
Ferdinand C. Duvall of Co. C, 2nd Maryland Infantry
Bye the bye, how did you like that little 42nd cousin of mine we met at Dr. Holland’s? I was very much pleased to cousin such a charming little creature as I had never seen or heard of her before. I have not seen Duvall since I left him at Richmond, but had a letter from him the other day. He is with his regiment and desires to be remembered to you. If there has been a letter come for him at your office and you have not already forwarded it, please forward it thus: 2nd Maryland Infantry, Archers Brigade, Army of Northern Virginia. There was one sent to him while there which came from his home and he is very anxious to get it. I shall go over to see him soon to talk over our Georgia scenes. Col. Smith will of course be one of the characters. The sprightly widows and blue eyed damsels will all get a passing notice and the winding up will be the future prospects of another volume which I hope may be this winter, another mountain party or perchance another infair where Col. Smith and the artilleryman J. E. S. might figure conspicuously as rivals would certainly be a very desirable place for we old veterans to recreate at again.
We are now getting along very well. The boys complain of short rations occasionally, but I think they should lay the blame to their enormous appetites more than anything else. We have been drawing flour rations for some time now and this being the case, we are not yet in want of this article. But I shall be sure to make a requisition on Little River Mill if I should find it wanting.
Sally “Buck” Preston“takes the shine off any I saw at home.”
The prospects are now good for a rainy spell. It has now commenced this evening to drizzle a little and as it is quite warm, I think we will have a plenty of it. If so, Mr. Grant will hardly make any serious demonstrations very soon. He has made some reconnaissance on our right and left flank a few days ago, and perhaps this may be a prelude to more important demonstrations.
Well, Colonel, I will bring this to a close lest I weary your patience. Let me hear from you soon and when you see the young ladies, present them my loving regards. My regards to office friends. Truly your friend, — F. T. Griffin
1 Ferdinand C. Duvall (1835-1878) of Ann Arundel county, Maryland, served as the Captain of Co. C, 2nd Maryland Infantry. He was wounded seriously in the right thigh in the fighting at Peebles’ Farm on 30 September 1864 less than two weeks after this letter was written.
2 The beautiful female friend was undoubtedly Sally Buchanon (“Buck”) Preston of South Carolina. Gen. John Bell Hood famously courted her and described the courtship as his “hardest battle.” Hood married someone else after the war as did Duvall. Sally was mentioned in Mary Chestnut’s diary and claimed that all the men loved Buck. She also wrote that Buck confided to her that she would not marry Hood “if he had a thousand legs instead of having just lost one.”
Letter 4
Headquarters Reserve Camp Lane’s Artillery Battery Near Petersburg, Virginia November 16, 1864
Col. J. B. Smith Columbia Mine, Georgia
Dear Colonel, yours of October 20th was received a short time ago and as usual was read with much interest and should have been attended to ere this but as I have been in charge of our battery camp for two or more weeks and trying to get things under way for the cold of winter, I have found but little time to write. Today is appointed by the President for a day of public workship and as I have concluded to not go to church—it being quite cold—I will now (for fear of appropriating the day to a worse use) try to write to a few of my friends.
The flour you were so generous and kind to send to myself and J. W. S[hank]—two barrels—was received about a weeks ago and a thousand thanks from myself and mess & some of your other friends who I thought proper to divide with. The Strothers and Griffins have all partaken and pronounced it good with the rest of us. Myself and J. W. Shank are now messing together so of course we take a full benefit, after dividing liberally with the others of our respective old messes. But we all use of it as long as it lasts which, owing to the huge supply, will fatten us all up so we shall be able to stand the cold of winter. Myself and John [Shank] being the only two in Reserve Camp from our neighborhood, have joined horses andn with the aid of the Colonel’s contribution, or rather donation, we have been luxuriating on apple dumplings. Now Colonel, if you want to eat a good dumpling, just come out to see us and we will put the little pot into the big one and stir it with the skillet (provided all these necessaries can be found in camp)/ At any rate, we promise you a huge dumpling and as I have been exercising my hunting propensities, a bird pie occasionlly finds lodging on our table (without legs).
I have little or no news to communicate. Our Battery is on the lines and the boys over there three miles distant from here are very comfortably fixed for winter, having good cabins and brick chimneys. Here we are not altogether so fortunate in that respect yet for we have been waiting in suspense for a week just to know what to be at, the cause of which is this. The old gentleman on whose land we pitched our camp has raised a row about the scarcity of his wood and does not want us to to cut it down any more, so between the officials from Gen. Lee down, we have not yet received positive orders what to do. Most of the drivers had put up their houses and don’t like to have to move. Others had only half way finished so thus things stand. But I think we will be apt to get orders tomorrow to move one mile farther and pitch into somebody else’s timber and then in a few days I expect to have a brick chimney and a fireside of my own. And as I am the only officer in charge of all the drivers and horses, being boss, I do as I please—go and come when I please to go. to see who I please, and have a good time generally.
Well, Colonel, in the midst of this general pleasing, I have pleased to go to see a nice little girl near here of sweet 17—sound on the slavery question—good-looking and accomplished. Have an invitation to come over to play whist and to be on hand at meal times when I am so disposed. But you need not imagine I am taking on. I know how to play my hand to make it pay in more ways than one.
Now about that sweet little Augusta cousin living in Wilkes [county]. Since she has expressed herself in such unmistakeable terms as to answer a letter, she shall certainly soon have no excuse to say why she has not answered one. I am under many obligations to you, Colonel, to have given me such a chance for so amiable a correspondent. I will now tell you something. I sent her two nice pieces of new music upon my return through Richmond and received a beautiful little note in reply. In a few [words], says she shall hear from me again since you have opened the way. That was a good joke you got on Miss Molly but I think she committed herself unthoughtedly and without the intention of doing so. From her subsequent apology, this certainly was the case, and you should not consider yourself entirely out of the ring even though artillery should play against you. I learn that after a beautiful burst up, Miss Lou Tankersley has at last come to a sensible conclusion not to sleep by herself these cold winter nights, so I shall expect to hear yet from J. B. S. and J. E. S. on the subject.
I shall go to Richmond in a few days and will have an opportunity of seeing some lady friends there and perhaps I may find out what has become of [Ferdinand C.] Duvall. Poor fellow. Since he was wounded [at Peebles’ Farm], I have not heard from him for a long time now. I am glad you and artilleryman has a good time together and thought of your old friends. I hope we may all yet meet again around the social band.
I have not said anything about military affairs, elections, &c. In the former, nothing of interest has lately taken place. The election of Abraham the 1st I believe is generally conceded to have been the best for us so here we go for another 4 mile heat. Abraham in the meantime, I think, will be likely to break down on the road. Let me hear from you again as often as you can make it convenient. Give my love to the fair sex and regards to friends. Truly your friend, — F. T. Griffin
P. S. All friends well & in fine spirits. B. G. Paschal is discharged and returns home, poor fellow, I hope to regain his shattered health.
An AI generated image of Joseph A. Shank, 11th Georgia Artillery, based on a post war sketch of him.
The following letters were written by members of the Shank family who served in the Confederate army with the Sumter Flying Artillery, a.k.a. the 11th Georgia Artillery, during the Civil War. Eleven of them were written by Sgt. John West Shank (1839-1875) and two of them by John’s younger brother, Pvt. William Baxter Shank (b. 1845). John and William were the sons of Felix Shank (1800-1874) and Mary Leverette of Wilkes county, Georgia. There are also seven letters by their cousin, Pvt. Joseph (“Joe”) A. Shank (1843-1912), the son of George and Theresa Leverette of Wilkes county. Joseph’s letters are, perhaps, the most descriptive of the lot. Though Joseph’s educational opportunities were limited, he acquired a very good English education and later studied at the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Greenville, South Carolina, enabling him to engage in the ministry.
Col. Joseph Belknap Smith
All of the letters were written to Col. Joseph Belknap (“J. B.”) Smith (1815-1898), the son of Joseph Nicholas Smith (1771-1857) and Polly Emerson (1784-1868) of Strafford county, New Hampshire. Joseph Belknap Smith (1802-1916) was a speculator and one of the founders of the Columbia Mining Company in eastern Georgia, not far from the Savannah river, where gold mining had been going on since the 1820s. By the 1850s, the mining operations required capital and equipment to extract the gold from veins deep in the ground. It also required steady labor for digging, hauling, and washing the ore—a labor that was supplied principally by slaves. The slaves were either owned outright by investors or hired from local slaveholders, of which there were many in the area. For example, Felix Shanks and his brother George owned 50 slaves between them, some of whom may have been hired by Smith seasonally. Smith’s operations at Columbia included a stamp mill and ore-processing machinery, producing as much as $2 million in gold before the Civil War (roughly 4 tons of gold). Records held in the Duke University Archives indicate that he employed about 120 enslaved laborers and processed 10 tons of ore per day.
Joseph Belknap Smith home on the Little River, now under water due to the Strom Thurmond Dam.
“J. B.” Smith was married and widowed twice before the Civil War. He was married a third time in April 1865 to Jane Septima (“Sep”) Shank (1841-1912), the sister of John and William Shank—thus securing the preservation of these Shank family letters. The Smith and Shank families lived in Wilkes county near the Little River—the dividing line between Wilkes and McDuffie county. Columbia gold-mining operations were in McDuffie county south of the river (see map below).
There are also two letters included that were written by Joe Shank on behalf of a slave named Jesse Day who was owned by Joseph B. Smith but hired by Joe to serve as his mess cook in the battery. The letters don’t reveal Jesse’s age but both were addressed to his mother.
Finding collections of letters such as these by Confederate soldiers is becoming incredibly difficult—especially ones that convey such a strong optimism for victory throughout the entire war. The following paragraph, written in late March 1865, reveals just how strongly the Shank family felt right up to the bitter end: “This army is in fine spirits. It has expressed its determination to carry this Confederacy through the struggle to independence or perish in a common heap. The blood of our fellow comrades cries for revenge from a hundred battlefields. I hope never to see a Confederate soldier that can look upon the green graves and bleaching bones of those comrades who have fallen on every battlefield from the Potomac to Mexico, and say they have died to no purpose. A desolated country with the charred ruins of once proud mansions, and desecrated temples call to us for protection. The tears of widows, and orphans, and the tears of outraged and insulted maidens appeal to us and we must not—cannot—refuse them protection. To these and the dictates of conscience, we can’t turn a deaf ear.”
Index to letters:
John West Shank letters: 1, 2, 4, 5, 8, 9, 13, 15, 19, 20, 21 Joseph A. Shank letters: 6, 7, 10, 11, 14, 17, 18 William Baxter Shank Letters: 16, 22 Jesse Day (slave) Letters: 3, 12
Letter 1
Addressed to Col. J. B. Smith, Columbia Mine, Georgia
Camp Cutts Artillery Battalion February 5th 1863
Col. J. B. Smith,
The stamp used on this envelope & others in this collection was an 1863 10 cent Jefferson Davis, Confederate States stamp.
My dear friend, on my arrival at camp last Monday night from Barnett’s Ford two miles west of Orange Court House to which place the section of our battery to which I am attached was sent on picket the day before, I found a waiting for me your most welcome letter. Nothing of interest occurred on our trip to Barnett’s Ford and back more than turning top side down one of our guns as we were on the way back to camp on Monday night in the dark.
Since I wrote you before, we have withdrawn our guns from the river near Rapidan Station and are now encamped about halfway between that place and Orange Court House and about two and a half miles from each. We came here on the 21st ultimo and the next day began to build stables for our houses. We built for our battery horses (67) four stables 30 feet square, of logs and covered with boards. We were three days in building. Since then, most of the men have built houses for themselves so we are now right comfortably fixed.
Most happily for us, just as we had to begin our work, Corporal Ward arrived with a large number of boxes which he had brought from our friends at home, so while we had work to do, we had plenty to eat and we still have some of it left on hand. Many of our boys are at home on furlough now and I guess they enjoy there “the fat of the land.” We have eighteen at home from our company and three of them are due here this evening. When they get back, I suppose three others will get off unless they conclude to grant no more furloughs but I hope they will not do that. However, it is reported that quite a number of troops are being sent from Gen. Ewell’s Corp of this army—supposed destination Wilmington, North Carolina. If that is correct, it may possibly be that the granting furlough will be suspended for a while though it is by no means certain. I guess Al will “astonish the natives” when he goes to eat at home for rations had been short for some time when he left and he was in quite good plight for eating.
They have begun again to give us our regular rations of one fourth of a pound of meat per day. For the last ten days though we have been furnished meal and no flour and it does not take well at all. Well, Colonel, a few more short weeks and again we must begin those long weary marches. It is with some unpleasant recollections of the past, and evil forebodings for the future, I must admit when I think of it, knowing the effect of heat, fatigue and dust upon myself. As to the future fortunes of this army though, I apprehend no fear, for under the leadership of its great General, if properly provided for, success will mark its course.
Many of the troops here have enlisted for the war and their patriotic example will, no doubt, be followed by most if not all the army, showing that it is willing hearts they fight. Of course some will have to be forced to fight but they will be the exception and not the rules. Lest you tire of this dull letter, I conclude by subscribing myself as your friend. — J. W. Shank
Letter 2
Camp four miles from Gordonsville, Virginia August 27th 1863
Col. J. B. Smith,
Dear friend, in accordance with my promise, I will write you this morning. I arrived in camp one mile from Orange Court House last Saturday evening, which was just three days from the time I left Augusta. I was not in the best humor when I got there though, for I had bad luck on the way. I lost both my boxes at Wilmington and have not heard from them since. I wrote to the agent there to forward them to Richmond and I may yet get them. When I got to Richmond, Jesse let my bottle of cod liver oil fall and break, which I prozed so much as a present from yourself and from which I expected to derive so much benefit. So you see the fates seemed to be against me.
On reaching camp though, I found most of the boys in good health and most excellent spirits. The fight at Gettysburg has not in the least demoralized them but on the other hand, this army would be glad to meet Meade’s army again in battle. This army cannot be whipped and it would do some of “those blue people” in Georgia good, and rebuke them soundly, if they could go through this army and see the spirit and determination that pervades it. Some men at home have actually begun to contemplate the probability of a failure on the part of the Southern Confederacy but no such idea is entertained here amongst the soldiers. If she does go under, the fault is not ours.
I believe no fight is expected here in some time. The army is resting and recruiting its horses. We left our camp near Orange Court House last Monday and came to this camp where we find good grazing to recruit our horses which are in a worse condition than I ever saw them. The horses [we] got in Pennsylvania do not stand service and many of them have “played out.” The men can get a few green apples now and we can buy green corn at 6.25 cents per ear.
We are going to have a big green apple dumpling for dinner today. I forgot to tell you before I left home that I could not get one bit of dried fruit in my box. So many little bundles were sent in that I got very little in for myself. There has been a religious revival in the battalion recently and several in the company have professed religion. We had a chaplain a few weeks ago but he turned out to be such a “slow coach” that he was petitioned to resign or “move his washing” and he agreed to do the latter. Lieut. Calloway of our battalion preaches to us but is nearly worn down at it. We have services twice each day. Some of those lay preachers might do good work here if they would come out an be men.
Hoping to get an occasional letter from you, I will close. Yours most respectfully, — J. W. Shank
P. S. I send enclosed a letter from Jesse to his mother.
Letter 3
Camp near Orange Court House, Virginia September 29th 1863
Dear Mother,
I wrote you a letter a short time after I came out here but have not received an answer to it yet so I will write you another. This leaves me well. I am living with Lieut. Griffin now taking care of the offices’ horses. Mr. Shank’s mess had a servant and he hired me to Lieut. Griffin for two months. I want you to send me twenty dollars by mail as soon as you can. We have not had any fight much here since I got back here. There has been two or three little fights but our company was not in them. We have had some right cool weather here and there was a right good frost last Wednesday morning. Th nights are cool now but it is warm in the day.
We get a good peach dumpling to eat right often out here and plenty of sugar with it, but there are so many pretty gals out here we can hardly eat for studying about them. I wrote you before I would soon be married but there are so many pretty ones, I can’t male a choice. Tell all the gals they must not think hard of me for not calling on them while I was there for they hurried me off so soon I did not have time to see them. I will try and see them all next time.
You must be sure and write to me soon. Direct your letter in care of Sergt. J. W. Shank, Irvin Artillery, Col. Vutts’ Battalion, Richmond, Virginia
Your affectionate son, — Jesse
Letter 4
Camp near Welford’s Ford [Hazel River] November 4th 1863
Col. J. B. Smith,
Dear Sir, as I promised to send you a drawing or representation of our new Confederate flag, I will now do so having failed to send it in a letter which I wrote to you soon after I came out, which, by the way, has not been answered—or at least I have not received a reply—and but for fulfilling my promise, I don’t know that I should now write for there is an utter dearth of news and in consequence, of course, must fail to interest you.
We have had a good long march since I wrote to you before but we did not have enough fighting to make it interesting. Our battery did not go further north than Bristoe Station. All the country I saw north of the Rappahannock is a desert waste, bring stripped of all fencing and nearly every house being burnt & no crops at all growing. Even the churches are tirn down by the enemy to build their bunks of.
We have now had two weeks of rest being encamped on the south side of the river near Brandy Station and 5 or 6 miles from Culpeper Court House. We have had fine grazing for our horses and they have improved some but other food for them is rather scarce.
I send enclosed a letter for Jesse to his mother. He has never received a letter from her yet and is very anxious to get one. He thinks probably she gets someone else than you to write them and they may not be properly directed and wishes you to say to her to be sure and have them correctly backed.
In the drawings I have sent you—Figure 1—1, 2,3, 4 is the battle flag proper which was adopted in the fall of 1861 after the first Battle of Manassas and has a yellow binding but when combined with the white to form our national flag the yellow binding is left out.
Figure 2—A. B. C. D. is the national flag in which the battle flag A, b, c, d has the yellow binding left out. I do not know that I have the exact proportion of the battle flag to the national flag but it is the same as it was with the original flag—the “stars and bars.”
Please let me hear from you soon. Very respectfully, – J. W. Shank
Letter 5
Rapidan Station, Virginia December 15th 1863
Col. J. B. Smith,
Dear sir, as we did not have a definite understanding as to how long I was to have the service of Jesse, I have given my note up to the first of January only, for the same, but being under the impression that I was to havethem longer of I chose, please let me know at your earliest opportunity if I am to have them next year and on the same terms, He is in good health and I have him comfortably clothed and an very well pleased with him and want him next year. Yours most respectfully, — J. W. Shank
$60 hire & usual clothes.
Letter 6
Camp near Rapidan Station, Virginia December 21st 1863
J. B. Smith, Esq.
Dear friend, as there is nothing in camp to do today, I will try to amuse myself by writing, hoping you will excuse me for not writing oftener. It has been nearly a year since I had a letter from you and I did not answer so you acted right by not writing any more. I hope you will pardon me for being so negligent about writing.
There is nothing exciting in the army now. Our battery is on the out lines about 600 yards rear of the picket line. There are no Yanks nearer than 4 miles of us. The boys are all well. My health never was better than it is now. I hardly know what sickness is until some times I have neuralgia either in my hip or face.
We are enjoying ourselves finely now. We have pretty good huts with good brick chimneys. We sit around our fires as big as if we were at home for such life as we now live we will live a good while without a change in affairs. But my only hope is to fight until the Yanks are satisfied to let us alone. When I get ready to submit to Lincoln’s rule, I want to die and not live any longer. Some may say give up but I say never as long as any of us live.
We have been living pretty high for the last week of good things that the old folks sent us from home. You have no idea how the boys welcome a box from home. They had as soon see it as someone from home. I would like to see you very much if you could make it convenient to come up any time.
We are having some pretty cold weather. The ground is hard frozen this morning and will be all day. It’s cloudy and I think it will snow before night and I have got to stand guard in it tomorrow night as cold as it may be. The enemy has to be watched. Our camp is on the river above the railroad, about a mile from wood so you see we have to haul our wood or go without. We have only one wagon and it is kept busy all of the time. And if the weather gets bad, we will suffer for wood or make fences suffer, which is plentiful all around us. — J. A. Shank
You must write to me soon and let me know how you get along with the widows and old maids which are so numerous now in that neighborhood. I would like to be with them Christmas, if no longer. I must close. You must excuse my mistakes and bad writing. Your friend, — J[oseph] A. Shank
Letter 7
Army of Northern Virginia January 29th 1864
J. B. Smith, Esq.
Dear friend, you kind favor of the 31st December was received many days ago but being lazy, I have out off answering it until now. I have no news that would interest you. My health is as good as I could wish for. All of the boys are well and in fine spirits.
We have moved our camp on the 21st from the river. Col. Cutts became uneasy after staying on the river 8 weeks for fear we might be captured, there being no pickets between us and the river and moved to this camp about two miles east of the [Orange] Court House. We have built stables and houses are better fixed up than we were on the river. Our camp is beautifully located on a branch at the foot of Quarles Mountain—fine water and plenty of wood.
The two armies are quiet on the Rapidan. Both seem to be preparing for the coming campaign. Our army is in fine spirits, pretty well clothed, but not so well fed, but the commissary is more liberal now than he was some time back. For a while, he did not give any meat but now he gives a little meat and a plenty of bread. We sometimes get a few extra things such as sugar, coffee, rice and molasses. Our company has got a good many boxes from home and we live well now—too good for a soldier.
“Whenever Bob Lee’s army gets to be a set of croakers, then people may begin to be despondent.”
If we were like Gen. Lee, we would not eat anything good. He refused to eat a fine dinner in Richmond because all of his army did not have the same opportunity to get as good a dinner. People at home should not get despondent when they lose a few things for the Confederacy. If they look at the losses our noble leader has met with, their sufferings are nothing to be compared with his. His home has been confiscated. His son is confined in a northern prison and still he is in fine spirits and confident of success. And whenever Bob Lee’s army gets to be a set of croakers, then people may begin to be despondent. All Lee’s army asks is to be fed and clothed and they will be content to do the fighting.
The weather has been remarkably warm for the last week—something similar to spring in Georgia. I am afraid if the weather don’t get cooler, we will have to fight soon. Up till now the weather has been colder than it has been in several years before. The ice on the Rapidan was 12 inches thick in the mill pond.
Most of the people predict great things this year. Many think the war will be closed this year. I don’t know what to say on the subject. I hope it may and that we may enjoy that peace for which we have been so long fighting.
We have various ways of amusement here. There is a theater in Wilcox’s Brigade and we have music on the violin and all it lacks to make it good is the ladies—the greatest things on earth. If it was not for them, I would not fight any more.
I must close. I hope you will excuse this poor letter. My hands is so stiff I can’t use a pen well, and besides I have to go in inspection in a few minutes and have written in a hurry. Give my respects to all. I hope to do better next time I write. Your friend as ever, — J[oseph] A. Shank
Letter 8
Camp Cutts’ Artillery March 19th 1864
Col. J. B. Smith,
My dear friend, your letter of the 7th ult. was received in due time and but for the fact that I had written to you just a few days previous to its reception, I should have answered it earlier. The barrel and box that you said had started to us arrived two days ago. They were a long time on the road and the weather having turned much warmer, the sausage—as you feared—were spoiled. The flour and meal though were fresh and good—far superior to any that we have had since those “good old days” when we ate almost wholly from your own mills. You will please accept many thanks from myself and mess mates for these good things. And should it ever be your fortune to be placed in our situation, though away from access to relatives and friends of your youth, may you have found friends in the “sunny climes of the South”, even in Old Georgia, who will prove as true to, and be as mindful of you as you have been of us, and send you like tokens of friendship. You can imagine how much we appreciate the flour when I tell you that we have drawn nothing scarcely but meal for two months and even had it been all meal such as you sent us, would be quite a treat compared with the coarse, branny, unsifted meal that we get.
In the way of news, there is positively nothing in this quarter. Furloughs have been suspended for the present, but for what reason we do not know unless it be to use all means of transportation south of Richmond for bringing supplies as Virginia soldiers are still allowed furloughs and transportation as far south as Petersburg.
The weather has been remarkably dry for some time and the roads are in excellent condition. Hoping to hear from you again soon, I remain truly your friend, — J. W. Shank
Letter 9
Camp Cutts’ Artillery May 1st 1864
Col. J. B. Smith,
Dear friend, your letters of the 12th and 21st inst. [ult.] have both been received, but coming in such close proximity, I had not time to answer the first before the other came so I will make one answer suffice for both. The boxes you forwarded us have not yet arrived but we expect them to reach here soon.
There is nothing in the way of news here that you do not get in the newspapers. The same old stale phrase, “All quiet on the Rapidan” is still current. Some of the Yankee cavalry did make a demonstration across the Roberson River a few days ago upon the strength of which our battery and Capt. Patterson’s of our Battalion had to leave our comfortable beds at 2 o’clock a.m. and repair to Barnett’s Ford, but everything soon quieted down and we returned to camp.
We have had fine weather for some time now and the roads are in excellent condition for moving armies. This army has been put in good trim. All extra baggage has been reduced to thirty pounds. Two divisions—[Lafayette] McLaws’s and [Charles] Field’s of Longstreet’s army [1st Corps] are near here and ready to take a hand in any little excitement that may come off here soon. I guess from the way the Northern papers foam over the Fort Pillow and Plymouth affairs, it won’t be wholesome in a fellow to be captured this campaign. 1 They now lift their hands in “holy horror” at what they term barbarity and ask when did they ever exercise such cruelty. To hear them tell it, they have been very kind to us and we had better desist from provoking them to acts of cruelty by way of retaliation. For them to talk of retaliation when they inaugurate the system is a farce which we can all understand and know how to meet.
It again devolves upon this grand old Army of Virginia to lower the enemy’s proud boastings. It knows its mission and will fulfill it by knocking the props from under their boasted chieftain and last great bubble Grant, and whipping “the finest army on the planet.”
As preaching hour is near at hand, I will close, hoping to hear from you soon. I remain, most truly, your friend, — J. W. Shank
1 Northern papers were filled at the time with reports of the “atrocities” committed by Rebel troops at Fort Pillow near Memphis, Tennessee, and at Plymouth, North Carolina, where Black soldiers were killed following their surrender.
Letter 10
Camp Cutts’ Battalion May 2nd 1864
Col. J. B. Smith,
Dear friend, as I have finished a huge letter to Jess’ mother and as I shall direct it to you, I will let you hear once more from the Rapidan. All of the boys you know are perfectly well. There are only a few sick men in the company though there are more than we have had for some time back. Our company has about 125 men for duty at present—nearly as strong as some regiments.
We have had a very long rest spell here, not having done any marching in the last five months. It is true a part of the battalion have done a little fighting but my company has not fired a gun since we left Gettysburg.
The weather is very good. The days are warm and the nights are pleasant. We have no fires—only to cook. There has not been any rain now in a week and the roads are in the best condition you ever saw. There is no excuse for a general moving an army now. If Grant feels able to move, he can do it at his own will. We are not anxious to shake hands with him, but if he puts himself in the way of Lee’s ragged rebels, he will be apt to go nearer Washington than he now is with many of his men left behind and he may lose many of his stores and much ordnance before he gets away. I don’t say these things in a boasting way but I believe if Grant attacks Lee, he will get one of the biggest whippings he ever carried from a battlefield. Grant let Polk whip him at Belmont and I think he will have to take one from this army.
No doubt you have heard by this time Longstreet’s Corps was here. I will tell you the strength of our army as well as I can so you can judge how we stand compared with the Yankees. Hill’s Corp has about 27,000 men and Ewell has about 25,000, making 52,000 infantry and artillery. There are about 16,000 cavalry and Longstreet has about 12,000 now. You can judge from the different corps how many men we have here. I get these from the commissary department by proportioning each division with ours. Our division has 9,000 men and there are 5 full divisions in this army and one that is not which makes in the 2nd and 3rd Corps, 52,000 and the artillery thrown in which is about 5,000 men. There are about 16,000 cavalry making in all 68,000 and the 1st Corps makes 80,000 besides many new regiments that are coming.
Colonel, our mail is very irregular coming through and after we get letters that you mail the same day three days apart. That is, John will get a letter mailed the 23rd of April on the 28th and I will get on the 30th which shows to me that someone opens the packages that you fix up. I hope you will understand me what I mean and please let me know if you mail all letters to this army direct or to Augusta.
I don’t say my estimate of the army is true, but it is tolerably near it. I merely mention it to show you how strong the army [is]; don’t take it to be the true estimate.
Colonel, if you can get resolution of Colston’s Brigade at Savannah in regard to Brown’s message, I will be much obliged to you if you will send them to me. I will close. Give my respects to all. Your true friend, — J[oseph] A. Shank
Letter 11
Mount Pleasant or Archer’s Bluff, Virginia July 2nd 1864
Col. J. B. Smith,
Dear friend, your kind letter of the 11th of May was received a day or two ago and although it was old, it was read with much pleasure. I have no news of any note to write more than all are well except. Lt. Griffin. He has been complaining some for the last two days with rheumatism but he is much better today. There are some sick men in the company. How many I am unable to say [but] not many judging from the men I see daily on the lines.
We have to fight a little most every day and work nearly every night so you see we are engaged nearly all the time but it so happened with us we have men enough to rest every other day. Things are quite different with me today compared with what they were a year ago today. One year ago we were at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. Today we are at Petersburg, Virginia. We had a hard fight one year ago and may have another today, I am unable to say as we have fights nearly every day that passes. Our late battles have been successful. We have taken many prisoners and 19 pieces of artillery which will make back those lost by the 2nd Corps at Spotsylvania Court House.
Little Billy Mahone “is a small man, talks very fine, and is ugly enough to scare any set of men that did not know him.”
Our Corps is called the tail end of the army but we have done more here than any other in the army. Besides the guns and prisoners we have taken a good many horses from Yankee raiders. Nearly the whole of those captured have been by Mahone’s Division—as good a division as there is in the army & formerly was Anderson’s. [William, or “Little Billy”] Mahone is a small man, talks very fine, and is ugly enough to scare any set of men that did not know him. He is very sociable and will talk with a private as quick as he would with a Lt. General. He is much liked by his men.
The enemy has shelled this town a good deal. There has been some women killed—mostly black women. I have not heard of any man being killed yet. Our battery has to fire on the battery that fires on the town but we don’t do much with it as it is a good works.
No one from our neighborhood has been hurt yet. The casualties in our battalion are heavier here than they were at any other point we have fought at. Our company has lost two very fine soldiers here. They both were good men. Gus Cleveland from our county was killed on the 24th of June and Corporal Cumming from Louisiana was killed on the 28th, both by pieces of shell. One was struck in the back and the other in the face. The other two companies have lost a man each and there has been some 8 or 10 wounded—mostly slight except one or two. We get a plenty to eat and are doing pretty well.
I must close as my stamps are out. I shall have to frank my letter. Your affectionate friend, — J[oseph] A. Shank
My regards to all. Write when you can.
Letter 12
Near Petersburg, Virginia July 17th 1864
Dear Mother,
As I have not written to you since I left winter quarters, I guess it is time to write you one. We have had a right hard time since we left winter quarters—especially myself, for I was taken sick soon after we started with a very bad cold and cough and had right smart of fever and did not get over it for a month. The white men had to be on the lines most of the time so they could not do much for me and there was no where for me to go but stay with the army. So I toughed it out and am now entirely well.
There has been some terrible fighting at the Wilderness, Spotsylvania C. H., Cold Harbor, and around Petersburg. The muskets and big cannon roared tremendously and the men were killed and wounded by thousands. I took good care to keep myself out of the way of the balls. We have been here now four weeks and are well rested by this time. It is powerful dry and hot though. There has not been enough rain to lay the dust since we have been here and it was real dusty when we got here. Our men and the Yankees shoot their cannon here every day. You must not all get scared of the Yankees at Atlanta. I send howdy to you and my sisters and to all my friends my best respects. I have not heard from you all in a long time. I would like to hear from you all. You must be sure to write soon. Your affectionate son, — Jesse
From Jesse to his mother.
Letter 13
Near Petersburg, Virginia August 5th 1864
Col. J. B. Smith,
Dear friend, it has been a long long time since I got a letter from you; not since I left winter quarters I know, but Joe tells me you say you wrote me two letters to which you received no reply so it must have been the fault of the mails for I did not receive yours, and on the other hand wrote you two or three after the last I got from you. Hoping the mail may not prove so unreliable again, I will write you another.
Today is the Sabbath and even Grant seems disposed to respect it, not a gun having been fired that I have heard up to this hour (11 a.m.). There was a considerable little fight across the river Friday evening but you will get all the particulars of that in the papers before this reaches you. There has been less shelling than usual on our lines for the last week. Our company now mans seven guns of which four are 10-pounder Richmond Parrotts, two are 30-pounder Parrotts, and one is a 3-inch Yankee rifle. They are scattered along a line heretofore occupied by our battery, four of Capt. Ross’ guns and four of Capt. Penick’s—the two latter having been moved to other points.
Grant and his army have “played out” and “all is right” in this department. If Hood can bring Sherman’s campaign to a head as Lee has brought Grant’s, we will be “all right side up with care,”—at least for some time to come. We get all sorts of rumors from there. One was current in camp yesterday that some Yankee cavalry were lurking near Barnett Station on the Georgia Railroad but not much credence was given to it.
This army is now reaping some of the fruits of Early’s success—fresh beef that he captured in Maryland and Pennsylvania being issued to us every alternate day. The summer has been so dry here that vegetables are scarce. Nearly all the green apples have been eaten and black berries are all gone.
Gen. Lee is again granting furloughs at the rate of 2 to every 100 men. Two of our men—Eli Smith and Toby Norman—left about a week ago and I guess are now seeing a fat time. I guess you will see Fee at home before you see this as he was to have left Richmond for home yesterday morning on sick furlough, so says Irvin’s negro boy John who saw him there the day before. He is a lucky fellow to get furloughs, this being the third time he has been home. We want to give Jesse a furlough the next time any one from our company gets a furlough and will take him along and bring him back.
Write to me as soon as you can conveniently. Your friend, — J. W. Shank
Letter 14
In Line of Battle Near Petersburg, Virginia August 9th 1864
Dear Colonel, your kind favor of the 28th July was received a few days ago which was read with much pleasure. I have no news of any interest to write you more than we are well and getting along finely. Tom Shank thought he would try an experiment blowing up flies yesterday morning, but did not succeed so well, he poured powder on fire, and burnt his face and right hand. He is not badly burnt. The Dr. says he will be well in a few days. It is not a bad burn by any means. His eyes are not hurt. The experiment is not a very dangerous one, but it don’t pay to get the fuzz scratched of to kill a few flies.
The fighting has nearly played out here. There may be a few more mines sprung a charge or two more made on our lines, but I don’t think there will be another general attack here. The opinion of most of the men (in the army) is the plains of Manassas will be stained with the blood of many men fighting—one for liberty, and the other for money. One side will be the flower of the South: on the other the officious of the world. There will be some heavy fighting in the [Shenandoah] Valley this year.
Grant has well nigh played out. He is the only man that has ever fought as this army wanted him to fight. The morale in the army is as good as it ever was (except in (Wilcox’s Division). I don’t know what to think of them. Wilcox is a good officer and one that I liked, but his men don’t have any confidence in him. He has two North Carolina Brigades, one South Carolina (Gregg’s old Brigade), and Thomas’ Georgia Brigade. The North Carolinas Brigades are pretty good fighters, but the other two are not and I think the fault lies in the Brigade commanders.
This army is not as well fed as I like to see for there is hardly bread enough issued to it. Meat and coffee rations are sufficient, but seven pints of meal is not enough for a man in one week, when Negros used to get 16 a week, and say they did not get enough to eat. The weather is very warm and vegetables are hard to get.
2½ p.m. As I have taken a good dinner, I will try to finish my letter. I have heard no news since morning. There was a heavy explosion at half past 12 in the neighborhood of City Point—supposed to be one of the enemy’s boats that had run afoul of a torpedo (in the James). I hope it was Grant’s whole fleet. If it was not a boat, it was a magazine of some sort for there was a good deal of powder used in the explosion. We have had some rain today and hope we will get more.
J. W. [Shank] says he has never received your letters but will write soon. Excuse my short and poorly written letter. My pen gave out and I had to finish with a pencil. Give my respects to all. Your affectionate friend, — Joe S[hank]
Letter 15
Camp of Irvin Artillery near Petersburg, Virginia September 21st 1864
Col. J. B. Smith,
My dear friend, it has been a good while since I wrote you last but you must no conclude therefrom that I have forgotten you for notwithstanding there are many things that I would have submerged beneath the “Lethean wave,” yet I hope I may never be so ungrateful as to forget a friend.
To the last letter I wrote you in winter quarters, I received no answer and during the early part of the campaign, we were kept so busy that I did not write.. Since we have been at Petersburg, I have written you a letter, to which, also, I got no response so I conclude to write you again.
The boys at home on furlough have given you a more accurate account of our situation than I could possibly give you on paper. We still occupy Fort Mahone and it is no very comfortable situation since we have to bring our guns out every night and take them back every morning under a continuous picket firing which has been kept up ever since our pickets were driven from a portion of their original line in our front some three weeks ago. We have had three men wounded, neither of them wounded dangerous, but each one will, I suppose, get a furlough.
We are enjoying the luxury of fresh beef which Gen. Hampton transferred from Grant’s commissary to ours.
The weather here continues warm and dry—very fine for Grant to attack if he feels so inclined. But he knows to his chagrin this “Old Army of Northern Virginia” which is a sore obstacle to his possessing Richmond.
I guess Lincoln is sorely puzzled whether to risk his election on the fall of Atlanta or to go further and make his election sure by crushing Lee’s army, or in that attempt to lose all by an utter defeat. I think his safest plan is to risk it as it stands for if he attacks us, he is—to use an army phrase,”gone up a spout.” But what does it matter with us if he is elected. He will fight two years and if he is not [elected], the war horse McClellan comes in and he will fight four. So it is war anyhow. So we have nothing to do but fight on as ever. They will tire of it some day. They are not as unanimous North as they were two years ago and that want of unanimity must increase until it becomes so great they can no longer make war and then will come our time.
Those “ulterior consequences” that McClellan mentions, we will calmly meet and he too will get more tired even than he did in ’62 when he “changed his base” so suddenly and he will have to change his base (his letter of acceptance) before he is done with rebels and seek shelter under a peace policy just as he did under his gunboats in ’62.
But as this is already too long, I must close. We are having some chills and fever in our company at present. No other news of any interest. Hoping to get a letter from you in response to this. I remain with much respect your friend, — J. W. Shank
Letter 16
Petersburg, Virginia October 3rd 1864
Mr. Smith,
Dear sir, as I am off duty today, I will write you of our whereabouts and things generally, but more particularly to let you know the lady that wanted the draft board.
I landed in camp last night a weeks ago all safe. We had as pleasant a trip as railway accommodations will afford these war times. We had a breakdown this side of Columbia, South Carolina, that was not very agreeable at thetime, but would do to laugh at afterward.
We will have a lively time with the Yanks no doubt before the close of many days. There is troops a moving nearly all the time. The most of them are moving to our right. I suppose by that the big fight will come off in a few days on the Weldon Railroad.
The same proud spirit that was visible at the beginning of the war can still be seen here. The spirits of the people have not abated under our lates reverses. A proud air of defiance can be seen on every countenance. The spirits of the soldiers are indomitable. I have heard nothing of going back into the Union, and being in the lines of the Yanks since I got to Petersburg. Theboys are looking finely and are in good health.
The young lady that wished the draft board is Miss Mollie Campbell. I am very sorry I did not think to give you her name before I left, but probably you have found out about it before now.
As my paper is full, I will stop. Give my regards to all and accept the compliments of your friend, — W[illiam Baxter] Shank
Letter 17
Battery 37. Petersburg, Defenses, Va. October 9th, 1864
J. B. Smith. Esq.,
Dear sir, as I promised to let you hear from me occasionally, I will try and give you a few lines today as it is cold and windy. I have no news of any importance. All are well and getting along finely. We have but little to do now since we left Fort Mahone and came to this place. But we worked enough at the old fort to have a little rest, if there any such thing as rest these days. Judging from all appearances, I think our rest will be of a short duration. Grant seems to be very uneasy and is moving around considerably and looks as if he would like to fight in a few days. He knows his master Abe wants him to do big things by the first Wednesday in November, and he knows Lee will not let him (if he is able, which we all believe he is) so he is in hot water and does not know what to do. If we get a few men in the next month more than we have, all will go well here.
As Sherman walked into Atlanta, so would Grant like to walk into Richmond. And he would so do if he had anyone else to contend with besides Gen. Lee and his veterans. There has been two pretty considerable fights since I have been back. One we were partially successful in. The other we were entirely successful. In the first fight we lost some ground and a little artillery. How much, I don’t know. Only one piece here at Fort McRea. How many at Fort Harrison we have never been able to find out. Grant says 15. He says we had only 300 men at the fort and at the least calculations, it would have taken 135 artillery men for 15 guns and there was only 165 infantry men left. One Battalion that was at the fort had over 3600 men in it, and it was separate from the artillery. So by his own accounts, we make him out a lie one way or another. His loss, he says, is about 5,000. Ours 800, so he can these forts be a litle loss to us and a heavy one to himself?
The last fight which was last Friday, we drove Grant 4 miles, capturing 10 pieces of artillery and a great many prisoners. Hood’s old division did the fighting under Lt. Gen. [George T.] Anderson. Our forces are getting to be small. We are fronting Grant with 100,000 with about 60,000 and this may be an over estimate of our troops. If we could only get him to fight us with his whole force at one point where Gen. Lee could superintend our troops fighting, Grant would get a good, decent whipping. Our troops are in fine spirits and confident of success as ever.
If I get forgiveness for this letter, I will never try another on Sunday or a windy day.
We get tolerably good rations of beef now but would like more flour if we could get it. We got one day of beef and one of bacon.
Colonel, you must speak a good word for me among the girls and keep them from running off when the Yanks come down that way. You must excuse bad writing for the wind blows so much grit on my paper, my pen will not write well.
Write when convenient to your friend, — J[oseph] A. Shank
Letter 18
Petersburg, Virginia November 7th 1864
Dear Mother,
As I have not written to you since I left home. I thought I would let you hear from me once more. I am well and hope you are enjoying a singular blessing.
Send my socks first chance you have. Tell Mr. Bussy’s girls howdy and that I would have written to them before now, but the girls of Petersburg occupy my attention so as to give me but little time to think of them.
If you want me to come home Christmas, you will have to let me have a part of this year’s wages to pay my way. You must let me know what you will do about it.
I want you and Mr. Smith to send me a box as soon as you can. Put in some sorghum, peas, butter and meat of any you have.
Having no other news, I close. Your affectionate son, –Jesse Day to his Mother
Colonel, you will excuse me for not writing you a letter. I have no news to write. We are well and getting along as well as could be expected. The weather is cool and cloudy. Yesterday morning we had a “pretty high frost” as we term it at Petersburg, ad thick ice.
The barrels of flour arrived a few days ago for which you have the thanks of your friend, — J. A. Shank
Col., please send this to Jesse’s mother as soon as it is convenient. Nothing more at present. Your true friend, — J. A. S.
Letter 19
Reserve Camp, Lane’s Battalion December 6th 1864
Col. J. B. Smith,
My dear friend, I saw Jess a few days ago and he told me he had hired himself to Lieut. Early of the 48th Georgia Regiment. He showed me a letter which Lieut. Early addressed to yourself and which he said he would send you, in which he promises to pay Jess $30 per month and clothing for the year. As Iam responsible to you for him when his time with me is out, I wish you to let me know as soon as possible if I must turn him over to Lieut. Early or send him home. Mr. Hyman of our company tells me that Lieut. Early is a very nice man.
I believe there is no news here of much interest. Capt. Wingfield will send up a detail of three of his sergeants today to go home to get them horses. They will be back in about two months and then your humble servant will go home to try his hand for a horse. If you see any “lying around loose,” please let me know.
There is an old man going through the army collecting money to construct a “bird of art.” He says if he succeeds, he will soon have enough of them constructed to drive Grant’s army out of Virginia. Each bird is to carry one man and one shell which he is to drop on the Yankees as he flies over them. He is either a “mad man” or a “humbug” and is making a great deal of money out of simple soldiers. I heard him speak yesterday and am satisfied that his theory of a bird’s flight is absurd.
I wish I had time to write you a longer letter but the mail is waiting. Please let me hear from you as soon as possible. Very respectfully, — J. W. Shank
Letter 20
Reserve Camp, Lane’s Battalion January 24th 1865
Col. J. B. Smith,
My dear friend, your very kind letter of 5th inst. was received yesterday and its being so long since I have written to you is my apology for replying so soon. From your long silence I had begun to cease looking for a letter from you again and right happily was I surprised when I recognized again your familiar hand write. You say I failed to acknowledge the receipt of the two last parcels of flour that you sent me though you heard I had gotten them. The two barrels that you sent in October last, one marked to myself, the other to Lt. Griffin, did reach us and I wrote to you soon after we got it, acknowledging the receipt thereof and giving the thanks of my mess for your great kindness, but the letter must have failed to reach you. I also wrote to one of my sisters (fearing you might no get the letter) to tell you we had received it and to give you our many thanks for it, so you see I was not so remiss as you thought. And I hope I may never be so ungrateful as to let such favors go by unnoticed. I know that ingratitude is one of the natural elements of our character but if you could imagine the great amount of good and comfort we derive from your valuable gift, and have seen how often our hearts were filled with gladness, and our mouths with plenty by it, you could but say, we remember you with grateful hearts.
Unless the second parcel you allude to was the barrel sent to Lt. Griffin at the same time, we have not received it and were not aware that you had sent it. I hope it may yet come and whether it does or not, we will feel just as thankful to you as if it should reach us. So much of the railroad has been washed up between here and home that I fear it will be some time before we get anything through. Lt. Griffin started home the 19th and I hope has arrived safely home ere this. You can tell him Martin, Fouch, and Moore got here today. I will start up an application tomorrow fora detail to get home and get me a horse. I have very little hope of it being approved but if it is, and I have good luck and no delays, I will get home about the 5th or 6th of February which will be nearly as soon as you receive this.
I should think you would get tired of scouting parties. A good, efficient, industrious scout I have respect for, but it is a notorious fact that too many in the Confederate service professing to be scouts have only brought reproach and shame upon the name of ‘soldier.” But under Christ’s teachings one in twelve was a Judas and the country will ever be filled with disreputable men of all professions.
I believe there is no news that would interest you. There was heavy firing both with artillery and musketry last night on Gen. Pickett’s line between the Appomattox and the James which lasted some time, but I have not heard the cause or the result. Hoping to hear from you again soon, I remain as ever, truly your friend, — J. W. Shank
Letter 21
At Home February 30th 1865
Colonel,
You will please accept my kindest thanks for the jug of whiskey you sent me. I shall have some glorious drinks over it. I send you the jug back as it is just as convenient to empty it now as anytime. Do not harbor any regrets at not giving me an egg-nog yesterday as I only take them at morning and night, so you see I am not behind. Again, thanking you for the whiskey, I remain as ever your friend, truly, — J. W. Shank
Letter 22
Petersburg, Virginia March 20th 1865
Col. J. B. Smith,
Dear sir, your letter of the 8th of February was received two or three weeks since. I should have written you sooner had the road been open. I heard yesterday that the mail was now being carried to Augusta. I hope the mail may be more regular in the future, for we certainly get very dull and lonely when we get no letters. It is really hard on those fellows that have Dinas down South to be deprived of hearing from them. Fortunately for me I have never become entangled in the meshes of female attractiveness.
We have had a very dull time for the last month. We cannot get the war news until it is getting old. The papers are not allowed to publish any news from the Carolinas for fear of giving information to the enemy. Grant, it has been said, gets the Richmond papers by the time they are dry.
I heard some very good news from Carolina today, if it proves to be the truth. I think Sherman has under taken a hopeless task. I believe he will be forced to abandon the interior of Carolina unless he is reinforced. Grant is as quiet as a sleeping babe. Sheridan has failed to carry out his part of the program, and Sherman can’t come to time. I reckon Gen. Grant can find consolation in getting on a big bust [drinking spree].
This army is in fine spirits. It has expressed its determination to carry this Confederacy through the struggle to independence or perish in a common heap. The blood of our fellow comrades cries for revenge from a hundred battlefields. I hope never to see a Confederate soldier that can look upon the green graves and bleaching bones of those comrades who have fallen on every battlefield from the Potomac to Mexico, and say they have died to no purpose. A desolated country with the charred ruins of once proud mansions, and desecrated temples call to us for protection. The tears of widows, and orphans, and the tears of outraged and insulted maidens appeal to us and we must not—cannot—refuse them protection. To these and the dictates of conscience, we can’t turn a deaf ear.
We received some time since a quantity of clothing from the Quartermaster of Georgia. The material the clothing is made of is substantial but very rough. The cutting and making of the clothes are certainly very badly done, but as it has become very common, I reckon nearly everyone will use this expression—-“they are good enough for a soldier.” If we take the sewing the Ladies of Georgia did on those suits as a measure of their appreciation of us or our service, we soldiers are certainly considerable below par, but we are nevertheless not discouraged on that account. I once thought those sewing societies were prompted by patriotic motives, but I ceased to entertain any such idea. I believe there are a few Ladies that attach themselves to such associations from pure and patriotic motives, together with a sense of duty, but a good portion of them associate themselves with sewing societies so that their names may be seen on the books of the society and to have it generally known that they belong to such a society. The consequence is they are indifferent as to the quantity or or quality of the work they do.
I attended church in the city yesterday and had the pleasure of seeing a goodly member of the fair daughters of the Old Dominion. Some of them are really beautiful. I will send this through by Lt. Harper. I suppose it will make the trip sooner than by mail. Remember me to my friends. As ever your friend, — W[illiam B.] Shank
The following letter was written by August Frederick Lawyer (1807-1863) to his father, Thomas Lawyer (1785-1868), an attorney practicing in Lawyersville, Schoharie county, New York, where he also served as the town’s post master.
We learn from this letter that Frederick arrived in Rio de Janiero aboard the USS Warren, a second class sloop-of-war built at the Boston Navy Yard between 1825-1827. The letter reveals that they were on a journey that would take them around the globe. In October 1843, she departed for the Pacific, where she acted as a guard ship at Monterey during the Mexican–American War before transferring to San Francisco as a stores and receiving ship. Further research from period newspapers inform us that Frederick was serving as the Assistant Surgeon aboard the vessel.
The letter provides us with a description by first hand observation of the harbor and city of Rio de Janiero in 1843.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Addressed to Thomas Lawyer, P. M. [Post Master], Lawyersville, Schoharie county, New York
Rio [de] Janeiro [Empire of Brazil] July 20, 1843
Dear Sir.
We arrived in this port 4 days since after a passage of 53 days from Norfolk. The passage was so far as winds & storms were concerned a delightful one. We never met a squall or tempestuous weather during the whole passage [but were] all the time in the trade winds which are the most pleasant in the world. The health of the ship’s crew has been extraordinarily good, averaging from 12 to 15 men out of 500 men. Lost one patient by scurvy the morning we entered the harbor—the only one we had of this disease. During the passage one man fell overboard who was saved by cutting away the life buoy upon which he rode in safety until the boat picked him up about ½ a mile from the ship.
The Harbor of Rio is one of the finest I have ever seen & the most Romantic, situated under the Andes [Serro do Mar Mountains] & surrounded by hills and mountains from 100 to 2500 feet in height. There must have been at some remote period an immense convulsion of Nature to have thrown up so many remarkable mountains as here surround us. The town appears to be well defended at its entrance by several Forts. They are, however, very old & I think a good force from the sea would find no difficulty in bombarding the place and capturing also.
The city is in a plain among these hills & if it could have been built by any perfectly civilized nation would have been one of the most delightful on earth. Nature has [paper torn] … as it is. The houses are old & low. Streets very narrow filled with all variety of shops that could be imagined. One of the streets, however, is independent of its narrowness—very pleasant. The stores are fitted up handsomely & at evening brightly illuminated, filled with all kinds of fancy articles of French & Portuguese manufacture. The people seem to be very busy in their small way of deal & pay, but little attention to each other or to strangers. Officers are so common of the various navies that they excitge scarcely any interest. Your society is limited in consequence to your own.
I haunted the town several times & walked through the principal streets and thoroughfares examining all I could see of interest. The churches are some of them very large & fine, but I should think had lost much of their former magnificence by the wars of the country. You see in them many catholic priests but very few of them about the streets. The carving & height of the interior is good & well worth examining.
The Palace of Dom Pedro covers a large surface of ground but is not magnificent as it is low & not by any means imposing, near the water’s edge, fronting on a dirty square. It is of marble, I think—one of a yellowish color. It is said to be very handsome in the interior which I fear I shall not be able to see.
View from the Imperial Palace at Rio de Janeiro with a cavalry battalion in front of it. Late 1840s.
Attended the opera a few evenings since where I saw the young Emperor & princess. I was not much pleased with his appearance but think the princess decidedly the most dignified, handsome & intelligent-looking lady in the theatre. She was plainly but richly attired, & probably as she stood was very valuable—-if not for her person, at least for the large quantity of diamonds decorating her person. Her head dress & necklace was the most brilliant I ever saw. There was a great many Ladies in the theatre and among them all could not discover one handsome or, according to our ideas, have any claim to beauty. The Spanish are far superior to them. The best specimen as to color was the prince & princess, being quite white. There is too much dark color under the skins of some. The soldiers are mostly negroes & very inferior.
Emperor Dom Pedro II and Teresa Cristina as they looked in 1843.
I have not seen much military excitement as yet. I suppose their soldiers are near Montevideo where I understand there is some hostilities existing. 1 There is an immense quantity of low population & slavery crowded together in rooms, looking like holes in the wall, where I suppose they sleep away an existence in very great ignorance except of the comforts of eating, if they can get it, which I much doubt. There is no currency in the country that can be depended upon. It is fluctuating from day to day. They have a paper currency and copper for daily use. I have not seen a particle of specie used since our arrival except that which the various navies circulate. Have no doubt there is abundance of it, but it is kept in the vaults of the country.
There is a very fine French eating & drinking house in this place where the officers congregate to pass off their time. Billiards appears to be the principal game of amusement. We suppose we shall remain here 10 or 12 days longer to water ship, get in fresh provisions, & prepare for our voyage to Bombay to receive our minister, Mr. [Caleb] Cushing. 2 We shall probably be about 60 days or 70 in reaching there. This will be a long cruise. After this, [we’ll] proceed to Singapore & then to China or Canton in the China Sea which we expect to reach next December or January, remain in this sea about a year, visit Ceylon, Manilla, Singapore & perhaps several other places during the year. In December 1844, [we’ll] leave for the Pacific & visit many of the Islands, coast of South America, Valparaiso, Lima, Callao, & then round Cape Horn & return to Rio Janeiro, from whence we will again sail for the United States, having accomplished a journey around the world. I think we shall reach home about August or September 1845. I anticipate seeing the most interesting portion of the Globe except the Mediterranean, a cruise which I shall have some claim to on my return.
You will have perceived by my letters from Norfolk that I had but 4 or 5 days to get ready for my cruise. Therefore, it was out of my power to make such arrangements as I could have wished for the cruise. I wrote a letter to Tiffany by the Pilot Boat of the pilot who conducted us to sea which I hope he received. The worst of this cruise is that I cannot hear from home. But you will often hear from me as there are ships constantly sailing from all these ports. There are occasionally store ships for the Squadron sailing from the United States & from New York East India merchantmen weekly by a little trouble you might send [me a letter]. I often think, could I be satisfied [if] all was harmony & peace & contentment in all members of the family, how great a sense of gratification I should feel when I often think of them. Could they but know as much of the world as I do, they would daily thank God for their comforts so superior to most I see. Happiness unalloyed is in the power of the family & God knows I would like to see it if I ever return again.
Before we Leave this port, I shall write you again giving you all the news and interesting discoveries I make here.
1 In 1843, Brazil was not officially at war with Montevideo, but was heavily involved in the region’s instability during the Uruguayan Civil War (Guerra Grande, 1839–1851). Brazil watched the 1843 start of the Great Siege of Montevideo closely, supporting the Colorado faction to prevent the expansion of Argentine dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas.
2 Caleb Cushing (1800-1879) was appointed in 1843 by President Tyler to be commissioner and United States Minister to China, holding this position until March 4, 1845.
This letter presented for transcription by the “Alabama Dirt Digger” was composed in the Nation’s Capitol on November 26, 1860, a mere three weeks following the election of Abraham Lincoln. This correspondence reflects the anticipated turmoil facing members of the 36th US Congress as they returned to the Capitol, confronting both the shift in political party dynamics and the looming threats of secession. Originating from the U.S. Post Office Department, the letter suggests authorship by an individual affiliated with that department; however, the absence of a full signature, with only the initials “R. G. C.” provided, precludes my ability to identify the writer despite my review of the Post Office Department employee lists in Boyd’s 1861 Washington Directory.
He composed the letter to his close acquaintance, Harriet Swan (1834-1893), a 26-year-old daughter of Tavern Keeper John J. Swan (1793-1878) and Eunice A. White (1805-1855) from Swanville, Erie County, Pennsylvania. Harriet was the younger sister of Andrew F. Swan (1832-1876), who subsequently served with distinction in the Civil War as a member of the 6th US Cavalry, achieving the rank of Lieutenant Colonel by the war’s conclusion. It is notable that Harriet never entered into matrimony.
I find it ironic that the letter, which serves as an invitation to attend Lincoln’s inaugural in March 1861, was sent in an envelope bearing the political endorsement of John C. Breckenridge for President—the Southern Democratic candidate in the 1860 election.
Reverse side of envelope.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Addressed to Miss Hattie Vail, Swan Station, Erie county, Pa.
Post Office Department Washington D.C. November 26, 1860
Miss Hattie,
Altho’ you are now one letter in my debt, having some leisure this morning and feeling like having a little chat with you, thought I would not stand on ceremony, but write again. The picture is a long time arriving. It certainly ought to be very pretty when it does come. Judging from the length of time it required to gain your consent to give it, it would I presume, require a much longer period to get your consent, should I, one of these days have the presumption to ask for the original. What say you to that?
Congress meets this day week and I never saw so few strangers at the Metropolis at this season. I do not know of the arrival of a single member of Congress except Mr. [Thomas] Corwin of Ohio. 1 I expect they will have a stormy session. The city will of course soon be full of persons willing to serve their country in any and all capacities. They will have a jolly time of it. There will be more applicants than there are offices in the whole world. I wish you would come on to the inauguration. Has Miss Mary returned? if so, remember me to her.
I must now conclude this poor apology for a letter, hoping to hear from you soon. I am very Respectfully Yours, — F. G. C.
1 Thomas Corwin of Ohio led the House of Representatives’ effort to end the secessionist crisis that arose following the 1860 elections. Corwin sponsored a constitutional amendment that would have forbidden the federal government from outlawing slavery, even through further constitutional amendments. Though several states ratified the amendment, it did not prevent the outbreak of the civil war. Corwin resigned from Congress in March 1861 to become the United States Ambassador to Mexico. He held that position until 1864 and died the following year.
The following letter was written by Benjamin S. Kennicott (1817-1877) of Waukegan, Illinois. In the 1850 US Census, Benjamin—a native of Saratoga county, New York—was enumerated in Waukegan with his wife, Jane (b. 1822), and two children, Melissa (1842-1860) and John (b. 1846). At that time, his occupation was given as a bookkeeper. When he wrote this letter in August 1863, he was most likely a widower, but he remarried in April 1868 to Helen M. Edgecomb (1835-1928), the daughter of John Edgecomb (1803-1878) and Abby Gates (1806-1893) who outlived him by 50 years.
Benjamin wrote the letter to his friend John “Emerson” Anderson. At the time of this letter in August 1863, Emerson was serving in Co. D, 2nd Massachusetts Infantry and probably at the regimental camp near Kelly’s Ford, Virginia.
The letter provides us with a good description of Waukegan, Illinois, where Emerson Anderson once worked as a boot maker in the S. S. Greenleaf & Company, boot & shoe manufacturing firm.
Genesee Street became the primary business street in Waukegan, Illinois, in the 1860s.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Waukegan [Lake County, Illinois] Sunday p.m., August 30th 1863
My dear friend,
Yours of the 12th inst., came to hand something over a week since and read with exceeding pleasure. I was indeed surprised and knew not to whom I was indebted for a letter away in that direction, seeing it was postmarked Washington D. C. Nevertheless, I assure you, it was very welcome and was never more gratified in reading a letter. I have not forgotten you by any means, but had only heard from you once or twice by way of Warren more than a year since and concluded it was quite likely you had offered up your life on the battlefield in the cause of the country you went to defend and help uphold. Am glad to know you have escaped thus far and hope you may be spared to see the end of the conflict and return safely to your home and friends.
Well, I presume you will be pleased to learn all about your Waukegan friends and acquaintances, so here goes. In the first place, myself and the Boss and the shop’s crew. I have been with [Samuel Smith] Greenleaf 1 about four years and nearly all that time in the store doing the cutting principally and attending to the boys in the shop. Of the old hands, Kelly and Hadden are the only ones that remain of the lot you left. Tom White, 2 who worked at Bachellor’s when you left, has been with us nearly three years. Mr. Turner left last winter some time, but does an occasional job now. An old man by the name of [David A.] Gillmore is fitting for us. [Edward] Tyrell 3 has done nothing for some three months on account of hurt he received putting his shoulder out of joint in a fall he got one evening when tight. He will work for us again as soon as he can work. Another man by the name of R. H. Lee works for us and an apprentice boy. Mr. Dorsey works for Stafford and takes his work home.
Capt. Asiel Z. Blodgett (1832-1916) of Co. G, 96th Illinois Infantry, from Waukegan, IL.
The boss & wife are all alone. Amos [Greenleaf] 4 enlisted about a year ago this month with many others in this place and is in Rosecrans’ army in Tennessee—the 96th Regiment Illinois Infantry. Their little boy, Henry, died a year ago last May. Johnny 5 was in the 96th a few months as cook for Capt. [A. Z.] Blodgett. He did not enlist so only remained a short time. He is now in a bank in Chicago. Franklin 6 left home the first of June professing to go in the country a little way to work on a farm in company with two other putty hand boys. In a few days, they heard from him & the others going down the Mississippi in a small boat they had procured in some way and in a few days thereafter they were in St. Louis, enlisted as teamsters in the Government service. They were at Pilot Knob [Missouri] a short time and finally left with Gen. Davidson’s Cavalry Division for Arkansas. They heard from him yesterday ay Clarendon, about half way from Memphis to Little Rock. You would hardly know Frank, he has grown so since you saw him. He is rather taller than Warren. I believe he is not sixteen years old yet—a large boy of his age.
Gay Wiseman 7 did not enlist. He and all his family are Copperheads—the old man in particular. Gay does not live in Waukegan now, nor does George [Wiley Wiseman], his brother. Mr. Clarkson, C. Morse, Eugene Payne 8, A[siel] Z. Blodgett, and many others enlisted from Waukegan, many of whom probably you did not know. Nelson Roorbach 9 is now in Chicago—rather a worthless sort of a fellow.
[George] Grant lives in Mattoon, Coles county, Illinois. His son, Robert, is in Chicago and doing well, I believe. He has improved greatly since you saw him. Old Scott (Sally Ann) lives where he did and keeps boarders and is doing better than he has for many years. His daughter Mary plays the melodeon at the Episcopal Church at a salary of 50 dollars per year.
My boy Johnny is in Waukegan and works at the Waukegan House. He is now 17 years old and almost as large as I am. He is all I have left. Daughter [Melissa] died three years ago last July. I boarded round at Taverns for three or four years but am now at a private family—Beecher Hitchcock’s, whom no doubt you remember.
Waukegan has improved somewhat since you left and is improving as much or more this season than any since you left. The business is leaving the street we are on and going more on Genesee Street towards the Waukegan House. Nine brick stores are now building on that street. Business is very good It has been for some time past. Boot and Shoe Making is better than when you were here, and there is more demand for workmen and at improved wages. We seldom see a tramping “Jur” [Journeyman?] nowadays. The war seems to have taken all the loose shoemakers. Stock is very high and consequently the manufactured articles have advanced a good deal. Kip boots 11 sell for four and a half dollars, f 5 1/2, Fr. f. 6 1/2, and other articles in proportion. Crops came in good & everything brings a good price. Farmers are nearly all getting rich.
How long is it since you left Waukegan? I’ve forgotten entirely. I have not been 3 miles from the store in as many years and not as far as Chicago in five years, and have not been absent from the store half a day since I came here to work. Indeed, I go scarcely anywhere and see but little of the world outside of Waukegan. I may spend the remainder of my days here for aught I know to the contrary. It seems more like home than any place I know of and I am reluctant to go again amongst strangers so I do the best I can to be contented with my lot and take everything philosophically.
I believe I have now written all that’s needful in one letter and hope if this reaches you, you will write again speedily. I hope that “stray bullets will not wipe you out” but that you may see Waukegan again before I die. Any enquiries you may make of persons & things, I shall be glad to attend to, and post you in regard to what is doing in all this “upon round about.”
Please accept of my best wishes for your welfare and safety and believe me ever thy friend, — B. S. Kennicott
[to] John E. Anderson
1 Samuel Smith Greenleaf (1818-Aft1900), was the son of Flavel Greenleaf (1791-1850) and Eunice Smith (1794-1847). He was the owner of S. S. Greenleaf & Co., “manufacturers and dealers in boots, shoes, leather and findings” in Waukegan.
2 Thomas Francis White (1826-1879), was born in Sligo, Ireland, and came to the United States in 1847, settling first in Haverhill, Massachusetts. He moved to Waukegan, Illinois, in 1854 and worked as a bootmaker for S. S. Greenleaf in 1860. In March 1864, he mustered into the Chicago Mercantile Independent Light Battery and served until July 1865.
3 Edward Tyrell (1835-1863) was born in Ireland and came to the United States in 1848, settling first in Brooklyn. After a few years in Utica, New York, he came to Waukegan where prior to 1856. He was a shoemaker for the S. S. Greanleaf & Co.
4 Amos Greenleaf (1836-1914) was the son of Flavel Greenleaf (1791-1850) and Eunice Smith (1794-1847) of Oakland county, Michigan. Amos served as a sergeant in Co. G, 96th Regiment Illinois Infantry. In 1860, Amos was enumerated as a 24 year-old clerk in Waukegan, Illinois.
5 Johnny Flavel Greenleaf (1845-1887) was the son of Samuel Smith Greenleaf (1818-1915) of Waukegan, Illinois.
6 Samuel Franklin Greenleaf (1847-1933) was the son of Samuel Smith Greenleaf (1818-1915) of Waukegan, Illinois.
7 Gaius (“Gay’) Wiseman (1833-1918) was born in Gainesville, Wyoming county, New York. He came with his parents, James Wiseman (1799-1879) and Orril Lawrence (1804-1884), to Waukegan, Illinois, in the 1840s and married Mary Yeager in 1858. He was a tinner in Waukegan until 1863 when he left town and settled in Sycamore, DeKalb county, Illinois, employed by R. Ellwood and also the Haight Brothers.
8 Eugene Beauharnais Payne (1835-1919) of Seneca Falls, New York, came to Waukegan with his parents in 1837. In the Civil War, Eugene joined the Waukegan Zouaves who were eventually made part of the 37th Illinois Infantry. Eugene was made the captain of Co. C. He rose in rank to command the regiment and later made a Brigadier General.
9 Nelson Roorbach (1818-1904) was a shoemaker who lived in his later years in Chicago but was buried in Waukegan.
10 George Grant (1817-1891), a native of Scotland, was enumerated in 1850 and 1860 working as a shoemaker in Waukegan. His son, Robert Daniel Grant (1841-1911) lived in Chicago.
11 “Kip boots” in 1863 refers to durable, long-legged boots made from “kip leather”—a hide from a young cow, smaller than a full-grown ox but larger than a calf. These were commonly worn during the American Civil War era and were highly prized for their durability in heavy mud.
The following letter was written by Evan Thomas Rinehart (1828-1891), formerly the regimental quartermaster of the 165th Pennsylvania Infantry—a nine-months unit that mustered out of the service in July 1863. After he was mustered out, I believe that Evan was made a government paymaster though I have not found an 1863 record to confirm it. One such appointment of “E. T. Rinehart” dated 12 March 1864 does appear in military records.
Evan’s parents were Israel Rinehart (1792-1871) and Mary Snader (1797-1865). In 1850, he resided in Frederick, Maryland. He was married in 1861 to Euphenia Knox of Adams, Pennsylvania. He died in Baltimore in 1891. Evans’ older brother, William Rinehart (1825-1874) was a prominent neo-classical, Italian trained, sculptor. Another brother, Daniel Rinehart (1823-1886) served as captain of Company F, 7th Maryland Volunteers.
While waiting to be transported to Union-occupied Vicksburg, Rinehart’s letter gives us a good picture of St. Louis in the fall of 1863. He describes the appearance of the city, the activities, and the politics prevailing at that time, split primarily over the issue of immediate or gradual emancipation of slaves.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
The Everett House in St. Louis
St. Louis, Missouri September 29th 1863
Dear Judge,
According to promise I will give a few of the outlines of the state of things out here. I have been sojourning in this city about four weeks expecting every day for the past two to leave for Vicksburg or wherever Grant’s army may be to make our first payment. To me—I suppose as other strangers—the time passes heavy and slow in this place. I have yet had nothing to do and as a matter of course I find some trouble to dispose of the day. True, I can make a pretty good staggers at killing a few hours in the morning with an extra nap but the balance of the day after reading the morning papers get very heavy.
We have rooms assigned us in a large building for an office and sleeping department. The entire house is nearly occupied by Paymasters. We use simple army cots upon which we sleep & which we take with us into the field. I make up my own bed every day which is no great matter as it is composed of a mattress & pair of blankets. I am boarding at the Everett House and find it well kept. Living is very expensive there. For good board with lodging they charge from nine to twelve dollars per week.
St. Louis is by no means a handsome city. The streets are narrow and many of them badly paved. There are many fine commercial buildings and hotels but there is such dull, gloomy and rusty appearance about the whole city occasioned by coal smoke continually pouring from steamboats, factories, and many other chimneys that it looks more like an ancient town that one of recent growth. It is now considered one of the best governed cities in the Union. The population are about one third German whom almost to a man are loyal to the core. In fact, it was owing to that element which held the balance of power that saved the city from falling into the hands of the Rebels at the onset of this rebellion.
Steamboats are now regularly flying between this place and New Orleans and all intermediate points. By some unaccountable means—supposed to be incendiary—a number of the finest river boats have within a few weeks been burned. Four were burned at the wharf since my arrival.
Politics here are very spirited and while all claim to be good Unionists as elsewhere, they differ in the mode of “running the machine.” The political fight here at present is entirely a local or state matter. We have a party who call themselves conservatives or gradual emancipationists, and another party who boldly come out as radicals and demand immediate emancipation. The latter appear to be gaining ground & many of the citizens who were formerly proslavery men declare since emancipation has become a settled fact for the state, why the sooner it is accomplished the better and there is no use in making piecemeal of what can be done at one sweep. Just so long as there is a vestige of it in the state, so long will be kept up this spirit of contention, animosity, & strife that now exists.
The contest is bitter in the extreme. The journals handle each other with ungloved hands. The conservatives support Gen. Schofield who is in command of this department while the radicals denounce him in unmeasured terms. Gen. Frank Blair who a short time since was king of the radicals quarreled with that organ & by a prodigious leap falls in with the other party. But he is too late. He made a speech here last night. Those who heard it pronounce it a perfect failure. The fact of it is the Blair influence in this state is completely played out, and as for slavery, it is about ditto.
Union people here laugh at the idea of Vallandigham being elected governor of Ohio and it is generally expected Curtain will be reelected in the Old Keystone. How do things look at home? I suppose the Copperheads will make a clean sweep of the county this fall. I have not yet heard who are nominated but I guess it matters but little who they are if they are only “dyed in the wool.” The party will support anything that hasn’t horns & cloven feet.
Well, Judge, I fear my letter will not prove as uninteresting as you might expect but you must excuse it & attribute it partly to want of more influence on the Mississippi. I have the assurance we will get off this week for Vicksburg. Present my kindest remembrance to your family while I remain with the highest regards your friends, — E. T. Rinehart
The following letter was written by Thomas W. Wick (1839-1891) while serving as a private in Co. G, 28th New Jersey Infantry—a nine-months regiment mustered into service in September 1862. Thomas claims that he is “willing to do my part” to put down the rebellion though many of the men who enlisted in the regiment probably assumed they would see comparatively little service in their nine-months. They were wrong. Instead, the regiment led the charge on Marye’s Heights at Fredericksburg and they were in the brutal fighting around Salem Church near Fredericksburg in the Chancellorsville Campaign.
Thomas was the son of John Wick (1806-1876) and Eliza Ann Eldridge (1810-1893) of Turnersville, Gloucester county, New Jersey. In the 1860 US Census, Thomas was enumerated at Chew’s Landing in Camden county, New Jersey, residing in the household of Thomas A. Chew where he was identified as a “laborer.”
Thomas wrote the letter to his friend, Elizabeth (“Lizzie”) Brick (1845-1919) of Hurffville, Gloucester county, New Jersey. Lizzie married John C. Thompson (1838-1911) in 1864.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Addressed to Miss Elizabeth Brick, Hurffville, Camden county, New Jersey
Chain Bridge November 5th 1862
Dear Lizzie,
I received your most affectionate letter and was very glad to hear from you and was well and your letter found me the same.
I have just come in from picket duty and I thought that I would write to you again for the last letter done me so much good that I received from you. We have been thrown out on picket 48 hours about 6 miles from camp and we have had a very nice time of it. We have not seen anybody that wanted to hurt us not anybody that we had to hurt, but if anybody had undertook to get inside of our lines, we would have been right on hand. But everything went smoothly. We have to stand on two hours and off 6 in the day time, and at night on two and off two. It comes midling hard on us at night but we make it all right when the sun begins to pop up.
It is a very nice place out here. There are several nice farms. They are Union men that lives in them but the secesh farms look as if there had been some of the true blues. [They need] to work at their fences. You cannot see a sign of a rail on any of the farms. There are real nice fields all out to the commons. It looks too bad, but we cannot pity them for it is their own fault. I went out to look around to see what I could find and about the best thing that I found was a rabbit sitting in a brush heap and I up with a stone and killed him and I took him in and dressed him and broiled him over the fire. It was quite a treat, I tell you Lizzie. We do our own cooking when we are out on picket and you can imagine how nice it is done. It would be a great note if we come out extra cooks before we come home.
They have been fighting for two or three days close to Winchester. We heard the cannons all day on Sunday. The rebels is retreating towards Richmond. They are heading for their winter quarters but I guess thy will not get any this winter without they lay down their arms and give up the struggle for our generals says that they do not expect to put up this winter. They lay out to go right through and put an end to this war. I hope that they will for God knows that it has been going on long enough. For my part, I am willing to do my part and I guess that the rest are too for they are just getting in earnest now.
Lizzie, you said that you heard that Iks Cark [?] was dead. It is not so for there was a man over here out of his regiment and he is all right yet and there was some Boys over to our camp to see me that used to live to Turnersville. They are encamped right along side of Jakey and Bill Chew and Tom Clark. They are well and as fat as pigs. They said they are about 8 miles from us. Bill Chew is Fife Major now. 1 I would love to run on to them some day unbeknownst to them. It will do me so much [good] to see them.
Lizzie, I suppose that Mr. Thompson’s class is going on now Saturday night and I hope that you all have good and happy times as we once did. Oh when I think of the happy seasons that we have had together, it fills my heart with joy. Oh, never will I forget the night when God removed all my sins and Oh! the joy that I received. And Lizzie, I have been made happy many times when I have heard you and Mary Hurff and Amy tell of the goodness of God to your heart. Oh Lizzie, may God ever keep us all faithful and one day we shall rise where war will be no more, but where all will be love and peace and where Jesus is that hung on the cross for our sins. Oh that all the world would turn to God and live.
It makes me feel bad to see how that some of my dear friends go on from day to day taking the name of God in vain. It seems as if some of them has give up to the Devil since they have come down here. But may God open their eyes before it is too late. When you pray, think of me and I will remember thee. I must bring this bad writing to a close for the present. So good night. Write soon. From a true friend, — Thomas Wick
Direct your letter to 28th Regt. N. J. V., Co. G, in care of Captain [Louis W.] Schock, Washington D. C.
1 William S. Chew (1821-1911) was Fife Major of Co. I, 6th New Jersey Infantry. He served from August 1861 to September 1864.
I could not find an image of William but here is one of Albert Woolson of Co. I, 4th Minnesota Infantry. His leg was injured in the Gladiator steamboat accident on the Tennessee River on 13 May 1862 (mentioned in letter).
The following letters were written by William W. Milhollin (1839-1864), a native of Ohio, who enlisted in Ramsey county, Minnesota, as a private in Co. K, 4th Minnesota Infantry. He was discharged for disability on 30 January 1863. William (“Billy”) died on 24 May 1864 at Champlin, Hennepin county, Minnesota, and lies buried in Champlin Cemetery.
Serving in the same company with William were his older brothers, Jonathan McClintic Milhollin and Saul M. Milhollin. Though not signed, I believe the second letter to have been written by Saul who died in December 1862 at Quincy, Illinois.
The brothers were the sons of William Milhollin (1796-1871) and Rebecca Ann Henkler (1816-1906) of Champaign county, Ohio. The Milhollin’s moved from Ohio to Minnesota in 1853.
Letter 1
Camp Benton December 25, 1861
Dear Sisters,
Tis Christmas yet I would not know it if I did not hear the boys shout it once in a while. One of the cooks were taken sick day before yesterday and we help by turns till he is well. It is my turn today and I am slopping around washing dishes, carrying water, &c. There was a snow fell last Sunday and the ground froze, but it is so warm yesterday and today the water is running in streams so that it is very disagreeable walking. All is quiet today. There are none on drill and very few crossing the parade ground. So different from a few days since when it was like fall weather that the camp looks almost deserted. It is evening or night.
I worked hard all day and feel tired but like to write on Christmas as I feel almost certain you are at home. You must write what you are doing and if there was anyone at our house and who it was. There is a man here by the name of Coe who got the privilege of treating the boys and some of them are having a merry time in their own way.
I received a letter from Martin Smith a few days since. He is well and very well and busy. He said he wrote to Kate and got an answer. He says also that he is almost in despair of having a fight. They take a few prisoners but let them go after swearing them in. There was nine hundred horses brought in here captured from the rebels. I did not see them but others say they are very fine horses but were poorly equipped. I have seen several men who have been in battle. There is one in the same barracks who was at the Battle of Bull Run. He was in all the fight and says the secessionists had the advantage of numbers nearly eight to one and were fresh while the Union men had to travel considerable and the rebels were scarcely ever seen while themselves were exposed all the time from crossfires.
I saw a splendid thoroughbred stallion and a beautiful shetland pony which had been taken from an old rebel colonel whose name is often mentioned in the papers but I have forgotten it. The ones who took them were infantry but they keep them for show. They stopped at the colonel’s house for several days in hopes he would come home. They had part of their men concealed so as to deceive them. The pony is the smallest thing of horse kind you ever saw. He is six years old and could almost walk under Mary’s belly.
Ten or twelve regiments have left here lately and only a few come in. Must go to supper now and will write after supper.
Thursday, December 26th. It is warm this morning. The snow is all gone and the ground is drying fast. I sleep on the top bunk eight feet from the floor. I have cut a hole in the boards with my knife large enough to put my head through and looking this morning at daybreak, saw the Iowa 3rd Regiment leaving quietly without music or noise. Tis a very fine regiment—all well dressed in black with bright bayonets flashing and banners flying. 1
1 The 3rd Iowa Infantry moved from Quincy, Illinois, to Benton Barracks in late November 1861. They marched out of St. Louis on 26 December 1861 to perform guard duty at Mexico, Missouri, and along the Northern Missouri Railroad where they remained until March 1862. They were then ordered to Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee, prior to the Battle of Shiloh.
Letter 2
[Editor’s Note: The regiment moved from the siege lines around Corinth (which ended May 30) to camp at Clear Creek, Mississippi, which is roughly 6 miles south of Corinth. During this period, they were tasked with protecting the railroad and scouting the area for Confederate activity.]
Camp 6 miles south of Corinth June 6th 1862
Dear Mother,
Your kind letters was received late last night & we were very glad to hear that you were all well. I got one from T. S. with the wreaths in it & one from father & you. Both of them was written on the 26th. T. S. said that you had heard of the Gladiator breaking down & he thought the 4th Regiment was not on board. Now I will explain. We did leave St. Louis on the John J. Roe but got off of it at Paris Landing 10 miles above Fort Henry. We went back in the country some 20 miles in pursuit of some rebels that had captured some of our cavalry. We was gone 3 days, came back to Paris Landing, stopped there 3 or 4 days, and then took the Gladiator for Hamburg Landing. It was on this part of our trip that the accident happened which you spoke of but you got an exaggerated account of the affair. The truth was that there was only one man lost. He was on guard on deck and was either knocked overboard or was scared and jumped over and was drowned. There was several slightly hurt but none seriously injured so you can see you live about far enough from the seat of war to get big tales. None of us was hurt. For my part, I was asleep back between the engines & knew nothing of it until the thing was all over.
One month ago today we marched through Corinth. We had got our entrenchments up pretty close to theirs & had our siege guns planted within half a mile of the town. On Thursday evening, we threw a few shells among them. They thought best to leave. They left the place leaving everything they had behind. We found beef, flour, sugar, molasses, guns, cartridge boxes, clothing, camp equipage of every kind. In many places they had been cooking. Some had their flour in the pan and had their biscuit made out & some had them in the oven baking & the fire was not dead on the lids. They use the dutch oven for baking altogether.
About a mile from here the rebels tried to burn a large lot of commissary goods, wagons, &c. They had piled them up and set them on fire but they did not burn very well. Some 30 or 40 was somewhat injured. Some had a wheel, some the tongue or an axel. We took a good many barrels of sugar & molasses. No pen can describe the scene. Some of the dead secesh were not covered entirely up & the flies were on them. You may judge that I turned from the sight with disgust. From every appearance the rebels were awfully scared & perfectly demoralized, I will not attempt to estimate the value of the property they left behind.
The health of the regiment is pretty good considering the circumstances. Today [Robert S.] Perkins was taken back to the hospital. He has the bilious fever. He is pretty sick. [Brother] Clint is back some 5 miles. He has the rheumatism but the last I heard he was able to walk about. I hope to hear from him tomorrow. Billy & me are in tolerable good health & getting better. The change of climate and water has given us all the diahhrea but we have got over it now. Milo has been troubled in the same way. He is better. He is able for duty & you would be surprised to see how cool all our boys are when they expect an engagement every hour. They will march up as cool in a skirmish as they would to eat. In some cases it is necessary to skirmish a piece of woods…
Spared & Shared 23 