The following letters were written by Theron Treat (1839-1908), the son of Barzillai Treat (1807-1894) and Sophia Kingsley (1814-1898) of West Worcester, Otsego county, New York. He wrote them during the American Civil War while serving in Co. D, 3rd New York Cavalry. His service records inform us that he enlisted in late August 1864 and mustered out in early June 1865—a total of ten months. Enlisting a few days before Theron was his cousin, William “Lorenzo” Knapp, who no doubt had some influence on his decision to join the regiment and avoid the draft.
Theron datelined both of his letters from the detachment’s encampment near Pungo Landing, a flat farmland, marshy area along the North Landing River in southeastern Virginia, some 30 miles from Norfolk and east of the Great Dismal Swamp.
[Note: These letters are from the collection of Brandon White and were made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Letter 1
Addressed to Mr. Barzillai Treat. West Worcester, Otsego county, New York
In Camp at Pungo Landing [Virginia] December the 21st, 1864
Well, here I am, well and hearty, and hope that you are all well. I got your letter two or three days ago. You wrote that you heard that I was lame. All that I have been lame was two or three days in one of my legs and that was not as bad as I have had it at home. So you see that you have had all that worrying for nothing. You wanted me to write how I was. That I do every time [I write]. My health is a great deal better than I thought it would be in the army and I like it first rate.
We are in a good place now and shall stay here some time. There is nothing to do but a little guard duty and that is to keep contraband goods from going into the country where we don’t want them to go. We are within five miles of the line between the states of North Carolina and Virginia. Our people have held this part of the state for two years so there is no rebs in these parts. We buy all of the fresh fish that we want and all of the milk and all of the fresh meat and sweet potatoes that we want, and we have a first rate time.
Lorenzo and I have a log house of our own with a brick fireplace and a good bed and lots of blankets and we have things in style. You will laugh but it is true.
You wanted me to get a furlough but I don’t want one. I am a going to stay and see this thing through and then when the time is up that I enlisted for, then I shall come home for the war will be over in a short time and I feel a great deal more like a man here than I should at home, scared almost to death at the word, D-R-A-F-T. Tell the Copperheads that they will have to come when Old Abe says the word and [Gov.] Seymour can’t save them now for scared creatures—Oh! where is Little Mac?
Tell John Treat to raise a boy for it is war ties and he must do something for his country, and it may as well be that as anything else. There is not much news to write. The weather has been very nice. There has not been any snow nor much cold weather.
You wrote that you would send me a box if I wanted. I can get all of the things here as well and as cheap so there is no need of it. I have got some undershirts and all the stockings and all the clothes that I want and I have got the money to buy all that I want to eat. And half of the boxes don’t come through [anyway] so you see that it don’t pay. I think that Lorenzo is foolish to have one sent. Tell [brother] John to write to me in the next letter. Clara wrote that he had been sick. I hope he is well and seeing to the colt. The reason that I did not get a horse when Lorenzo did was he got his to Camp Stoneman and I did not go there. — Theron Treat
Letter 2
In Camp at Pungo Landing May 21st [1865]
I am well and hearty and so is Lorenzo. He is about ten miles from here. I came from there this morning. I went down there yesterday to see the boys that was there. There is about half of our company there. You need not worry one bit about either one of us. We are alright and in good places.
I got a letter from you dated the 29th and a paper the other day. I was down to Norfolk the other day and saw that Ram that our boys took at Richmond and the one that they took at Wilmington. They was a right smart sight, I recon.
Well, I think this war is about played out and I think the rebs are as tired as they need to be and well they might be. They have caught the murderer of old Abe and shot him and if anyone says they are glad old Abe is dead, they had ought to be served the same way. I don’t care who it is. And I should like to try them on with my carbine about three paces off. They are meaner than rebs and that is needless.
You wrote that Aunt Pitts was dead so you see that people don’t live always [even] if they ain’t in the army. I recon a man will live till his time comes, let him be where he will. As for having to go on a raid, I never had to ride twenty miles in the army at one time, so it ain’t very hard, is it? And you need not worry about the guerrillas for there ain’t any here.
I think some of the troops will be discharged before long and they may take it in to their heads to discharge us. Well, I don’t care much if they do. Well, John, how are you today? Well, I hope you must not work too hard but be a good boy and I recon I will bring you a stick of candy or something else. As for that yellow gal, she is too big to send in a letter.
The following letters were written by Algernon D. Hazard who served as a corporal in Company F of the 112th New York Infantry Regiment during the Civil War. He enlisted on August 30, 1862, for a three-year term. The 112th New York, known as the “Chautauqua Regiment,” was organized in Jamestown, NY, and fought in Virginia and South Carolina.
Algernon was the son of Caleb Hazard (1808-1895) and Mary (Hannah) Newberry (1819-1885) of Ellery, Chautauqua county, New York. Only five of Algernon’s letters are presented here. There are three other letters, two by Capt Joseph S. Mathews, and one by Chaplain William Lyman Hyde, both of the 112th New York Regiment.
We learn from the regimental history that Algernon was “seriously wounded” in the fighting at Cold Harbor on June 1, 1864. A diary that I transcribed in 2024 by James Stafford of Co. C, 112th, included the following entry for that day: “Wednesday, June 1, 1864—We marched nearly all day and were tired out but were ordered right into the fight and we charged with knapsacks on. Many of our noble boys fell dead and dying…” The letter by Capt. Mathews, however, remembers the date of Algernon’s wounding as June 2nd. Stafford’s diary reveals that there was heavy fighting on that day as well: “Thursday, June 2, 1864. This morning we were ordered out to the front and many were killed and wounded…”
At a field hospital near the front, Algernon’s right leg was amputated—his wound being just above the right knee. A few days later he was transported several miles to the 18th Corps hospital at White House Landing where he died shortly after his arrival. Perhaps the jostling of the ambulance wagon resulted in uncontrolled bleeding around the sutures.
Letter 1
Camp on Folly Island near Charleston, [S.C.] August 21st 1863
Respected Father,
Again I seat myself to let you know that I am well with the exception of a bile [boil] on my left ankle which is very painful. I have been excused from duty 4 days on the account of it. The weather here is quite warm (you would call it hot) but not much warmer than it was at Portsmouth. We had a little rain here twice.
There is firing on Morris Island nearly all the time. I hear that they have breached [Fort] Sumter and from what I know have no reasons to doubt it but as I said in my last letter, I ain’t allowed to write any news anything of what is going on.
Our duty here is pretty hard and there is a good many sick. There is over 100 a taking medicine of what is here—nearly one-fifth. There is nothing new here to write. I have received one letter from you since I have been here which I acknowledged in my other letter. It bore the daye of July 27th.
I have already wrote five letters which I have not heard from. One at Bower’s Hill, two at Portsmouth (one containing the check), and two since I have been here. I don’t know as there is anything more. Yours truly, — A. D. Hazard
Letter 2
Camp on Folly Island November 2nd 1863
Respected Father,
Again I seat myself to let you know that I am well. I saw Kingsley a few minutes ago. He is well and fat as a hog. There has been heavy firing for three or four days in the direction of [Fort] Sumter and it is rumored that they haveat last demolished it. With the exception of the firing on Sumter, everything runs smoothly. The company has to go on picket once in ten days and when they are in camp, they drill from 2 to 4 hours each day.
The weather is comfortably warm—not hot enough to be disagreeable—and is so we can sleep comfortably nights. Our regiment is rather sickly as usual and always will be till we have a different man for a head doctor. We have lost 26 by sickness and one killed since we have been here in this department.
The sutler sells things very high here. Apples 10 dollars a barrel—good and bad altogether by whole sale. Potatoes are $5 a barrel. Sweet potatoes $7 a barrel. Mackerel 40 cents a pound, 75 cents a quart for preserved blackberries. Everything else in proportion and some things a little more so. I still continue to help cook. How long I shall, I don’t know.
Mr. P. S. Kimball has got home. He will probably show his patriotism at election tomorrow. No more at present. Yours truly, — A. D. Hazard
Letter 3
Big Bay Island February 1st 1864
Respected Father,
I now seat myself to answer your welcome letter of January 8th which just came to this island by a dispatch boat. It had been miscarried some way because the one of the 15th I received day before yesterday.
This island is 6 miles long and we have the best water here that we have had since we have been in the service. I don’t expect to write any news for I have just mailed a letter. If I was there, they wouldn’t need to offer me 350 dollars town bounty only once unless I thought I could get more by waiting a little longer. I think the fighting part of this war is over mostly and unless I do happen to stop a reb ball, I can live as well in the army as anywhere.
I don’t think of anything else. Yours truly, — A. D. Hazard
Letter 4
Folly Island February 24th 1864
Respected Father,
I now seat myself to answer your letter of the 1st of this month which I received today. We are back to Folly waiting transportation to Florida. The regiment left here for Jacksonville yesterday and we shall go there as soon as there is a boat goes that way. I am well and tough as I ever was in my life. I don’t want you nor mother to trouble any about me because it won’t do me any good and will damage your health. I am able to paddle my own canoe as long as I am well. What I meant by saying to pardon that I shouldn’t have been here is that I should have been in some other regiment.
The shells which I spoke of is some that I picked up on Big Bay Island and if they come through, I want you to pay the Express on them and take them and take care of them till I come home—if ever I do. If I don’t, do with them as you like. I have seen Kingsley and got my things all right.
The shirts that I sent for you need not send unless you have started them. If you have started them, you can’t do any other way—only let htem come. They will find me some time sooner or later. As for sending money home this summer, I don’t think I shall send much if I am where I can buy my things to eat. I have wrote to the Paymaster General asking him to cancel my allotment and send me my pay all in money. He will do it without any doubt. Kingsley said you had some talk of buying a piece of land. If you do, I will help you to $75 a year till it is paid for.
(There is some talk of our regiment reenlisting when they have been in two years. What shall I do about it? I shall do just as you say. Still, I have a mind of my own. I think the best thing I can do is to enlist. Don’t let mother [ ] you read this.)
After you get this, you needn’t look for anything more from me till it comes. Direct as before. Yours truly, — A. D. Hazard
Our being mustered at Big Bay was of no use. Consequently I shan’t get any pay till there is six months due me.
Letter 5
Jacksonville, Florida April 1st, 1864
Respected Father,
I now seat myself to write a few lines. I am well and healthy as I ever was in my life. I have delayed writing for some days thinking I should get a letter from you but I have received none later than February 24th.
The weather is just comfortably warm with considerable rain and wind. The wind blows the sand so here some of the time so that it is more disagreeable than the snow is when the wind blows in the northern states. It is so sometimes that you can’t walk facing the wind.
Kingsley [John A. Kinsman?] has come to the regiment again. He looks healthy as I ever saw him. He got here night before last.
This morning about 4 A.M. the transport called the Maple Leaf was destroyed by a torpedo a few miles above here. The Maple Leaf arrived here night before last [31 March 1864] from Folly Island bringing on here the convalescent soldiers of our brigade and the whole of the camp and garrison equipage belonging to the brigade. She ran up to the dock and unloaded what soldiers was on her and then was ordered up the river with some more troops before she had time to unload the rest of the stuff, so we sent a guard of 10 men with her to take care of our part of the stuff. She made the trip [to Palatka] which she was ordered to and was coming back [when] the torpedo blowed her all to pieces back to the engine house. She sunk in three minutes. There was three negroes and two firemen drowned. The rest of the crew was saved but our tents, kettles, officer’s clothing, company books, regimental books, and so on are in about 18 feet of water. The officer’s clothing that is lost is undoubtedly worth 1,500 dollars.
Wreck of the Transport Steamers “Maple Leaf” and “Gen’l Hunter” on St. Johns River, Florida — Sunk by torpedoes
No more at present. From your son, — A. D. Hazard
Direct [to] Co. F, 112th New York Volunteers, Jacksonville, Florida
Please send me some stamps.
Letter 6
Addressed to Mr. Caleb Hazard, Sinclairsville P. O., Chautauqua county, New York
An AI sketch of Capt. Joseph S. Mathews (1832-1872) made from a grainy photograph on Ancestry.com
In the Field June 6, 1864
Caleb Hazard, Esq.
Dear sir, I regret to inform you that your son, Corporal A. D. Hazard of my company, was quite seriously wounded during a charge made by our regiment on the 2nd inst. and has suffered amputation of his right leg just above the knee.
Have just come from his side & a glad to inform you that he is in good spirits & more comfortable than could reasonably be expected. He will probably be sent home as soon as he is strong enough to travel. Very respectfully your obedient servant, — J[oseph] S. Mathews, Capt. Commanding 112th New York, 2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, 18th Army Corps
Letter 7
An AI sketch of Capt. Joseph S. Mathews (1832-1872) made from a grainy photograph on Ancestry.com
In the Field June 22, 1864
Caleb Hazard,
Dear sir, your letter of 16th inst. is just read and I hasten to reply. Having been in command of the regiment most of the time since June 1st and either fighting or marching constantly, I was unable to pay that attention to Corporal Hazard that I should under any other circumstances.
At the time I wrote you, I had just left him & found him so cheerful and feeling so well. I had no doubts in my own mind of his final recovery. The surgeon-in-charge of the hospital with whom I consulted was of the same opinion. Soon after my visit, all who could stand it to ride to White House were ordered away to make room for others of our poor boys constantly coming in and it seems the corporal’s ambition was greater than his strength for he died soon after reaching White House.
I am informed on good authority that his grave is plainly marked so there will be no difficulty in finding it at any future time. His effects were placed in a box & sent to you by Express. I presume, however, that many of them had been thrown away by him as men will not carry in their knapsacks on a long march only what is absolutely necessary. I hardly know what words of sympathy to offer you in this terrible bereavement for if Algernon was as good a son as he was reliable, true & faithful soldier, your loss is indeed very great.
I have watched his military career in the company closely & have always found him ever ready, of good habits, and attention to every duty. I never had to enquirer if any duty assigned to Corp. Hazard had been performed for I always knew it was done to the very letter. He stood high in my own estimation & was a favorite with his company and was first among the corporals that I should have promoted for he was in every way worthy of it. We shall miss him very much.
He fell but a few feet from me & I know he was doing his duty like a man.
Any assistance I can render you in procuring his remains will be gladly rendered as I cannot bear the thought of any of my brave boys sleeping in this accursed rebel soil if time or money will obtain their removal. Enclosed please find receipt of Express company. Also $3.25. With a heart full of sympathy, I remain very truly yours, — J[oseph] S. Mathews
Capt. Co. F, 112th NY Vols., 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, 10th Army Corps, Bermuda Hundred, Va.
Letter 8
Camp 112th New York Vols. Near Hatcher’s Run, Virginia August 20, 1864
Caleb Hazard, Esq.,
This letter was written by William Lyman Hyde, doubtless one of many that the chaplain of the 112th NY Infantry wrote to the families of wounded or killed members of the regiment.A book of the chaplains war time correspondence entitled, “Armed Only With Faith” edited by Donald Rutherford was published in 2015.Hyde also authored the regimental history.
Dear sir, yours of July 10th only reached me last week which is the reason you have not heard from me earlier. The money and account book and old papers were all that your son had with him. His knapsack was lost on the field of battle. The express receipt was for the little package which you received. It was put into the express by the chaplain at the hospital & the express company gave him the receipt. He gave me the money and the receipt which I in turn gave Capt. Mathews who sent them to you.
Your son was sent to the hospital at White House about a week after he was wounded—five days perhaps. His leg had been amputated and it was thought he was doing well. I told you in my last that I was not at White House when he died, but there was one of our men there—a Robert Jones of Co. H—who saw him as soon as he got there & was with him when he died. He called the Chaplain, Rev. Mr. Jones, chaplain of the I. H. Vols., to see him. The chaplain is now where I cannot reach him but will send your letter to him as soon as I can find out where he is.
The Co. H man says your son was very low when he got to White House. It is a hard, long ride from Cold Harbor there—the distance at least 14 miles and over a horrid rough road. He could not speak much above a whisper, and conversed but little, even with the chaplain. He told him he wanted him to send home his money & pocket book and gave him your name. Jones does not recollect that he said anything more. He was very weak and about an hour after getting to the hospital, he died.
He was buried by the regular attendants at the hospital and the place of his grave is marked. A plain board has his name, Company & Regiment on it at the head of his grave. You cannot get to this place of burial in October unless our troops occupy White House Landing again. But if our forces were there, it would be very easy to find his grave. It is by the side of many others buried from the 18th Army Corps Hospital. (We were in the 18th Corps then though we belong to the 10th.)
If the changes of war should next fall or winter take us to that locality, I could go with you to the very spot where his remains lie. I feel very sad when I think of Algernon and many others of our noblest, truest, young men who now sleep the sleep of Death. May God care for you in your sorrow and give you back your boy in Heaven. Very truly yours, — [William] L[yman] Hyde, Chaplain 112th N. Y.
The following letter was written by Josiah Shick (1832-1872), the son of Henry Shick (1803-1888) and Susan Brown (1804-1884) of Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania. Josiah enlisted in Co. G, 119th Pennsylvania Regiment, in August 1862 and mustered out in June 1865. He was promoted from a private to corporal in March 1863.
Josiah wrote this letter to his brother-in-law, Rev. John G. Sands (1834-1916) of Chester county, Pennsylvania—a minister of the United Evangelical church for more than half a century. He was licensed to preach in March 1862 and labored on numerous circuits in Pennsylvania until he retired in 1907. He was married to Josiah’s younger sister, Mary Shick (1839-1917), in the late 1850s.
No comprehensive record of Josiah’s military service is available online; however, it is assumed that he served with the 119th Pennsylvania—often referred to as the “Gray Reserves”—throughout all of their engagements. The reserve brigade was a home guard unit formed in 1861, and in late 1862 many of its members joined the 119th Pennsylvania, seeing extensive service with the Sixth Army Corps. This regiment earned distinction for their exceptional resilience. They notably marched for 37 hours within a 24-hour period to arrive at the Battle of Gettysburg. Their participation extended to several significant battles, including Salem Church (or Salem Heights), their first serious engagement, which was described in detail in the following letter.
This image from the collections of the Library of Congress depicts the members of the 119th Pennsylvania in winter camp. The log houses covered with shelter halves are laid out in regular Army order with the stacks of muskets in the company streets. The group of men in the foreground appear to be playing cards to pass the time while several men in the background drink from bottles.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Addressed to Rev. John G. Sands, St. Marys Post Office, Chester county, Pa.
Camp near White Oak Church, Va. May 17th 1863
Dear brother & sister,
This being Sunday and I have some spare time, I thought I would write you a few lines to let you know that I am still in the enjoyment of good health, hoping that you are all enjoying the same great blessing. I have wrote home twice since I came back and up to this time have not had an answer to either of my letters. I heard through Martha that you are all well. I had a letter from her yesterday. She has got quite well again. I wrote home since the battle. John, I will tell you a little about our trip and would-be defeat as some would try to have it.
On the 28th of April we left camp with 8 days rations and marched toward the Rappahannock river below Fredericksburg, halted at dark, and lay down and was just about getting asleep when we was called up and orders given to move off as quiet as we could, march[ing] to the bank of the river. It was assigned to our Brigade [Russell’s] to be the first to cross the river and it had to be done in pontoon boats and in the dark at that. The boats was launched—22 boats was the number—and 40 men in a boat. The boats was all filled and the word was given to move off. All started at the word and in a few minutes we were rowed over. They was a heavy fog over the river so that we could not see but a few rods ahead of us so just as we struck the shore, the Rebels gave us two or three volleys of musketry and as soon as we could get up the bank, the fire was returned but [the] Rebels fled and our Brigade took possession of the rifle pits on the bank of the river and held them and protected the laying of the pontoon bridges. 1
In crossing, our regiment lost one killed and one wounded. The 95th Penn. Vols. lost 5 wounded. The 49th Penn. Vols. had two wounded. They was one Rebel officer captured and one soldier killed.
After the bridges was laid, some artillery [Battery D, 2nd US Artillery] crossed and was placed in position and one Division of the 6th Corps [Sedgwick’s] crossed and that was all that crossed at this point until Saturday night. Then all of the 6th Corps crossed, so one Division [Brooks’] held the place for four days. Most every day the Rebs would try to shell us out and we had to change our position several times and we lay in line of battle most all the time and we was called up as much as three times in one night.
Brooks’s division photographed by Andrew J. Russell on the morning of May 3. Brooks’s men are near the pontoon crossing; the Rappahannock River is in the background near the houses on the horizon. Later in the day, some of these soldiers may have been killed or wounded at Salem Heights.
On Saturday night we heard heavy cannonading. It was up on the right. We had all made up our minds as day dawned on Sunday morning [May 3rd] the fight [would] commence where we was and it did. The artillery was the first to open as soon as it got light, and it was the heaviest cannonading I ever heard. It fairly made the earth shake and was kept up until about 11 o’clock. Then a part of our Corps charged on the heights of Fredericksburg and took them with considerable loss on both sides. Our men had to charge up a steep hill. We did not take part in the charge for we had to hold a position at the time.
At two o’clock we passed through the City and a forlorn looking place it is. Every house is riddled with ball and shell. Saw two male citizens and 6 or 8 women looking out of the windows. I saw some hard sights as we passed through the town. Dead of both sides laying in the hot sun after a battle is over is the worst part—to see the dead and wounded. God grant that this war may soon come to a close.
Sunday about 5 o’clock we got into another fight. We marched some three miles beyond the City of Fredericksburg [on the Orange Plank Road], overtook a large force of the Rebs and we was near the first to get into it. The most part of the fighting was with infantry. We marched up to a woods and got engaged; then we was ordered in. So in we went the best we could. The woods was thick and full of underbrush so that we had [to] crawl in at some places. The balls was flying as thick as hail. We had not more than got through the thickest of the woods when the Rebs came out on us in three lines of battle and we were ordered to fall back out of the woods and in doing so, some of our boys was taken prisoner and some killed and many wounded. I got out safe, but how I got through such hail of bullets safe, I can’t say except that God protected me though safe and I have felt so thankful for His protection over me. 2
At one time I thought I would give up and be taken prisoner. Then I thought I might get hit before I could get out of the woods on their side so I risked the getting out on our side. The balls was cutting up the dirt about me and men falling all around me. The Rebs came out of the woods but was soon drove back by troops that was in line behind us. The fighting was kept up until dark, neither side gaining any ground that night. The wounded was carried off that night. Next morning our artillery shelled the woods but by some means the Rebs out-flanked us and Monday night we was compelled to fall back and recross the river at Banks Ford. We all got over safe at daylight on Tuesday morning. On Sunday, May 31st, we took part in two hard fought battles and marched some 5 or 6 miles.
On Tuesday it began to rain and rained for three days. On Friday, May 8th we took the line of march for our old camp at this place. We arrived here the same day at 5 o’clock, all very tired. But since we have been back, we have not had much to do so now we are pretty well rested. The weather has been very warm since we came back. Some think that the late battles have been a great disaster to our army. I don’t think so. Although it did not accomplish all that was expected it to do, it done well. Men that fought us on Sunday came from Suffolk and other places south. They brought all their forces from Richmond and other points. I think the Rebs loss much greater than ours. They lost some valuable officers. Stonewall Jackson is one of that number. There is no signs of a movement at this time. The loss in our regiment will number about 140. One third of that number, I think, is prisoners and the rest wounded and killed. They can’t account for more than 10 or 12 that was killed. I don’t think the killed will over reach that number.
I had a letter from [brother] Cyrus a few days ago—all well. I must close with love to all and hope to hear from you soon. I still remain as ever your affectionate soldier brother, — Josiah Shick.
N. B. Remember me to all at home. W. Epehimer came through the fight safe. His regiment lost 160 in all counting wounded and prisoners.
1 The 6th Corps was kept out of view as they started toward Franklin’s Crossing late Tuesday, 28 April. After dark, the men and pontoons were moved to the river from the cover of the woods 1000 yards back. Once at the river, the soldiers lay on their arms and waited. It was after 4 a.m. before 1200 men of the 95th and 119th Pennsylvania were loaded into the pontoon boats and rowed across the river. There were 45 men plus officers transported in each boat. It took only a matter of minutes for the men to scramble up the bank and into the rebel rifle pits once they landed. [Source: Chancellorsville 1863, The Souls of the Brave, page 98, by Ernest B. Ferguson]
2 It was the 119th and 95th Pennsylvania that were detached from the Brigade and hurried onward to overtaking the retreating Rebels from Fredericksburg on the Orange Plank Road. It was near Salem Church that they encountered Cadmus Wilcox’s 5 brigades of Alabamians and Georgians in force, posted in a woods, hidden from view. The Pennsylvanians were aligned in battle formation to the left of the road and with other troops, placed under the immediate command of General Sedgwick. The advance of Federals up the gradual slope to the red brick church was ordered about 5 p.m. They were quickly overwhelmed by a superior force, twice their number, and fell back with heavy losses, Union artillery firing over their heads as they retreated. [Source: Chancellorsville 1863, The Souls of the Brave, page 278, by Ernest B. Ferguson]
The patriotic letterhead of Josiah’s letter with his annotation, “Mother, this is the flag that we are fighting for.”
The following letter was written by Josiah Van Fossan (1835-1889), the son of David Van Fossan (1808-1862) and Melinda Fishel (1809-1881) of Wayne City, Wayne county, Illinois. Josiah was earning a living as a carpenter in Mount Erie, Illinois, was married and with small children when he enlisted as a private on 13 August 1862 to serve three years in Co. D, 87th Illinois Infantry. At that time, muster rolls recorded his height at 5’8″, his hair brown, his eyes grey. The regiment primarily served in the Department of the Tennessee and the Department of the Gulf, with actions in Arkansas (Helena) and Louisiana (Vicksburg campaign, Brashear City, 1864 Red River Campaign). Josiah mustered out of the service on 16 June 1865 at Helena, Arkansas.
Also serving with him in the same company and mentioned in this letter was his younger brother, David Van Fossan, Jr. (1843-1912). They both survived the war. Both of them were born in Columbiana county, Ohio, and came with their parents to Wayne county, Illinois, in 1851.
[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Jennifer Wood who is the great-great-great granddaughter of David Van Fossan, brother of the author. She made it available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Camp Logan Shawneetown [Illinois] October 31st 1862
Dear mother & brother,
I sit myself down to inform you that we are well except David. He is very sick now with the fever. He went to the hospital the 3rd day after he got here. He had to stop on the road when he was coming down about 12 miles from here. I got a buggy and went after him and I hope when this comes to hand, they will find you and Alexander enjoying good health for that is the greatest blessing that God can bestow on us.
Mother, I have not much to write you at this time. If you’ans can get any way to come after David or can send after him, you have best do it. The Captain says he will give him a furlough to go home and stay till he gets well again. He is getting very weak and falling off very fast. This is a very good place for a man as long as he keeps well but it is a hard place for a sick man. I have had my health the best kind except a chill about a week ago but I went and got some quinine and stopped it right straight and now I am as fat and sassy as a lawyer.
I will tell you we was mustered in this morning for the draw of our money. We will draw two months wages now and the money goes well with us so as we can send it to our families so they can live and get along. I believe I have give you all the particulars but I want you to send for David if you can any way at all.
So I must come to a close for this time and write more the next time. I have so many to write to, I can’t write very often but Mother, I will write to you as often as I can. I want to hear from you as soon as you get this. Tell all the friends that I am well, Tell Jacob I would like to hear from him.
So no more at present but still remains your son, — Josiah Vanfostain
The following letter was written by Samuel Clarke Pomeroy (1816-1891), a man who was legendary in the historical lore of Kansas history. A biographical sketch of Pomeroy posted in the Digital History of the Kansas City Public Library gives us a summary of lifetime accomplishments. He and Jim Lane were the first two Senators from the State of Kansas—both rather controversial figures to say the least.
“Pomeroy spent nearly the first 40 years of his life on the east coast, where he went to college, had a brief career as an educator, and held various political offices. Born in Southampton, Massachusetts, in 1816, Pomeroy attended college at Amherst, Massachusetts, from 1836 to 1838. Following his collegiate career, Pomeroy worked as an educator in New York State for four years before returning to Massachusetts. Once back in the Bay State, Pomeroy held several political offices, including a term as a state representative from 1852 to 1853.
In 1854, Pomeroy started working for the NEEAC and relocated to Kansas, where he became politically and financially involved in the “Bleeding Kansas” dispute. He initially settled in Kansas City, Missouri, where he worked as a financial officer for the New England Emigrant Aid Society (NEEAC) by helping new migrants’ families find temporary accommodation in Kansas City so that the heads of household could travel into the territory and stake their claim. He also began to invest in townships in Kansas, and in 1855, held a significant stake in recently formed town of Osawatomie.
Pomeroy relocated to Lawrence in time to take part in several seminal Free-State events. He was captured while supporting the Free-State side during the so-called “Wakarusa War” of November and December 1855, which nearly resulted in an assault on Lawrence by 2,000 Missourians. He also served as the Chairman for the Lawrence Committee of Public Safety, a position that tested Pomeroy’s leadership skills, restraint, and political savvy…
An emblematic Northern émigré, Pomeroy found himself elected to represent Kansas as a senator upon the territory’s promotion to statehood in 1861. He had lived in Kansas for less than seven years when he was elected to the Senate, but he went on to serve in the body for more years (12) than he actually lived in the “Sunflower State.” During his years in Washington, he not only served as a senator during the Civil War, but also in the early days of Reconstruction. Notably, he served as campaign chairman for Ohio Senator Solomon P. Chase in his short-lived effort to contest the Republican nomination in 1864. Pomeroy also sponsored Senate Bill 392, which created Yellowstone National Park in 1871. After his aforementioned bribery scandal in 1873, Pomeroy spent the remainder of his life in the Northeast and died in Massachusetts in 1891.
Although he ended his political career in mild disgrace, Samuel Pomeroy remains an exemplar for all of the noteworthy aspects of Northern migration during the Bleeding Kansas period. He came to Kansas with the NEEAC, fought for Free-Soil, made a fortune in the railroad industry, and became a senator. When modern Kansans tell the popular, NEEAC dominated story of the birth of the state, they tell a variation of Pomeroy’s story, even if they have never heard his name.”
In the following letter, written in his own hand, Samuel Pomeroy wrote an acknowledgement for the receipt of money donated for the relief of Kansas settlers suffering through a severe drought. Ministers of all denominations from Kansas travelled back East to solicit donations for farmers whose crops dried up for the want of rain. This drought lasted from June 1859 to late 1860 and resulted in up to a third of the population leaving the state just prior to Statehood in 1861.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Office of Kansas Relief Committee Atchison, Kansas Territory February 19th 1861
Mr. J. Lofland,
Dear sir, with pleasure we acknowledge receipt of your remittance of thiirteen dollars for the relief of the sufferers in Kansas. We shall endeavor faithfully to use it for the purposes desired.
Please express to the kind donors the sincere and heartfelt thanks and gratitude of the any thousands dependent upon us for food, clothing and seed.
I have the honor to remain yours very truly, — S. C. Pomeroy
This letter was written by John Henry (“Hal”) Elliot (1813-1895), the son of John Elliott (1783-1865) and Deborah Bixby (1786-1880) of Keene, Cheshire county, New Hampshire. He wrote the letter to his younger sister, Deborah Maria Elliot (1811-1862). Hal graduated from Harvard College in 1835. He became the treasurer and trustee of Ashuelot railroad, secretary and director of the Cheshire railroad, and a member of the Governor’s staff and also of the New Hampshire Legislature. Hal was married in August 1848 to Emily A. Wheelock. I believe the “George” mentioned in the letter was George Alexander Wheelock (1817-1906), Emily’s brother.
We learn from the letter that Hal was on his way to New Orleans but he does not give us an indication of the purpose for making the journey.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Addressed to Miss D. M. Elliot, Keene, New Hampshire
Charleston [South Carolina] 22 February 1847
My dear Maria,
Thus far “en route” & in good condition. I wrote Father a line from Boston and also from New York but I reserve particulars for you.
We had quite a Keene party as far as Boston, consisting of us three, Mr. Edwards, Mrs. Parmelee, and two daughters, and “Capt. Paige.” By the by, the two Parmelee girls are quite tolerable, far more so than I expected. I saw Lucinda Greble, but in my haste I neglected to call & I wish if you would write her, you would make a bit of an apology for me as I am quite ashamed of my negligence. Miss Loldell enquired after you. Miss Prentiss was in town & John W. & Mary H. to see “the children” dance. I called a moment at Mr. [ ] and heard of James there.
We left Boston the 11th instant & arrived in New York the next morning by way of Worcester and Norwich I spent Friday evening (12th) at Lucy’s & the night. She wished me to bring my trunk up & make my home there but I could not well leave George alone. She was quite pleased with your present & with her little [ ]. She is trying to find another house, more to her mind. W. K. T. I saw on Saturday. Said he had written you a few days previous. I went over to see Lisa on Sunday and dined there. The children there are dreadfully noisy. William gave me a couple of letters to New Orleans.
We left New York Monday the 15th & put up at Philadelphia in the afternoon. Went to the Water Works, Girard College, foggy & disagreeable as the weather was. Next morning it was worse & rained some so we pushed on to Baltimore and then to Washington, same day. We remained there 3 days in a mist, however we spent most of our time at the Capitol & did not mind it. Robert Smith was very civil. Mr. J. H. J. I did not see. I met Miss Savage [?] & Mrs. Bunker [?] at the Patent Office. Mrs. B introduced me to her husband [and] was polite enough to invite me to his house but I did not call.
The U.S. Patent Office in Washington D. C. in 1846
Friday morning the 19th at 3 o’clock in the morning we left Washington by steamboat 40 miles, then by railway 110 miles to Richmond, but rain continuing, did not stop, & went on 23 miles to Petersburg, then 65 miles to Weldon (N. C.), then 155 miles to Wilmington, then by steam packet 150 miles to this Palmetto City, making in all without stopping at all 517 miles!
George was quite tired out and had the headache & was sea sick—it being quite rough. As for me, I enjoyed tossing much. The sun rose clear as we came up the harbor this morning, much to my joy as I have not seen his face since leaving New York before. From Petersburg to this place we had a droll collection of passengers. There was so 20 volunteers going to the wars resembling Jack Falstaff’s army. There was about 100 slaves being taken on to Texas for cotton growing—men, women and children! Then there was two or three officers of the Regular Army who were at all the battles in Mexico, one of them knew Lt. Daniels very well. They left us here and went directly on to New Orleans today. And lastly, there was some half dozen of the barbarians of the country we traversed, drinking constantly. No ladies, I reckon, travel on this route. No man would ever desire to but once—I mean from Richmond this way. The country is hideous—very thinly populated, poor soil, vast forests of yellow pine & nothing [about] its mild climate makes it habitable at all— so much of most of Virginia & all of North Carolina. But things appear rather better here under a bright sun. The soil, to be sure, is poor, but whatever grows, grows without blight. I saw peas six inches high today & peaches in blossom &c. If New England’s fertile valleys had such a climate, what paradise it would be! I expect to find the union in the Mississippi Valley. We shall go hence after resting here a few days.
This is a queer old place, almost shabby, but on the whole I like it. Tell Mother that the cooking here is not as inviting as to make a man injure himself in eating. Today, being the birthday of Washington, was a great parade here of military. Also the races having closed, a Grand Fandango Ball comes off tonight. George & I thought of going but could not find the placard, so gave it up.
There were numerous slave sales occurring in and about Charleston at the time but perhaps it was this notice in the Charleston Mercury that caught Hal’s eye.
There is to be a sale of Negroes tomorrow by auction. We shall be there to see.
Tell Father that the Railroads south of Washington are not fenced in at all, cross all the highways at grade, have no warning boards, & go at the rate of about ten miles the hour! all flat rail on hills & as rough as a common road, but, however, it is in keeping with the people & country.
I have many things to say but my scraps of paper will not permit. These scraps I found in my dressing case—the best the House here affords. You will see in the envelope hereof which I can’t write legibly upon. I hope you will write me at New Orleans as soon as you receive this. I feel very anxious to hear of and from home. I shall write and send papers as often as I can for convenience in this half-civilized land. I miss my Esc____ very much. Has the umbrella turned up? Only think—the flies are buzzing about here as in June!
Well now, good night. Pleasant dreams. I hope Mother does not trouble herself about my safety. I shall no doubt get on very well. May the Infinite One guide you& bless us here and everywhere, now & always, and write us in His own good time. With love to all. I am your affectionate Brother Hal
While researching this letter, I found this letter posted in the Daily National Intelligencer on 24 February 1847 describing a visit to Charleston, South Carolina, at approximately the same time as Elliot’s visit.
The following letter was written by Warren T. Ring (1842-1865) of Oldtown, Maine, who enlisted in August 1861 at age 19 to serve as a private in Co. C, 7th Maine Infantry. He was transferred in 1864 to Co. H and was wounded in the fighting at Spotsylvania Court House on 12 May 1864. Warren rose in rank from private to 2nd Lieutenant throughout the course of the war.
A US Headstone request for Warren was requested that gave his death as October 1865 in Shoshone, Idaho and his last rank as Capt. of Co. I, 1st Maine Veteran Infantry.
A sketch of the Battlefield at Lee’s Mill, April 5, 1862. Wheeler’s Battery is marked at bottom center.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Camp Near Lee’s Mills Warwick Creek April 12th, [1862]
Cousin Henry,
I received your letter this afternoon. We are now encamped right in front of the enemy’s works. The 4th we left our camp at Newport News, the right of the army moving in the direction of Big Bethel & the left up on James river in the direction of Warwick. We are on the left.
The first night we encamped in the rebel’s barracks which they had left that morning. The next day our regiment went in the advance as skirmishers. We kept driving the rebel pickets in front of us for about two miles. When our boys came out of the woods into an open field, they saw the rebel flag flying on strong fortifications [and] our boys quickly fell back into the woods. It was about 400 yards from the woods that we were in to the rebel works. Both parties commenced firing [but] as they were both in the woods, little damage was done. As the roads were bad, it was some time before our artillery got up.
At last three pieces of Wheeler’s Battery 1 came out into the field and commenced shelling them. The rebels returned the fire with shell & canister. Company B, the color company, was ordered up to support the battery so that the way matters stood for 54 hours. There was two men killed & two wounded out of Co. B, one killed out of Co. E & H, and three or four others wounded.
At last Gen. McClellan arrived when we were all ordered back out of range so we are waiting for something—no one knows what. All that separates us from the rebels is Warwick Creek so our boys have some pleasant conversation with the rebel pickets. Some of our boys have found some old friends of thairn who used to belong in Maine.
The rebels are being reinforced every day from Richmond. There is probable 80 thousand there now. 2 It is thought we are waiting for heavy siege guns. I do not have anything to do now but go with the colors as I am one of the color guard. Our regiment is getting great praise from every quarter.
I got the papers you sent me and much obliged. I have got plenty of time and plenty to say but it is such hard work for me to get anything on paper, I shall have to close. You were speaking about bold Elic [?]. He is a cooking. The 6th Maine is getting played out.
Give my love to Aunty and tell her I shall be to home before long for they say this is their last stand here. From your friend, — Warren T. Ring
Direct your letter to Fortress Monroe, Va.
1 “Wheeler’s Battery” or Battery E, 1st New York Light Artillery commanded by Capt. Charles C. Wheeler. On April 5-6, 1862, the battery was part of Brigadier General W. F. Smith’s division (Keyes’ 4th Corps), aiding in the attempt to suppress Confederate artillery near the Warwick River.During the action on April 6, a Confederate 10-pounder Parrott shell struck an ammunition chest on one of the battery’s limbers, exploding ammunition and igniting packing materials.
2 Magruder initially held a 12-mile defensive line (the Warwick Line) with roughly 11,000 to 13,000 men but once Joseph E. Johnston took command, the total number of Confederates at Yorktown grew to about 40,000 by early May. It never came close to the 80,000 estimated by McClellan.
The following letter sharing his recollections of the 2nd Battle of Manassas was written in 1914 by Benjamin Harrison Daughtry (1841-1919). Benjamin wrote the letter to Oliver Perry Carswell, the younger brother of James (“Jimmie”) W. Carswell who served with Benjamin in Co. K, 12th Georgia Infantry. We learn from the letter that after Jimmie was wounded in the fierce fighting of railroad cut on the evening of August 28, 1862, he was carried to the rear where Benjamin found him the next day still lingering from his wounds but died later later in the day. With much detail, Benjamin wrote of how he cared for Jimmie and laid him in his grave, declaring him “one of the best, truest, bravest boys I ever knew.”
Benjamin’s military record shows that he joined the Marion Guards (Co. K) with Jimmy in June 1861 and that he remained in the regiment through at least the Battle of the Wilderness where he was wounded on 5 May 1864.
My dear old friend, it is with pleasure I acknowledge the receipt of your interesting letter. I was expecting it as I had a letter two days ago from J. B. Tulford of Shellman, Georgia—my wife’s brother—telling me that you had written him for my address. I am truly glad to renew old acquaintance with you, and as I was the last one of your brother’s many friends to administer to his comfort and perform the last sad rites for him, what little I have to say will I know be very interesting to you. What I write will be from memory as I have no notes.
If I am not mistaken, your brother Jimmie was wounded on the eve of the 28th of August 1862. We were in the railroad cut fighting with guns, bayonets, rocks, and anything that we could kill a Yankee with. I did not see him when he fell. He was sent to the rear, and on the morn of the 29th I was detailed to care for the wounded of our company. I found him lying on the ground with his blanket under him. I did all I could for him but could get nothing to make a bed for him that day. I think he lived about 24 hours after he was wounded. I could not leave him until my Captain came to stay with him. I left him and went about a half mile to get some hay to make a bed for him and when I returned his sufferings were over. With the best tools at my command—an old axe and a broken grubbing hoe—I dug his grave on the south side of a large apple tree in Col. Buckner’s orchard. I lined the grave with my tent, wrapped his blanketaround him, spread my blanket over him, placed his hat over his face, then lapped the tent carefully over the blanket and covered him, one of the best, truest, bravest boys I ever knew.
I do not remember anything he said after I got to him. I talked with your father after I got home from the war and if there was any words for dear ones at home, I am sure I told him. But after all three years, I forget. I told your father I would go with him to Virginia and I was sure I could identify the grave, but he did not come back and four years after the war closed, I came to Texas and I suppose your family lost sight of me, and I did not know what part of Texas you boys were in.
I will also state Jimmie was wounded on the 1st day of the general engagement, 2nd Manassas Battle. Our division had been in a fight on the 27th and captured and burned all the commissary stores of the enemy. I hope you will get some pleasure out of these scattering recollections of mine as I jot them down. Can’t tell you what a pleasure it was to hear from you, and would be glad to see you and talk to you. I am an old man, 73 years old, but have fairly good health. Went to the reunion at Macon, Georgia, two years [ago] in May. Did not see a single one of old Co. K. There was two living but did not get to see them. In company with Thomson Peacock, rode all over the old Peach farm and passed by the old McCall school house, It is used as a tenant house now.
After we left Macon, we visited our old Buena Vista friends and renewed old friendships. It was the first time I had been in Georgia in 40 years. I was anxious to go to Gettysburg last year but was not physically able to make the trip. Now in closing, will say if there is anything I have failed to tell you, let me know and I will to the best of my recollections. If you should visit your brother at Decatur, it is only a few hours run up to Chillicothe [and] would be glad to see you. Your friend, — B. H. Doughtry
No, I do not take Tom Watson’s paper, but want to get those letters when you have them published. Please send me the address so I can get the paper. — B. H. D.
I can’t be certain of the author of this partial and therefore unsigned letter but it was written by the officer who led a detachment of the 8th Michigan Cavalry posted at Carrollsville, Wayne county, Tennessee in August 1865 and my hunch is that it was Lt. Col. William L. Buck. I say so because he writes with a familiarity to his Colonel that would have been uncharacteristic of any junior officer unless they happened to be related to him. The Colonel of the regiment was Elisha Mix and he was headquartered in Pulaski, Tennessee, at that time.
The letter addresses the current state of affairs and the sentiments of the populace in the designated areas of Wayne, Hardin, and Hickman counties, which he was tasked to patrol. It covers a range of critical issues, responding to various inquiries posed by his Colonel in prior correspondence concerning civil unrest, the armament status of the citizens, and the legitimacy of such authority. He articulates his perspective on the social practices of southern women who resorted to the use of snuff and whiskey, highlighting the ramifications these habits had on child-rearing, and concludes with a detailed account of his needs for provisions from the quartermaster in Paducah.
[Note: This letter is from the collection of Dale Niesen and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Col. Elisha Mix Commanding Cavalry Brigade District Middle Tennessee Pulaski
Sir, yours of August 27th came to hand last night, contents noted. Capt. [Albert] Hathaway 2 will hand you this as he is obliged to proceed to Pulaski for instructions about remarks on pay rolls. Everything is moving along smoothly—no trouble of any kind and no work except what I make. I keep one or two scoting parties all the while but they find nothing but good cheer wherever they go. Every Saturday and Sunday the citizens of Wayne, Hardin and Hickman counties gather at some Meeting House as they used to do in days gone by and talk over the affairs of the country, the crops, state of the religious feeling, &c. &c. I was down in Hardin county or in the edge of it last Sunday [and] saw some two or three hundred persons. They all agree in the same statement—that they are satisfied to abide by the laws & to keep good order.
You speak of the authority for carrying arms. It would be hard to tell who they have not got orders from. Pretty much all of the male population have got some kind of an arm & permission given them by almost every General or Detachment Commander that has been in these parts. A good many of the Orders are signed by Brig. Genl. James Brownlow, A[cting] G[overnor] of the state. The sheriff, John Grimes, of this county (Wayne), tell me he was offered the papers to grant permits by the State Authorities at Nashville last spring but did not except [accept]. Please send instructions. Nearly all the discharged soldiers of Tennessee regiments have pistols & permits to carry them from Genl. Brownlow.
You speak of Mr. Doherty. He himself is at Paducah, Kentucky. His friends I have seen and all that have brains enough to sit easy where the wind blows the leaves a little, talk as I have told you the mass of the people do. His confidential friend, Mr. Haggard of Clifton, came to see me a day or so ago. I spent two hours talking with him about the affairs of these adjoining counties. His opinion was that there was no need of the military authority interfering in the least. He says just as long as U. S. troops are here, that the civil powers will leave the work for them to do and we all know that it is next to impossible for our men to hunt up one of these desperadoes in his own country. I sent Lt. [George] Nunally with twenty men down through Hickman & Derry counties last Sunday [and] told him to make a ten-day trip of it at least & if he found anything or got on any trail, to keep going until he thought twas time to muster out of service or till he found what he was after. But I honestly expect nothing from it. Any questions you wish to ask, Capt. Hathaway can answer to your full satisfaction.
With regard to those children you asked me about, they belonged to John Laffington—a Union soldier. His wife was a Rebel & went to Alabama to her Rebel friends, taking the children with her. She finally married another man and he, when he got discharged from service, went & got his children, leaving her with her second husband. He has the children now with him on the southwest side of the river at Craven’s Landing [near Savannah in Hardin county]. The men that were with him can all be found I think, at least such as the information I have. But unless you wish it, I do not see the object. The fact of the business is, dear Colonel, these citizens are only doing now as they have been brought up to do for the last fifty years and if you change them, you will have to kill them or some different kind of woman will have to bear them over again—some that don’t dip snuff drink whiskey or curse and swear worse than a trooper. [It’s a] fact, Colonel.
As for rations I brought rations with me up to September 5th and you have sent me sixteen days more. That will run it to September 21st. If you calculate to supply me from Paducah, you want to send them to Carrollsville Landing as I am within a stone’s throw of that place. Clifton is two miles from me over almost impassable roads. You say you sent me 16 days forage. I think the quartermaster must be mistaken somewhat. I received but 77 sacks of corn at 130 [ ‘s] to the sack. Total, 10,010 [ ]…[remainder of letter missing]
1 Carrollsville was a small town located in Wayne County, Tennessee, situated on the Tennessee River about a mile below Clifton. It no longer exists but during the Civil War, it was a recognized community within a region noted for its divided loyalties, with the northern part of Wayne County generally favoring the Confederacy, while the southern part remained strongly Unionist. In August 1865, the 8th Michigan Cavalry, which by now included members of the 11th Michigan Cavalry, was stationed in Tennessee performing scouting and patrol duties. While the regiment was heavily involved around Pulaski, TN, until September 21, 1865, they were actively patrolling, which likely included detachments stationed at various points in the region (such as near Carrollsville or other parts of Middle/West Tennessee) to suppress guerrilla operations.
2Albert L. Hathaway. He was in Company K, 8th Michigan Cavalry (1863-1864) as sergeant, sergeant major, first lieutenant. He was taken prisoner on Stoneman’s raid, Aug. 3, 1864, and exchanged Sept. 27. He was commissioned captain of Company I Dec. 27, 1864, and mustered out at Nashville, Tenn. Sept. 22, 1865. He then went to Harbor Springs, Mich., to live.
The following letter was written by Alfred Wanamaker (1832-1909) from his regiment’s encampment near Robert E. Lee’s Arlington House in Virginia in late October 1861. It was addressed to him wife, Melissa A. Webster (1840-1901). At the time of the 1860 US Census, Alfred and Melissa were residing in Flemington, Hunterdon county, New Jersey where he was employed as a blacksmith.
A veteran’s card indicates that in September 1862, at the time of Lee’s Maryland Invasion, Alfred served for a couple weeks in the 17th Pennsylvania Militia, Co. C, reporting from Bucks County, Pennsylvania.
It isn’t clear what regiment Alfred was serving in when he wrote this letter since the 17th Pennsylvania Militia was not activated at the time. His service record at Fold 3 and Find-A-Grave obituary yields no additional information but it must certainly be the same individual.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Arlington House, Virginia October 29th 1861
Dear Wife
Having received no answer from you since I wrote you, I thought I must write a few lines to you. I was somewhat disappointed in not getting a letter today from you. I thought you would write on Sunday and I would get a letter this Tuesday but the mail came but no letter yet. You may have sent one but it has not reached here yet. I hope you will not forget to write once a week at least for if I can hear from you all once a week I will try not to complain as long as you all keep well.
Last Sunday I thought I would take a trip over to Washington and two or three miles the other side to [where] the New Jersey 5th, 6th, 7th, & 8th regiments are encamped and I saw Gardiner Stockton and Ed Forker and Ed told me that Capt. [Andrew] Craven’s Cavalry was over on the hill about a half mile from there so I did not stay long with him. So I went to Capt. Craven’s company [M] and who do you think I seen? I think you can give a pretty good guess. If you can’t, Lib can. I saw Jonathan Black, Jesse Black, Jack Fesmire, John Duck, and above all I saw Simon. Tell Libby I was sorry I had not brought that dogtype [daguerreotype] along with me. It would of pleased him so. They were very glad to see me. I also saw Pat Garman that was at Kenderdine’s Mills. They were all well. I got there just before lunch as I could not stay until church was over. They did not go. The Captain said they need not go to church when they had friends to see them from old Bucks [county]. They must always pay particular attention to their friends that call to see them. He appears to be a very fine man.
Today just before I began to write, a soldier got killed by a tree falling on him. He belongs to the 14th Massachusetts. He with some others was cutting down a tree. He started to run and the tree caught him.
You may think we have some soldiers here when I tell you the Generals say to speak within bounds that there are now at this time over two hundred and fifty thousand soldiers within the sound of a cannon and more coming every day. You may show this to Mr. Rice and Barson and all the rest of the family if you please. Tell them the reason I don’t write to them is because it is such a task for me to sit down and write a letter that I don’t write to you as often as I would like to. Tell Mr. Bice he must write to me. I would like to hear from him. I will have to close.
Give my respects to all enquiring friends. Tell H. H. Martindell I received his kind answer and will write again soon. Tell Mr. Cooper this a great place down here. The hardest thing I have to witness is the rough treatment of horses. They often go three or four days on four quarts of oats—musty oats at that. I could write a half day about things that I see and hear but don’t think it worth writing. I must quit. Hoping this may find you as well as it leaves me. Abel is well. I see him every night. I want to see you all about Christmas. Goodbye. Yours affectionately, A. Wanamaker
Spared & Shared 23 