17th Massachusetts Infantry, Blount's Creek

1863: John Quincy Adams Johnston to William Johnston

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The following letter was written by John Quincy Adams Johnston (1836-1906)—known to his comrades as “Quince”—who served as 1st Sergeant in Co. A, 17th Massachusetts Infantry. He enlisted in May 1861 at Amesbury and was discharged for wounds on 10 September 1863. He was married to Lucy Stevens Moody in 1857 but she died a little over two years later in 1860.

Quince’s letter concludes with a brief recap of the expedition made with other troops of the 18th Army Corps to the relief of the besieged garrison at Washington, North Carolina. When they engaged the enemy at Blount’s Creek on 9 April 1863, they found them strongly entrenched and finally withdrew and returned to New Bern.

Quince wrote the letter his brother William Johnston who served in the US Navy during the Civil War.

Colonel Thomas Jonathan Coffin Amory, 17th Massachusetts Infantry. Albumen print likely taken at New Berne, N.C. He commanded the 17th Massachusetts Infantry at the time this letter was written in March 1863. (Dale Niesen Collection)

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Newbern [North Carolina]
March 10th 1863

Dear Brother,

I thought perhaps you would like to hear a word from me. I have little or nothing new to write. My health is very good and I hope this will find you enjoying the same blessing.

There was an expedition left here last Thursday morning but the 17th was left behind although we have been under marching orders since they left. But I think it was only to be in readiness in case they came across a force too large for them. But today they have returned, or a part of them. They say they did not fire a gun. They took some ten or twelve prisoners.

There is a report here that there has been another call for troops and I am glad of it although I don’t want any of my friends to get into the army. Let some of the lazy bummers that have got plenty at stake as well as liberty. You and I have dine enough for nothing. If they want my services as much longer, they will have to give me a better berth. I have heard within a few days by way of a [ ] that I was to have the next promotion. I hope it is so. We have got the best captain in the regiment. He is a perfect gentleman. He has the most influence of anyone in the regiment and he improves every opportunity to use it for [his] men. At the Battle of Goldsboro, I was wounded in the first volley but I kept on firing as long as the battle lasted and the captain tells everybody of it and also tells them that I am an abolitionist or I never would have such hatred towards the Rebs. When I got through fighting, my leg was so swollen that I could hardly get my pants off but it is as well as ever now. We shall whip them at last. The Rebs must come. Uncle Sam is good for them.

There is a report here now that our gunboats have got up past Fort Sumter. I hope it is true, If it is, they will soon break Charleston into a cocked up hat. We heard heavy cannonading last night and I think it was a bombardment of either Wilmington or Charleston.

About those boots that Rowe sent me, I sold them the next day after they arrived for $29. They cost me $18.13—a very good profit. I wrote to Rowe for a case of twelve pairs. I was glad to hear that you had got a job on the Navy Yard but don’t say in the next [letter] of being drafted. If it should happen that you should have to go at all, go in the Navy, but be sure and not get into the army. It is enough to kill anybody, these long marches made in [ ], I tell you. — Quincy

April 11th. We have just returned from an expedition just as I finished this letter and before I had time to send it. We had the order to march this way. At 9 o’clock on Monday evening and 10 o’clock we were on the way to what is called Bay [Blount’s Creek]. We had a fight with the Rebs and had some 12 men wounded in our regiment, four in Company A slightly by a rebel shell. I will give you the particulars in my next. I will give you the names of the wounded [on 9 April 1863]: G. Rezen, S. Reed, T[homas A.] Murray, F[rancis] Peabody

— Quincy

165th New York Infantry (Duryée's Zouaves), 26th Massachusetts Infantry, Steamer Iberville

1863: A Note of Thanks

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The following letter was written by a “paroled Confederate Prisoner,” otherwise unidentified. It was written to the editor of The Era, also known as the Daily Era or New Orleans Era—a prominent Union-occupied newspaper published daily from 15 February 1863 to 18 January 1865 in New Orleans, Louisiana. In the letter the paroled prisoner praises the manner in which he and other prisoners as they were being transported, presumably from New Orleans to Baton Rouge aboard the steamer Iberville.

Two officers in particular are called out in the letter for their kindness—Capt. Felix Agnus of Dryée’s Zouaves (165th New York Infantry) and Capt. Benjamin W. Frost of Co. H, 26th Massachusetts Infantry. Both officers were captains and known to be in the Mississippi River valley at the time this letter was written in early May 1863. The author wrote to the editor of the newspaper urging its publication. If it was, I could not find it in on-line documents.

Because the identity of the paroled prisoner is unknown, I could not confirm if it was truly written by them. It’s possible it was written by someone else trying to praise the officers mentioned, but I doubt either officer would want their superiors to know they were associating so freely and liberally with the enemy. There was an envelope accompanying this letter that does not seem to match its contents.

The steamer Iberville, depicted in the foreground, was used as a hospital ship to treat wounded Union soldiers.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Banner of The Era, a daily newspaper published in New Orleans, La.

A note of thanks from paroled Confederate Prisoner
On Steamer Iberville of Baton Rouge
May 3rd [1863]

Editor of the Era

Sir—we cannot refrain from expressing through your columns our sincere thanks for the kind manner in which we have been treated by the “Zouaves.”

As prisoners of war to be paroled, we have just been taken up the river by Company A, Captain Felix Agnes [Agnus] of the famous [Duryée’s] Zouaves. We received every care and attention possible from them and heard not a word calculated to wound our feelings. And to see us smoking and chatting together one could scarcely imagine us enemies.

The liberality of Capt. Agnes [Agnus] and his kindness to our sick men we shall never forget nor must we omit to mention the kindness of Capt. B[enjamin] W. Frost of the 26th Massachusetts. Although of course we are glad to get to our homes, we are one and all sorry to part with our guards and only hope that if the Zouaves must be captured, we may have the pleasure of guarding them and endeavoring to reciprocate the countless favors we have received from them.

Hoping you will give this a place in your paper, we remain yours very respectfully, — Paroled Confederate Prisoner

Addressed to Commanding General, Fortress Monroe, Va. [envelope does not appear to go with letter]

31st North Carolina Infantry, Fort Fisher

1864: John Primrose Dewar to Mary (Beamont) Dewar

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I could not find an image of JP but here is an AI-generated watercolor of George Williams of Co. C, 31st NC.

The following letter was written by John Primrose (“JP”) Dewar (1844-1864), the son of Andrew Henry Dewar (1803-1873) and Margaret Mary Beamont (1802-1883) of Summerville, Harnett county, North Carolina. JP’s father was an emigrant from Scotland; his mother was born and raised in Hartford, Connecticut. Following their marriage in 1826, the Dewars moved to New York for a time and then relocated to the northern part of Cumberland county, North Carolina, which eventually became Harnett county. Here Andrew farmed his property, assisted by several slaves. Andrew was also the postmaster and a store keeper in his locality (“Chalk Level”) for a time and after the war he petitioned President Johnson for a pardon claiming that he never rendered any help to the rebellion.

In 1861, when JP was 17 years old, he enlisted in Capt. McKay’s Co. I, 31st North Carolina Infantry. His older brother, William Ambrose Dewar (1830-1902), served in that same company and eventually rose to be its captain. In 1863, William was taken prisoner and confined at Fort Delaware. He was one of the officers taken from that fort to South Carolina to be used as human shields on Morris Island. See Immortal Six Hundred. Another older brother, Henry Beamont Dewar (1826-1875)—who took over his father’s store—also served the Confederacy by joining the Second Artillery (36th State Troops) at Fort Fisher.

JP was captured at Roanoke Island on 8 February 1862, but paroled not long afterwards. He was promoted from Corporal to 3rd Sergeant of Co. I in February 1863. He was wounded on 4 June 1864 and hospitalized in Richmond, Virginia. He died on 30 June 1864 at Petersburg.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Wilmington, North Carolina
May 1st, 1864

Mary B. Dewar,

Dear Ma, it’s with pleasure that I embrace the opportunity to write you a few lines by Jas. Arnold to let you know that I am very well at this time, hoping when these few lines comes to hand, they may find you enjoying the same state of health.

I received a letter from J. A. Johnson yesterday. He was mending slowly. I haven’t much news of importance to write. The Garda left here day before yesterday to go to Charleston. She had a load of cotton and coal. The Nashville is a going to start back a Saturday. She is a going to carry cotton. We have got to organize and elect officers. We was to do it today but it was put off so I can’t tell when we will. I expect that it will be a mess of it.

We are expecting an attack here every day. They have sent off for men. They come last night and are sent to Fort Fisher. I heard that Capt. McKay’s company was a going to reorganize last Tuesday but I don’t know whether it is so or not.

I must come to a close asking you to write soon. So good day. Yours, — J. P. Dewar

1st Georgia Infatry (local troops) Augusta Battalion, Charleston, South Carolina

1863: Robert Sylvanus Bryan to Mattie

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I can’t confirm the identity of the author of this letter though I think it might be possible it was Robert Sylvania Bryan of Talbert county, Georgia. It is unsigned but the name “R. S. Bryan” in period handwriting has been annotated on the reverse side of the letter and I cannot find any other Confederate soldiers with that name. Robert’s confederate pension record, however, states that he served the entire war in the 10th Georgia Cavalry under Capt. Perry Morris in Gen. Joe Wheeler’s command but this regiment wasn’t organized until late in the war.

The author was a member of volunteers raised in Georgia and South Carolina to aid in the defense of Charleston which was blockaded by Union gunboats and believed to be threatened by land as well. The letter was written two days after the 7 April 1863 attack that failed to force Fort Sumter’s submission. He mentions fighting at the Stono river on Johns Island where Confederate forces attempted to protect critical supply lines with Savannah.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Charleston, South Carolina
April 9th 1863

Dear Mattie,

I accept the first opportunity to write you a few lines. As yet we have done nothing but lay in camps though they will commence drilling us tomorrow & say we will drill 4 hours per day. And the Captain tells us tomorrow we will have to go to James Island to be put on duty. So you see we don’t know what time we will have to fight nor when we will go home—but you may look for me inside of thirty days.

I walked over a portion of this town this morning & don’t think it near as pretty a place as Augusta. I saw four Yankee gunboats today but no fighting today except in Stono river. But you will see everything in the paper long before you can hear from me. I see 12 Columbian’s [Columbiad’s?] here.

Tell brother to plant my cotton whenever it suits as he knows best what to do. And he can have my corn replanted as it comes up. Be sure to send to Mr. Bradshaw’s for the cotton seed.

The Boys keep up such talking that I can’t write. We have a good tent. I don’t much think we will have to fight at all so don’t give yourself any uneasiness. Do the best you can. Kiss the children for me and accept my love. The same to brother. All well so far. Yours affectionately. Direct in care of Capt. G[eorge] T[wiggs] Jackson, Augusta Volunteers, 1 Charleston Hotel

1 The captain was George Twiggs Jackson (1822-1899), an Augusta businessman. During the Civil War, he was elected captain of a company he helped raise in Augusta and responded to Gen. Beauregard’s call for volunteers to go to Charleston, South Carolina, when that city was threatened with a land attack while being bombarded from the Federal ironclads. Subsequently he was promoted to the command of the Augusta Battalion, and saw active service in Georgia and South Carolina. No unit history exists for this regiment which is sometimes designated the 1st Regiment, Georgia Infantry (Local Troops) (Augusta).

6th Tennessee Infantry, Columbus, Kentucky

1861: Horace Palmer to Mary Belle (Palmer) Hafford

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The following letter was written by Horace Palmer (1835-1881), the son of Paul Micheaux Palmer and Ann Emily Stith (1806-18xx) of Fayette county, Tennessee. In the 1860 US Census, 24 year-old Horace was enumerated in Somerville and working as a doctor. He was married in 1863 to Anna Bucher Bullock. He died in 1881 and was buried in Hempstead county, Arkansas. His grave marker identifies him as an Assistant Surgeon in the Confederate States Army.

Horace initially served in Co. D (“The Somerville Avengers”), 6th Tennessee Infantry—a regiment recruited in Haywood, Madison and Fayette counties. They organized at Camp Beauregard, Jackson, Tennessee. This letter was written not long after the Battle of Belmont and was probably penned from Columbus, Kentucky.

By 1862, Horace had joined Carter’s 1st Tennessee Cavalry where he served as an assistant surgeon. He was taken prisoner in 1864 and sent to Johnson’s Island Prison.

Horace wrote the letter to his sister, Mary Belle (Palmer) Hafford (1833-1870), the wife of Rev. W. D. F. Hafford (1827-1880). Rev. Hafford was a Methodist minister who served briefly as the chaplain of the 13th Tennessee Infantry.

T R A N S C R I P T I ON

November 14, 1861

Dear sister,

I have but a few minutes to answer your very interesting letter as Mr. Tatam leaves in a very few minutes. Enclosed you will find my sentiments expressed briefly with what scanty news I have been able to glean.

I am well as usual. I am very closely confined not having been to town more than once in two weeks. We are expecting an attack daily though—that is, with the enemy. We will give him a warm reception whenever he makes his appearance. I was very much surprised on going down to [John V.] Wright’s Regiment to see Mr. Hafford the other day to learn that he had resigned. For your sake, I am glad. Hope he is stationed in Somerville this year.

I hope you will excuse this short epistle. Will write the first opportunity. Your brother, — Horace

30th Maine Infantry, Sheridan's Valley Campaign of 1864

1864: Henry Nathaniel Fairbanks to Parents

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Henry Nathaniel Fairbanks, Co. E, 30th Maine Infantry (watercolor based on image in Maine Historical Society)

Henry Nathaniel Fairbanks (1838-1913) of Wayne, Kennebec county, Maine, wrote the following letters to his father while serving in Co. E of the 30th Maine. According to a biographical sketch newspaper clipping appearing on Find-A-Grave, Henry first served as a band member in the 3rd Maine Infantry. He then did home duty in the 44th Massachusetts at the time of the draft riots in Boston, and then enlisted as a sergeant in November 1863 at age 25. He participated in the Red River expedition where he was slightly wounded in the arm and later with Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley. He was promoted to 2nd lieutenant on April 9, 1864 and was discharged on August 20, 1865.

I had previously encountered Henry N. Fairbanks of the 30th Maine while researching a letter pertaining to the 19th Texas Infantry Regiment. See 1862: Fanny Benners’ Speech to 19th Texas Infantry. That research yielded memoirs of the Red River Expedition of 1864 written by Henry.

Both of Henry’s letters were written in August 1864 when the 30th Maine Infantry was attached to the Army of the Shenandoah in Virginia and actively involved in Sheridan’s Shenandoah Valley Campaign. During this period, the regiment was heavily engaged in detached duty, which included securing supply trains and protecting stores as they moved through the region. Unfortunately the second letter is only partial and missing the signature page, but Henry mentions hearing the fighting on 21 August 1864 when Early and Anderson launched a converging attack on Sheridan’s army at Cameron’s Depot.

A vulcanized rubber comb made by Goodyear found at a site that was the winter camp of a Union regiment near Falmouth, Virginia. It has the initials “H. N. F. = BAND” etched into it which has been traced to Henry Nathaniel Fairbanks who served in the 3rd Maine Infantry Band. It was found that Henry returned home prior to the establishment of this particular winter camp on disability leave so the assumption is that the comb was borrowed (with or without permission), traded, sold, or lost and picked up by someone else in the regiment. Through a process of elimination, Henry is the only band member with all three initials, rank/regimental band, state of origin, and corps/location of camp. See story of relic.

Letter 1

Monocacy Railroad Bridge
Three miles from Frederick, Maryland
August 1st 1864

My dear Father,

I think I wrote you last at Bermuda Hundred, The 23rd July we marched over to Deep Bottom and that night threw up rifle pits. The 24th we were on picket & cami in on the morning of the 25th. That day we devoted to fixing up camp. At night we were ordered out to work on the works. The 162nd New York Vols. were on picket & allowed the rebels to drive them in—a disgraceful thing. The 26th we were falling timber and the night of the 26th worked on rifle pits. At about 3 o’clock on the same morn, the Second Corps crossed over and about daylight advanced on the Rebs, took 4 twenties and some 50 prisoners.

We were ordered away that same day & marched to Bermuda Hundred & embarked on the steamer “Diamond State” and arrived at Washington the noon 29th and marched out four miles near Chain Bridge & camped. The night of the 30th we marched to Washington and took cars and arrived at Monocacy Junction the 31st at night and went into camp. And here we are in Maryland to prevent the rebels from making another rain in Maryland.

I am pretty well. Lieut. Rowe joined us in Washington and is in command. I hope to get mustered now. Expect to get pay as Lieutenant from the 13th day of June though I can’t tell yet. I am somewhat free now and if we remain long in camp, shall visit you often. I don’t expect we shall long remain, however.

I saw Grafton Norris H, Dexter L., We___ Rufus Burgess, Clarence Frost, and Nelson Norris at deep Bottom. Nelson Norris was badly wounded and I saw him in the ambulance. In Washington, I saw Frank Pullen & I will assure you it was a joyful meeting.

My letter in the Waterville Mail was published I understand. Write me immediately and address me at Washington D. C. Believe I ‘s truly your son, — H. N. F.

Letter 2

Bolivar Heights
2 Miles from Harpers Ferry, Va.
August 22, 1864

My dear Parents,

I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of two letters dated July 28th and August 9th respectively. And I will write you first concerning questions and points.

Let me twoo you first that Morroe & James R. were both sent to the hospital, both weak and not able to march. I hope they will get a furlough though it is doubtful. Did well with those coupons but needn’t sell any more of them until I let you know. I received stockings long ago all right.

I wish you would write me more of the particulars of George Starrett’s arrest. I received a letter from George by last mail. He writes me a very different letter this time. The cause of my writing to him as I did was that I had just got to the Mississippi at the close of a terrible hard campaign; worn out [and] hardly able to do duty. A letter came full of complaining words—did I complain of hard times? No! Was it encouraging to receive such a letter? No! And I gave vent to a few ideas.

I thank you my dear father and mother for your many kind wishes and encouraging words. As I write, my eyes fill with tears. Some may suppose from my lively ways that I’m always without trouble. But believe I have had many things to contend with that have called forth all of my manliness to bear. But I am bound to stand up until I die.

I have ordered Miss Philbrook to send Julia Maira that gold watch and chain. It is a splendid affair. Don’t know how much it is worth but it can’t be less than $125. I hope Miss Philbrook is perfectly satisfied. I am. I wrote you a few lines at Winchester. Will tell you of our movements since.

We went up the Shenandoah beyond Middletown, then ordered to guard wagon train. This you know if you received my letter written in Winchester. The 16th at night, we moved out of town & camped. I was very sorry for I had made friends with Mrs. Vernon and the acquaintance of Miss Virginia Sallyards. With them I found good society. Spent the day mostly employed reading Longfellow. Got copies in New Orleans. They were Union families. In Winchester there are seventy-six that long have made their sentiments known in favor of the stars & stripes.

About 12 o’clock the 16th we moved again & marched 15 miles, not far from Charlestown, a cross road, and parked out train & went into camp. 17th at night we marched to within one mile from Berryville & there remained until the morning of the 18th.

Moved again that day slowly & at night camped again at a place known as “Flowing Springs.” The 19th at Flowing Springs. 20th got mail and this gave us much joy. 21st yesterday they began fighting in front and we were ordered back here & are in camp. They have had fighting since yesterday morning. I could hear plainly this morning musketry & cannons most all of the time.

I think the rebels were repulsed as they have not pressed us. I believe we have a large force in front of the enemy. One is the 6th Corps, Gen. Wright, 8th Crook, 19th Gen. Emory with Gen. Sheridan’s Cavalry—he commanding all. I hear Grant has got between Petersburg and Richmond. If so, I hope to hear of the fall of our [rest of letter missing]

4th Ohio Infantry, Ohio Homefront

1861: George Washington Straub to Martin Stull

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The following home front letter was written by George Washington Straub (1846-1927) of Waldo, Marion county, Ohio. George was born in Waldo and farmed early in life, later taking up bridge building and other carpentry work. He had an older brother named William S. Straub (1839-1866) who served as a Captain of Co. H, 4th Ohio Volunteer. Infantry (OVI) in the Civil War but he did not serve himself. He was married in 1866 to Sarah E. Corbin. George’s parents were Andrew Straub (1797-1858) and Nancy Cupp (1815-1903).

He wrote the letter to Martin (“Mart”) Stull and other members of Co. H, 4th OVI who were encamped in West Virginia at the time. One of the soldiers mention was Joshua M. V. Corbin, brother of Sarah E. Corbin, who died while in the service. According to hospital records, Pvt. Corbin received a spinal injury when a tree fell across him on 21 December 1863, paralyzing his lower extremities. He died on 28 April 1864. [Source: The Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion. Part I, Volume II: Surgical History by U. S. Army Surgeon General’s Office, 1870.]

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

[Waldo, Marion county, Ohio]
August 14, 1861

Well, old friend, I thought I would write you a few lines to let you know that I am well together with the rest of the folks. I received your letter the 9th and was very much pleased to hear from you and the rest of the boys. I should like to hear from you and if John Vanbrines had got to you boys yet. He started from here last Monday for your camp.

Well Mart, I should like to see the four [ ] and see how they looked. I suppose the boys look very rugged and pretty black. We have not had any letters from any of you boys since the 6th and are expecting some [in] today’s mail. Tell the boys I should like to hear from all of them.

I wrote to Bige and Sant and Hank Patten and have not heard from them yet. Tell them that I would like to hear from them very much. Well, no more on that score but a little about the crops. The crops are very good about here as general Abe’s corn is the best or as good as there is about here. There is plenty of roasting ears but last night we thought they would be gone up by the frost to do any hurt so we had a chance for a crop of corn yet. There was a big turn out of flax seed and the wheat and oats what has been thrashed turns out very good.

Well, I can’t think of anything for there is nothing going on here. This is the driest place that I ever seen. Well Mart, I must bring my letter to a close for I can’t think of anything to write. I would like to write a great deal to you but I cannot write without anything to write so excuse my mistakes and bad spelling for I have the blues awful bad. No more at present but remain your friend. — G. W. Straub

Oyer, tell Hen French that I would like to hear from him very much and tell Josh Corbin that I want him to write that letter that he promised to write. And John Vanbrines promised to write to me the next day after he got there. Tell him not to foget to write and give me all the news. Now Mart, write soon and let me know how you boys are getting along. Give my best respects to everybody and keep a good share of them yourself. — G. W. Straub

To Mart Stull and everybody else. Goodbye.

55th Pennsylvania Infantry, Beaufort, South Carolina, Domestic Squabbles, Fort Sumter

1863: Ephraim L. German to his Family

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I could not find a war-time photograph of Ephraim but here is one of Jacob Dibert who also served as a private in the same company.

These letters were written by Pvt. Ephraim L. German (1836-1901) who enlisted in Co. K, 55th Pennsylvania Infantry on 3 October 1863. Ephraim was the son of Jacob and Harriet (Lace) German of Robersonia, Berks county, Pennsylvania. He was married to Isabella (“Belle”) Gruber (1843-1914) and had a daughter named Mary H. German (1862-1933) when he left to join the service.

Aside from witnessing the 1863 bombardment of Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor, the letters don’t reveal much about the war or the movements and duties of the regiment. They give us some indication, however, of the kinds of home troubles that plagued soldiers who were often distracted from their duty.

Letter 1

Port Royal Island, South Carolina
2 November 1863

Dear Father, Mother & Wife and all,

I write a few lines to let you know that we are not in Virginia as was the talk. We left Reading for Philadelphia and from Philadelphia to Port Royal in South Carolina. Beaufort is a very nice town on the island. Dear father, we were on board of a ship for ten days and nothing to eat, I was near starved. I was sick all the time and am not well yet.

We have been at Fort Sumter. I have been in the shelling of Fort Sumter and have been at Charleston. At Sumter there was a terrible cannonading. I never thought of seeing Sumter shelled. We are at Beaufort, Port Royal, South Carolina and we hear heavy cannonading at Charleston or Sumter yet. The time after we left Sumter, the ironclads renewed the fight.

Dear father, you know I am here to fight the battle of our Heavenly Father. Dear father, I beg for you to take my wife Isabella home. Take her and see that she will be cared for and I will send money home as soon as we get our pay. And if you take her home, then get her everything she has need of. And when the money comes home, you take that money and pay off what it costs. Take care of Mary. Father, take my wife home and then I am satisfied and then I can fight the battles of Liberty with pleasure. Father, do that for me and then I am all right as soon as I hear of the change. Send me an answer as soon as you have my wife at home. And then as soon as I get that money or as soon as we get our pay, I will send the money home.

You will please get her what she must have and it will be all right. Father, please do take my wife and child home. You know your son is fighting for our country. I am doing something for you, dear father, and now do something for me for God’s sake. I do not know when I will come home so take care of my family. If God saves me, I send money so that she can live and be supported. Nothing more at present. From your affectionate son, — Ephraim L. German

Directions. Send your letter to Company K, 44th Regiment P. V., Beaufort, Port Royal, South Carolina

If you want to send an answer, go to Samuel Kieser with the directions.

Letter 2

[Editor’s note: The following letter was found on Ancestry.com and explains a little better why Ephraim was so insistent that his wife Belle live with his parents rather than hers.]

Beaufort [South Carolina]
December 27, 1863

Dear Parents,

I take my pen in hand to inform you that I am well at present time, hoping you to be in the same state of health. I don’t know what is the reason you don’t write me more letters. I have sent letters home and have not been answered. I would like it very much if you would answer every letter I sent home. Belle ought to sent me some letters.

Father has had no time sometimes to write when I was at home. Belle can go to her brother Harrison. He can write a letter for her. But if the weather is too bad, she shall stay at home. I don’t care for letters if she is with you. You can write me about her. Let me know whether she lives with you or not. It troubles me about it for we have hard times and then [to] have things in the head about home not being settled. I want you to let me know whether she lives with you or not. If she is not with you, I will be God damned if I will not bring this thing to a close. If she stays with her parents, I will not send her a darn cent of money and will not stay with her. If she is not with you, I will be damned if I come home. I will not do a thing for her. I will leave her and take Mary from her.

Her parents are the very devil. They done everything against me they could do. Now I want her to be with you. If she will stay at home with her parents, I will stay from her to when I come home again. Let me know whether she is with you or not. We will have payday in two weeks, or so they say. You shall let me know whether she is with you or not and not say she is if she is not. If she is not, I will not send her money. If she wants to be my wife, she must obey my orders. I will send her the money if she is with you. Your affectionate son, — Ephraim L. German

Dear wife,

I would like to see you with my parents for I know that my father will get you things and then you can stay with him till I come home. You know that I will never make up with your parents and if you will stay at [their] home, we will be separated. Take care of Mary. If you will do what I tell you, you shall have the money. From your affectionate husband, – Ephraim L. German

7th North Carolina Infantry, Battle of Fredericksburg

1863: Leonard Allman to Caroline Allman

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He signed his name “Lenerd Aldman,” but muster rolls of Co. B, 7th North Carolina Infantry record the name of the author of this letter (variously) as Pvt. Leonard Allman, Allmon, Almond, or Almon (1826-1864). Leonard was born in Gaston county, North Carolina, and following his capture on 14 July 1863 at the Battle of Williamsport, he was confined at the Old Capital Prison in Washington City and then transferred to Point Lookout, Maryland, where he died at the age of 38 on 8 March 1864. He was married to Mary “Caroline” Linker (1823-1910) in 1856 in Cabarrus county, North Carolina.

A deeper dive into Leonard’s ancestry reveals that he was the son of Richard Almon (1783-1860) and Nancy Allen (1790-1860). Caroline’s parents were David Linker (1795-1850) and Nancy Shore (1803-1850) of Cabarrus county. Leonard and Caroline had at least two children—Caleb (b. 1858) and Nancy (b. 1860).

Leonard’s letter was written a couple of weeks after the battle of Fredericksburg. In that fight, Brig. Gen. James H. Lane’s Brigade was on Lt. Gen. Stonewall Jackson’s left, some two miles southeast of the town, and the 7th NC Regiment was on Brig. Gen. Lane’s left, about two hundred yards distant from the railroad and about the same distance in front of the right of Brig. Gen. William D. Pender’s North Carolina brigade. A short distance beyond the railroad there was a ridge that extended some distance to the right, and was lost in the common level of the surrounding plain. This ridge was occupied by a battalion of artillery, thirteen guns, under Maj. Braxton, with instructions to play on the enemy’s infantry without replying to his artillery. Before the fight began the 7th NC Regiment, Lt. Col. Junius L. Hill commanding, was advanced to the railroad to ensure the safety of the guns. A fog hung over the field and concealed the enemy’s movements until well under way. About 9 o’clock a.m. a line of battle advanced from under cover of the river bank and was driven back by the fire of the artillery in front. By way of retaliation, several Federal batteries opened on Maj. Braxton’s guns, and also did the 7th NC Regiment serious injury, driving in its skirmishers, ten (1) of them having been injured by one shell. The enemy’s skirmishers then advanced and endangered the gunners, and on this fact being reported to Lt. Col. Hill by one of their officers, he promptly advanced our regiment and drove them off. Meantime, the artillery left the field, and to save his men, Lt. Col. Hill ordered the regiment into the railroad cut near by, where it remained about two hours, during which time there was a lull in the storm.

In forming his line of battle, Maj. Gen. A. P. Hill had left an open space of several hundred yards, extending from Brig. Gen. Lane’s right to Brig. Gen. James J. Archer’s (TX) left. By noon the fog of the early morning had cleared away, and the keen-sighted Yankees were not long in detecting this opening, against which they sent a cloud of skirmishers and directed a powerful artillery fire. The 7th NC Regiment now left the railroad cut and resumed its former position on the left of the brigade. In a short while the enemy advanced in great force to the crest of the hill beyond the railroad, several stands of colors being visible in front of the 7th NC Regiment, but their troops were not sufficiently exposed to invite its fire. Remaining stationary for a short time, they retired, then advanced a second time and remained stationary as before, apparently hesitating to risk the result; and presently the entire column moved by the left flank behind the ridge and massed on the fatal opening. Turning Brig. Gen. Lane’s right and Brig. Gen. Archer’s left, they entered the woods to the rear and momentarily endangered the Confederate center. The 7th NC Regiment remained in line until the regiments on its right gave way, when it also fell back in good order to Brig. Gen. William D. Pender’s (NC) line, under a heavy artillery fire. From there it was immediately ordered to the right of the brigade, where it rendered good service in helping to drive the enemy back and aiding to re-establish the line. The writer, from personal observation, bears testimony to the gallant and heroic resistance made by the 37th and 28th NC Regiments to overwhelming numbers, as they entered the opening and turned the positions held by these regiments. The repulse of the enemy was complete, his loss frightful, and he made no further assault on this part of the line. In the 7th NC Regiment eleven (11) men were killed and eighty-one (81) wounded. Among the latter, Capt. John McLeod Turner, of Company F, was shot through the body and sustained a serious lung injury, and Capt. John G. Knox, of Company A, was quite seriously wounded. Lt. Solomon Furr, of Company B, was also wounded.

After the Federal army recrossed the river the Confederates went into winter quarters along the Rappahannock River. Brig. Gen. James H. Lane’s (NC) Brigade encamped near Moss Neck. Army supplies had to be hauled in wagons from Guinea Station, a distance of nine miles. Heavy details were sent daily to help corduroy the miry roads, and this, in connection with the ordinary camp duties and constantly maintaining a long picket line, kept the 7th NC Regiment busy during the bleak winter months.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va.
January 3rd 1863

Dear wife,

I seat myself this morning to drop you a few lines to inform you that I am well and also hope that these few lines may reach and find you well. I am happy to state to you that I received your kind letter which was write on the 26th yesterday evening and was truly glad to hear that you was well and in good spirits.

Dear wife, I can inform you that the times are very dull at this time but still a great deal better than some time since we get plenty to eat at this time. I can also inform you that there is not much news agoing about the war at this time. Things seem to be more still than they have been for some time and I hope that the first thing we know, they will send us home [ ].

You stated in your letter that you wanted me to write to you and let you know something about Caleb Linker. I can inform you that I do not know anything about him though he must be [with]in about two or three miles from here for we passed the regiment the day before the fight but I did not get to see him. But some of our boys did see him. I can also inform you that I received them things that you sent with Jack Bost to me. I also received a pair of socks and gloves for Linker but he isn’t with us at this time and I do not know how he is to get them.

You stated in your letter that I ought to been at home this Christmas and New Years. I should like to have been there but there is no chance. But I hope that if I live till another Christmas I may be at home enjoying myself around my fireside and home.

Dear wife, I can inform you that I have no chance to get any stamps or envelopes and paper and I want you to send some in your next letter if you please. I must close these few lines by asking you to write as soon as you get this letter. I remain your true husband till death, Write soon. — L. Aldman

To C. Aldman

Tell Jim Breans that I can’t come home now but for him to come and fetch his bottle of liquor and Old Turner and I’ll show him more ducks than he can put in his barn and then we will have a right spree for you know that we can’t have half a spree in Concord. Write soon. Lenerd Aldman

Direct to Richmond, Virginia, in care of Company B, 7th Regt. North Carolina State Troops

Copperheads, Illinois Homefront

1863: John B. and Albina (Balch) Mann to John Preston Mann

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The following Illinois home front letter was written by John Beattie Mann (1796-1881) and Albina Bloomer Balch (1797-1882) of Randolph County to their son, 41 year-old John Preston Mann (1822-1908) who was serving in the 5th Illinois Cavalry. The letter was datelined from the family homestead they called “Pleasant Hill” near Kaskaskia on 20 November 1863. John was a blacksmith by trade, having moved to Randolph county, Illinois, from Rockville, Parke county, Indiana, in 1827 and settling at Pleasant Hill in 1831.

John and Albina had five sons that volunteered to serve the Union cause in the Civil War, They were John Preston (“J. P.”) Mann (b. 1822) of the 5th Illinois Cavalry—to whom they addressed this letter, Robert “Clinton” Mann (b. 1824) who served in the 22nd Illinois Infantry and was mortally wounded in the Battle of Chickamauga, James “Luther” Mann (b. 1826) who served briefly in the 80th Illinois Infantry, Jonathan [“Jonta”] Balch Mann (b. 1828) who served in the 80th Illinois Infantry, and Calvin Anderson Mann (b. 1833) who served in the 5th Illinois Cavalry. All survived except Clinton.

When John and Albina settled in Randolph county in the late 1820s, Kaskaskia was the county seat. It remained so until the flood of 1844 forced the relocation of the county seat to Chester—a Mississippi river port about halfway between Cape Girardeau and St. Louis. During the Civil War, the citizens of Randolph county were deeply divided, many of the residents having come from and still had relatives living in Kentucky or other slave-holding states. Located in the region called “Little Egypt,” Randolph county was characterized by strong Democratic (“Copperhead”) sentiment and anti-war agitation. A sizable German population helped to turn public sentiment around in the middle of the war, as stated in this letter.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Lieut. J. P. Mann, Co. K, 5th Illinois Cavalry, Vicksburg, Mississippi

Pleasant Hill [near Kaskaskia, Illinois]
November 20, 18633

Our dear son,

Mother and self are left alone & in the midst of a snow storm, our thoughts naturally turn to the absent ones, who, if in similar circumstances, must suffer with wet and cold, having nothing but camp equipage to protect them from the inclemencies of the weather. How we long and wish the war was at an end and each of our family were at home enjoying that peace and happiness of domestic bliss we all enjoyed before the war began. Yes, we wish the war was over but not until this accursed rebellion shall be put down & the instigators of it be brought to punishment and repentance for their guilty conduct, and until the masses of the South shall see their error, confess their wrong, and lay down the weapons of their rebellion and peaceably return to their allegiance to our excellent government again.

You before this time have heard of the fate of [your brother] Clinton but if you have not heard the particulars of his death, I will state. He was wounded on the 19th ult. [at the Battle of Chickamauga], fell into the rebel hands, was brought back to Chattanooga early on the 2nd October, and died at 7 o’clock in the morning and was buried the same day in the Presbyterian Church grave yard of that place. My dear son, this was a hard stroke on his parents but since it was the will of God that he should go at this time, we are consoled in the thought that he died a martyr for the cause of his and our own country, manfully defending those rights and blessed privileges that we all were born under and lived under in peace and happiness until this wicked rebellion rebellion was got up under our midst. We must in this—as well as every other dispensation of God’s providence towards us—say, “thy will be done.”

We this day have read a letter from [your brother] Calvin sent to his wife. She kindly sent the letter to us on yesterday which we received today. It is dated the 4th inst. He is well and had received the box of clothes &c. sent by his wife. Although he does not complain of bad treatment [at Libby Prison], yet it’s plain the prisoners suffer much in their confinement. May he soon be released from his prison.

We received a letter from [your brother] Jonta [Jonathan] a few days since. He is much better and is able to do duty. He is near to Chattanooga with rebels plenty around and constantly in sight. He says some shells pass near at times which makes him think he might be hit but he says he is not afraid of the rebs & the boys are all in good spirits & ready for the Rebs at any time.

I suppose you know the result of the election in Old Randolph [County]—a result I did not anticipate but strange things happen some times. But thank s to the good sense of the people, the Organization of Union Leagues of the men, but especially of the Ladies Union Leagues in connection wit hthe Union Sanitary Societies, these aided by calm reflection have produced the great change in favor of the Union in our midst, particularly in the German part of the population. You see we have gained from last year some 800 or more votes inn this county, Our candidates were elected by an average of 200 votes over the Copperheads. Poor fellows! They look blank. They took the personification of hopeless despair.

Day before yesterday I rode past the Court House and heard some Hark from the tombs—a doleful sound. I concluded some disappointed Copperhead was in his last agonies and I felt like running to his relief. But on reflection, concluded he was past recovery and I went on my way rejoicing. I did not believe in their [ ]. It was as I have written, as if someone of them was trying to make a speech before his dying honor judge of probate—but enough of this.

I will send this by your friend, Lt. [Thomas Henry] Barnfield if I can see him before he leaves. If not, I will mail it. Houston and family are all well. Uncle Alec & Andy Crozier are in a bad fix—politically I mean, as well as Harrison. I have seen Crozier and he wants to sell out and leave. [Your father]

[in another hand]

Major Francis Swanwick, 22nd Illinois Infantry (Civil War Image Shop)

Preston, my dear son, we have never heard from you since you left till Alfred seen Barnfield in Chester. Now I want you to write how you are and how you fare. Junty writes that hard tack is scarce. He says if he lives to get to Chattanooga, he will try to search out his brother’s grave. I hope he may. Poor dear Clinton. He suffered twelve days, then yielded up his spirit to God who gave it. Major [Frank] Swanwick wrote to papa that his walk, ever since he went into the Army, was that of an unflinching Christian soldier. Preston, I know you will shed tears of sympathy for your noble, patriotic brother (my heart is torn and bleeding). Still I try to yield him to his country and his God. Some fried sent us his journal. In one place he writes he has orders to issue rations of whiskey. He is loathe to do it [and] he says, “Oh the accursed thing! I’ll never taste it.” I hope every son we have will say and act likewise.

Mary Jane is teaching. Has between forty and fifty scholars. Comes home every two weeks—sometimes oftener (that sheds a halo round the hearth stone when she comes home.) It strikes ten [and] I must go to bed. Good night.

Saturday morning. Papa goes to Chester to hear the news. I have not heard from Nancy and hers for some time. I wish she would write me a line and let me know how Grace is. Harriet and her boys are all right. Houston has administered on Clinton’s estate. I do not know what arrangements will be made about his children. They are still at Pollock’s. Poor orphan boys. Goodbye my son, — A. B. M.