2863-65: John West Shank to Joseph Belknap Smith

Bio

John’s cousin, Joseph (“Joe”) A. Shank (1843-1912)—the son of his Uncle George Shank— wrote a few of these letters. Joe served with John throughout the war in the 11th Georgia Artillery.

John wrote the letters to his friend, Col. Joseph Belknap (“J. B.”) Smith (1815-1898), the son of Joseph Nicholas Smith (1771-1857) and Polly Emerson (1784-1868) of Strafford county, New Hampshire. Joseph Belknap Smith (1802-1916) was a speculator and one of the founders of the Columbia Mining Company in Georgia. His papers are housed in the Duke University libraries. Found there are schedules of property belonging to the Columbia Mining Company containing lists of slaves and their values; contracts for hiring slaves and freedmen; land deeds; advertisement for an apparatus of Edward N. Kent for separating gold from foreign substances; correspondence of Smith and one of his partners, George Wood, about their copper mines in Tennessee; a ledger (1860-1873) containing valuations of the mine and mill properties of Smith and his partners and the amount of the Confederate soldiers’ tax and war taxes for some of the Civil War years. The J. Belknap Smith family and the William Fluker family rest in fenced-in graves in a small cemetery on the Wilkes County side of Little River, where once they crossed over for their gold-digging ventures.

Gold was first found in the Columbia vein in 1823 and from that time until the beginning of the Civil War, the property was worked continuously by private methods, on a more or less extensive scale. Just preceding the Civil War, 120 slaves were employed on this property in mining and milling 10 tons of ore per day. By 1830, when 6,000-10,000 people were engaged in gold mining, Georgia had become the foremost gold-producing state—a position it maintained until the late 1840s. This undertaking worked on a huge scale until the machinery was confiscated by the Confederate government during the Civil War and all the work came to a standstill. Also, about this time the mint was closed in Dahlonega. Many Southern miners had previously left in 1849 for the more lucrative gold fields of the west, namely California. Nevertheless, early postal records reveal that there was a post office operating at the Columbia Mines site until it was discontinued June 22, 1866, with Benjamin Brownhead serving as postmaster.

“J. B.” Smith was married to Jane Septima (“Sep”) Shank (1843-1912). They married on 27 April 1865. “J. B.” was a pharmacist, a farmer, and a miner. He was married previous to Sep and had children. Lived in McDuffie county.

Letter 1

Addressed to Col. J. B. Smith, Columbia Mine, Georgia

Camp Cutts Artillery Battalion
February 5th 1863

Col. J. B. Smith,

The stamp used on this envelope & others in this collection was an 1863 10 cent Jefferson Davis, Confederate States stamp.

My dear friend, on my arrival at camp last Monday night from Barnett’s Ford two miles west of Orange Court House to which place the section of our battery to which I am attached was sent on picket the day before, I found a waiting for me your most welcome letter. Nothing of interest occurred on our trip to Barnett’s Ford and back more than turning top side down one of our guns as we were on the way back to camp on Monday night in the dark.

Since I wrote you before, we have withdrawn our guns from the river near Rapidan Station and are now encamped about halfway between that place and Orange Court House and about two and a half miles from each. We came here on the 21st ultimo and the next day began to build stables for our houses. We built for our battery horses (67) four stables 30 feet square, of logs and covered with boards. We were three days in building. Since then, most of the men have built houses for themselves so we are now right comfortably fixed.

Most happily for us, just as we had to begin our work, Corporal Ward arrived with a large number of boxes which he had brought from our friends at home, so while we had work to do, we had plenty to eat and we still have some of it left on hand. Many of our boys are at home on furlough now and I guess they enjoy there “the fat of the land.” We have eighteen at home from our company and three of them are due here this evening. When they get back, I suppose three others will get off unless they conclude to grant no more furloughs but I hope they will not do that. However, it is reported that quite a number of troops are being sent from Gen. Ewell’s Corp of this army—supposed destination Wilmington, North Carolina. If that is correct, it may possibly be that the granting furlough will be suspended for a while though it is by no means certain. I guess Al will “astonish the natives” when he goes to eat at home for rations had been short for some time when he left and he was in quite good plight for eating.

They have begun again to give us our regular rations of one fourth of a pound of meat per day. For the last ten days though we have been furnished meal and no flour and it does not take well at all. Well, Colonel, a few more short weeks and again we must begin those long weary marches. It is with some unpleasant recollections of the past, and evil forebodings for the future, I must admit when I think of it, knowing the effect of heat, fatigue and dust upon myself. As to the future fortunes of this army though, I apprehend no fear, for under the leadership of its great General, if properly provided for, success will mark its course.

Many of the troops here have enlisted for the war and their patriotic example will, no doubt, be followed by most if not all the army, showing that it is willing hearts they fight. Of course some will have to be forced to fight but they will be the exception and not the rules. Lest you tire of this dull letter, I conclude by subscribing myself as your friend. — J. W. Shank


Letter 2

Camp four miles from Gordonsville, Virginia
August 27th 1863

Col. J. B. Smith,

Dear friend, in accordance with my promise, I will write you this morning. I arrived in camp one mile from Orange Court House last Saturday evening, which was just three days from the time I left Augusta. I was not in the best humor when I got there though, for I had bad luck on the way. I lost both my boxes at Wilmington and have not heard from them since. I wrote to the agent there to forward them to Richmond and I may yet get them. When I got to Richmond, Jesse let my bottle of cod liver oil fall ad break, which I prozed so much as a present from yourself and from which I expected to derive so much benefit. So you see the fates seemed to be against me.

On reaching camp though, I found most of the boys in good health and most excellent spirits. The fight at Gettysburg has not in the least demoralized them but on the other hand, this army would be glad to meet Meade’s army again in battle. This army cannot be whipped and it would do some of “those blue people” in Georgia good, and rebuke them soundly, if they could go through this army and see the spirit and determination that pervades it. Some men at home have actually begun to contemplate the probability of a failure on the part of the Southern Confederacy but no such idea is entertained here amongst the soldiers. If she does go under, the fault is not ours.

I believe no fight is expected here in some time. The army is resting and recruiting its horses. We left our camp near Orange Court House last Monday and came to this camp where we find good grazing to recruit our horses which are in a worse condition than I ever saw them. The horses [we] got in Pennsylvania do not stand service and many of them have “played out.” The men can get a few green apples now and we can buy green corn at 6.25 cents per ear.

We are going to have a big green apple dumpling for dinner today. I forgot to tell you before I left home that I could not get one bit of dried fruit in my box. So many little bundles were sent in that I got very little in for myself. There has been a religious revival in the battalion recently and several in the company have professed religion. We had a chaplain a few weeks ago but he turned out to be such a “slow coach” that he was petitioned to resign or “move his washing” and he agreed to do the latter. Lieut. Calloway of our battalion preaches to us but is nearly worn down at it. We have services twice each day. Some of those lay preachers might do good work here if they would come out an be men.

Hoping to get an occasional letter from you, I will close. Yours most respectfully, — J. W. Shank

P. S. I send enclosed a letter from Jesse to his mother.


Letter 3

Camp near Orange Court House, Virginia
September 29th 1863

Dear Mother,

I wrote you a letter a short time after I came out here but have not received an answer to it yet so I will write you another. This leaves me well. I am living with Lieut. Griffin now taking care of the offices’ horses. Mr. Shank’s mess had a servant and he hired me to Lieut. Griffin for two months. I want you to send me twenty dollars by mail as soon as you can. We have not had any fight much here since I got back here. There has been two or three little fights but our company was not in them. We have had some right cool weather here and there was a right good frost last Wednesday morning. Th nights are cool now but it is warm in the day.

We get a good peach dumpling to eat right often out here and plenty of sugar with it, but there are so many pretty gals out here we can hardly eat for studying about them. I wrote you before I would soon be married but there are so many pretty ones, I can’t male a choice. Tell all the gals they must not think hard of me for not calling on them while I was there for they hurried me off so soon I did not have time to see them. I will try and see them all next time.

You must be sure and write to me soon. Direct your letter in care of Sergt. J. W. Shank, Irvin Artillery, Col. Vutts’ Battalion, Richmond, Virginia

Your affectionate son, — Jesse


Letter 4

Camp near Welford’s Ford [Hazel River]
November 4th 1863

Col. J. B. Smith,

Dear Sir, as I promised to send you a drawing or representation of our new Confederate flag, I will now do so having failed to send it in a letter which I wrote to you soon after I came out, which, by the way, has not been answered—or at least I have not received a reply—and but for fulfilling my promise, I don’t know that I should now write for there is an utter dearth of news and in consequence, of course, must fail to interest you.

We have had a good long march since I wrote to you before but we did not have enough fighting to make it interesting. Our battery did not go further north than Bristoe Station. All the country I saw north of the Rappahannock is a desert waste, bring stripped of all fencing and nearly every house being burnt & no crops at all growing. Even the churches are tirn down by the enemy to build their bunks of.

We have now had two weeks of rest being encamped on the south side of the river near Brandy Station and 5 or 6 miles from Culpeper Court House. We have had fine grazing for our horses and they have improved some but other food for them is rather scarce.

I send enclosed a letter for Jesse to his mother. He has never received a letter from her yet and is very anxious to get one. He thinks probably she gets someone else than you to write them and they may not be properly directed and wishes you to say to her to be sure and have them correctly backed.

In the drawings I have sent you—Figure 1—1, 2,3, 4 is the battle flag proper which was adopted in the fall of 1861 after the first Battle of Manassas and has a yellow binding but when combined with the white to form our national flag the yellow binding is left out.

Figure 2—A. B. C. D. is the national flag in which the battle flag A, b, c, d has the yellow binding left out. I do not know that I have the exact proportion of the battle flag to the national flag but it is the same as it was with the original flag—the “stars and bars.”

Please let me hear from you soon. Very respectfully, – J. W. Shank


Letter 5

Rapidan Station, Virginia
December 15th 1863

Col. J. B. Smith,

Dear sir, as we did not have a definite understanding as to how long I was to have the service of Jesse, I have given my note up to the first of January only, for the same, but being under the impression that I was to havethem longer of I chose, please let me know at your earliest opportunity if I am to have them next year and on the same terms, He is in good health and I have him comfortably clothed and an very well pleased with him and want him next year. Yours most respectfully, — J. W. Shank

$60 hire & usual clothes.


Letter 6

Camp near Rapidan Station, Virginia
December 21st 1863

J. B. Smith, Esq.

Dear friend, as there is nothing in camp to do today, I will try to amuse myself by writing, hoping you will excuse me for not writing oftener. It has been nearly a year since I had a letter from you and I did not answer so you acted right by not writing any more. I hope you will pardon me for being so negligent about writing.

There is nothing exciting in the army now. Our battery is on the out lines about 600 yards rear of the picket line. There are no Yanks nearer than 4 miles of us. The boys are all well. My health never was better than it is now. I hardly know what sickness is until some times I have neuralgia either in my hip or face.

We are enjoying ourselves finely now. We have pretty good huts with good brick chimneys. We sit around our fires as big as if we were at home for such life as we now live we will live a good while without a change in affairs. But my only hope is to fight until the Yanks are satisfied to let us alone. When I get ready to submit to Lincoln’s rule, I want to die and not live any longer. Some may say give up but I say never as long as any of us live.

We have been living pretty high for the last week of good things that the old folks sent us from home. You have no idea how the boys welcome a box from home. They had as soon see it as someone from home. I would like to see you very much if you could make it convenient to come up any time.

We are having some pretty cold weather. The ground is hard frozen this morning and will be all day. It’s cloudy and I think it will snow before night and I have got to stand guard in it tomorrow night as cold as it may be. The enemy has to be watched. Our camp is on the river above the railroad, about a mile from wood so you see we have to haul our wood or go without. We have only one wagon and it is kept busy all of the time. And if the weather gets bad, we will suffer for wood or make fences suffer, which is plentiful all around us. — J. A. Shank

You must write to me soon and let me know how you get along with the widows and old maids which are so numerous now in that neighborhood. I would like to be with them Christmas, if no longer. I must close. You must excuse my mistakes and bad writing. Your friend, — J[oseph] A. Shank


Letter 7

Army of Northern Virginia
January 29th 1864

J. B. Smith, Esq.

Dear friend, you kind favor of the 31st December was received many days ago but being lazy, I have out off answering it until now. I have no news that would interest you. My health is as good as I could wish for. All of the boys are well and in fine spirits.

We have moved our camp on the 21st from the river. Col. Cutts became uneasy after staying on the river 8 weeks for fear we might be captured, there being no pickets between us and the river and moved to this camp about two miles east of the [Orange] Court House. We have built stables and houses are better fixed up than we were on the river. Our camp is beautifully located on a branch at the foot of Quarles Mountain—fine water and plenty of wood.

The two armies are quiet on the Rapidan. Both seem to be preparing for the coming campaign. Our army is in fine spirits, pretty well clothed, but not so well fed, but the commissary is more liberal now than he was some time back. For a while, he did not give any meat but now he gives a little meat and a plenty of bread. We sometimes get a few extra things such as sugar, coffee, rice and molasses. Our company has got a good many boxes from home and we live well now—too good for a soldier.

“Whenever Bob Lee’s army gets to be a set of croakers, then people may begin to be despondent.”

If we were like Gen. Lee, we would not eat anything good. He refused to eat a fine dinner in Richmond because all of his army did not have the same opportunity to get as good a dinner. People at home should not get despondent when they lose a few things for the Confederacy. If they look at the losses our noble leader has met with, their sufferings are nothing to be compared with his. His home has been confiscated. His son is confined in a northern prison and still he is in fine spirits and confident of success. And whenever Bob Lee’s army gets to be a set of croakers, then people may begin to be despondent. All Lee’s army asks is to be fed and clothed and they will be content to do the fighting.

The weather has been remarkably warm for the last week—something similar to spring in Georgia. I am afraid if the weather don’t get cooler, we will have to fight soon. Up till now the weather has been colder than it has been in several years before. The ice on the Rapidan was 12 inches thick in the mill pond.

Most of the people predict great things this year. Many think the war will be closed this year. I don’t know what to say on the subject. I hope it may and that we may enjoy that peace for which we have been so long fighting.

We have various ways of amusement here. There is a theater in Wilcox’s Brigade and we have music on the violin and all it lacks to make it good is the ladies—the greatest things on earth. If it was not for them, I would not fight any more.

I must close. I hope you will excuse this poor letter. My hands is so stiff I can’t use a pen well, and besides I have to go in inspection in a few minutes and have written in a hurry. Give my respects to all. I hope to do better next time I write. Your friend as ever, — J[oseph] A. Shank


Letter 8

Camp Cutts’ Artillery
March 19th 1864

Col. J. B. Smith,

My dear friend, your letter of the 7th ult. was received in due time and but for the fact that I had written to you just a few days previous to its reception, I should have answered it earlier. The barrel and box that you said had started to us arrived two days ago. They were a long time on the road and the weather having turned much warmer, the sausage—as you feared—were spoiled. The flour and meal though were fresh and good—far superior to any that we have had since those “good old days” when we ate almost wholly from your own mills. You will please accept many thanks from myself and mess mates for these good things. And should it ever be your fortune to be placed in our situation, though away from access to relatives and friends of your youth, may you have found friends in the “sunny climes of the South”, even in Old Georgia, who will prove as true to, and be as mindful of you as you have been of us, and send you like tokens of friendship. You can imagine how much we appreciate the flour when I tell you that we have drawn nothing scarcely but meal for two months and even had it been all meal such as you sent us, would be quite a treat compared with the coarse, branny, unsifted meal that we get.

In the way of news, there is positively nothing in this quarter. Furloughs have been suspended for the present, but for what reason we do not know unless it be to use all means of transportation south of Richmond for bringing supplies as Virginia soldiers are still allowed furloughs and transportation as far south as Petersburg.

The weather has been remarkably dry for some time and the roads are in excellent condition. Hoping to hear from you again soon, I remain truly your friend, — J. W. Shank


Letter 9

Camp Cutts’ Artillery
May 1st 1864

Col. J. B. Smith,

Dear friend, your letters of the 12th and 21st inst. [ult.] have both been received, but coming in such close proximity, I had not time to answer the first before the other came so I will make one answer suffice for both. The boxes you forwarded us have not yet arrived but we expect them to reach here soon.

There is nothing in the way of news here that you do not get in the newspapers. The same old stale phrase, “All quiet on the Rapidan” is still current. Some of the Yankee cavalry did make a demonstration across the Roberson River a few days ago upon the strength of which our battery and Capt. Patterson’s of our Battalion had to leave our comfortable beds at 2 o’clock a.m. and repair to Barnett’s Ford, but everything soon quieted down and we returned to camp.

We have had fine weather for some time now and the roads are in excellent condition for moving armies. This army has been put in good trim. All extra baggage has been reduced to thirty pounds. Two divisions—[Lafayette] McLaws’s and [Charles] Field’s of Longstreet’s army [1st Corps] are near here and ready to take a hand in any little excitement that may come off here soon. I guess from the way the Northern papers foam over the Fort Pillow and Plymouth affairs, it won’t be wholesome in a fellow to be captured this campaign. 1 They now lift their hands in “holy horror” at what they term barbarity and ask when did they ever exercise such cruelty. To hear them tell it, they have been very kind to us and we had better desist from provoking them to acts of cruelty by way of retaliation. For them to talk of retaliation when they inaugurate the system is a farce which we can all understand and know how to meet.

It again devolves upon this grand old Army of Virginia to lower the enemy’s proud boastings. It knows its mission and will fulfill it by knocking the props from under their boasted chieftain and last great bubble Grant, and whipping “the finest army on the planet.”

As preaching hour is near at hand, I will close, hoping to hear from you soon. I remain, most truly, your friend, — J. W. Shank

1 Northern papers were filled at the time with reports of the “atrocities” committed by Rebel troops at Fort Pillow near Memphis, Tennessee, and at Plymouth, North Carolina, where Black soldiers were killed following their surrender.


Letter 10

Camp Cutts’ Battalion
May 2nd 1864

Col. J. B. Smith,

Dear friend, as I have finished a huge letter to Jess’ mother and as I shall direct it to you, I will let you hear once more from the Rapidan. All of the boys you know are perfectly well. There are only a few sick men in the company though there are more than we have had for some time back. Our company has about 125 men for duty at present—nearly as strong as some regiments.

We have had a very long rest spell here, not having done any marching in the last five months. It is true a part of the battalion have done a little fighting but my company has not fired a gun since we left Gettysburg.

The weather is very good. The days are warm and the nights are pleasant. We have no fires—only to cook. There has not been any rain now in a week and the roads are in the best condition you ever saw. There is no excuse for a general moving an army now. If Grant feels able to move, he can do it at his own will. We are not anxious to shake hands with him, but if he puts himself in the way of Lee’s ragged rebels, he will be apt to go nearer Washington than he now is with many of his men left behind and he may lose many of his stores and much ordnance before he gets away. I don’t say these things in a boasting way but I believe if Grant attacks Lee, he will get one of the biggest whippings he ever carried from a battlefield. Grant let Polk whip him at Belmont and I think he will have to take one from this army.

No doubt you have heard by this time Longstreet’s Corps was here. I will tell you the strength of our army as well as I can so you can judge how we stand compared with the Yankees. Hill’s Corp has about 27,000 men and Ewell has about 25,000, making 52,000 infantry and artillery. There are about 16,000 cavalry and Longstreet has about 12,000 now. You can judge from the different corps how many men we have here. I get these from the commissary department by proportioning each division with ours. Our division has 9,000 men and there are 5 full divisions in this army and one that is not which makes in the 2nd and 3rd Corps, 52,000 and the artillery thrown in which is about 5,000 men. There are about 16,000 cavalry making in all 68,000 and the 1st Corps makes 80,000 besides many new regiments that are coming.

Colonel, our mail is very irregular coming through and after we get letters that you mail the same day three days apart. That is, John will get a letter mailed the 23rd of April on the 28th and I will get on the 30th which shows to me that someone opens the packages that you fix up. I hope you will understand me what I mean and please let me know if you mail all letters to this army direct or to Augusta.

I don’t say my estimate of the army is true, but it is tolerably near it. I merely mention it to show you how strong the army [is]; don’t take it to be the true estimate.

Colonel, if you can get resolution of Colston’s Brigade at Savannah in regard to Brown’s message, I will be much obliged to you if you will send them to me. I will close. Give my respects to all. Your true friend, — J[oseph] A. Shank


Letter 11

Mount Pleasant or Archer’s Bluff, Virginia
July 2nd 1864

Col. J. B. Smith,

Dear friend, your kind letter of the 11th of May was received a day or two ago and although it was old, it was read with much pleasure. I have no news of any note to write more than all are well except. Lt. Griffin. He has been complaining some for the last two days with rheumatism but he is much better today. There are some sick men in the company. How many I am unable to say [but] not many judging from the men I see daily on the lines.

We have to fight a little most every day and work nearly every night so you see we are engaged nearly all the time but it so happened with us we have men enough to rest every other day. Things are quite different with me today compared with what they were a year ago today. One year ago we were at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. Today we are at Petersburg, Virginia. We had a hard fight one year ago and may have another today, I am unable to say as we have fights nearly every day that passes. Our late battles have been successful. We have taken many prisoners and 19 pieces of artillery which will make back those lost by the 2nd Corps at Spotsylvania Court House.

Little Billy Mahone “is a small man, talks very fine, and is ugly enough to scare any set of men that did not know him.”

Our Corps is called the tail end of the army but we have done more here than any other in the army. Besides the guns and prisoners we have taken a good many horses from Yankee raiders. Nearly the whole of those captured have been by Mahone’s Division—as good a division as there is in the army & formerly was Anderson’s. [William, or “Little Billy”] Mahone is a small man, talks very fine, and is ugly enough to scare any set of men that did not know him. He is very sociable and will talk with a private as quick as he would with a Lt. General. He is much liked by his men.

The enemy has shelled this town a good deal. There has been some women killed—mostly black women. I have not heard of any man being killed yet. Our battery has to fire on the battery that fires on the town but we don’t do much with it as it is a good works.

No one from our neighborhood has been hurt yet. The casualties in our battalion are heavier here than they were at any other point we have fought at. Our company has lost two very fine soldiers here. They both were good men. Gus Cleveland from our county was killed on the 24th of June and Corporal Cumming from Louisiana was killed on the 28th, both by pieces of shell. One was struck in the back and the other in the face. The other two companies have lost a man each and there has been some 8 or 10 wounded—mostly slight except one or two. We get a plenty to eat and are doing pretty well.

I must close as my stamps are out. I shall have to frank my letter. Your affectionate friend, — J[oseph] A. Shank

My regards to all. Write when you can.


Letter 12

Near Petersburg, Virginia
July 17th 1864

Dear Mother,

As I have not written to you since I left winter quarters, I guess it is time to write you one. We have had a right hard time since we left winter quarters—especially myself, for I was taken sick soon after we started with a very bad cold and cough and had right smart of fever and did not get over it for a month. The white men had to be on the lines most of the time so they could not do much for me and there was no where for me to go but stay with the army. So I toughed it out and am now entirely well.

There has been some terrible fighting at the Wilderness, Spotsylvania C. H., Cold Harbor, and around Petersburg. The muskets and big cannon roared tremendously and the men were killed and wounded by thousands. I took good care to keep myself out of the way of the balls. We have been here now four weeks and are well rested by this time. It is powerful dry and hot though. There has not been enough rain to lay the dust since we have been here and it was real dusty when we got here. Our men and the Yankees shoot their cannon here every day. You must not all get scared of the Yankees at Atlanta. I send howdy to you and my sisters and to all my friends my best respects. I have not heard from you all in a long time. I would like to hear from you all. You must be sure to write soon. Your affectionate son, — Jesse

From Jesse to his mother.


Letter 13

Near Petersburg, Virginia
August 5th 1864

Col. J. B. Smith,

Dear friend, it has been a long long time since I got a letter from you; not since I left winter quarters I know, but Joe tells me you say you wrote me two letters to which you received no reply so it must have been the fault of the mails for I did not receive yours, and on the other hand wrote you two or three after the last I got from you. Hoping the mail may not prove so unreliable again, I will write you another.

Today is the Sabbath and even Grant seems disposed to respect it, not a gun having been fired that I have heard up to this hour (11 a.m.). There was a considerable little fight across the river Friday evening but you will get all the particulars of that in the papers before this reaches you. There has been less shelling than usual on our lines for the last week. Our company now mans seven guns of which four are 10-pounder Richmond Parrotts, two are 30-pounder Parrotts, and one is a 3-inch Yankee rifle. They are scattered along a line heretofore occupied by our battery, four of Capt. Ross’ guns and four of Capt. Penick’s—the two latter having been moved to other points.

Grant and his army have “played out” and “all is right” in this department. If Hood can bring Sherman’s campaign to a head as Lee has brought Grant’s, we will be “all right side up with care,”—at least for some time to come. We get all sorts of rumors from there. One was current in camp yesterday that some Yankee cavalry were lurking near Barnett Station on the Georgia Railroad but not much credence was given to it.

This army is now reaping some of the fruits of Early’s success—fresh beef that he captured in Maryland and Pennsylvania being issued to us every alternate day. The summer has been so dry here that vegetables are scarce. Nearly all the green apples have been eaten and black berries are all gone.

Gen. Lee is again granting furloughs at the rate of 2 to every 100 men. Two of our men—Eli Smith and Toby Norman—left about a week ago and I guess are now seeing a fat time. I guess you will see Fee at home before you see this as he was to have left Richmond for home yesterday morning on sick furlough, so says Irvin’s negro boy John who saw him there the day before. He is a lucky fellow to get furloughs, this being the third time he has been home. We want to give Jesse a furlough the next time any one from our company gets a furlough and will take him along and bring him back.

Write to me as soon as you can conveniently. Your friend, — J. W. Shank


Letter 14

In Line of Battle Near Petersburg, Virginia
August 9th 1864

Dear Colonel, your kind favor of the 28th July was received a few days ago which was read with much pleasure. I have no news of any interest to write you more than we are well and getting along finely. Tom Shank thought he would try an experiment blowing up flies yesterday morning, but did not succeed so well, he poured powder on fire, and burnt his face and right hand. He is not badly burnt. The Dr. says he will be well in a few days. It is not a bad burn by any means. His eyes are not hurt. The experiment is not a very dangerous one, but it don’t pay to get the fuzz scratched of to kill a few flies.

The fighting has nearly played out here. There may be a few more mines sprung a charge or two more made on our lines, but I don’t think there will be another general attack here. The opinion of most of the men (in the army) is the plains of Manassas will be stained with the blood of many men fighting—one for liberty, and the other for money. One side will be the flower of the South: on the other the officious of the world. There will be some heavy fighting in the [Shenandoah] Valley this year.

Grant has well nigh played out. He is the only man that has ever fought as this army wanted him to fight. The morale in the army is as good as it ever was (except in (Wilcox’s Division). I don’t know what to think of them. Wilcox is a good officer and one that I liked, but his men don’t have any confidence in him. He has two North Carolina Brigades, one South Carolina (Gregg’s old Brigade), and Thomas’ Georgia Brigade. The North Carolinas Brigades are pretty good fighters, but the other two are not and I think the fault lies in the Brigade commanders.

This army is not as well fed as I like to see for there is hardly bread enough issued to it. Meat and coffee rations are sufficient, but seven pints of meal is not enough for a man in one week, when Negros used to get 16 a week, and say they did not get enough to eat. The weather is very warm and vegetables are hard to get.

2½ p.m. As I have taken a good dinner, I will try to finish my letter. I have heard no news since morning. There was a heavy explosion at half past 12 in the neighborhood of City Point—supposed to be one of the enemy’s boats that had run afoul of a torpedo (in the James). I hope it was Grant’s whole fleet. If it was not a boat, it was a magazine of some sort for there was a good deal of powder used in the explosion. We have had some rain today and hope we will get more.

J. W. [Shank] says he has never received your letters but will write soon. Excuse my short and poorly written letter. My pen gave out and I had to finish with a pencil. Give my respects to all. Your affectionate friend, — Joe S[hank]


Letter 15

Camp of Irvin Artillery near Petersburg, Virginia
September 21st 1864

Col. J. B. Smith,

My dear friend, it has been a good while since I wrote you last but you must no conclude therefrom that I have forgotten you for notwithstanding there are many things that I would have submerged beneath the “Lethean wave,” yet I hope I may never be so ungrateful as to forget a friend.

To the last letter I wrote you in winter quarters, I received no answer and during the early part of the campaign, we were kept so busy that I did not write.. Since we have been at Petersburg, I have written you a letter, to which, also, I got no response so I conclude to write you again.

The boys at home on furlough have given you a more accurate account of our situation than I could possibly give you on paper. We still occupy Fort Mahone and it is no very comfortable situation since we have to bring our guns out every night and take them back every morning under a continuous picket firing which has been kept up ever since our pickets were driven from a portion of their original line in our front some three weeks ago. We have had three men wounded, neither of them wounded dangerous, but each one will, I suppose, get a furlough.

We are enjoying the luxury of fresh beef which Gen. Hampton transferred from Grant’s commissary to ours.

The weather here continues warm and dry—very fine for Grant to attack if he feels so inclined. But he knows to his chagrin this “Old Army of Northern Virginia” which is a sore obstacle to his possessing Richmond.

I guess Lincoln is sorely puzzled whether to risk his election on the fall of Atlanta or to go further and make his election sure by crushing Lee’s army, or in that attempt to lose all by an utter defeat. I think his safest plan is to risk it as it stands for if he attacks us, he is—to use an army phrase,”gone up a spout.” But what does it matter with us if he is elected. He will fight two years and if he is not [elected], the war horse McClellan comes in and he will fight four. So it is war anyhow. So we have nothing to do but fight on as ever. They will tire of it some day. They are not as unanimous North as they were two years ago and that want of unanimity must increase until it becomes so great they can no longer make war and then will come our time.

Those “ulterior consequences” that McClellan mentions, we will calmly meet and he too will get more tired even than he did in ’62 when he “changed his base” so suddenly and he will have to change his base (his letter of acceptance) before he is done with rebels and seek shelter under a peace policy just as he did under his gunboats in ’62.

But as this is already too long, I must close. We are having some chills and fever in our company at present. No other news of any interest. Hoping to get a letter from you in response to this. I remain with much respect your friend, — J. W. Shank


Letter 16

Petersburg, Virginia
October 3rd 1864

Mr. Smith,

Dear sir, as I am off duty today, I will write you of our whereabouts and things generally, but more particularly to let you know the lady that wanted the draft board.

I landed in camp last night a weeks ago all safe. We had as pleasant a trip as railway accommodations will afford these war times. We had a breakdown this side of Columbia, South Carolina, that was not very agreeable at thetime, but would do to laugh at afterward.

We will have a lively time with the Yanks no doubt before the close of many days. There is troops a moving nearly all the time. The most of them are moving to our right. I suppose by that the big fight will come off in a few days on the Weldon Railroad.

The same proud spirit that was visible at the beginning of the war can still be seen here. The spirits of the people have not abated under our lates reverses. A proud air of defiance can be seen on every countenance. The spirits of the soldiers are indomitable. I have heard nothing of going back into the Union, and being in the lines of the Yanks since I got to Petersburg. Theboys are looking finely and are in good health.

The young lady that wished the draft board is Miss Mollie Campbell. I am very sorry I did not think to give you her name before I left, but probably you have found out about it before now.

As my paper is full, I will stop. Give my regards to all and accept the compliments of your friend, — W[illiam Baxter] Shank


Letter 17

Battery 37. Petersburg, Defenses, Va.
October 9th, 1864

J. B. Smith. Esq.,

Dear sir, as I promised to let you hear from me occasionally, I will try and give you a few lines today as it is cold and windy. I have no news of any importance. All are well and getting along finely. We have but little to do now since we left Fort Mahone and came to this place. But we worked enough at the old fort to have a little rest, if there any such thing as rest these days. Judging from all appearances, I think our rest will be of a short duration. Grant seems to be very uneasy and is moving around considerably adn looks as if he would like to fight in a few days. He knows his master Abe wants him to do big things by the first Wednesday in November, and he knows Lee will not let him (if he is able, which we all believe he is) so he is in hot water and does not know what to do. If we get a few men in the next month more than we have, all will go well here.

As Sherman walked into Atlanta, so would Grant like to walk into Richmond. And he would so do if he had anyone else to contend with besides Gen. Lee and his veterans. There has been two pretty considerable fights since I have been back. One we were partially successful in. The other we were entirely successful. In the first fight we lost some ground and a little artillery. How much, I don’t know. Only one piece here at Fort McRea. How many at Fort Harrison we have never been able to find out. Grant says 15. He says we had only 300 men at the fort and at the least calculations, it would have taken 135 artillery men for 15 guns and there was only 165 infantry men left. One Battalion that was at the fort had over 3600 men in it, and it was separate from the artillery. So by his own accounts, we make him out a lie one way or another. His loss, he says, is about 5,000. Ours 800, so he can these forts be a litle loss to us and a heavy one to himself?

The last fight which was last Friday, we drove Grant 4 miles, capturing 10 pieces of artillery and a great many prisoners. Hood’s old division did the fighting under Lt. Gen. [George T.] Anderson. Our forces are getting to be small. We are fronting Grant with 100,000 with about 60,000 and this may be an over estimate of our troops. If we could only get him to fight us with his whole force at one point where Gen. Lee could superintend our troops fighting, Grant would get a good, decent whipping. Our troops are in fine spirits and confident of success as ever.

If I get forgiveness for this letter, I will never try another on Sunday or a windy day.

We get tolerably good rations of beef now but would like more flour if we could get it. We got one day of beef and one of bacon.

Colonel, you must speak a good word for me among the girls and keep them from running off when the Yanks come down that way. You must excuse bad writing for the wind blows so much grit on my paper, my pen will not write well.

Write when convenient to your friend, — J[oseph] A. Shank


Letter 18

Petersburg, Virginia
November 7th 1864

Dear Mother,

As I have not written to you since I left home. I thought I would let you hear from me once more. I am well and hope you are enjoying a singular blessing.

Send my socks first chance you have. Tell Mr. Bussy’s girls howdy and that I would have written to them before now, but the girls of Petersburg occupy my attention so as to give me but little time to think of them.

If you want me to come home Christmas, you will have to let me have a part of this year’s wages to pay my way. You must let me know what you will do about it.

I want you and Mr. Smith to send me a box as soon as you can. Put in some sorghum, peas, butter and meat of any you have.

Having no other news, I close. Your affectionate son, –Jesse Day to his Mother

Colonel, you will excuse me for not writing you a letter. I have no news to write. We are well and getting along as well as could be expected. The weather is cool and cloudy. Yesterday morning we had a “pretty high frost” as we term it at Petersburg, ad thick ice.

The barrels of flour arrived a few days ago for which you have the thanks of your friend, — J. A. Shank

Col., please send this to Jesse’s mother as soon as it is convenient. Nothing more at present. Your true friend, — J. A. S.


Letter 19

Reserve Camp, Lane’s Battalion
December 6th 1864

Col. J. B. Smith,

My dear friend, I saw Jess a few days ago and he told me he had hired himself to Lieut. Early of the 48th Georgia Regiment. He showed me a letter which Lieut. Early addressed to yourself and which he said he would send you, in which he promises to pay Jess $30 per month and clothing for the year. As Iam responsible to you for him when his time with me is out, I wish you to let me know as soon as possible if I must turn him over to Lieut. Early or send him home. Mr. Hyman of our company tells me that Lieut. Early is a very nice man.

I believe there is no news here of much interest. Capt. Wingfield will send up a detail of three of his sergeants today to go home to get them horses. They will be back in about two months and then your humble servant will go home to try his hand for a horse. If you see any “lying around loose,” please let me know.

There is an old man going through the army collecting money to construct a “bird of art.” He says if he succeeds, he will soon have enough of them constructed to drive Grant’s army out of Virginia. Each bird is to carry one man and one shell which he is to drop on the Yankees as he flies over them. He is either a “mad man” or a “humbug” and is making a great deal of money out of simple soldiers. I heard him speak yesterday and am satisfied that his theory of a bird’s flight is absurd.

I wish I had time to write you a longer letter but the mail is waiting. Please let me hear from you as soon as possible. Very respectfully, — J. W. Shank


Letter 20

At Home
February 30th 1865

Colonel,

You will please accept my kindest thanks for the jug of whiskey you sent me. I shall have some glorious drinks over it. I send you the jug back as it is just as convenient to empty it now as anytime. Do not harbor any regrets at not giving me an egg-nog yesterday as I only take them at morning and night, so you see I am not behind. Again, thanking you for the whiskey, I remain as ever your friend, truly, — J. W. Shank


1843: August Frederick Lawyer to Thomas Lawyer

The following letter was written by August Frederick Lawyer (1807-1863) to his father, Thomas Lawyer (1785-1868), an attorney practicing in Lawyersville, Schoharie county, New York, where he also served as the town’s post master.

We learn from this letter that Frederick arrived in Rio de Janiero aboard the USS Warren, a second class sloop-of-war built at the Boston Navy Yard between 1825-1827. The letter reveals that they were on a journey that would take them around the globe. In October 1843, she departed for the Pacific, where she acted as a guard ship at Monterey during the Mexican–American War before transferring to San Francisco as a stores and receiving ship. Further research from period newspapers inform us that Frederick was serving as the Assistant Surgeon aboard the vessel.

The letter provides us with a description by first hand observation of the harbor and city of Rio de Janiero in 1843.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Thomas Lawyer, P. M. [Post Master], Lawyersville, Schoharie county, New York

Rio [de] Janeiro [Empire of Brazil]
July 20, 1843

Dear Sir.

We arrived in this port 4 days since after a passage of 53 days from Norfolk. The passage was so far as winds & storms were concerned a delightful one. We never met a squall or tempestuous weather during the whole passage [but were] all the time in the trade winds which are the most pleasant in the world. The health of the ship’s crew has been extraordinarily good, averaging from 12 to 15 men out of 500 men. Lost one patient by scurvy the morning we entered the harbor—the only one we had of this disease. During the passage one man fell overboard who was saved by cutting away the life buoy upon which he rode in safety until the boat picked him up about ½ a mile from the ship.

The Harbor of Rio is one of the finest I have ever seen & the most Romantic, situated under the Andes [Serro do Mar Mountains] & surrounded by hills and mountains from 100 to 2500 feet in height. There must have been at some remote period an immense convulsion of Nature to have thrown up so many remarkable mountains as here surround us. The town appears to be well defended at its entrance by several Forts. They are, however, very old & I think a good force from the sea would find no difficulty in bombarding the place and capturing also.

The city is in a plain among these hills & if it could have been built by any perfectly civilized nation would have been one of the most delightful on earth. Nature has [paper torn] … as it is. The houses are old & low. Streets very narrow filled with all variety of shops that could be imagined. One of the streets, however, is independent of its narrowness—very pleasant. The stores are fitted up handsomely & at evening brightly illuminated, filled with all kinds of fancy articles of French & Portuguese manufacture. The people seem to be very busy in their small way of deal & pay, but little attention to each other or to strangers. Officers are so common of the various navies that they excitge scarcely any interest. Your society is limited in consequence to your own.

I haunted the town several times & walked through the principal streets and thoroughfares examining all I could see of interest. The churches are some of them very large & fine, but I should think had lost much of their former magnificence by the wars of the country. You see in them many catholic priests but very few of them about the streets. The carving & height of the interior is good & well worth examining.

The Palace of Dom Pedro covers a large surface of ground but is not magnificent as it is low & not by any means imposing, near the water’s edge, fronting on a dirty square. It is of marble, I think—one of a yellowish color. It is said to be very handsome in the interior which I fear I shall not be able to see.

View from the Imperial Palace at Rio de Janeiro with a cavalry battalion in front of it. Late 1840s.

Attended the opera a few evenings since where I saw the young Emperor & princess. I was not much pleased with his appearance but think the princess decidedly the most dignified, handsome & intelligent-looking lady in the theatre. She was plainly but richly attired, & probably as she stood was very valuable—-if not for her person, at least for the large quantity of diamonds decorating her person. Her head dress & necklace was the most brilliant I ever saw. There was a great many Ladies in the theatre and among them all could not discover one handsome or, according to our ideas, have any claim to beauty. The Spanish are far superior to them. The best specimen as to color was the prince & princess, being quite white. There is too much dark color under the skins of some. The soldiers are mostly negroes & very inferior.

Emperor Dom Pedro II and Teresa Cristina as they looked in 1843.

I have not seen much military excitement as yet. I suppose their soldiers are near Montevideo where I understand there is some hostilities existing. 1 There is an immense quantity of low population & slavery crowded together in rooms, looking like holes in the wall, where I suppose they sleep away an existence in very great ignorance except of the comforts of eating, if they can get it, which I much doubt. There is no currency in the country that can be depended upon. It is fluctuating from day to day. They have a paper currency and copper for daily use. I have not seen a particle of specie used since our arrival except that which the various navies circulate. Have no doubt there is abundance of it, but it is kept in the vaults of the country.

There is a very fine French eating & drinking house in this place where the officers congregate to pass off their time. Billiards appears to be the principal game of amusement. We suppose we shall remain here 10 or 12 days longer to water ship, get in fresh provisions, & prepare for our voyage to Bombay to receive our minister, Mr. [Caleb] Cushing. 2 We shall probably be about 60 days or 70 in reaching there. This will be a long cruise. After this, [we’ll] proceed to Singapore & then to China or Canton in the China Sea which we expect to reach next December or January, remain in this sea about a year, visit Ceylon, Manilla, Singapore & perhaps several other places during the year. In December 1844, [we’ll] leave for the Pacific & visit many of the Islands, coast of South America, Valparaiso, Lima, Callao, & then round Cape Horn & return to Rio Janeiro, from whence we will again sail for the United States, having accomplished a journey around the world. I think we shall reach home about August or September 1845. I anticipate seeing the most interesting portion of the Globe except the Mediterranean, a cruise which I shall have some claim to on my return.

You will have perceived by my letters from Norfolk that I had but 4 or 5 days to get ready for my cruise. Therefore, it was out of my power to make such arrangements as I could have wished for the cruise. I wrote a letter to Tiffany by the Pilot Boat of the pilot who conducted us to sea which I hope he received. The worst of this cruise is that I cannot hear from home. But you will often hear from me as there are ships constantly sailing from all these ports. There are occasionally store ships for the Squadron sailing from the United States & from New York East India merchantmen weekly by a little trouble you might send [me a letter]. I often think, could I be satisfied [if] all was harmony & peace & contentment in all members of the family, how great a sense of gratification I should feel when I often think of them. Could they but know as much of the world as I do, they would daily thank God for their comforts so superior to most I see. Happiness unalloyed is in the power of the family & God knows I would like to see it if I ever return again.

Before we Leave this port, I shall write you again giving you all the news and interesting discoveries I make here.

1 In 1843, Brazil was not officially at war with Montevideo, but was heavily involved in the region’s instability during the Uruguayan Civil War (Guerra Grande, 1839–1851). Brazil watched the 1843 start of the Great Siege of Montevideo closely, supporting the Colorado faction to prevent the expansion of Argentine dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas.

2 Caleb Cushing (1800-1879) was appointed in 1843 by President Tyler to be commissioner and United States Minister to China, holding this position until March 4, 1845.

1860: F. G. C. to Harriet Swan

This letter presented for transcription by the “Alabama Dirt Digger” was composed in the Nation’s Capitol on November 26, 1860, a mere three weeks following the election of Abraham Lincoln. This correspondence reflects the anticipated turmoil facing members of the 36th US Congress as they returned to the Capitol, confronting both the shift in political party dynamics and the looming threats of secession. Originating from the U.S. Post Office Department, the letter suggests authorship by an individual affiliated with that department; however, the absence of a full signature, with only the initials “R. G. C.” provided, precludes my ability to identify the writer despite my review of the Post Office Department employee lists in Boyd’s 1861 Washington Directory.

He composed the letter to his close acquaintance, Harriet Swan (1834-1893), a 26-year-old daughter of Tavern Keeper John J. Swan (1793-1878) and Eunice A. White (1805-1855) from Swanville, Erie County, Pennsylvania. Harriet was the younger sister of Andrew F. Swan (1832-1876), who subsequently served with distinction in the Civil War as a member of the 6th US Cavalry, achieving the rank of Lieutenant Colonel by the war’s conclusion. It is notable that Harriet never entered into matrimony.

I find it ironic that the letter, which serves as an invitation to attend Lincoln’s inaugural in March 1861, was sent in an envelope bearing the political endorsement of John C. Breckenridge for President—the Southern Democratic candidate in the 1860 election.

Reverse side of envelope.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Miss Hattie Vail, Swan Station, Erie county, Pa.

Post Office Department
Washington D.C.
November 26, 1860

​Miss Hattie,

​Altho’ you are now one letter in my debt, having some leisure this morning and feeling like having a little chat with you, thought I would not stand on ceremony, but write again. The picture is a long time arriving. It certainly ought to be very pretty when it does come. Judging from the length of time it required to gain your consent to give it, it would I presume, require a much longer period to get your consent, should I, one of these days have the presumption to ask for the original. What say you to that?

​Congress meets this day week and I never saw so few strangers at the Metropolis at this season. I do not know of the arrival of a single member of Congress except Mr. [Thomas] Corwin of Ohio. 1 I expect they will have a stormy session. The city will of course soon be full of persons willing to serve their country in any and all capacities. They will have a jolly time of it. There will be more applicants than there are offices in the whole world. I wish you would come on to the inauguration. Has Miss Mary returned? if so, remember me to her.

​I must now conclude this poor apology for a letter, hoping to hear from you soon. I am very Respectfully Yours, — F. G. C.


1 Thomas Corwin of Ohio led the House of Representatives’ effort to end the secessionist crisis that arose following the 1860 elections. Corwin sponsored a constitutional amendment that would have forbidden the federal government from outlawing slavery, even through further constitutional amendments. Though several states ratified the amendment, it did not prevent the outbreak of the civil war. Corwin resigned from Congress in March 1861 to become the United States Ambassador to Mexico. He held that position until 1864 and died the following year.

1863: Benjamin S. Kennicott to John Emerson Anderson

The following letter was written by Benjamin S. Kennicott (1817-1877) of Waukegan, Illinois. In the 1850 US Census, Benjamin—a native of Saratoga county, New York—was enumerated in Waukegan with his wife, Jane (b. 1822), and two children, Melissa (1842-1860) and John (b. 1846). At that time, his occupation was given as a bookkeeper. When he wrote this letter in August 1863, he was most likely a widower, but he remarried in April 1868 to Helen M. Edgecomb (1835-1928), the daughter of John Edgecomb (1803-1878) and Abby Gates (1806-1893) who outlived him by 50 years.

Benjamin wrote the letter to his friend John “Emerson” Anderson. At the time of this letter in August 1863, Emerson was serving in Co. D, 2nd Massachusetts Infantry and probably at the regimental camp near Kelly’s Ford, Virginia.

The letter provides us with a good description of Waukegan, Illinois, where Emerson Anderson once worked as a boot maker in the S. S. Greenleaf & Company, boot & shoe manufacturing firm.

Genesee Street became the primary business street in Waukegan, Illinois, in the 1860s.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Waukegan [Lake County, Illinois]
Sunday p.m., August 30th 1863

My dear friend,

Yours of the 12th inst., came to hand something over a week since and read with exceeding pleasure. I was indeed surprised and knew not to whom I was indebted for a letter away in that direction, seeing it was postmarked Washington D. C. Nevertheless, I assure you, it was very welcome and was never more gratified in reading a letter. I have not forgotten you by any means, but had only heard from you once or twice by way of Warren more than a year since and concluded it was quite likely you had offered up your life on the battlefield in the cause of the country you went to defend and help uphold. Am glad to know you have escaped thus far and hope you may be spared to see the end of the conflict and return safely to your home and friends.

Well, I presume you will be pleased to learn all about your Waukegan friends and acquaintances, so here goes. In the first place, myself and the Boss and the shop’s crew. I have been with [Samuel Smith] Greenleaf 1 about four years and nearly all that time in the store doing the cutting principally and attending to the boys in the shop. Of the old hands, Kelly and Hadden are the only ones that remain of the lot you left. Tom White, 2 who worked at Bachellor’s when you left, has been with us nearly three years. Mr. Turner left last winter some time, but does an occasional job now. An old man by the name of [David A.] Gillmore is fitting for us. [Edward] Tyrell 3 has done nothing for some three months on account of hurt he received putting his shoulder out of joint in a fall he got one evening when tight. He will work for us again as soon as he can work. Another man by the name of R. H. Lee works for us and an apprentice boy. Mr. Dorsey works for Stafford and takes his work home.

Capt. Asiel Z. Blodgett (1832-1916) of Co. G, 96th Illinois Infantry, from Waukegan, IL.

The boss & wife are all alone. Amos [Greenleaf] 4 enlisted about a year ago this month with many others in this place and is in Rosecrans’ army in Tennessee—the 96th Regiment Illinois Infantry. Their little boy, Henry, died a year ago last May. Johnny 5 was in the 96th a few months as cook for Capt. [A. Z.] Blodgett. He did not enlist so only remained a short time. He is now in a bank in Chicago. Franklin 6 left home the first of June professing to go in the country a little way to work on a farm in company with two other putty hand boys. In a few days, they heard from him & the others going down the Mississippi in a small boat they had procured in some way and in a few days thereafter they were in St. Louis, enlisted as teamsters in the Government service. They were at Pilot Knob [Missouri] a short time and finally left with Gen. Davidson’s Cavalry Division for Arkansas. They heard from him yesterday ay Clarendon, about half way from Memphis to Little Rock. You would hardly know Frank, he has grown so since you saw him. He is rather taller than Warren. I believe he is not sixteen years old yet—a large boy of his age.

Gay Wiseman 7 did not enlist. He and all his family are Copperheads—the old man in particular. Gay does not live in Waukegan now, nor does George [Wiley Wiseman], his brother. Mr. Clarkson, C. Morse, Eugene Payne 8, A[siel] Z. Blodgett, and many others enlisted from Waukegan, many of whom probably you did not know. Nelson Roorbach 9 is now in Chicago—rather a worthless sort of a fellow.

[George] Grant lives in Mattoon, Coles county, Illinois. His son, Robert, is in Chicago and doing well, I believe. He has improved greatly since you saw him. Old Scott (Sally Ann) lives where he did and keeps boarders and is doing better than he has for many years. His daughter Mary plays the melodeon at the Episcopal Church at a salary of 50 dollars per year.

My boy Johnny is in Waukegan and works at the Waukegan House. He is now 17 years old and almost as large as I am. He is all I have left. Daughter [Melissa] died three years ago last July. I boarded round at Taverns for three or four years but am now at a private family—Beecher Hitchcock’s, whom no doubt you remember.

Waukegan has improved somewhat since you left and is improving as much or more this season than any since you left. The business is leaving the street we are on and going more on Genesee Street towards the Waukegan House. Nine brick stores are now building on that street. Business is very good It has been for some time past. Boot and Shoe Making is better than when you were here, and there is more demand for workmen and at improved wages. We seldom see a tramping “Jur” [Journeyman?] nowadays. The war seems to have taken all the loose shoemakers. Stock is very high and consequently the manufactured articles have advanced a good deal. Kip boots 11 sell for four and a half dollars, f 5 1/2, Fr. f. 6 1/2, and other articles in proportion. Crops came in good & everything brings a good price. Farmers are nearly all getting rich.

How long is it since you left Waukegan? I’ve forgotten entirely. I have not been 3 miles from the store in as many years and not as far as Chicago in five years, and have not been absent from the store half a day since I came here to work. Indeed, I go scarcely anywhere and see but little of the world outside of Waukegan. I may spend the remainder of my days here for aught I know to the contrary. It seems more like home than any place I know of and I am reluctant to go again amongst strangers so I do the best I can to be contented with my lot and take everything philosophically.

I believe I have now written all that’s needful in one letter and hope if this reaches you, you will write again speedily. I hope that “stray bullets will not wipe you out” but that you may see Waukegan again before I die. Any enquiries you may make of persons & things, I shall be glad to attend to, and post you in regard to what is doing in all this “upon round about.”

Please accept of my best wishes for your welfare and safety and believe me ever thy friend, — B. S. Kennicott

[to] John E. Anderson


1 Samuel Smith Greenleaf (1818-Aft1900), was the son of Flavel Greenleaf (1791-1850) and Eunice Smith (1794-1847). He was the owner of S. S. Greenleaf & Co., “manufacturers and dealers in boots, shoes, leather and findings” in Waukegan.

2 Thomas Francis White (1826-1879), was born in Sligo, Ireland, and came to the United States in 1847, settling first in Haverhill, Massachusetts. He moved to Waukegan, Illinois, in 1854 and worked as a bootmaker for S. S. Greenleaf in 1860. In March 1864, he mustered into the Chicago Mercantile Independent Light Battery and served until July 1865.

3 Edward Tyrell (1835-1863) was born in Ireland and came to the United States in 1848, settling first in Brooklyn. After a few years in Utica, New York, he came to Waukegan where prior to 1856. He was a shoemaker for the S. S. Greanleaf & Co.

4 Amos Greenleaf (1836-1914) was the son of Flavel Greenleaf (1791-1850) and Eunice Smith (1794-1847) of Oakland county, Michigan. Amos served as a sergeant in Co. G, 96th Regiment Illinois Infantry. In 1860, Amos was enumerated as a 24 year-old clerk in Waukegan, Illinois.

5 Johnny Flavel Greenleaf (1845-1887) was the son of Samuel Smith Greenleaf (1818-1915) of Waukegan, Illinois.

6 Samuel Franklin Greenleaf (1847-1933) was the son of Samuel Smith Greenleaf (1818-1915) of Waukegan, Illinois.

7 Gaius (“Gay’) Wiseman (1833-1918) was born in Gainesville, Wyoming county, New York. He came with his parents, James Wiseman (1799-1879) and Orril Lawrence (1804-1884), to Waukegan, Illinois, in the 1840s and married Mary Yeager in 1858. He was a tinner in Waukegan until 1863 when he left town and settled in Sycamore, DeKalb county, Illinois, employed by R. Ellwood and also the Haight Brothers.

8 Eugene Beauharnais Payne (1835-1919) of Seneca Falls, New York, came to Waukegan with his parents in 1837. In the Civil War, Eugene joined the Waukegan Zouaves who were eventually made part of the 37th Illinois Infantry. Eugene was made the captain of Co. C. He rose in rank to command the regiment and later made a Brigadier General.

9 Nelson Roorbach (1818-1904) was a shoemaker who lived in his later years in Chicago but was buried in Waukegan.

10 George Grant (1817-1891), a native of Scotland, was enumerated in 1850 and 1860 working as a shoemaker in Waukegan. His son, Robert Daniel Grant (1841-1911) lived in Chicago.

11 “Kip boots” in 1863 refers to durable, long-legged boots made from “kip leather”—a hide from a young cow, smaller than a full-grown ox but larger than a calf. These were commonly worn during the American Civil War era and were highly prized for their durability in heavy mud.

1863: Evan Thomas Rinehart to a Friend

The following letter was written by Evan Thomas Rinehart (1828-1891), formerly the regimental quartermaster of the 165th Pennsylvania Infantry—a nine-months unit that mustered out of the service in July 1863. After he was mustered out, I believe that Evan was made a government paymaster though I have not found an 1863 record to confirm it. One such appointment of “E. T. Rinehart” dated 12 March 1864 does appear in military records.

Evan’s parents were Israel Rinehart (1792-1871) and Mary Snader (1797-1865). In 1850, he resided in Frederick, Maryland. He was married in 1861 to Euphenia Knox of Adams, Pennsylvania. He died in Baltimore in 1891. Evans’ older brother, William Rinehart (1825-1874) was a prominent neo-classical, Italian trained, sculptor. Another brother, Daniel Rinehart (1823-1886) served as captain of Company F, 7th Maryland Volunteers.

While waiting to be transported to Union-occupied Vicksburg, Rinehart’s letter gives us a good picture of St. Louis in the fall of 1863. He describes the appearance of the city, the activities, and the politics prevailing at that time, split primarily over the issue of immediate or gradual emancipation of slaves.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

The Everett House in St. Louis

St. Louis, Missouri
September 29th 1863

Dear Judge,

According to promise I will give a few of the outlines of the state of things out here. I have been sojourning in this city about four weeks expecting every day for the past two to leave for Vicksburg or wherever Grant’s army may be to make our first payment. To me—I suppose as other strangers—the time passes heavy and slow in this place. I have yet had nothing to do and as a matter of course I find some trouble to dispose of the day. True, I can make a pretty good staggers at killing a few hours in the morning with an extra nap but the balance of the day after reading the morning papers get very heavy.

We have rooms assigned us in a large building for an office and sleeping department. The entire house is nearly occupied by Paymasters. We use simple army cots upon which we sleep & which we take with us into the field. I make up my own bed every day which is no great matter as it is composed of a mattress & pair of blankets. I am boarding at the Everett House and find it well kept. Living is very expensive there. For good board with lodging they charge from nine to twelve dollars per week.

St. Louis is by no means a handsome city. The streets are narrow and many of them badly paved. There are many fine commercial buildings and hotels but there is such dull, gloomy and rusty appearance about the whole city occasioned by coal smoke continually pouring from steamboats, factories, and many other chimneys that it looks more like an ancient town that one of recent growth. It is now considered one of the best governed cities in the Union. The population are about one third German whom almost to a man are loyal to the core. In fact, it was owing to that element which held the balance of power that saved the city from falling into the hands of the Rebels at the onset of this rebellion.

Steamboats are now regularly flying between this place and New Orleans and all intermediate points. By some unaccountable means—supposed to be incendiary—a number of the finest river boats have within a few weeks been burned. Four were burned at the wharf since my arrival.

Politics here are very spirited and while all claim to be good Unionists as elsewhere, they differ in the mode of “running the machine.” The political fight here at present is entirely a local or state matter. We have a party who call themselves conservatives or gradual emancipationists, and another party who boldly come out as radicals and demand immediate emancipation. The latter appear to be gaining ground & many of the citizens who were formerly proslavery men declare since emancipation has become a settled fact for the state, why the sooner it is accomplished the better and there is no use in making piecemeal of what can be done at one sweep. Just so long as there is a vestige of it in the state, so long will be kept up this spirit of contention, animosity, & strife that now exists.

The contest is bitter in the extreme. The journals handle each other with ungloved hands. The conservatives support Gen. Schofield who is in command of this department while the radicals denounce him in unmeasured terms. Gen. Frank Blair who a short time since was king of the radicals quarreled with that organ & by a prodigious leap falls in with the other party. But he is too late. He made a speech here last night. Those who heard it pronounce it a perfect failure. The fact of it is the Blair influence in this state is completely played out, and as for slavery, it is about ditto.

Union people here laugh at the idea of Vallandigham being elected governor of Ohio and it is generally expected Curtain will be reelected in the Old Keystone. How do things look at home? I suppose the Copperheads will make a clean sweep of the county this fall. I have not yet heard who are nominated but I guess it matters but little who they are if they are only “dyed in the wool.” The party will support anything that hasn’t horns & cloven feet.

Well, Judge, I fear my letter will not prove as uninteresting as you might expect but you must excuse it & attribute it partly to want of more influence on the Mississippi. I have the assurance we will get off this week for Vicksburg. Present my kindest remembrance to your family while I remain with the highest regards your friends, — E. T. Rinehart

1862: Thomas W. Wick to Elizabeth Brick

The following letter was written by Thomas W. Wick (1839-1891) while serving as a private in Co. G, 28th New Jersey Infantry—a nine-months regiment mustered into service in September 1862. Thomas claims that he is “willing to do my part” to put down the rebellion though many of the men who enlisted in the regiment probably assumed they would see comparatively little service in their nine-months. They were wrong. Instead, the regiment led the charge on Marye’s Heights at Fredericksburg and they were in the brutal fighting around Salem Church near Fredericksburg in the Chancellorsville Campaign.

Thomas was the son of John Wick (1806-1876) and Eliza Ann Eldridge (1810-1893) of Turnersville, Gloucester county, New Jersey. In the 1860 US Census, Thomas was enumerated at Chew’s Landing in Camden county, New Jersey, residing in the household of Thomas A. Chew where he was identified as a “laborer.”

Thomas wrote the letter to his friend, Elizabeth (“Lizzie”) Brick (1845-1919) of Hurffville, Gloucester county, New Jersey. Lizzie married John C. Thompson (1838-1911) in 1864.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Miss Elizabeth Brick, Hurffville, Camden county, New Jersey

Chain Bridge
November 5th 1862

Dear Lizzie,

I received your most affectionate letter and was very glad to hear from you and was well and your letter found me the same.

I have just come in from picket duty and I thought that I would write to you again for the last letter done me so much good that I received from you. We have been thrown out on picket 48 hours about 6 miles from camp and we have had a very nice time of it. We have not seen anybody that wanted to hurt us not anybody that we had to hurt, but if anybody had undertook to get inside of our lines, we would have been right on hand. But everything went smoothly. We have to stand on two hours and off 6 in the day time, and at night on two and off two. It comes midling hard on us at night but we make it all right when the sun begins to pop up.

It is a very nice place out here. There are several nice farms. They are Union men that lives in them but the secesh farms look as if there had been some of the true blues. [They need] to work at their fences. You cannot see a sign of a rail on any of the farms. There are real nice fields all out to the commons. It looks too bad, but we cannot pity them for it is their own fault. I went out to look around to see what I could find and about the best thing that I found was a rabbit sitting in a brush heap and I up with a stone and killed him and I took him in and dressed him and broiled him over the fire. It was quite a treat, I tell you Lizzie. We do our own cooking when we are out on picket and you can imagine how nice it is done. It would be a great note if we come out extra cooks before we come home.

They have been fighting for two or three days close to Winchester. We heard the cannons all day on Sunday. The rebels is retreating towards Richmond. They are heading for their winter quarters but I guess thy will not get any this winter without they lay down their arms and give up the struggle for our generals says that they do not expect to put up this winter. They lay out to go right through and put an end to this war. I hope that they will for God knows that it has been going on long enough. For my part, I am willing to do my part and I guess that the rest are too for they are just getting in earnest now.

Lizzie, you said that you heard that Iks Cark [?] was dead. It is not so for there was a man over here out of his regiment and he is all right yet and there was some Boys over to our camp to see me that used to live to Turnersville. They are encamped right along side of Jakey and Bill Chew and Tom Clark. They are well and as fat as pigs. They said they are about 8 miles from us. Bill Chew is Fife Major now. 1 I would love to run on to them some day unbeknownst to them. It will do me so much [good] to see them.

Lizzie, I suppose that Mr. Thompson’s class is going on now Saturday night and I hope that you all have good and happy times as we once did. Oh when I think of the happy seasons that we have had together, it fills my heart with joy. Oh, never will I forget the night when God removed all my sins and Oh! the joy that I received. And Lizzie, I have been made happy many times when I have heard you and Mary Hurff and Amy tell of the goodness of God to your heart. Oh Lizzie, may God ever keep us all faithful and one day we shall rise where war will be no more, but where all will be love and peace and where Jesus is that hung on the cross for our sins. Oh that all the world would turn to God and live.

It makes me feel bad to see how that some of my dear friends go on from day to day taking the name of God in vain. It seems as if some of them has give up to the Devil since they have come down here. But may God open their eyes before it is too late. When you pray, think of me and I will remember thee. I must bring this bad writing to a close for the present. So good night. Write soon. From a true friend, — Thomas Wick

Direct your letter to 28th Regt. N. J. V., Co. G, in care of Captain [Louis W.] Schock, Washington D. C.


1 William S. Chew (1821-1911) was Fife Major of Co. I, 6th New Jersey Infantry. He served from August 1861 to September 1864.

1861: William W. Milhollin and Saul M. Milhollin to their Family

I could not find an image of William but here is one of Albert Woolson of Co. I, 4th Minnesota Infantry. His leg was injured in the Gladiator steamboat accident on the Tennessee River on 13 May 1862 (mentioned in letter).

The following letters were written by William W. Milhollin (1839-1864), a native of Ohio, who enlisted in Ramsey county, Minnesota, as a private in Co. K, 4th Minnesota Infantry. He was discharged for disability on 30 January 1863. William (“Billy”) died on 24 May 1864 at Champlin, Hennepin county, Minnesota, and lies buried in Champlin Cemetery.

Serving in the same company with William were his older brothers, Jonathan McClintic Milhollin and Saul M. Milhollin. Though not signed, I believe the second letter to have been written by Saul who died in December 1862 at Quincy, Illinois.

The brothers were the sons of William Milhollin (1796-1871) and Rebecca Ann Henkler (1816-1906) of Champaign county, Ohio. The Milhollin’s moved from Ohio to Minnesota in 1853.

Letter 1

Camp Benton
December 25, 1861

Dear Sisters,

Tis Christmas yet I would not know it if I did not hear the boys shout it once in a while. One of the cooks were taken sick day before yesterday and we help by turns till he is well. It is my turn today and I am slopping around washing dishes, carrying water, &c. There was a snow fell last Sunday and the ground froze, but it is so warm yesterday and today the water is running in streams so that it is very disagreeable walking. All is quiet today. There are none on drill and very few crossing the parade ground. So different from a few days since when it was like fall weather that the camp looks almost deserted. It is evening or night.

I worked hard all day and feel tired but like to write on Christmas as I feel almost certain you are at home. You must write what you are doing and if there was anyone at our house and who it was. There is a man here by the name of Coe who got the privilege of treating the boys and some of them are having a merry time in their own way.

I received a letter from Martin Smith a few days since. He is well and very well and busy. He said he wrote to Kate and got an answer. He says also that he is almost in despair of having a fight. They take a few prisoners but let them go after swearing them in. There was nine hundred horses brought in here captured from the rebels. I did not see them but others say they are very fine horses but were poorly equipped. I have seen several men who have been in battle. There is one in the same barracks who was at the Battle of Bull Run. He was in all the fight and says the secessionists had the advantage of numbers nearly eight to one and were fresh while the Union men had to travel considerable and the rebels were scarcely ever seen while themselves were exposed all the time from crossfires.

I saw a splendid thoroughbred stallion and a beautiful shetland pony which had been taken from an old rebel colonel whose name is often mentioned in the papers but I have forgotten it. The ones who took them were infantry but they keep them for show. They stopped at the colonel’s house for several days in hopes he would come home. They had part of their men concealed so as to deceive them. The pony is the smallest thing of horse kind you ever saw. He is six years old and could almost walk under Mary’s belly.

Ten or twelve regiments have left here lately and only a few come in. Must go to supper now and will write after supper.

Thursday, December 26th. It is warm this morning. The snow is all gone and the ground is drying fast. I sleep on the top bunk eight feet from the floor. I have cut a hole in the boards with my knife large enough to put my head through and looking this morning at daybreak, saw the Iowa 3rd Regiment leaving quietly without music or noise. Tis a very fine regiment—all well dressed in black with bright bayonets flashing and banners flying. 1

1 The 3rd Iowa Infantry moved from Quincy, Illinois, to Benton Barracks in late November 1861. They marched out of St. Louis on 26 December 1861 to perform guard duty at Mexico, Missouri, and along the Northern Missouri Railroad where they remained until March 1862. They were then ordered to Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee, prior to the Battle of Shiloh.


Letter 2

[Editor’s Note: The regiment moved from the siege lines around Corinth (which ended May 30) to camp at Clear Creek, Mississippi, which is roughly 6 miles south of Corinth. During this period, they were tasked with protecting the railroad and scouting the area for Confederate activity.]

Camp 6 miles south of Corinth
June 6th 1862

Dear Mother,

Your kind letters was received late last night & we were very glad to hear that you were all well. I got one from T. S. with the wreaths in it & one from father & you. Both of them was written on the 26th. T. S. said that you had heard of the Gladiator breaking down & he thought the 4th Regiment was not on board. Now I will explain. We did leave St. Louis on the John J. Roe but got off of it at Paris Landing 10 miles above Fort Henry. We went back in the country some 20 miles in pursuit of some rebels that had captured some of our cavalry. We was gone 3 days, came back to Paris Landing, stopped there 3 or 4 days, and then took the Gladiator for Hamburg Landing. It was on this part of our trip that the accident happened which you spoke of but you got an exaggerated account of the affair. The truth was that there was only one man lost. He was on guard on deck and was either knocked overboard or was scared and jumped over and was drowned. There was several slightly hurt but none seriously injured so you can see you live about far enough from the seat of war to get big tales. None of us was hurt. For my part, I was asleep back between the engines & knew nothing of it until the thing was all over.

One month ago today we marched through Corinth. We had got our entrenchments up pretty close to theirs & had our siege guns planted within half a mile of the town. On Thursday evening, we threw a few shells among them. They thought best to leave. They left the place leaving everything they had behind. We found beef, flour, sugar, molasses, guns, cartridge boxes, clothing, camp equipage of every kind. In many places they had been cooking. Some had their flour in the pan and had their biscuit made out & some had them in the oven baking & the fire was not dead on the lids. They use the dutch oven for baking altogether.

About a mile from here the rebels tried to burn a large lot of commissary goods, wagons, &c. They had piled them up and set them on fire but they did not burn very well. Some 30 or 40 was somewhat injured. Some had a wheel, some the tongue or an axel. We took a good many barrels of sugar & molasses. No pen can describe the scene. Some of the dead secesh were not covered entirely up & the flies were on them. You may judge that I turned from the sight with disgust. From every appearance the rebels were awfully scared & perfectly demoralized, I will not attempt to estimate the value of the property they left behind.

The health of the regiment is pretty good considering the circumstances. Today [Robert S.] Perkins was taken back to the hospital. He has the bilious fever. He is pretty sick. [Brother] Clint is back some 5 miles. He has the rheumatism but the last I heard he was able to walk about. I hope to hear from him tomorrow. Billy & me are in tolerable good health & getting better. The change of climate and water has given us all the diahhrea but we have got over it now. Milo has been troubled in the same way. He is better. He is able for duty & you would be surprised to see how cool all our boys are when they expect an engagement every hour. They will march up as cool in a skirmish as they would to eat. In some cases it is necessary to skirmish a piece of woods…


1861: Casper Bradenbough to Andrew Bradenbough

Sergt. Major Charles Seager showcasing the special chasseur-style uniforms awarded to the 62nd Pennsylvania for their excellence in drill. These were distributed in mid-December 1861.

The following letter was written by Caspar Bradenbough of Co. D (the “Finley Cadets” of Armstrongcounty), 62nd Pennsylvania Infantry (he signed his name Casper Brady). Enrollment records describes him as 18 years old, with brown hair, brown eyes, and 5′ 6.5″ tall. According to a letter from 1st Lieutenant Putney, Bradenbaugh died at Washington Street General Hospital, Alexandria, Va. on 18 May 1862 at 7 P.M. of pneumonia. He was buried on 19 May 1862 in the Alexandria National Cemetery in Section A, Grave 9. Bates, in error, indicates Grave #8.

The 62nd Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment was organized by Colonel Samuel Black at Pittsburg as the 33rd Independent Regiment under the authority of Secretary of War Simon Cameron. T. Frederick Lehman was appointed Lieutenant Colonel and Jacob Sweitzer was appointed Major. The authority to raise ten companies was later raised to 12. The name of the regiment was changed to 62nd Pennsylvania Infantry on 19 November 1861.

In late August 1861, the regiment moved to Baltimore, Maryland, after training at Camp Cameron near Harrisburg. The regiment, commanded by Colonel Samuel Black, camped at Patterson’s Park, across the harbor from Fort McHenry, before continuing to Washington. It was at this location that Casper wrote the following letter.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Camp Bagley
22nd August 1861

Mr. Andrew Bradenbough,

Dear Brother, It is with pleasure that I seat myself to inform you that I am well at present and I hope that these few lines may find you in the same state of health.

We can see a great part of the city from our camp. Our camp is joining a park. There was a battle fought on this ground in 1812. We can see where the entrenchments were thrown up. I like this place very well and I like my travel very well so far. We have not got our uniform yet but I think we will get them before long. This is a very nice place. I can see a great many nice things here. I see the ships sailing on the Bay here and a great many camps around here. It is a beautiful place. It is the nicest place that I have seen yet. But the one half of this city is secessionists but they dare not say anything or Fort McHenry will fire on the city and blow it up. The stars and sripes are waving here in the city.

I have not very much to say at present and I think I must bring my letter to a close. Tell John Bartho that I send my best respects to him and tell the rest of the folks that I send my best respects to them and I would like to know if Maggie got the letter I wrote her and if you got the one that I sent the paper in that you was to give to mother.

Write soon. Direct to Casper Brady, Camp Bagly, Col. [Samuel] Black’s Regiment, care of Capt. [William C.] Beck, Baltimore, Maryland

1864: Mason Brayman to Natchez Citizens

This letter was written by 50 year-old Mason Brayman (1813-1895) while commanding the Union forces in the District of Natchez in August 1864.

Brig. General Mason Brayman

Brayman was born in Buffalo, N. Y., May 23, 1813. Brought up on a farm, he became a printer, then editor of the Buffalo “Bulletin,” studied law, and in 1836 was admitted to the bar. Removing to the West, he became city attorney of Monroe, Mich., in 1838, editor of the Louisville “Adviser” in 1841, opened a law office in Springfield, Ill., in 1842, and in 1844-45 revised the state statutes. In 1843, as special government commissioner, he adjusted the Mormon disturbances at Nauvoo, and conducted the negotiations which resulted in the withdrawal of the Mormons from Illinois. He was from 1851 to 1855 attorney for the Illinois Central railroad, and then, until the outbreak of the Civil war, was a promoter of railroad enterprises in Missouri, Arkansas and the southwest.

In 1861 Brayman joined the Union army as major of the 29th Ill. volunteers, became colonel of the regiment in May, 1862, and fought with such conspicuous gallantry at the battles of Belmont, Fort Donelson and Shiloh that he was promoted brigadier-general of volunteers. He was in command at Bolivar, Tenn., when Van Dorn’s attack was successfully repulsed. He afterwards reorganized about sixty Ohio regiments, at Fort Dennison; was president of a board of inquiry to investigate the conduct of Gen. Sturgis, commanded at Natchez, Tenn., from July, 1864, to May, 1865, and was presiding officer of a committee to investigate cotton claims. He was mustered out of the service at the close of the war with the brevet rank of major-general of volunteers. After the war he was engaged in reviving railroad interests in the south, was editor of the “Illinois State Journal” in 1872-73, practiced law in Ripon, Wis., from 1873 to 1877, and was then appointed by President Hayes governor of Idaho. At the expiration of his term, in 1880, he resumed the practice of his profession in Ripon, Wis. He afterwards settled in Kansas City, Mo., and died there Feb. 27, 1895.

Brayman’s letter formally addresses a request from the citizens of Natchez for the return of horses that had been seized by his order to equip his cavalry in the pursuit of rebels and guerrillas within his District. He respectfully declines the request, citing military necessity as the rationale for commandeering the horses, while simultaneously expressing an understanding of the vital role that these animals play in supporting civilian physicians who care for the ill both in town and the surrounding areas. Brayman assures the citizens that he will facilitate the provision of horses liberated from the rebels as soon as it is feasible to do so.

One of the two gentleman that Brayman addressed his letter to was Judge Josiah Winchester, a native of Salem, Massachusetts, who studied law in Boston before moving to Natchez. His uncle, George Winchester, was a prominent lawyer, member of the Mississippi Supreme Court, and the longtime tutor to Varina Howell, future wife of Confederate President Jefferson Davis. He married in 1846 to Margaret Graham Sprague, a first cousin on Varina Howell—an attendant to Varina’s wedding to Jefferson Davis the previous year. He was a prominent Union sympathizer despite his ties to Jefferson Davis.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Headquarters United States Forces
Natchez, Mississippi
August 11, 1864

Stanley J. Trott & J[osiah] Winchester, Esq’s.,

Gentlemen,

I have carefully considered the paper presented personally by yourselves, signed by a large number of respectable citizens of Natchez, asking in behalf of its people that horses recently taken from certain physicians may be restored to them that thereby they may be able to minister to the sick, &c.

The order for seizing horses was one of necessity. The enemy in large numbers and in marauding bands infested the neighborhood, taking and destroying property and endangering life, being well mounted and in many cases on horses furnished by their families and friends in and about Natchez. It is my duty to pursue, capture, and destroy these depredators. I must have mounted men to do it. My cavalry were mostly on foot. I could not get horses from the North. I did the next best thing—took them in Natchez. In this way, many that I know of, who have voluntarily furnished horses and supplies to the enemy have, though not willingly, aided us. I must confess, however, that they have done it gracefully.

If rightly advised, I may class the physicians you name, Drs. Davis, Lyle, Harper and Page, among whose friends are outside. But they have fared no worse than their neighbors, the Union men. The question was about horses, not loyalty, though it is intended to take more, hold longer, and pay less, in the case of men who are responsible for the first necessity of taking—that is to say, adopting the doctrine of Andy Johnson in his Nashville speech that, “a rebel has no right to own anything.”

These physicians are very excellent gentlemen. Personally I think I may say that I like them. Yet they, as such, can get no horses, not even a mule from me. Why should they, per se, ride, while Union men, equally venerable—perchance more denefied [?], go on foot? But gentlemen, you ask that the doctors may ride for the good of the sick and suffering. This is an appeal on the score of humanity and I admit its force. When God lays his afflicting hand upon his creature, that touch makes the sufferer sacred to us, and, whether it be an enemy or an offender against the law, our hand must be stayed or extended only to relieve.

Your appeal is just to deny what you ask would not fairly represent the humane policy of the Government, whose servant I am. The horses taken from the physicians have been branded “U. S.” and are doing loyal service. In fact, they have “taken the oath” and are showing their faith by their works. I really would not think it safe for the doctors to mount them again. The horses might throw them.

That the sick and suffering may at this dangerous section have prompt attendance, I will endeavor (as I cannot give them branded horses) to provide them the best that I can find in place of them as soon as they can be captured from rebels not belonging to the learned professions. I will try to have them mounted as soon as possible so that their patients shall not fail of their professional ministrations. Respectfully, your obedient servant.

[1st draft retained]

1862: Joseph Alexander Davison to William Dunlop Dixon

The following letter was written by Joseph Alexander Davison (1838-1879), the son of Abraham Smith Davison (1802-1854) and Sarah Loller (180201895) of Antrim, Franklin county, Pennsylvania. Joseph enlisted on 24 April 1861 as the 1st Sergeant of Co. D, 6th Pennsylvania Infantry (35th Pennsylvania Infantry). In August 1862 he was commissioned a 1st Lieutenant, later a Captain and finally, in March 1865, was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel. Before the war ended, he married Anna Mary Taylor and later fathered Charles Meade (b. 03/10/65), Smith L. (b. @1868 – Sp-Am War vet), Robert Francis (b. 1870), and Maud M. (b. 1872).

The letter was sent to Joseph’s captain, William Dunlop Dixon (1833-1916). He eventually commanded the regiment and was brevetted Brigadier General of US Volunteers in March 1865 for “gallant conduct at the battles of Spotsylvania Court House, North Anna, and Bethesda Church, Va.”

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Camp Pierpont, Virginia
March 2nd 1862

Capt. W. D. Dixon,

My dear friend, enclosed you will find a letter which arrived in camp last evening and which I hasten to forward to you, hoping it may reach you in due time.

Gen. Edward O. C. Ord

Well, inspection and muster is over. Gen. [Edward O. C.] Ord was the mustering officer. I assure you that the [general] put things through with a rush. He was only about two minutes in inspecting our company. He said nothing to any member of our company except Sergt. [Samuel K.] Furley. And to him Gen. Ord said, “Sergeant, what No. boots are those? If you should go on a march, you will find it very difficult to take all that leather with you!!

We were then marched to company quarters where we were mustered afterward. The quarters were not inspected. The payrolls did not come until the evening of the 28th. I finished them yesterday and handed them in.

Well, we heard from Henry B. Smith this morning. There was an order came here from the Adjutant Generals Office for his descriptive roll and for a copy of his clothing account which I made out and sent it in. He is reported to be perfectly well but it is recommended that he be discharged from the service. I understand that he will be in camp for a few days.

There was also an order came to us to make a requisition for six Sibley tents, poles & pins, which we did on February 28th. This will place about 14 men in a tent—rather a crowded arrangement I think.

We have been having fatigue drills since you left. The regiment marched once to the picket line and twice to the Chain Bridge with knapsacks, with overcoats packed on top.

We have been under marching orders ever since you left with three days rations in our haversacks. But I think that was only for a march in case Gen. Banks was attacked in crossing the river. Everything is going on smoothly. Give my respects to your family, Lt. Burgess, and all friends. We have received one of Burgess’s recruits. Yours, — J. A. Davison

to Capt. W. D. Dixon, St. Thomas, Pa.