The following letter was written by Alfred Wanamaker (1832-1909) from his regiment’s encampment near Robert E. Lee’s Arlington House in Virginia in late October 1861. It was addressed to him wife, Melissa A. Webster (1840-1901). At the time of the 1860 US Census, Alfred and Melissa were residing in Flemington, Hunterdon county, New Jersey where he was employed as a blacksmith.
A veteran’s card indicates that in September 1862, at the time of Lee’s Maryland Invasion, Alfred served for a couple weeks in the 17th Pennsylvania Militia, Co. C, reporting from Bucks County, Pennsylvania.
It isn’t clear what regiment Alfred was serving in when he wrote this letter since the 17th Pennsylvania Militia was not activated at the time. His service record at Fold 3 and Find-A-Grave obituary yields no additional information but it must certainly be the same individual.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Arlington House, Virginia October 29th 1861
Dear Wife
Having received no answer from you since I wrote you, I thought I must write a few lines to you. I was somewhat disappointed in not getting a letter today from you. I thought you would write on Sunday and I would get a letter this Tuesday but the mail came but no letter yet. You may have sent one but it has not reached here yet. I hope you will not forget to write once a week at least for if I can hear from you all once a week I will try not to complain as long as you all keep well.
Last Sunday I thought I would take a trip over to Washington and two or three miles the other side to [where] the New Jersey 5th, 6th, 7th, & 8th regiments are encamped and I saw Gardiner Stockton and Ed Forker and Ed told me that Capt. [Andrew] Craven’s Cavalry was over on the hill about a half mile from there so I did not stay long with him. So I went to Capt. Craven’s company [M] and who do you think I seen? I think you can give a pretty good guess. If you can’t, Lib can. I saw Jonathan Black, Jesse Black, Jack Fesmire, John Duck, and above all I saw Simon. Tell Libby I was sorry I had not brought that dogtype [daguerreotype] along with me. It would of pleased him so. They were very glad to see me. I also saw Pat Garman that was at Kenderdine’s Mills. They were all well. I got there just before lunch as I could not stay until church was over. They did not go. The Captain said they need not go to church when they had friends to see them from old Bucks [county]. They must always pay particular attention to their friends that call to see them. He appears to be a very fine man.
Today just before I began to write, a soldier got killed by a tree falling on him. He belongs to the 14th Massachusetts. He with some others was cutting down a tree. He started to run and the tree caught him.
You may think we have some soldiers here when I tell you the Generals say to speak within bounds that there are now at this time over two hundred and fifty thousand soldiers within the sound of a cannon and more coming every day. You may show this to Mr. Rice and Barson and all the rest of the family if you please. Tell them the reason I don’t write to them is because it is such a task for me to sit down and write a letter that I don’t write to you as often as I would like to. Tell Mr. Bice he must write to me. I would like to hear from him. I will have to close.
Give my respects to all enquiring friends. Tell H. H. Martindell I received his kind answer and will write again soon. Tell Mr. Cooper this a great place down here. The hardest thing I have to witness is the rough treatment of horses. They often go three or four days on four quarts of oats—musty oats at that. I could write a half day about things that I see and hear but don’t think it worth writing. I must quit. Hoping this may find you as well as it leaves me. Abel is well. I see him every night. I want to see you all about Christmas. Goodbye. Yours affectionately, A. Wanamaker
The following letter was written by Major Amos J. Holahan (1842-1899) of the 19th Pennsylvania Cavalry. He enlisted at Philadelphia on 6 October 1863 and was wounded on 17 December 1864 in the Battle of Nashville. He resigned his commission and was mustered out of the regiment on 6 February 1865.
Following the war, Amos apparently returned to Philadelphia where he was unsuccessful in whatever business he pursued as he filed bankruptcy in June 1868. Later census records suggest he worked as a Broker. He may have been affiliated with the Holahan family of Philadelphia that engaged in the liquor supply and tavern business.
Amos wrote the letter to Charles Lacroix Pascal, a hatter in Philadelphia, who he called his uncle. Charles was born in Philadelphia in 1818. He was the son of John Pascal (1784-1856), a tavern keeper born in France. Charles’s mother was Ann Polhemus (1783-1853) born in Hopewell, N.J. In 1850, the senior Pascal had real estate holdings worth $30,000. Charles married Mary Stuart Campbell in 1852 in Philadelphia. According to the 1900 Census, her father was born in Scotland. His children, mentioned at the close of this letter were Kate (b. 1854) and Campbell (b. 1858). Charles was granted a patent in December 1861 for a hat/havelock creation which he and his partner James Sullender sold to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for use by a number of its cavalry regiments (including the 2nd, 6th and 15th). The hat’s most distinctive feature was a brim which could be raised to “present a neat ornamental appearance” and lowered “as to afford protection to the the wearer’s neck from both the heat of the sun and the effect of storms.”
Amos composed the letter on stationery that featured his lithographic image prominently displayed in the letterhead—an unusual and extravagant cost for someone of his rank as a Major.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Gravelly Springs, Alabama January 29th 1865
My dear Uncle,
I would have answered your letter of November 22, 1864, long ago but I received it on the eve of my departure from Memphis, and I have been on the march nearly all the time since. The “Army of the Cumberland” is in winter quarters at this place. There is about thirty thousand infantry and twenty five thousand cavalry, all under Maj. Genl. Thomas. This is called Gravelly Springs, why? It is impossible for me to say. It puts me very much in mind of one of those bogus building association lots that look so very nice on paper. Gravelly Springs is nothing but a steamboat landing on the Tennessee River some ten or twelve miles below Eastport, Mississippi. The “Springs” or “Town” or “City” of Gravelly Springs is a myth.
Enclosed you will find Charlies letter. From what he says, he must have a rough time of it in Dixie. I sincerely hope he will soon be released.
Last month we had some very severe fighting in front of Nashville and after the 16th of December, the cavalry did all the fighting and drove Hood across the Tennessee [river]. At about nine o’clock A.M. on the 17th of December, your humble servant was placed “hors de combat.” I was wounded in the head and in the groin, and was taken back to Nashville and placed in the officers Hospital where I remained until January the 20th when I joined my regiment again at this place. I am almost well now of my injuries.
You ask me for a list of Generals in and around Memphis. They are as follows, “viz”:
Maj. Gen. C. C. Washburne Commanding “Dist. West Tenn.” since superseded by Maj. Gen. Dana Brig. Gen. Buckland, Commanding “Dist of Memphis” Brig. Gen. Orme, Superintendent Shipping Govt. cotton and permits Brig. Gen. B. H. Grierson, Commanding Cavalry Corps, West Tenn. Brig. Gen. Hatch, Commanding 1st Division, Cavalry Corps, West Tenn. Brig. Gen. Winslow, Commanding 2nd Division, Cavalry Corps, West Tenn. Brig. Gen. Chetlain, Commanding Colored Troops, Dist. Memphis Brig. Gen. Dustan of Militia, Commanding Militia of Memphis.
This is all. There may have been some changed since I left. I think Gen. Buckland has been elected to Congress since from Ohio. I have forgotten one General “Brig. Gen. Veatch, commanding Fort Pickering.”
I sent in my resignation on the 25th inst. on account of my physical disability from wounds received on the 17th of December. I expect to be home some time next month. Give my love to Aunt Mary, Katie and Campbell/ Also remember me to Mr. p ]. Hoping this will find you in the enjoyment of health, I remain your affectionate nephew, — A.J. Holahan
My directions are Major A. J. Holahan, 19th Penna. Cavalry, 1st Brigade, 7th Division, Cavalry Corps M. D. M., Eastport, Mississippi
M. D. M. means Military Division of the Mississippi. Please excuse me franking this letter. I am entirely out of postage stamps and we are so far isolated from all civilization that at present it is impossible for e to obtain any. — Amos
The following letters were written by James W. Carswell (1845-1862), the son of Joseph Carswell and Priscilla Gillean Baker (1826-1897) of Buena Vista, Marion county, Georgia. James enlisted on 15 June 1861to serve in Co. K (“Marion Guards”) of the 12th Georgia Infantry. He remained a private from the time of his enlistment until the date of his death on 28 August 1862, killed in action at 2nd Manassas.
Letter 1
Richmond [Virginia] June 27, 1861
I again seat myself, pen in hand beside a camp chest to let you understand my situation and feelings. We were mustered into service yesterday and have moved our camp from two miles east of Richmond to one mile and a half west of Richmond, the last being the best camping ground. Our regiment is filled out and not a man was refused and none backed out, and as yet Davis has appointed no Colonel. We left home with the expectation of having [Zephania Turner] Conner for our Colonel but now we are not certain that the President will appoint Conner. He says that if he does not appoint him, that he will give us no man inferior to him so we are certain of receiving good regimental officers.
We are all in fine spirits and better pleased than ever, having nothing to do and everything to eat. We have good hams and shoulders, fresh beef, sea biscuit, meal, flour, sugar, coffee and the tobacco chewers a plenty of tobacco. The crops here are young, there being scarcely any corn above knee high.
The war feeling is more pregnant in Georgia than it is in Virginia and the Georgians are more excited concerning the war than the Virginians. We expect to remain here until we are well drilled. Therefore, write soon and direct your letters to James W. Carswell of the Marion Guards, Richmond Virginia. If mailed otherwise, it may not reach its destination.
Your affectionate son, — James W. Carswell
Letter 2
Monterey, Highland county, Virginia July 15, 1861
Dear Parents,
After long and severe marching, I again seat myself to write to you. We left Richmond last Sunday morning was a week for Staunton where we arrived Sunday night and laid over until Tuesday morning when we set out for Laurel Hill, distant one hundred and twenty-five miles. We traveled between ten and fifteen a day until we arrived within fifty miles of Laurel Hill where we met a Virginia regiment commanded by Colonel [William C.] Scott which had been cut off from Laurel Hill. And news came in that this regiment was pursued by 17,000 of the enemy well equipped with all the accoutrements of war, and our Colonel [Edward Johnson] thinking us unable to withstand the onset of such a host, ordered us to countermarch and we traveled back the same road all that night and the next day until we arrived at Monterey, 44 miles from Staunton.
During our night’s march, [William C.] Scott’s [44th Virginia] Regiment was in advance of us about a half a mile and the vanguard of the regiment which always marches a little in advance of the regiment had a prisoner which attempted to escape. The guard fired on the prisoner and the whole of the Virginia Regiment, thinking the enemy at hand, and in the confusion fired without orders, killing four men and wounding several others. This appears to be an unfortunate regiment. It was only a few days ago that three men were killed by the upsetting of a wagon.
A part of Scott’s Regiment had a brush with the enemy the other day but I will not give you the details of the affair as you will probably see an account of it in the papers before this letter reaches you.
There is nothing here but everlasting mountains, full of game of all descriptions, with road so winding that you could throw from one mile post to another. The weather is cool enough for frost if the nights were not so short. The wheat is too green to cut and the corn is about a foot high. There is here between three and four thousand troops while others are hourly arriving. It is not known by us how long we will remain here. We may have to march before night.
The people on the road favorable to our cause are packing up their things and giving their eatables to the soldiers and leaving by wagon loads for the land of Dixie. I am well and have had good health all the time. I have received no letters from home. Willis [P. Burt] got one this morning. I am anxious to hear from you. If you have written, write again, and direct your letter to Richmond as there is no knowing where we will be and they will forward it to us. You must direct it in this manner or it will never reach me, there being so many daily soldiers receiving letters. “James Carswell of the Marion Guards [Co. K], in the care of Captain [Mark H.] Blanford, 12th Georgia Regiment.”
Yours affectionately, — James Carswell
Letter 3
Camp Jackson, Pocahontas county, Virginia August 1, 1861
Dear Parents,
Our regiment is by itself, camped upon the highest ridge of the Alleghany Mountains. The enemy is camped upon another ridge of the same mountains about fifteen miles distant. The scouts of the enemy and the militia of the country have had several skirmishes near Greenbrier River in one of which several of the enemy were killed. It is useless to say anything of the late brilliant victories won by Beauregard and Wise or of the positions of the contending armies for you know more about it than I do.
There is a good deal of sickness in camp owing to the dampness of the weather for it rains here nearly every day and it is also very cool. As for myself, I have enjoyed splendid health, having had no sickness except a bad cold and a headache. In the cooking line I am a thorough graduate and am also a very good washer although I dislike to perform in either.
It is sixty miles from here to Staunton. Consequently you get the news of what is going on before I do and you also get it more correctly. I have just heard that another battle has been fought near Washington and perhaps that if it proves a victory, with the Manassas battle will soon conquer a peace, for the thunder of cannon and the rattle of musketry will speak louder to Northern fanatics than the beautiful string of words which is issued from their Congress, and Lincoln will perhaps soon realize what he has already said—that there is more peace in the mouth of one 40-pounder than there is [in] the mouths of all the members of Congress. God send that he may realize such a fact.
I have written six or seven letters home and have as yet received no answer while all the other boys have received letters except [John] Weaver who has also received none. 1 I have already written what is necessary and under the present circumstances it is not convenient to write more. So give my respects to enquiring friends and connections and tell them that I hope soon to be with them and I think that my hopes are not groundless.
Your affectionately, — James W. Carswell
P. S. Direct your letters to J. W. Carswell, College. Johnson 12th Georgia Regt., Northern Army, Beverly, Virginia.
N. B. A company of our regiment and detachment of the enemy had a skirmish today in which the Yankees gave leg bail. No one of our men were hurt.
1 John Weaver died of measles at Camp Alleghany on 1 September 1861.
Letter 4
Greenbrier river September 1st 1861
Dear father and mother,
I received your letters daye the 12th and the 20th of last month and in them I found much which gave me great satisfaction. Mr. Harvey and the doctor arrived here in safety and as Mr. Harvey will return in three or four days and as it is Sunday, I take this opportunity to prepare a letter for his return. You stated that Willis [P. Burt] reached home in bad health. I am sorry to hear it for I was in hopes that he had entirely recovered for he appeared to be in excellent health when he left camp, Tell him that I have received two of the letters directed to him and also that he must write to me as soon as he is able. The health of the regiment has greatly improved since its removal to Greenbrier. About all of the men have had and have got well of the measles but some of them while recovering caught the typhoid and some of the new mo__ and the result is a great many of them have died. Some companies have lost as many as nine men. We have lost but one man—Corporal [William H.] Robinett. 1 I and Weaver have both had the measles and in addition I have had the chills and fever but I am as well and as strong as ever. But [John] Weaver is very sick and I fear for his life.
There are eight regiments in the camp here under the immediate command of General [Henry R.] Jackson, but subject to the orders of General [Robert E.] Lee. A portion of the enemy are on Cheat Mountain about ten miles from our camp and are supposed to be strongly fortified. General Lee is some fifteen miles from here and it is reported that he has or is about to surround General Rosecrans, the commander of the Northern army in western Virginia. But how many men he has with him, I do not exactly know. It is highly probable that there will be a fight in this vicinity in a few days. It is rumored that next Tuesday is to be the day of general attack, both here and upon the Potomac. But for the truth of the rumor, I cannot vouch. But one thing is certain, some important movement is close at hand for all communications between camps and other important places has been stopped for the next ten days.
You stated that you had had a good deal of rain and had experienced considerable trouble in saving fodder and that the rain had injured the cotton crop. I am sorry to hear this, but I am pleased to learn that notwithstanding the crops are very promising. The weather here has also been very wet, it having rained nearly every day and generally all day long. And to a sick person, it has been very disagreeable indeed. It has also been very cool. We had our first frost here on the fifteenth of last month and the weather has been cool ever since.
The old mountaineers around here say that snow will begin to fall about the middle of next month. So you see the necessity of having warm clothing. It will be almost impossible to obtain the necessary winter clothing here. I am not at present in need of anything of the kind but this winter I shall need some woolen socks, 2 or 3 pair heavy drawers made of any material which you think best, 1 woolen over shirt, 1 pair heavy pants, and 2 or 3 common shirts. I believe these are all the things that I shall need.
Pa, you stated that you had thoughts of coming out here this fall. I would be very glad if you should do so. You could have an opportunity of seeing and knowing something of the soldier’s life. I shall to the best of my ability give heed to the advice contained in your letter. Tell Aunt Panthia that she must write to me and also tell her that Mr. Elam sends her his respects and begs of her is she can conveniently do so to go down and stay awhile with his wife. I have written all that I can think of. I send my love to you and the whole family—especially to grandma. Write often. I remain yours most affectionately, — J. W. Carswell
1 Corp. William H. Robinett died of fever at Camp Allegany on 16 August 1861.
Letter 5
Camp Barto, Pocahontas county, Va. September 28, 1861
Dear father and mother,
I wrote a long letter to you on the 1st of the month and one also to Willis [P. Burt] on the 15th in both of which I stated what clothes I should want so there is no need of saying anything more about them. Dear parents, I write this morning to let you know that I am enjoying good health and am doing well so that you need not have any anxiety with regard to me. And also to inform you of the health of the company & regiment which is in a miserable condition. Half of the men of our company & of the regiment are on the sick list and since I wrote to Willis, our company has lost three men—William Hale, George Perry, and Athrur Watson. The last named died yesterday evening. Besides we have several other men dangerously sick. Our sick all starts for Harrisburg this morning which place is some 15 or 20 miles below Staunton. Our baggage has been sent to Staunton and we perhaps will follow it in a few days.
We are at the present fortifying this place but do not expect to remain here. We have had for the last two days some very disagreeable weather. Day before yesterday we had a storm which blew down several tents exposing the occupants, mine being among the number. There was frost and plenty of ice this morning. Mr. & Dr. Harvey are sick at a private house but are improving. Capt. Blanford has gone to Richmond & Dr. Brown leaves for home today and furlough of six weeks.
I have nothing more to write. This leaves me enjoying the best of health & I hope that it may find you enjoying the same. Give my love to all. — J. W. Carswell
P. S. When you write, send enough paper to answer your letter for it is a scarce article here.
Letter 6
Camp Barto, Greenbrier river October 20th 1861
Dear father and mother,
I write to you to inform you that I am enjoying the best of health & that I am also very well satisfied. The health of the whole camp is gradually improving, Most of the sick has been moved to Staunton or its vicinity. Our company has lost but one man lately. James [W.] Hogg died at Staunton a few days ago.
We have some stirring times here. Skirmishing between our outposts and the enemy occur almost daily. You have already seen in the papers that we had a battle here on the 3rd [see Battle of Greenbrier River] in which our regiment and company acted nobly. But we regret the loss of [Richard] Crye 1 who fought bravely & we came very near losing our 1st Lieutenant [James Robert McMichael] whose bravery was witnessed & testified to by our Colonel.
We are still fortifying here. We have completed several batteries and are making more. If the enemy again attempts to take this place, he will meet with a warm reception. It is not known how long we will remain here but it is to be hoped that we will not stay here much longer. We have not received the clothes which Mr. Perry left at Augusta though they may be in Staunton.
Lieutenant [James F.] Brown has resigned. I have written all that is interesting so I must close hoping that this may find you all in the best of health. I send my love to you all. You must write often. — J. W. Carswell
1 Pvt. Richard Crye was killed at Greenbrier river on 3 October 1861.
Letter 7
Camp Allegany, Pocahontas County, Va. December 1st 1861
Dear father & mother,
I received your letter by Mr. Perry. Also one from Willis [P. Burt]. I answered Willis’ and sent the letter by Mr. Perry & as the time has again come for me to write, I take this opportunity to write to you. We have moved from our old camp on the Greenbrier river to the top of the Alleghany Mountain where we expect to spend the winter. Captain Blanford has gone to Richmond with petition to get this regiment moved somewhere further south, signed by all the commissioned officers of the regiment. But it is doubtful whether it will have any effect or not. It is to be hoped, though, that it will.
If we are doomed to remain in this northwestern prison house, pinned up between mountains of snow and ice during the war, I wish to be removed either by a substitute, transfer, or discharge. Either would be gladly accepted, but I do not want you to go to any trouble in trying to get me off, If you can conveniently get me either of the things above mentioned, you would greatly gratify & oblige me.
I am young and uneducated & the war is likely to be a long one & I would like very much to go to school more than I have for I am here where I cannot apply what I do in any manner except in writing letters. My education is consequently on the decline. I hope that you will this letter immediately. I am well at present with the exception of a severe cold & cough. There is very little sickness in camp but half the regiment is sick at Staunton & its vicinity. I have nothing more to write. I send my love to you all. — J. W. Carswell
Letter 8
Camp Alleghany, Pocahontas county, Va. December 16th 1861
Dear father & mother,
I have not received a letter from home since Mr. Perry came. I am consequently getting very anxious to hear from you. The brigade at this post had a battle [See Battle of Camp Allegheny] with the enemy on the 13th in which the command suffered severely both in killed and wounded. There is about 150 out of the whole command missing, killed and wounded. Out of our regiment, 47 killed & wounded, and out of our company two killed and four wounded. The killed & wounded of our company is as follows: [Wiley D.] Hadaway & [Augustus] Phelps killed, Moses [J.] Harvey slightly wounded in the head & a flesh wound in the arm, John [W.] Cantrell slightly wounded in the face, [Joseph W.] Worrell & [James A.] Thacker dangerously wounded—one in the leg and the [other] in the thigh.
Our boys fought like tigers and gained a victory but dearly did they pay for it. I am well with the exception of a cold. You wrote to me to get a furlough if I could but I think that it is almost impossible for a well private to do, so owing to the exposed condition of the post, I have nothing more to write. I send my love to you all. Write soon. — J. W. Carswell
Letter 9
Alleghany, Pocahontas county, Va. January 20, 1862
Dear father & mother,
I received yours of the 22nd in due time and would have answered it before now had I not been waiting for my discharge. I carried the affidavit enclosed in your letter to Colonel [Zephania Turner] Conner (you have perhaps heard of the promotion of Col. Johnson). He said that I was entitled to be discharged & that he would get it for me; he miself did not have the authority to give one. He wrote to the War Department & sent the affidavit with the letter. I went to see him this morning. He has not received an answer yet and probably will not. He says that he does not know what course the War Department will pursue in relation to it but says that he will inform me of any information which he may receive of it. So you see that if Col. Conner receives no answer that I can do nothing more at present.
It is probable that the regiment will leave here soon. If so, I will stand a better chance of getting off. Capt Blanford & Sergt. [Nathaniel W.] Parker expects to start for home in a few days on furlough. If I could go with them to Richmond, my discharge would be almost certain but that I cannot do.
Since last I wrote you, we have lost two of our company—[Hugh] White and [William S.] Story. They died [of pneumonia] within a week after they were taken sick. There is at present very little sickness in camp. We have some very disagreeable weather. It rains and snows most of the time & is consequently almost indurable. I am in good health & hope you are enjoying the same. Tell all at home to write to me & you must not be so long between letters.
Yours most affectionately, — J. Carswell
Letter 10
Alleghany February 10, 1862
Dear parents,
I received yours of the 29th yesterday and in compliance with your request, I hasten to answer it. You stated that you had not received a letter from me since the 1st of December. You must have been mistaken for I have written to you three times since I received the affidavit & once directly after the battle. I received the affidavit in due time and immediately carried it to Colonel Conner who wrote next day to the War Department & has not yet received an answer. He says he does not think the War Department intends to do anything for e so I have no hope of getting a discharge from that application.
I think the best way to get me off is to write to President Davis sending an affidavit of my age & stating your reasons why you wish me discharged saying that when I joined, schools were generally broke up & that there was no prospect of my doing anything more that year, and being chivalrous like most boys are, I enlisted. But now things are greatly changed and it is your intention to educate me. But if I remain in the army four or five years, or any considerable length of time, my prospect for an education will be ruined for life. By doing htis you will make out a case that he can hardly refuse. But if you do not want to proceed in this manner, you can go to Capt. Blanford who is now at home. I am very certain that he could get me off if he would. Perhaps you can get him to do things which I could not. But do not trust in his word too much for he is a wily man & I have not much confidence in him. And if he thinks you do not know much about such matters, he will deceive you in respect to them.
If both these should fail, you could perhaps get a substitute. If you can get one for nothing, do so. If not, I will pay as much as a hundred dollars for one which is my wages and computation money. If all these should fail, my only hope is that the war will be a short one. I do not want to put you to much trouble for I should have taken your advice and remained at home. I have learned though too late that a boy of my prospects has no business in the army and I have learned several other valuable lessons—one of which is that friendship cannot be trusted far. This fact is [rest of letter is missing]
Letter 11
Alleghany, Pocahontas county, Va. February 20th 1862
Dear parents,
I received your letter of the 26th in due time & answered it immediately, but I again write to inform you that I am well so that you may have no anxiety concerning my health because being so far from home I know that you must experience some anxiety when you do not hear from me often.
The health of the brigade is better than it has ever been, The number of sick in camp are nominal while there are very few in the hospitals. I heard from Moses Harvey a few days ago. He was improving & [Joseph] Worrell, a member of our company whose leg has been amputated, is improving rapidly & will soon be able to start for home. Lieut. [John T.] Chambliss will probably leave for home about the first of March as a recruiting officer for our company. General Johnson has gone to Richmond to be transferred to Kentucky which is a more active field than Northwest Virginia.
The Secretary of War has refused to discharge anymore minors from our regiment but Colonel Conner is going to Richmond some time shortly & says he thinks by his applying personally he can get me off, but it is very doubtful. I have nothing ,ore to write. You must answer every letter & write all the particulars. I remain yours affectionately, — J. W. Carswell
These letters were written by W. M. Baker who seems to have been an older brother of the recipient, James F. Baker (1833-1890), a grocer in Panola, Texas, who lived in 1860 with his mother, Mary (Pittman) Baker (1793-1880) and sister Panthea Augusta Baker (1839-1872). In 1850, when James’ father Willis Perry Baker (1792-1856) was still living, the Bakers lived in Talbot county, Georgia. James’ older sister, Priscilla Gillean Baker (1826-1897) was married to Joseph Carswell in 1844 and they farmed in Buena Vista, Marion county, Georgia in 1860. Yet another brother, Allen Hill Baker (1823-1903) was married to Jane Augusta Roquemore (1827-1904) and they farmed in Carthage, Panola county, Texas, in 1860. My hunch is that these letters were first sent to his immediate family in Texas and then forwarded to his sister Priscilla in Georgia who kept them with her family papers.
W. M. Baker was probably the eldest son of the family, born in the 1820s, and long gone from the Baker family household to appear by name in any Census records. I could not find any census record of that name that I could safely attribute to the Willis Perry Baker family and there is no mention of him in any of the Ancestry on-line records. The only possible reference to him I could find in newspapers appeared in The Rocky Mountain News on 25 January 1861 which reads, “Col. W. M. Baker, of the Freeport Mill in Russell Gulch, is stopping in town for a few days. He reports their mill stopped for want of water.”
Letter 1
Pacer County, California January 20th 1858
Dear Brother,
I received your letter a few days ago and the plain and undisguised language in which it was penned gave me great satisfaction, and now as being the earliest opportunity I take to write you.
I am going to write you the exact position that I have been in since in California in plain language, and I want you to excuse my frankness. I have always been under the impression, and not only so, but being persuaded of the fact, that I was censured and looked upon in a kind of retired disgust, judging from letters that I have received, and the circumstances under which I left and those connected with me in crossing the plains. Well I knowing there is not a shadow of a cause, to return, relatively speaking, when it came to the point, was something that I could not persuade myself to do, honestly believing it better for all concerned, to remain where I am, particularly for Ma’s sake.
I could say more on this subject but from the moral it contains, I don’t think it necessary. But I am happy to say, since I’ve received your letter it has altered my opinion and feelings materially, and believe upon my word that I will return as soon as I possibly can, which I don’t think will be long. I wish I could return now but I cannot. Do everything you can, Jim, for Ma’s comfort, and if you want anymore money, draw the balance of that in Georgia.
I and Jo Burt are mining together now and using a California phase. The dirt on the bedrock prospects well. We are also in moderate health. I will close by saying give my love to Ma and Panthia and brother Allen and write me again, Jim, for I don’t believe I will be able to get off under two or three months. And tell Ma she may rely upon what I say. Nothing more but remain the same. — W. M. Baker
Letter 2
California Gulch, Arkansas River July 22nd 1860
Dear Jim,
You no doubt think it a great while since you heard from me last. I have been over on the Rio Grande and Colorado rivers ever since I wrote you last, a prospecting, and I find a great deal more gold, through the Rocky Mountains than I expected. This will be an extensive mining country after a while. It will never compete with California because it has not got the natural facilities nor the climate. This is a cold, rainy climate in the summer and everything is snowed in the winter.
I just got across the mountains this evening and must leave in the morning. Therefore, I have not time to write any of the particulars. But as soon as I find a place to locate on, which I think will be shortly, I will write the particulars of my trip which you will find interesting, so be satisfied for the present.
Give my love to Ma and Panthia and brother Allen and sister Jane and tell them all to write to me and tell everybody else to write to me. And as soon as I get time, I will take pleasure in answering them. Direct all your letter to Denver City, Jefferson Territory, and I can get them from there. I am enjoying very good health at this time. I weigh 156 pounds. I have nothing more but remain yours as ever. — W. M. Baker
The following letter was written by James Eastman, of Co. F, 2nd US Sharpshooters (Regular Army). Members of Co. F as well as Co. G were recruited from New Hampshire as summarized by the following:
The Second Regiment Sharpshooters, when organized, consisted of Company A, Minnesota; Company B, Michigan; Company C, Pennsylvania; Company D, Maine; Company E, Vermont; Companies F and G, New Hampshire; Company H, Vermont; under the command of Col. H. A. V. Post. The last of December, two thirds of Companies F and G, having re-enlisted and mustered as veterans, received a veteran furlough, came home, and remained until March 9, 1864. In reorganizing the army in March, 1864, the sharpshooters were assigned to the Second Corps, and were permitted to wear the badge of the Third Corps in which they had served so creditably. January 30, 1865, the Second Regiment United States Sharpshooters as a regiment ceased to exist, Companies F and G being transferred to the Fifth New Hampshire Volunteers, and the other companies to their state regiments.
One does not have to dive deep into this letter to realize that the correspondents do not know each other and that this was in fact the first letter that James had written to Mira. In a rather boastful tone he informs her he is a Sharpshooter Soldier (his emphasis) and if they continued to correspond he would tell her all about war. Problem is there isn’t any soldier in that company by that name. There was a Frank J. Eastman, a musician, in Co. G but I’m not convinced he is the author either. I heard of soldiers playing jokes on unwitting females who sometimes posted ads in newspapers seeking penpals (and vice versa). This may fall into that category.
Eastman wrote the letter to 17 year-old Almira (“Mira”) Belcher (1847-1924) of Francestown, Hillsboro county, New Hampshire. She was the younger sister of Pvt. Henry A. Belcher who served in Co. B, 13th New Hampshire Volunteers who died of typhoid fever in November 1863. [See 1862-64: Henry A. Belcher to his Family] The only other name dropped in the letter was that of his commanding officer, Capt. Asel B. Griggs, but I do not see anything in his biographical sketch that would suggest a reason for him to be in Charleston S. C. as was stated in the letter.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Miss Mira O. Belcher, Francestown, New Hampshire
Camp 2nd Regt. U. S. S. S. Before Petersburg, Va. December 24th 1864
Miss Belcher,
A short time since I received your address and this evening being at leisure I came to the conclusion to write you and see if in return I should be honored with a few cheering words from one of the few of New Hampshire. Letter writing to young ladies is something I never done but little at and I trust you will excuse all mistakes.
Should you wish to correspond with a Sharpshooter Soldier, I will try to interest you with war matters and may in many instances enlighten you on points of war which at present you know nothing of. Perhaps you have friends in the army—maybe a brother. If so, you well know by his letters how cheering it is to receive letters from home and near and dear friends.
I very well know much deception is carried on between parties writing to and from the army but i wish not to deceive. I shall write you such letters as I should wish a sister of mine to receive from a stranger, allowing I had one. A sister I never had but I have three brothers—all in the army, and one a prisoner in Charleston S. C. I heard from him a few days ago by my Captain who has just returned from that place. He informs me that my brother with thousand others are in a suffering condition. Poor fellow. My heart bleeds for him. May God shield and protect him in this his tribulation.
But I will not worry you longer. Should you feel disposed to write me, direct to Sergt. James Eastman, Co. F, 2nd Regt. USSS via Washington D. C.
The following letter was written by Charles H. Tillinghast (1839-1865) while serving as an acting master’s mate on October 15, 1861. Charles was the son of Charles Elisha Tillinghast (1812-1893) and Mary Ann Bailey (1813-1841) of Providence, Rhode Island where his father “carried on an extensive business in crockery and glassware, both at wholesale and retain at No. 79 Westminster Street.” He apparently lived in Philadelphia immediately before joining the Navy in October 1861. He wrote the letter to Jennie Koehler of Philadelphia, believed to be the sister of Tillinghast’s comrade on the US Steamer Tahoma, Master’s Mate John Green Koehler.
Tillinghast served aboard the Tahoma from late 1861 to mid-1863 in the Eastern Gulf Squadron. He offered his resignation just days after this letter was written in early April 1863 due to personality conflicts with Tahoma‘s captain, Alexander Alderman Semmes. After leaving the service, Charles entered the commercial service and signed on as the second mate of the Bark A1 of Providence captained by James R. Potter (1815-1891). The Bark was struck by a cyclone in late April 1865 while in the Indian Ocean resulting in her loss with 13 of her officers and crew, including Charles. Only three of the crew survived by holding onto the wreckage for six days until they could be rescued by a British vessel.
In this letter, Tillinghast offers a lengthy description of an ambush perpetrated by Rebels near Tampa, Florida, who deceptively posed as Contraband under a flag of truce and then fired on a landing party, wounding the Naval Officer and four of his crew. He also describes the shelling of Tampa following the unexpected attack on a launch by a masked battery.
[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Richard J. Ferry and was offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent. After having transcribed the letter I discovered that it had been previously published with several other of Tillighast’s letters in an article he coauthored with David J. Coles entitled, “Hot, Cold, Whiskey Punch,” The Civil War Letters of Charles H. Tillinghast, USN which can be found on-line at Digital Commons @ University of South Florida. Had I known this, I would not have duplicated its publication here.]
Almost comical description of an ambush on a Naval Landing party near Tampa, Fla. The confederate troops were Pearson’s Rangers who were part of the 6th Florida Battalion, which later became the 9th Florida Infantry. My GG Grandfather served in that unit. I often wondered if he was there. — Richard Ferry
Colorized version of the USS Tahoma from sketch by R. G. Skerrett; she was a wooden-hulled, 4th rate screw gunboat, measuring 154 feet from stem to stern, constructed during 1861 at Wilmington, Delaware, by W. and A. Thatcher—was launched on 2 October 1861; and commissioned at the Philadelphia Navy Yard on 20 December 1861. She carried a crew of 100 men and was armed with a rifled muzzleloading 8-inch Parrot gun, two 24-pounder howitzers, and two 20-pounder Parrot rifled guns. At the time his letter was written, she was commanded by Alexander A. Semmes, a less famous cousin of Raphael Semmes.Source: Action on the Florida Coast.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
U. S. Steamer Tahoma Sunday, April 5th 1863 Tampa Bay, Florida
Friend Jennie,
As it is some three or four weeks since I have sent you a letter, and Sunday being a dull day on board of a “Man O War,” I can’t improve my time better than by writing you a few lines. Yesterday the US Steamer Magnolia arrived from Key West. She brought up a small mail but nary letter did I get—not even a paper. John received a letter from his wife. I have not received any letters from “Philamaclink” for some time. Your last letter was dated January 30th which I received about the 15th of February and answered it shortly after. Chum, what has become of Mr. DeRouse? I have wrote him two letters quite recently and as yet have received no answer to them. On the arrival of the Tahoma from Key West, Mr. Jackson and myself were transferred from the tender to the Steamer and the tender was transferred to the US Barque Pursuit. I don’t regret the change as it was very uncomfortable on board the sloop. The prize schooner Stonewall that we captured while in the sloop was fitted out in Key West and the Commodore transferred her to the Tahoma as a tender. She has been out on a cruise for the past three weeks. The US Schooner Beauregard spoke her off Charlotte Harbor about a week ago. She had captured nothing up to that time.
On the 24th of March, we towed the US Barque Pursuit about 25 miles up the Bay and left her to blockade the main ship channel off Gadsden’s Point about ten miles from the Town of Tampa. On the 25th inst. [he means ultimo] we went to see on a cruise. It came on to blow while we were out and a very disagreeable time we had. We returned on the 30th inst. [ultimo] and glad we were to get in smooth water again for the Tahoma is a miserable sea boat, especially in rough weather.
Watercolor of the Barque USS Pursuit by T. Flagler, c1863; the Federal troopship Empire City is alongside her.
On the day of our arrival at Tampa, we steamed up to where the Barque Pursuit was blockading in company with the US Schooner Beauregard. The Captain of the Barque Pursuit informed us that the day previous, a party of Rebels came down on the beach disguised as “Niggers” and displayed a Flag of Truce. The Pursuit immediately sent a boat ashore in charge of an officer to see what was up. As soon as the boat touched the beach, the supposed Contrabands threw up their hands and sang out (“Saved, by God”). Then a party of some 40 or 50 Rebels jumped out from the bushes and commenced firing on the boat’s crew and demanded them to surrender. The officer and crew returned the fire nobly, wounding three of the Rebels, then pulled off out of range of their guns. The officer and five of the boat’s crew were wounded but none of the wounds will prove fatal. The officer has had his left arm amputated. 1, 2
We relieved the Barque Pursuit and sent her to Key West for provisions. The day following we got underway in company with the Schooner Beauregard and steamed up to the town of Tampa and came to an anchor about three miles off the town, there not being water enough to get any nearer. On the 2nd inst. the Captain took his gig and pulled up within a quarter of a mile of the Town to reconnoitre. The Rebels opened fire on him with a masked battery where they had three, 32-pounders mounted, they fired three shots at the boat’s crew which struck within a few feet of her. The Captain took it very calmly, kept altering the position of the boat and pulled on board the steamer, got her underway and ploughed her through the soft mud for three-quarters of a mile.
I was detailed with a full boat’s crew to go on board the Schooner Beauregard to make her crew more efficient. We got her underway and took a different course from the steamer so as to give them a raking fire. We anchored about one and a half miles off the town. The Rebels fired one shot at us from the Battery but it fell short about three hundred yards and fell harmless into the water. Both vessels fired 75 rounds of shot and shell right square into the town, driving the Rebels from their Battery. The damage to the town is unknown but I think it must be considerable for with the glass I could see that many of the houses were knocked higher than a burnt boot.
At 3 p.m. the tide commenced to fall so we hauled off in deeper water and anchored about three miles off the town. At daylight the day following we got underway in company with the Schooner Beauregard and proceeded down the Bay.
Last Friday afternoon I took one of the ship’s boats, sailed about 15 miles up the Bay and went ashore on one of the Keys egging. By sundown we gathered about 20 dozen eggs. I suppose you will say that is pretty doings for a Naval officer, however there is nothing like it for we don’t get eggs every day on the blockade. They were pretty dearly earned for at 9 p.m. it came to blow so heavy thatit was impossible to carry sail on the boat so I landed on one of the Keys, built a fire, and camped out until one a.m. when it moderated some and we proceeded down the Bay again. I arrived on board the Steamer at 7 a.m.—cold, wet, hungry and very dry. If I could have imbibed a D. C. W. P. [?], I should have been all right, but I had to content myself with Allum’s [?] Ale.
April 6, 1863
At daylight this morning we commenced taking in coal from the US Steamer Magnolia. Chum! I think there is every prospect of our staying here all summer. It makes me vexed to think of it, but I suppose we will have to make the best of it. Uncle Sam will never catch me in a Navy vessel after I ever get clear of this one. John is as sick of it as myself and declares this is the last cruise for him. I see by the last papers that the government were about to issue “letters of Marque.” I think that a cruise in a “Privateer” would suit us better for we would have more to do. You have no idea how dull it is laying in the blockade. When we left Philadelphia, it was only for three months, but it is the longest three months I ever experienced, and there is every prospect of staying here until the war is ended for naught I know. What has become of Miss Ewen? I have not heard from her for some time. Remember me to her and Miss Mary. Ask Mary for me, “How are you, Echo?” Pretty good joke, ain’t it? Remember me to your Aunt and Miss Flora. Chum! Have you seen any rubber men lately?
As my sheet is about full, I will close hoping to hear from you soon. Remember me to your Mother and all the family. I remain your sincere chum, — U.S.N.
1 On 27 March 1863, while laying off Gadsden’s Point in Tampa Bay, the crew spotted smoke on the beach and three people waving a white flag. Suspecting them to be either runaway slaves or Confederate deserters, the Pursuit sent a boat under a flag of truce. It appeared that two of the people on shore were in women’s clothing “with their hands and faces blackened.” Upon the boat touching the beach, an ambush was sprung as the three people turned out to be Confederates. Roughly 100 armed men revealed themselves and demanded the boat and its small crew surrender. When the men from the Pursuit refused, the Confederates unleashed a volley, injuring four of the crew including the officer in charge. As the boat pulled away from the beach back to the Pursuit, the ship was able to bring its guns to bear and fired four shells into the group of rebels, seemingly without effect. [Source: Official records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion. United States Naval War Records Office. Series 1; Volume 17. 1894. p. 397.]
2 The confederate troops engaged in this rouse were Pearson’s Oklawaha Rangers who were part of the 6th Florida Battalion, which later became the 9th Florida Infantry. “On March 27, 1863, a Union gunboat called the Pursuit appeared in Tampa Bay. It was an opportunity for Captain John William Pearson to have his revenge from the attack by Captain Drake and an incident involving a Union ramming of a blockade runner. Captain Pearson devised a plan to disguise his men as blacks and paddle out to the Federal gunboat as fugitive slaves. The captain of the Pursuit believed they were fugitive slaves and ordered his men to rescue them at Gadsden Point. When the Federal forces met Pearson’s disguised fugitive slaves they were met with a hail of bullets. Four Federals were wounded and they managed to escape back to the Pursuit. One week later on April 3, 1863, the Tahoma and Beauregard were sent to Tampa to bombard the town in response to the daring attack off Gadsden Point.” [Source: John William Pearson on Wikipedia.]
The following note was penned entirely in his own hand by Major General John Newton (1823-1895) in the closing days of the Atlanta Campaign. At the time, Newton commanded the 2nd Division, IV Army Corps in Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas’s command. Newton enjoyed the confidence of Sherman and was respected for having successfully commanded the 1st Army Corps after Reynolds was killed at Gettysburg. A few weeks earlier he was credited with helping to win the critical battle of Peachtree Creek. A highly competent engineer, Newton was cautious but not so that he risked his career in late December 1862 by meeting with President Lincoln to voice his lack of confidence in Burnside as the commander of the Army of the Potomac.
Newton composed the note to Lt. Col. Joseph Scott Fullerton (1835-1897), who held the position of Aide-de-Camp and Chief of Staff for Thomas’s IV Army Corps. The note was intended to inform Maj. Gen. Thomas of observed troop and artillery movements in the area and to inquire, essentially, whether they were allies or adversaries. Schofield’s maneuvers seemed to be unknown to Newton, who was in the process of preparing to disrupt the Macon & Western Railroad to the south of Atlanta, becoming involved in the Battle of Jonesborough from August 31 to September 1, 1864.
[Note: This letter is from the collection of Jim Doncaster who made it available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Headquarters 2nd Division, 4th Army Corps In the Field, August 30, 1864 8 o’clock p.m.
Colonel,
I have the honor to report that Lt. Col. [Porter] Olson, 36th Illinois [Infantry], of my Division reports that he saw a column of troops moving into position north-east of [John A.] Mann’s House at about sundown this evening. 1
Col. Opdycke from his position about 600 yards in advance of the works heard the movement of artillery. The Maj. General Commanding can judge whether this was Gen. Schofield’s troops or not. I incline to think it was not. I am sir, very respectfully your obedient servant, — John Newton, Brig. General Commanding
Lt. Col. J. S. Fullerton, AAG & Chief of staff, 4th A. C.
1 The John A, Mann farmhouse is mentioned in several official dispatches in describing the movements of the 4th Army Corps from Red Oak to the Macon Railroad at Rough & Ready on 30 August 1864. See Marker: The Mann House.
Private William H. Hanifer wears the uniform of the 23rd Pennsylvania Regiment (“Birney’s Zouaves”), LOC.
The following letter was written by Theodore A. Tucker who enlisted in September 1861 to serve three years in Co. L, 23rd Pennsylvania Volunteers (“Birney’s Zouves”). In March 1862, not long after this letter was penned, Companies L, O, P & R of the 23rd Pennsylvania Infantry were transferred to the 61st Pennsylvania under the command of Major George C. Spear, who was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel. These became companies D, G, H & I and these four companies continued to wear the distinctive Zouave uniforms for a time.
Theodore was wounded in the left arm during the fighting on 12 May 1864 near Spotsylvania Court House and transferred to the Veteran Reserve Corps in January 1865. Theodore’s brother Thomas O. Tucker and served in the same company. He was wounded at the same time as his brother on 12 May 1864 but did not survive. He died on 27 May 1864.
Theodore wrote the letter to his older brother Robert Tucker (1823-1901), a carpenter who resided in Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne county, Pennsylvania. Robert was married to Lydia A. Miller (1830-1907) and the couple’s oldest child was Ida Leanore Tucker, born in 1854.
In another letter by a comrade of Theodore’s in Co. D, 61st Pennsylvania on 28 February 1862, Samuel Fell wrote: “Our marching was a false [alarm]. The order was countermanded about 11 o’clock. The cooks was just commencing to cook when the order came to stop for we was not a going. If you wanted to hear a lot of fellers growl and grumble, you ought to [have] been here when they heard it but Theodore Tucker and I told them in the afternoon that they would not get off as long as we was in the regiment for it is just our luck to get in a cussed regiment that never goes anywhere nor sees anything. But if we ever did get a chance, we will make up for lost time if we don’t run against a bullet or bayonet too soon. But Theodore says that we are such hard boys that a bullet or bayonet can’t faze us.” [See 1861-63: Samuel C. Fell to His family]
A pen and watercolor rendition of a photograph appearing in the History of the 23rd Pennsylvania Infantry, Birney’s Zouaves…” page 51.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Col. D. B. Birney’s Zouaves Headquarters 23rd Regiment P. V. Camp Birney, Maryland January 20, 1862
Dear Brother,
I sit down to let you know that me and Tom is well at present and hope that these few lines will find you in the same state of health. Our company was out on grand guard last night and it rained all day and all night but we had a good deal of fun, Me and the orderly Smith Dean from Abington went out to a farmers and took supper and we had some good buckwheat cakes and you had better believe they went good. Then we stayed and talked till 8 o’clock in the evening and then we went back to the boys and they said, “Where the devil have you been?” and then I told them and they felt bad because they didn’t get none. But I told them that I would go and get them some next day and so I went upstairs in a barn and went to sleep.
We have moved from the old camp about two miles up towards Bladensburg and Colonel Birney is Brigade General and we have a new Colonel by the name of [Thomas H.] Neill. Today is the first he drilled the regiment and the boys like him very well. He is a good looking officer and has a good voice and I hope he is as good as our old one but the boys all hate to lose Birney. But we hope that we shall get in his brigade and then we think that we will go ahead. We think as soon as the roads get so we can move that there will be a movement made to Manassas once more and if they do, they will never stop tIll they take Richmond and then the rebels are gone up the hill.
The roads is so bad that four horses can pull half a cord of wood on the level and it would be impossible to move the army. They couldn’t get the artillery along.
Tell Lydia and Ida that I send my best respects and tell mother that I can’t find anything to write—only that I am well and I send my respect to all enquiring friends. So I must close by saying goodbye. From your own brother, — T. A. Tucker
I could not find an image of Charles but here is a CdV of an unidentified naval officer and possibly his wife. The LOC identifies the officer as a Third Assistant Engineer.
The following letter was written by Charles J. Henry (1829-1920) who served in the US Navy during the American Civil War. Charles was born in Weedsport, Cayuga county, New York on 13 December 1829. He was the son of Samuel Henry (1793-1841) and Harriet Peterse Voorhees (1793-1854). Now orphaned, John was married to Ruth Eliza Carter (1834-1916) on 20 December 1854 in Brewerton, Onondaga county, New York. He and Ruth had only one child—unnamed—who died at birth in mid-April 1861. In 1863, just prior to his enlistment in the Navy, Charles was employed in the manufacture of barrel staves in Brewerton—an industry that thrived at the time demanded by regional salt industry at Syracuse.
In late September 1863, Charles bid goodbye to his wife and went to the Brooklyn Navy Yard where he enlisted and was soon afterward assigned to the recently constructed side-wheel steam tugboat, USS Geranium. She had been designed for commercial use but the Navy acquired her for $13,500 on 5 September 1863 and had her commissioned on 15 October at the New York Navy Yard under Acting Ensign G. A. Winsor. She operated without armament as a support vessel. She measured 128 feet in length with a beam of 23 feet and displaced 356 tons, powered by a single beam steam engine producing 210 horsepower. During her naval career from 1863 to 1865, Geranium was assigned to Rear Admiral John A. Dahlgren’s South Atlantic Blockading Squadron, departing New York on 20 October 1863 and arriving off Charleston, South Carolina, on 4 November. She performed duties as a picket boat, dispatch vessel, and light transport, supporting operations at stations including Ossabaw Sound and the St. Johns River, while occasionally ferrying Admiral Dahlgren.
Notable actions included a July 1864 diversionary expedition up the Stono and North Edisto Rivers to disrupt Confederate rail lines, where she towed supplies, supported troops under General Birney, and engaged a Confederate battery at the Dawhoo River. In February 1865, she aided joint Army-Navy operations at Bull’s Bay, contributing to the evacuation of Charleston, and later conducted reconnaissance up the Santee River to facilitate supplies for General Sherman’s forces. After the war, she decommissioned at Washington, D. C., on 15 July 1865 and was sold to the Treasury Department on 18 October for $13,000 to join the Lighthouse Service.
In this incredible letter, written in early November 1863, Charles provided his brother-in-law William H. Carter with a detailed account of the vessel’s first voyage from New York City to the mouth of the St. Johns River in Florida. He provides us with a bystander’s view from the deck of the Geranium, inside the bar of Charleston Harbor, during the daytime shelling of Fort Sumter on November 4th and 5th 1863 as the old fort was being mercilessly reduced to a pile of rubble.
Charles’ service record indicates that the US Steamer Geranium was the only vessel her served on. He was made the Acting 2nd Assistant Engineer. He remained with her until his discharge from the Navy on 19 July 1865. After he was discharged, he lived in various localities including Albany (NY), Tunkhannock (PA), Leadville (CO), and Denver (CO) where he died in 1920. Two more children were born to the couple, in 1866 and in 1868, but neither lived more than a few months.
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of R. J. Ferry and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
U. S. Steamer Geranium, launched 1863.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
U. S. Steamer Geranium Mouth of St. Johns River, Florida November 8th 1863
Wm. H. Caiter,
Dear sir, I intended to have written you before this but when I have had a chance to send a letter I have improved it to write to my wife. I wrote her a short letter today thinking that if I occupied much time I would lose the chance. The steamer that took the letter has gone down the coast & if she calls here on the return, I will send this by her. This much in explanation of my giving more time to you than to her. Possibly she has not received all of my letters that I have written her, so I will give you a little history of occurences since we started from New York.
We left hte Brooklyn Navy Yard at 11 a.m. on the 18th of October & steamed down to Sandy Hook where we made fast to a buoy & hung on until the 20th at 11 a.m. Then started down the coast. We had a fine run, the sea being smooth & everything working well. We ran into James River & up to Newport News where we dropped anchor at 6.45 a.m. the 21st. On the 23rd we ran up to Norfolk (or Portsmouth Navy Yard) & took on coal & in the afternoon ran down to Fortress Monroe & dropped anchor.
On the 24th we started out to sea. The weather was thick and looked bad & we concluded to put back, which we did. The storm (from the N. E.) increased & we held on for it to subside. On the 29th at 2.30 a.m. we started. The wind was still fresh from the N. E. and quite a heavy sea running. Our great anxiety was to get past Cape Hatteras safely. As our boat was not intended for a sea going craft, we felt a little anxious to know how she would weather a storm, but fortune favored us & we passed the Rubicon safely, though we had some rather grand & lofty tumbling.
At 11.20 a.m. on the 30th we dropped anchor at Beaufort, North Carolina, where we remained until 6.20 a.m. on the 3rd November. At 4.15 p.m. we spoke Blockading steamer off Wilmington. On the 4th about 5 a.m. (I had just turned in and got in a fine sleep), I was awakened by the gong beating “all hands to quarters.” This was the first specimen of a warlike character that we had put on. It was brought about as follows. It appears that we were steaming along at good speed, the sea smooth & the weather a little misty, when some object was discovered ahead a little off the starboard bow. It was so indistinct that we could not make out whether it was an “Alabama” or a vessel & as a man-of-war is expected to be ready for any emergency, so we got ready.
We shortly overhauled it & found it a sailing vessel. We fired a blank cartridge aft of her & brought her to, sent a boat off to her to ascertain her character. In the meantime we were ready for a brush if she chose it. The boat returned & reported her a Sutler’s Schooner bound for Morris Island with stores, had lost her reckoning and did not know where she was. We gave her the course & then slunk away without having a fight or capturing a prize. I reckon the poor fellows on the schooner thought they were goners when we blazed away at them.
We heard firing in the direction of Charleston about 8.30 on the 4th & at 10 o’clock [Fort] Sumter was in sight. We ran down to the flag ship & reported & then steamed in over the bar & dropped anchor about 4 miles from Sumter at 11.30 a.m., the fort bearing N. W. by N. We laid there until evening. Our shore batteries were constantly shelling the fort day and night. In the evening we steamed outside to the blockade fleet. In the morning (the 5th) we ran in again. This day a couple of the monitors moved up to the attack of the first assisted by the shore batteries. We could see all the operations with the naked eye & with the aid of a glass everything was made perfectly distinct. The firing was very accurate—almost every shot striking the fort & throwing up clouds of dust. The rebel flag was flying over the fort bidding defiance to its assailants. I could not but admire the pluck of the men who so bravely stood by their flag. No men could be discovered in the fort but there must have been some there.
The walls of Sumter are very thick & as the top is toppled down the debris forms and embankment on each side which virtually strengthens the remaining portion of the wall. This powdered mass, when a shell bursts in it, is thrown into the air & much of it falls back to its original place. Some splendid shots are made by the monitors but it will requite a great deal of patience and powder to render Sumter perfectly untenable.
On the 6th, the Rebel flag was shot down & I watched to see it go up again but it was dangerous business & up to 2 p.m. no signs of the flag were visible. At 2 p.m. we were ordered away to this station to relieve a gunboat that had broken her machinery. We arrived here yesterday the 7th at 2.30 p.m., ran up the St. Johns River about 15 miles & returned to the mouth on the blockade. There is a Reb steamer up the river laden with cotton which is expected every night to try to run the blockade & we are on the watch for her. We lay with steam up all of the while ready to start at a moment’s notice & if she gets away from us, she must do some tall traveling & some fighting, but I don’t apprehend that she will do much of the latter.
Our boat is not a very fast one but we can get about 12 miles out of her. She is built very much like the Oneida, but more beam and draws more water. She is 125 feet long, 24 foot beam. Wheels 21 feet draw buckets 6 feet x 22. Engine 34 inch cylinder & 8 foot stroke. Draft of water averages 7 feet. She is not in good running trim. She is down by the head too much to run good, but when we get some of the coal out of her, she will do better. We carry 39 men & officers as follows. 1 Ensign in charge 2 Master Mates, One 2d Asst. Engineer in charge. Three 3d Assistants. Three 1st Class Firemen, Three 2nd class Firemen. Three coal heavers. One Storekeeper for Engine dept. One Paymaster’s Clerk & the balance seamen, ordinary seamen, landman, boys &c. You see that in the Engineering Department, there are 14 men. What would you think of putting that number on the Oneida to attend to her Engine Department? There are times, however, when all are needed & it would not be good policy to run short handed—especially here where if a man is sick, you can’t go ashore & pick up a man when you want one.
We can’ tell how long we shall stay here—perhaps a month & perhaps a good many of them. I have not been ashore & know but little about the country around here but I am not favorably impressed by the limited view I have from the boat. Still there are some bright spots. Fish about here. Oysters in any quantity alongside. Oranges &c. to be had close by. Money is on no use here. Once can’t spend it & in buying articles from the natives, they refuse money but will exchange for sugar, cheese, butter, or any kind of stores.
After reading this, I would be obliged to you if you would send it to my wife as my letter to her was so short owing to the hurry which it was written that I am not satisfied with it. I would be pleased to hear from you when you have leisure to write. My regards to Mrs. Carter & your family. Yours truly, Chas. J. Henry
The following letter was written by Eugene Snyder, a 26 year-old attorney practicing in Harrisburg, Dauphin county, Pennsylvania, in 1863. He was the son of Charles Albright Snyder (1799-1868) and Barbara Ann Keller (1807-1892). His letter requests a death certificate for John La France, a private in Co. G, 11th Pennsylvania Infantry. Presumably he was engaged by some family member who had been informed of John’s death in the Battle of 2nd Bull Run. Responding to Eugene on the same sheet of paper, the soldier’s captain, John B. McGrew, informed the attorney that John La France had not actually died, but had been taken prisoner and was paroled though his cryptic response does not provide any details as to the soldier’s present location or state of health. His response would leave us to believe that the soldier was not yet with the company, however.
A sketch of “Sallie” the bulldog mascot of the 11th Pennsylvania. Her likeness is sculpted into the base of the regiment’s monument at Gettysburg. Sallie often stayed on the battlefield near wounded soldiers she knew.
Curiously, according to muster roll records, John La France appears twice. One entry does not provide a service entry date and reports that he died of wounds received at Bull Run on 30 August 1862. The other records his service entry date as July 10, 1862 and states that he was discharged on Surgeon’s Certificate on 12 October 1863. To further muddy the waters, there is a Veterans Card File entry for John La France of Co. G, 11th Pennsylvania Infantry that claims he “died by reason of gunshot received in action at Antietam on 17 September 1862.”
Unfortunately I could not find any more information on John La France though one war-time record claims his residence was Allegheny county. I could find no pension record for him either.
John B. McGrew (1826-1884) enlisted in August 1862 and was commissioned the Captain of Co. G at that time. He was wounded on 13 December 1862 during the Battle of Fredericksburg and was discharged on 15 March 1865 for disability. He lived in Allegheny county, Pennsylvania.
The 11th Pennsylvania was recruited from several counties in Pennsylvania as a three-month regiment on April 26, 1861, and sent to Camp Curtin, Harrisburg for training and organization. Phaon Jarrett served as its first colonel, with Richard Coulter as lieutenant colonel and William D. Earnest as major. It was assigned to Robert Patterson’s Army of the Shenandoah. The regiment received the nickname “The Bloody Eleventh” at the Battle of Hoke’s Run, Virginia, July 2, 1861.
The 11th was reorganized as a three-year regiment in the August of the same year at Camp Curtin in Harrisburg. After a few weeks of drill, the regiment was given garrison duty at Annapolis, Maryland. In April, it was moved to Mannassas Junction, where it guarded the railroad. It was again transferred, this time to the Shenandoah Valley, in late May as part of Irvin McDowell’s Corps. They fought in the Battles of Cedar Mountain and Second Bull Run. After the Army of Virginia was merged into the Army of the Potomac, the reconstituted regiment became part of the I Corps.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Eugene Snyder practiced law in Harrisburg for a number of years. In 1869 his office was located at No. 10 North Third Street.
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania February 7, 1863
Commander of Co. G Old 11th Pennsylvania Volunteers
Dear Sir,
Will you be kind enough to send me a certificate of the death of John Lafrance of your company who was killed August 30th 1862 at No. 2 Battle of Bull Run, Virginia. And much oblige.
Yours repectfully, — Eugene Snyder
[in different hand writing]
Camp 11th Regt. Penna. Vols. near Fletchers Chapel February 22, 1863
Eugene Snyder, Esq.,
Dear Sir, in answer to the above letter of inquiry & request, I will just state John Lafrance stands on our company books as taken prisoner August 30th at Bull Run, Va., and paroled. I was not in command of the company until 8 days after. Yours truly, —John B. M’Grew, Capt. Co. G, 11th Regt. P. V.
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