1862-65: Frank Fletcher Rice to his Family

These letters were written by Pvt. Frank Fletcher Rice (1847-1881) of Springfield, Windsor County, Vermont. Enlistment records state that that Frank enlisted at age 19 in September 1862 in Co. E, 16th Vermont. He mustered out of the service in August 1863.

When the census taker came to the household of book dealer and publisher Daniel Rice (1808-1888) and Maria P. Munn (1820-1912) of Springfield in June 1860, he enumerated Frank F. Rice as a 12 year-old. Other children of the household included Ellen Sophia Rice (1844-1864), Florence Minnie Rice (1853-19xx), and Arthur Frederick Rice (1856-19xx). Assuming the census was not mistaken in recording the children’s ages, Frank would have only been 14 years old (rather than 19) when he enlisted in the 16th Regiment. This would have been an incredibly tender age for a foot soldier. A biography of his father gives Frank’s birthdate as 12 July 1847 which would have made him slightly north of 15 when he enlisted in the 16th Vermont.

The first letter was written late in 1862, only two months after Frank’s enlistment in the 16th Vermont. The last letter was written after the war was over though Frank was clearly still in the service but apparently no longer in the same regiment. I cannot find a service record for Frank other than the 16th Vermont so I can’t be certain which unit he was in. He claims that he marched from Bladensburg, Maryland to Clouds Mills, Virginia so it would suggest he was still in an infantry unit. I could not find any Vermont regiments ordered to Louisville in June 1865 — only Wisconsin and Minnesota regiments.

Letter 1

Camp Vermont [2 miles from Alexandria, Va.]
Sunday, November 16th [1862]

My dear sister [Ellen Sophia Rice],

I received your letter on Tuesday and I should have written before but the next day this company and five others of the 16th had to go 4 miles out on picket ¹ and did not get back until last night, but we did not have half so hard a time as I expected to have. But I had a better time than the rest for Tom Sexton ² and I were stationed at a house to keep the pickets from stealing the chickens and all we had to do was to sit in the door yard and crack walnuts. The house belonged [to] a man by the name of Mason ³ but he — being a Rebel — went to Richmond and left his house and his property, and then a regiment of New York soldiers went in to the house and broke all the windows out and smashed things up generally. There is a family of “poor whites” living there now. The family consists of a man and his wife, and six white-haired children and about a dozen dogs.

We expect to stay here all winter. They have commenced to draw the logs to make the barracks. They are to be large enough to hold a whole company. We are living in the letter “A” tents — five in a tent. We have cedar boughs spread in the bottom of the tent and are quite comfortable. I have not been sick a single day yet but have had a slight cold. Am getting over it now.

You spoke of sending a box. I think if it was directed to:

Frank F. Rice, Co. E, 16th Reg., Care of A. C. Mason, Vermont Vols., Washington D. C.

I think I should get it.

We have just come in from divine service. The regiment was drawn up in a hollow square and listened to a sermon from chaplain who is a pretty good preacher.

We had rather a hard time that cold spell but it is warm as summer now.

We live better now than we did for awhile. For about a week we had nothing but salt beef and hard bread.

We are encamped in a very pleasant place now within twelve miles of Washington and about two miles from Alexandria. Tell Min that I find that cap she made me very useful. I should not know what to do without it.

Mr. [Bartlett E.] White and [Joel B.] Clark are well and full of fun as ever and all of the boys are well as can be expected although a good many have got colds. Tell mother that she [has] no need to worry much about me for I am getting along first rate and enjoying myself pretty well. I don’t have any harder time than I expected to have though we have some pretty rough times.

You must excuse the writing for I have nothing but my knapsack to write on. When you write again, please send me some postage stamps for it is hard to get clean ones here. I want you to send me one of your pictures and tell Jule that I want one of hers. Give my love to Florence, Arthur, Aunt Hannah, and all the folks. Write often and tell me all about the things in Springfield. I can not write any more so goodbye.

Your affectionate brother, — Frank

¹ Lt. Col. Cummins of the 16th Vermont wrote his wife on 9 November 1862 from Camp Vermont in which he described the picket duty of the regiment: “These [pickets] consist of four companies and are stationed from 2 to 3 miles from camp — the chain extending from the Potomac irregularly 8 miles westward. I visited all the posts twice in the daytime and once in the night. In the 24 hours I rode from 40 to 50 miles horseback, though forest, ravines, pastures, and bush and brier.”

² Thomas Sexton (1839-1910) was a native of Ireland. After serving two years with the 16th Vermont Infantry, he served an additional year with Co. I, 3rd Vermont Infantry.

³ Maj. Roswell Farnham of the 16th Vermont wrote from Camp Vermont on 7 November 1862: “We are encamped near an old Virginia mansion owned by G. Mason Esq. one of the regular F. F. V’s [First Family of Virginia]. He is a secessionist at heart. His house is a two story one & things were once in good shape, but his slaves have all run away & the troops have ruined him. He has a wife & two children – one a daughter who he says is sick & a son or perhaps grandson twelve or fourteen years of age. He keeps his family very much secluded & has a notice put up that he does not wish to be troubled by applications from the troops for accommodations.* We have occupied his barn with our horses and today Col. Blunt, who has command of the brigade moved his head quarters into the house – into two vacant rooms in one wing. He has two big fire places & looks as cheerful as possible. Rather different from our tents, tho’ we are comfortable. Soon we shall have comfortable huts made & then we can bid defiance to the weather. By next week Saturday, the whole Regiment will be in huts if nothing happens.”


Letter 2

Camp Vermont
December 6, 1862

My dear mother,

I got your letter thanksgiving day while I was out on picket. I read it sitting on a stump in a pine woods with a loaded gun in one hand. We had a pretty cold time. Have to go about four miles from camp. I have been out five times but have never come across any rebels yet.

We had quite a snowstorm yesterday. The snow is about four inches deep and it is pretty cold, but as we have got a stove in our tent and can get plenty of wood, we keep quite comfortable.

You said that I did not answer all the questions you wrote in your letter before. The reason was this. When I got the letter I read it and put it in my pocket and lost it. You asked me what it was I gave Uncle S. I gave him the order and nothing more.

We have got quite good bunks now. They are made by driving 4 crotched sticks into the ground for the posts. We then lay two poles across for the frame, then small poles on crossway. Then spread cedar boughs over the whole.

The cooking is done the same as it was at B. A hole is dug in the ground for the fire and the kettles are hung over it.

Tell Mary that I am much obliged to her for the chicken she sent me and tell Aunt H. that I thank her very much for the pickles. The things were very good that you sent in the [box] and I thank you all very much.

I have had two letters from Charley but have not answered them and do not intend to.

I wish that I could be at home Christmas with you and I think that if I live to get home again, I shall be willing to go to school and stay. Not that I am sorry that I ever enlisted but I have seen enough to know that I was better off at home.

I am sorry Uncle F is so sick but I hope he will get better. I can’t write any more now for I have got to get ready to go on picket tomorrow. Give my love to Nell, Father, the children, Aunt Hannah, and all the folks. Your affectionate son, — Frank


Letter 3

Camp near Fairfax Court House
January 10, 1863

My dear Mother,

I received your letter with the money yesterday and I thank you very much.

The weather is very wet and unpleasant. Today has rained all day but as we have not had anything to do and our barracks do not leak, we get along very well.

We have had beef steak and potatoes for dinner. We draw our rations of beef raw and fry it and have beef steak three times a week. I wish you would send me another box. Please send me some butter, some apple sauce, some cooked sausage, some apples and a tin cup and as many things as you have a mind to.

My tent mates are John Colter [?], George Cook, and Jim Taylor. I wish you would send me one of the haversacks such as Lab___ keeps for mine is all worn out.

I get along very well darning my stockings and the cook of the company washes my shirts and drawers for five cents a piece. I have not lost anything yet. I think I have been very lucky. I found the spices very useful. The pepper and mustard especially.

I went down to the captain’s tent to see about that bill but he was not there. I will send it in my next letter. I can’t write anymore so goodbye. Your affectionate son, — Frank


Letter 4

Camp near Fairfax Court House
January 17, 1863

My dear sister,

I received your letter last night and was very glad to hear from home.

We are having a very easy time just now. Do not have but one drill a day except Wednesdays and Fridays when we have a Brigade drill over to Fairfax on a splendid parade ground.

We have got our camp fixed up now so that we are quite comfortable for soldiers. We have got a good cook house built of logs and a sidewalk in front of our tents ten feet wide made of split logs running the whole length of our street.

It is pleasant today but quite cold. The ground is frozen hard.

I suppose you knew before this of Adin and Mr. Clark’s promotion. Adin is 2nd Lieutenant of Co. C and Mr. Clark is 2nd lieutenant of Co. D. George Cook has been detailed a hospital cook so it leaves only three of us in one tent and as we have got a good bunk built of poles covered with pine boughs, we get along very well.

I will try and get my picture taken someday or soon as I can get a chance to go over to Fairfax Court House. There is a photograph gallery over there. I have not got the lamp yet but hope I shall before long

I received two papers last night—Vermont Journals from home—and was glad to get them for we do not get much to read here. Please send papers as often as you can. It is most dark and I can’t write any more. Gove my love to Father, Mother, Aunt Hannah, and all the rest of the folks. Your affectionate brother, — Frank


Letter 5

Camp near Fairfax Station
January 25, 1863

My dear mother,

I received your letter last night and as I have nothing to [do] just now, I thought I would answer it.

We have moved again about 3 miles from the Court House to the station. We are encamped now near a pine woods in an old cornfield, and it is very muddy. the first night that we slept here we settled into the mud about four inches. We are at work today building new barracks and have got them nearly done. We build them out of pine logs and plaster up the cracks with mud.

It has rained for two days all the time and is very muddy but this afternoon the sun has come out and it is quite pleasant. If this reaches you before you send the box, please send me some letter paper and some ink and some common sand paper.

My clothes have not began to wear out yet. My shirts and all my clothes are whole. There is not a hole in them.

you asked me to tell you if I could get a chance to come home. Mother, I would want to go back to the army. I am here and have got to stay here [till] my time [is] out and am willing to do it. But if I was at home, I would never come out here—not that I am dissatisfied or home sick, for I think if I ever do get home again, I shall lead a better life than I have done. I think what I have see has learned me a good lesson and now I think if I was where I could enjoy the comforts of a good home as I had, I should be perfectly willing and contented to stay there. I don’t want you to think that I am sorry that I ever went into the army for I am not, for it learned me a lesson that I could not have learned in any other way. I think when I do get home, I shall be willing to go to school and get an education and go into some respectable business and try and be a help and comfort to you all.

I don’t think that I ever thought of home and you so much as when on picket. I have sat many hours and thought of the time when I had a ood home and a warm bed to get into and a kind mother to look after me. But if God lets me to get home again, I shall try and lead a better life.

I don’t know as there is any clothing that I want unless it is another pocket handkerchief for if we should move again, which we may do everyday, I could not carry them though I should like more cotton and woolen drawers.

Col. [Wheelock G.] Veazey is well. I saw him out today chopping logs. The men like him very much. I wish you would write him a letter and ask him to detail me for an orderly or some such thing. I should have a great deal easier time.

I will send in this letter an order for father to draw my state pay. I can’t write any more now so goodby. My love to father, Nell, Aunt H., and all the children. Your affectionate son, — Frank


Letter 6

Camp at Fairfax Station, Va.
February 20, 1863

Dear father,

I should have written you before but I thought as I wrote to mother, it was just as well as though I wrote to you. We are still here in our old camp and the mud is as deep as ever. We have now quite a snow storm. About eight inches fell and it is just going off so it makes it very muddy. It is so deep around the Station that all they can draw from the depot to the Brigade commissaries with a six mule team id four barrels of beef and sometimes they get stuck with that.

Co. A and B have got new guns and we expect some soon. They have got the Springfield rifle. They are much better than the Austrian rifle which the rest of the regiment have got.

There is a great deal of talk in the regiment about the time that our time commences. Most of them think that our term of service expires the first of June and I hope it does, but I hardly think we shall go home until the 24th of July. What do you think about it?

I went to the captain today and got that two dollar bill and will send it to you. I should have sent it before but I forgot all about it.

We do not have much drilling to do except target firing and I like that very much. We have a good deal of guard and fatigue duly to do around the station which in wet weather is very unpleasant on account of the mud. Yesterday I worked down there all day lading barrels of beef and pork and worked harder than I ever did a day on the farm and I have got to go down there on guard tomorrow.

If things are wasted throughout the army as they are at Fairfax Station, it is a wonder to me how the army holds out. Why there is thousands of dollars worth of goods wasted there every month. Piles of saddles and harnesses laying out in the mud and rain and guns and sabers rusting and laying around in the mud and in one pile there is thousands of tents laying in the mud and rotting while there is a regiment at Fairfax Court House (the Pennsylvania Bucktails) laying out without any tents. That is the way things are carried on here. But they don’t complain and call it “military.”

I can’t write anymore now as it is time for dress parade. Give my love to all. — Frank


Letter 7

Headquarters 2nd Vermont Brigade
Wolf Run Shoals
April 6, 1863

Dear mother,

We have moved again and are now stationed near the 12th and 14th [Vermont] Regiments and about 6 miles from Union Mills where the 16th still remains, as nothing but the Headquarters have moved. I don’t think it near pleasant here as it was at the Mills. Nothing right here but woods and hills and the [mud] is about a foot deep.

Night before last it commenced to rain and snow and yesterday morning when I got up the snow was a foot deep and today it is melting which makes it vert wet and muddy.

I have just been to Washington again. I went down to carry some dispatches to Gen. Casey’s Headquarters for Col. Blunt. Had a very good time but did not have time to look around much. I expect to go down again in a few days.

We live first rate here now—a great deal better than a great many folks at home do. There is 12 of us mess together. We have got a very good cook. We have doughnuts and pies, beef steak and potatoes most every meal. I never was better in my life than I am now and never enjoyed myself any better.

My clothes are all whole yet except my pants which are worn out and I have drawn another pair. I don’t wear out my clothes no so fast as I did when I was in the regiment. I got a letter from you day before yesterday and was very sorry to hear of the death of Henry Holton. I can’t write any more now for it is getting late.

Give my love to Father, Nell, and H, and all the folks. — Frank

P. S. Direct your letters to Headquarters, 2nd Brigade, Casey’s Division, Washington D. C.


Letter 8

Headquarters 2nd Brigade, Casey’s Division
Wolf Run Shoals
April 14, 1863

My dear sister,

I went over to Union Mills day before yesterday and went to the regiment and found a letter there for me, and as I have not ot anything to do now, I will try and answer it.

Everything is ready to move at any moment. We got orders night before last to be ready to move at any time with 3 days rations cooked. All the tents have been turned over to the Quartermaster and the men have not got anything but shelter tents. There is only four tents along for the General and his staff and we orderlies have to sleep in shelter tents but as it is getting warm and dry, we don’t mind it much.

There has not been any direct order for us to move—only to [be] ready to go and it would not be anything strange if we did not go at all. I should like to be at home a few days and get some maple sugar for I don’t expect to get any this year. You spoke of Adin coming come. I think the general order that you folks have got is pretty near right. As for me, I shant come home until my [time] is out if I could, which I am as well ably to do duty as he is.

I should like to have you send me some sugar but I don’t care about your send me a box for we are liable to move at any time and then I should not know what to do with it. I will try and get my picture taken the next time I go to Washington. I am well and enjoying myself as well as ever.

I can’t write any more now for it is getting late. Give my love to Father, Mother, and all the folks, — Frank


Letter 9

Headquarters 2nd Brigade, Abercrombie’s Division
Wolf Run Shoals
April 22, 1863

My dear mother,

Brig. General George Stannard

We still remain here just as we was when I wrote you last though I expect we shall very soon. We have got a new Brigadier General. His name is [George Jerrison] Stannard, the former Colonel of the 9th [Vermont]. He came yesterday and he appears like a very nice man but he can’t be any better than Col. B[lunt] and I am sorry that they changed.

I received a letter from you when I first came here and one a few days ago. I think I have received all the letters and papers that you have sent and you can’t think how good it seems to hear from home.

One of the General’s aides, 1st Lt. G. W. Hooker, was lieutenant in the [same] company of the 4th [Vermont] Regiment that Fred Rice was in and knew him well.

It is six months tomorrow since we were mustered in and we have but three more to serve at the farthest and that is not very long. It don’t seem a month hardly since I was in Brattleboro.

I will now try and answer your questions that you asked in your letters. I have to go to Washington about once in four days. I go by railroad to Alexandria which is about 20 miles and then go the rest of the way by steamboat. Gen. Casey has been relieved of command of the Division and Gen. Abercrombie has command now. I suppose his headquarters are where Gen. Casey’s were on 14th Street at the foot of Long Bridge. I stop with Casey’s orderly.

I have not changed my mind about going to school when I get back home again though I have not made up my mind where I shall go. Perhaps it will be at the seminary. You said that Adin told you that he detailed me here. Perhaps he did but I never knew it before. The way I come to be detailed was this. The captain sent Bennett up to Fairfax Court House while we were at the Station and while he was there he got detailed as orderly at headquarters. But when we got to Union Mills, through the influence of the captain and Col. Veazy, Bennett came back to the company and I took his place as orderly. I don’t see what Adin had to do about it. Still he may have had some influence over the captain.

I see Mr. Brustow very often. His tent [is] very near here and I have been over there several times to service. I saw him today and he wished to be remembered to you. I am looking forward with a great deal of pleasure to the time when I shall see you all again. You can’t think how I long to see my home and friends again. I must close as it is getting late so goodbye. Give my love to Father, Nell, and all the folks. — Frank

P. S. Direct Headquarters 2nd Brigade, Abercrombie’s Division, Washington D. C.

Leave off Brig. Gen. Stannard


Letter 10

Headquarters 2nd Brigade, Abercrombie’s Division
Union Mills, Va.,
May 4, 1863

My dear mother,

We are still here at Union Mills but have got orders to be ready to move at any moment with 3 days rations in haversack. Still we may not go for you know that we have had such orders before and not gone. I hope we shant go for I like this place the best of any we have been in. But still the more that we move around the more we see of the country.

There has been a cavalry fight down to Warrenton (about 15 miles from here) and yesterday the wounded were brought through here on the cars. They were all rebels except one and they were the worst looking set of men that I ever saw. There was about 30 of them.

The 12th [Vermont] Regiment has moved down to Bealeton Station about 20 miles from here and I should not wonder if we went down there too. You said in your letter that you had not heard from me the last week. Now I have written at least two letters home every week either to you or Nell. If you do not get them, they must be lost on the way.

i wish you would send me some papers every week. You used to. but I have not got any for two weeks. You need not be afraid of my not keeping the promises I made you before I left home. I never have broken them yet and I don’t itend to and I never should do anything that will cause you any pain or cause you in any way regret for letting me enlist.

I am well and all the boys in the company are too. I believe there was a lot of contraband came in yesterday.

This morning we have heard cannonading. I think it must be from Hooker’s army. We feel a great deal of interest in Hooker’s movements for if he is whipped, he will [pass] this way through here we think.

You will find five dollars enclosed in this letter. Wo with it as you think proper. I am glad Uncle F. is better. Hope he will keep so. Give my love to all the folks. — Frank


Letter 11

Headquarters 2nd Division, Abercrombie’s Division
Union Mills, Va.
May 17, 1863

My dear sister,

I received your letter a few days ago and would have answered it before but I have been down to Alexandria to get a pair of spurs for Gen. Stannard and did not get back until this afternoon. I went all over the Marshall House. Seen the stairs where Ellsworth was shot by Jackson.

Today, the 15th [Vermont] which was camped at Bealton Station moved back to Union Mills. When the 12th [Vermont] first went down to the Rappahannock river, there was some rifle pits on the other side. They sent a company over to destroy them which they did. They were thrown by the rebels about a year ago for you [know] they held this country until within a few months. Yesterday, as soon as the section of a battery that was stationed near the 12th [Vermont] moved back to the Mills, rebel pickets were seen just across the river (which is about as large as the Connecticut) and men at work refurbishing the breastworks. So they thought it was about time to move back which they did at once. At one time our pickets were on one end of the bridge and the rebels were on the other end—rather closer than was pleasant.

The other day some of the cavalry that were stationed down near where Co. E were stationed for a while (I don’t remember the name of the place but believe it was Bristoe) made a decent once small village called Brentsville that was suspected of containing rebels. They broke up the post office and some of the Co. E got a lot of rebel letters and papers. I got paper from one of the boys and will send it to you.

There was one thing in your letter that I could not believe for a long time and can hardly believe it now. That was that Eliza Spencer was to be married to Firbush. I never heard anything that took me aback as that did. Why he is old enough to be her father. I don’t know what all the folks is coming to.

I can’t write any more now for I am going down to Alexandria on the next train and it is almost time for it to start. So goodbye. — Frank


Letter 12

Headquarters 2nd Brigade Abercrombie’s Division
Union Mills, Va.
June 10, 1863

My dear sister,

I received your letter a few days ago and would have answered before but I had just written mother and everything is so dull now that I cannot find enough news to write more than one letter a week.

I wonder what you are doing tonight at home? I wish I were there with you if it were only for a little while. But I will soon be there in a very short time. Do you know, Nell, that it was nine months the 3rd of this month since I enlisted? And it seems such a little while. Six week more and I will be home again. That will soon pass away.

You said you were going to Maine this month with Mrs. Chickering. I hope youy will have a good time but I want you should be sure and get back in time to meet at Brattleboro when i come back on the 23rd. If you don’t, I shant like it a bit.

There is no news that I can’t think of now except that the 16th [Vermont] have moved back to Union Mills. It is very dull here now—nothing going on except now and then a cavalry fight within a few miles of here. There is always quite a rush for the depot to see the wounded and prisoners.

I sent you that paper. It is strange that you never received it. It must have been lost on the way. Will try and get another one and send you. We have got better accommodations than we had when I wrote you last. Three of us have got an officer’s tent with board bunks filled with hay which makes a very good bed for a soldier.

I am sorry to hear of Josie Colburn’s blindness. Hope it will be better soon. Remember me to Rob and tell him I am going down to visit him and climb the mountain when I get back.

I can’t write any more now for it is getting late and I am very sleepy. Remember me to all the friends. Good night my dear, — Frank


Letter 13

[Editor’s note: This letter was written in pencil and is so faint that it will not scan legibly. I was able to transcribe from the original successfully, however.]

Middletown, Maryland
July 9, 1863

Dear mother,

Of course you have heard that we ewre in the fight at Gettysburg. I was in it some of the time but came out all right and am well now. I should have written before but we have been moving all the time and I have not had a chance. It is two weeks today since we left Union Mills and we have marched every day. I have got along very well on the move. I ride all the time in the Headquarters ambulance and enjoy myself very well so you need not worry yourself at all about me.

I have seen all the boys in Co. A, 3rd [Vermont] and some that I knew in the 4th [Vermont]. They are all well. The 12th and 13th [Vermont] have gone home and we shall go in two weeks. That is only a little while. I don’t think you had better write me again for I never should get it if you did. We are moving around so from one place to another, we can’t tell one day where we shall be the next.

I can’t write anymore now for we are going to move somewhere. I will write again tomorrow. — Frank


Letter 14

Camp at Cloud’s Mills, Virginia
June 5th 1865

Dear Mother,

I received your letter of the third this afternoon — also the Independent and Ledger. You will see by this that we have moved again. We moved our camp at Bladensburg [Maryland] a week ago today and marched to our present camp marching through Washington and Alexandria. We came about 18 miles that day.

We are camped almost in sight of the old Camp “Vermont” where I was when I was in the 16th [Vermont Infantry] and about 4 miles from Alexandria. The order is now for the brigade we are in to go to Louisville, Kentucky and we may start tomorrow. I had rather go there than stay in Virginia. I did not feel any bad effect from the marching either to Bladensburg or here.

The fast was observed here. We had services in a large apple orchard near our camp. The chaplain of the 21st New York Cavalry preached. He is just such a man as Mr. Chrickering. I have a testament and read it too for I have not forgotten the night I was at home.

As for the letter that father wrote me, it [is] a friendly, polite letter. He said he should be glad to hear from me again. He still continues to blame me for the past and for enlisting. I never got my things from Baltimore. I lost my valise and one or two shirts — that is all. I have not received one cent of pay the government owes me [which amounts to] $266 now. I am getting along as well as usual.

I wish you would send me money — it is very hard living on salt pork this [summer].

Has father sold the horses yet? If not, how is Katie? I have no paper left. I must stop. Love to all. Your affectionate son, — Frank

1863-65: Morgan “Lewis” Low to John Henry Low

I could not find an image of Capt. Lewis Low of Co. K, but my friend Marc Storch kindly provided this image from his collection of Captain Wm. Manning, Lt. Seloftus Forbes and Sgt. David Johnson of Co. G, 32nd Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry.

The following letters were written by Morgan “Lewis” Low (1827-1873), the son of Jacob Low (1807-1875) and Catherine Morgan (1814-1892) of Lowville, Columbia county, Wisconsin. Lewis’ parents came to Wisconsin in 1843 from Poughkeepsie, New York, a few years after their marriage. They settled first in Green Bay where they conducted the Astor House Hotel. They later moved to Fort Winnebago where the operated a mercantile for two years, and then in 1845 established the family homestead in Lowville. Lewis was the oldest of four children; his younger siblings were Bartlett (b. 1839), Melissa (b. 1841), and John (b. 1842).

During the American Civil War, Lewis volunteered his services in Co. K, 32nd Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry, rising in rank from 1st Lieutenant to Captain. Muster rolls inform us he entered the service in mid-September 1862 and mustered out on 12 June 1865. He was promoted to captain of Co. K on 3 February 1864 although he commanded the company for several months previous. Before he left the service, Lewis was married on 14 October 1864 while home on furlough to Sarah Hand (1839-1914).

There are 14 letters in this small collection, all written by Lewis Low and addressed to his younger brother, John Henry Low (1842-1926) who with his descendants should probably be credited for having preserved Lewis’ letters. John was married to Josephine Martha Jones (1850-1930) in 1869. John lived out his days in the vicinity of Bear Lakes, Minnesota where he first went trapping in the winter of 1865. At the time these letters were received during the war, he was attempting to farm in Blue Earth County, Minnesota.

Lewis’s letters to his brother offer a vivid and deeply personal account of his life in the service from 1863 through the end of the Civil War. He chronicles the hardships of camp life, long marches, picket duty, illness, inadequate rations, and the uncertainty of military campaigns, while continually expressing concern for his family’s well-being and gratitude for letters from home. His letters emphasize the endurance, discipline, and sacrifice demanded of the common soldier, reflecting both pride in preserving the Union and sorrow for the immense human cost of the conflict. As Confederate defeat draws near, his confidence in ultimate victory grows, and by the war’s conclusion his thoughts turn from military service to the long-awaited prospect of returning home, leaving behind a compelling record of a dutiful citizen-soldier sustained by patriotism, perseverance, and devotion to family.

Letter 1

Addressed to John H. Low. Esq., Winnebago Agency, Blue Earth county, Minn.

Memphis [Tennessee]
June 23, 1863

Brother John,

Yours of June 12th is this day received and this day will be answered. Have been looking for a little of your chirography some time. It beats “old cloven foot [ ] toil” [the Devil”] why our folks don’t write you. Probably thy haven’t heard from you yet, for in the last one I received from there. they said no word had reached them from you since you left Lowville. You state that there is a great deal of marsh in that section of country now. There is some advantage in that even for it will eventually be a great stock region and as you and me are stock men, it will suit our taste to a demonstration.

Now John, if Colwell don’t come to time with the breaking, just order it up and “play it alone” by buying more cattle and hiring a man. Get a plow and run it yourself. It is getting late in the season and it is time you bested yourself though by the time this reaches you, you will have got some broke, no doubt. if you have joined with Colwell’s and think that one team cannot break enough, hire a team to break 20 or 30 acres. It may be possible that breaking teams are scarce and that it will be hard work for you to hire any done. How this is, I cannot tell. You know best. But one thing is certain—that I wish to see you have 50 acres broke this summer. Now don’t you wish the same thing? Bu so doing, next year you can have quite a crop and it will belong to John Low. This winter you can fence it and probably more. Should advise advise you when winter comes to fence on 80, breaking the rest up next season when you can probably be able to run a team of your own.

My idea is for you to “play it high” though I will never council you to run in debt. I will find time to furnish you means and will advise Father to do the same if I can’t furnish enough or if it so happens that Uncle Samuel should not pay me for a long time. A fellow in a new country should be a little ahead of his neighbors by so doing, he has a decided advantage. Those in Lowville who broke and fenced largely and kept on doing so at an early day are now comparatively independent. When your land comes into market, money can be soon raised to pay for it and if there is a nice field joining yours on either of the four sides, across the creek or not, of 160 acres that you would like, just keep your eye on it till it comes into market. Even though it is claimed, money will buy it.

I suppose you are not in immediate need of money now. We are expecting to get two months pay every day. Other troops are being paid off but it is thought the paymaster will wait till about the 10th of July and then pay us for four months and that amount will be due me on the last day of the month. It may be that Father will want some money to help him through the harvest and if he does, I will have to send it to him of course. I will find out. But then if you wanted money, just promise to pay after harvest and I will see that it is paid.

Big crops in Wisconsin this year. That is what will set you all on your feet, provided they get a good price which they will, no doubt. Now don’t you go preempting any more land for other people for if I understand [correctly], the Preemption Law will not let a man preempt more than one piece. It would not be advisable to risk losing the place you are improving for the sake of making a hundred or two dollars, though if you think you can go into a wholesale business of it and make “right smart” of money “made in.”

You are right about getting close to market. It makes a dang sight of difference whether a man is 14 or 40 miles away to market on the river or on a line of railroad. If I was in position where I dare, I would try to have you secure me a hunk of land near you but I dare not attempt it for several good reasons. One is it might keep 4 or 5 hundred dollars from you just at the time you needed it [and] would do me no good if a stray bullet should give me a final discharge. Then I am forced in a position where I would have to ask the advice and get the consent of another if I wished to have life endurable. This last is the most weighty of all and dang me if I wouldn’t like to visit Poynette [Columbia county, WI] just now and to see about a little affair of my own. Now this is between you and me, John.

You spoke about making me proposition. Well, make it. No fear of my misconstruing what you may write. We both agree too well to make any great blunder in talking with each other. It will do you no harm to make me any propositions you may see fit.

So you have been writing and receiving letters from Janesville? Oh ho! my boy, you are in for it are you. You rascal. All right, my covy [?]. You say she wrote me a letter. How the devil do you know she did? Was she soury, surly or mad, you ask, just as though you were perfectly ignorant of her “phelinks,” [?] considering you are, though this there is a question about it. I will tell. It was a kind of a sweetish [?] affair—a great many expressions of injured innocent maidenly tears—a perfect loathing contempt for me, and last of all, a long tall farewell, which winds up effectively, my hobbling in that direction.

On the 6th of June, the loyal people of Memphis had a celebration of the anniversary of the day in which the Federal troops took possession of the city. It was a very nice affair with a large procession, but on the 25th, they had an election and elected the same mayor they had in secesh times, or who done all he could to help this state out of the Union. He also issued a proclamation to the people to observe the day appointed by Jeff Davis for fasting and prayer but said not a word when Abe Lincoln appointed a day for the same purpose. What loyalty this is, isn’t it?

We have received news here of the fall of Port Hudson or the capture of 9,000 prisoners. Hope it will prove to be carried. the 32nd Wisconsin and the 25th Indiana are to be mounted, the men to furnish themselves with Spencer Repeating rifles. It will be the crack corps of the army.

I have received a letter from Add Webb. He is at Vicksburg. Also got one from Mrs. Herring and one from Mrs. Delaney. Will write more in my next. — Lu.

When I get paid off, I will send you my photograph and shall then request yours in return. Write to me as usual at this place. Harley sends his best wishes. [ ] has sore eyes but they are getting better.


Letter 2

Memphis, [Tennessee]
July 22, 1863

Yours of the 11th came to hand yesterday. Had been looking for one from you for some time—if we answer each other’s letters promptly. I see that it takes quite a while for them to get around. I also received one from Mother. She says harvest help is going to be scarce and [she’s] afraid they will have to scratch to get the crop secured. Good weather, however, will greatly facilitate the arrangements.

I see by your letter that it is a pretty hard job to get anyone to break or help break [sod]. I am sorry that you cannot hire any team to break 15 or 20 acres for you. If you can get somebody to break only 5, give them a job even at $3.50 per acre. It will all help. In a new country it is pretty hard to get the machine running. I cannot tell one tenth as much about it as you can. You are there and I [am] thousands of miles away. I am glad you have a sawmill so close to you. It will be a great benefit in the future. Will the land be sold as soon as the commissioner appraises it? And will the sale be sometime this winter or next spring? Let me know in your next the price set on the land.

The way you spoke of getting more land is, in my way of thinking, a very lousy one, for you have to furnish a man with the money and let him purchase it in his own name so that he has the advantage and can do as he pleases after getting the money, though, by Jacks, I should like you to have 80 or a quarter more. you spoke about acting as my agent. I do not wish to do anything which would place me in an awkward position and must be free and untrammeled when I return home. If I had a leave of absence of 60 days, I could come to a satisfactory conclusion both to you and myself. This though, is impossible at present. That other person you spoke about cannot [ ] any nonsense on me for I am not wholly gone over he dam in that direction or any other. Now, John, as for your not having any cash of your own and that you will have to run hard into debt is shear nonsense for we are to help each other and Father is to help us all. Without so doing, it will be up hill business for us all. I want you to bear one thing in mind. That what money you get from loan or through me is yours eternally and that you need not think yourself in debt to any of us for it is the policy to set one up at a time.

I shall go to Minnesota as soon as the war is over and if it suits me square there, buy you out or something of the kind. But it would not be good for me to do as you said nor would it for you. If Father has a good crop and decent prices this year, you can be boosted right along and I have written so to our folks at home. I received a letter from John Ward, California. Things remain there about the sameYou have probably heard of the death of Andrew McFarlain. 1 He was mortally wounded at Vicksburg and died by the time they got him home. What glorious victories we have ben achieving lately. A few more such and the war will end.

I have a slight headache and therefore cannot write you very comfortably. Will do better next time. Your tall brother, — Lewis

1 Capt. Andrew J. MacFarlane (1840-1863) served in Co. K, 23rd Wisconsin Infantry. He died on 4 July 1863 of wounds received at Vicksburg on 20 May 1863. He was buried in Portage, Columbia county, Wisconsin.


Letter 3

Memphis [Tennessee]
September 1, 1863

Brother John,

Yours of the 24th ult. came to hand yesterday and I proceed immediately to answer it, nit deeming it brotherly to wait as you have 4 or 5 weeks. Am bound to lampoon you a little for not writing sooner. I received a letter from Bart day before yesterday. He says they are having tough times in harvest. It will cost them a great deal. Bart won’t make anything but will come out clear. I fear Miles will never want to have anything to do with farming again. Every time he has attempted it, [ ] was lodged, help scarce, and wheat low. It looks bad for him. Father is feeling blue but I think he will have a big pile of grain to dispose of. I sent him 200 dollars to help him through harvest and threshing. He will see that you have money to buy your land. I think it a good idea to put in some bids for timber lots. Do it in this way. Put in about three bids for three different lots and have your bids from very low to middling and high. For instance, you bid $1 per acre one, $2 per acre for another, and 5 for an acre for the last. Then if you should get all three, then take the lowest and forfeit the others. Or if you should get the two highest, then take the lowest and forfeit the other. It may be that to do this you will have us my or Bert’s or Miles’ names, if such a thing can be done. Will they allow anyone to bid who is not an actual settler? Do not do anything which will in any way oust you from your present claim.

Father says that he and me can and will swing you out all right. I don’t see how I can come home this fall though I will attempt it in a short time. Mother is not in good health this summer. If I should get lucky enough to get a furlough, I will pay you a flying visit. I have at this time a great deal on my mind and will have to do some nice figuring. Think I am the boy to do it.

We have just received an order for the regiment to be mounted. We will probably make this place our headquarters and make numerous scouts into Jeff’s dominion. We will not be ready for our first expedition under a month or six weeks. There are a good many of the officers belonging to this regiment sick and a great many of the men are ditto. Stoner Hassell has the ague. Lib[erty] Jewett has been sick but is better. John McCann is sick with the ague. The health of the regiment is improving. We have cool nights now.

Mrs. Delaney has written me two letters full of sisterly love. I have answered them both. I have received letters from Lile and Mr. Helling. Don’t you think they are a little jealous of me as well as some others in Lowville. I am too [ ] to suit some of the narrow minded so will write to you always just before starting on an expedition and immediately after returning. Your Bro. — Lewis


Letter 4

Memphis [Tennessee]
September 27, 1863

Brother John,

Yours of the 16th inst. is at hand. I am glad to see you so prompt. “Shouldn’t wonder” if you come to something yet. I thought you would get tired of keeping “Batch” and find it much more pleasant to board—particularly if there was a young lady in the cars, as it is with me. I have been boarding since the 20th of July at one Dr. Bailey’s. He has a very pretty daughter and, of course, a great many pretty girls come to see her which makes it very pleasant for thy big brother. I have formed many acquaintances and I will feel loathe to part with them knowing that i will probably never find a place till I arrive home which I like so well as this.

Father tells me that I must look out for the fair faced Southern ladies or I will lose my gizzard. No fear of that. John, you seem to hint at something concerning me at Poynette. Strange, passing strange! that someone does not want school children to bring their letters. Folks will have strange notions, you know.

I am glad to hear that you have put up so much hay. Suppose you calculate to make something on it. In regard to selling your farm, I am unable to advise. You are the proper judge. Be careful about offering it or sale if by so doing, it will be liable to be jumped. Trust in no one’s honesty. Think that if your claim does not suit you and that if you can better yourself somewhere else, that you had better do it, get the money down if possible, or a great share of it—enough or more to clear you.

The news here is that France has recognized the Rebels and formed a treaty of “offense and defense.” If this is the case, it is well to quit farming if possible and get all the money you can and all consolidated to keep the homestead in tip top order and have every possible comfort for the older folks that we can. If the report is true & we are involved in a war with foreign forces, agriculture will drop around one’s head like a torn, tattered and worthless garment. Wheat will not be worth 25 cents a bushel. The army will then, sooner or later, take everybody and fortunate will he be who secures a good position. If you could—in case new regiments are formed—get a commission. It would be well.

The Orderly Sergeant is not to be sneezed at for it is but a step to a 2nd Lieutenant—$95 per month. Now this news may not be true. I merely caution you of it is. In case it is, if Miles should go to recruiting and volunteer, he rushing to the “old flag,” could you not collide with him for something.

Outr stay at Memphis is limited. We are under marching orders. Was also a few days ago but it was revoked as only a Brigade or two was to move. Now, however, the whole Corps—16th—is to leave and the 15th will come in our place. Think we are going to reinforce Rosecrans on some flank movement on Beauregard. We shall see hot work inside of two months. I will write to you again on the eve of departure and when in the field. We are sure to go out as infantry. I am in command of Co. K. Others will probably tell you why. — Lewis Low

Do not write till you hear from me again. It will probably be a week or ten days before we leave. — Lewis Low


Letter 5

Memphis [Tennessee]
November 16, 1863

Brother John,

Your note of the 9th ult. is at hand. I was under the impression that I had written to you since I told you not to write till you heard from me but it seems I was mistaken. I have been waiting for a day or two to hear from you to know where to direct. Will now run the risk. I received your letter while on a scout. Was at Collierville. Got there on the 3rd after dark about half an hour after the fight. Indeed, was sorry we was too late to have a hand in, but our time will come by and by.

We are under marching orders—two brigades of us. We will probably leave in the morning. We will be absent from Memphis about a week. We are going to look after Forrest, the great guerrilla chieftain. We are to be mounted sure as mounted infantry first and after a litle while we will be known as the 5th Wisconsin Cavalry. This I am glad of. It will add $19.50 per month to my pay or about enough to board me. We will have the best guns in the service—the Spencer carbine or rifle. The rifle shoots eight times without loading. The caps are on the end of the metallic cartridge so we do not have to cap our guns. We can shoot them 8 times without taking them down from the shoulder. The carbine shoots ten times and is just like the rifle, only lighter and smaller calibre. When the 8 or 10 shots are fired, we just take a handful of cartridges and drop them into the butt of the gun and are ready to shoot again. Can put in the two charges quicker than we can load the old guns.

I hope you will have a pleasant trip and a good time. Father tell s me that he stands a chance of being a state agent to look after the welfare of Wisconsin soldiers. This will pay him well besides giving him a chance to travel. Things come along smoothly in the company and I still remain in command. Hope as you say to remain in command till the war ends.

Do you ever hear from John Hall? Does he ever say anything about going to Minnesota? Guess he lacks the courage. Will write to you again immediately after we come back from this even if we have a fight.

Very respectfully, — Lewis Low, 1st Lieut. Commanding Co. K, 32nd Wisconsin Volunteers

What a sting when a fellow signs his name officially.


Letter 6

Lafayette [Tennessee]
January 22, 1864

Brother John,

Yours of January 4th is at hand and I was “right glad” to hear from you again after a silence of two months. You have no doubt had a taste—and a small one too—of soldier’s life. About the time you were having your hardest time, I was undergoing some “I reckon” and as you gave me a brief history of your expedition, I suppose you expect me to return the compliment by giving an outline of our “rampage.”

We left Memphis on the 26th of November, went to Germantown, Collinville, and was on our way to Moscow when it rained so hard that Grissum Creek was impassable and we had to lay still one day. After the water had subsided, we crossed and marched through Moscow to Lagrange where we stayed several days during which time we had all sorts of rumors afloat in regard to the enemy’s intentions and position. Before we left Memphis, we had orders to be mounted and made a good deal of calculation on it and were designated as Morgan’s Light Brigade, 32nd [Wisconsin] and 25th Indiana. The rebs under Lee—a son of Gen. Lee of the Potomac—and Chalmers were hovering around to make a strike on the railroad which they did at a place called Saulsbury, some 60 miles east of Memphis. They did but little damage.

I was sent out the next day with Co. K as a guard with a construction train to repair the track. Before we left Lagrange, firing was heard in the direction of Davis’ Mills, nearly south of Lagrange and about 8 miles distant and Saulsbury was directly east about 10 miles at Grand Junction. Three miles east of Lagrange I learned that a cavalry scout had been sent out that morning of 3 or 4 companies. I went on with the team to within a mile or so of Saulsbury to where the track had been torn up, and the railroad hands commenced to straighten the rails and re-lay the track. When we had got this spot nearly finished, and order came from the commander of Grand Junction to bring the train back as it was in danger of being captured. I had, while waiting for the hands to repair the damages, sent a sergeant and ten men ahead with the Chief Engineer and Telegraph Operator to see how much damage had been done, expecting to soon catch up with them, but when the order to return came, I sent a land car ahead after them and after waiting about an hour, I returned without them. But the time I got to Lagrange, quite heavy firing was heard to the westward and I was told by a staff officer who was at the depot waiting for us to burry up to the regiment as they were waiting for us.

After getting to the regiment, we waited two hours during which time the firing to the westward grew heavier. At last, two aides came for us to go to the depot and take the cars for Moscow. When we reached Moscow, the firing was still heavy. We debarked and started for the scene of action, not half a mile distant, but by the time we got in range, the Rebs fell back without giving us a chance to fire a shot. We marched over the scene of conflict which was a narrow bend in the Wold River. The dead and wounded lay strewn about pretty loosely and any quantity of horses were piled up. Our losses were about 40 in killed, wounded & missing. The enemy’s loss was about 140 in all.

The next day we marched to Lafayette and found a goodly number of the Rebs wounded in homes along the road. In one house we found 5. We stayed in Lafayette ten days, By the way, the Rebs burnt the depot here the same night that the fight was at Moscow. The we marched to Moscow, stayed there a few days and marched to Lagrange where the men which I had left at Saulsbury joined us “all right.” Stayed in Lagrange a few days and left for Grand Junction. Stayed there a few more when we were ordered late in the afternoon to take the cars and go to Lafayette as quick as possible, When we got within three miles of there, we met a squad from two different regiments who had been driven out of Lafayette by Forrest’s forces. We deployed them as skirmishers ahead of the train and came slowly along for about a mile. When the enemy fired on the skirmishers, the train stopped and we debarked and formed, marched in line of battle to support the skirmishers or we went through a hell of a swamp, through head-top brush, through sloughs and mud half way up to our knees and it was raining hard all the time. In fact, had rained all day.

We came up to within a few rods of the skirmishers but could not see the enemy, it being dark and had been before we left the cars. Our skirmishers were firing rapidly as well as the enemy. We could see the flashes of the guns on both sides and the balls whistled over our heads pretty freely. At last the Rebs fell back. In fact, they had been doing that all the time for we kept coming up. We drove them out of Lafayette and laid out till 3 in the morning when we went to Collierville and expected to find them along the way closer than away from their camp fires but bot no fight out of them. One captain and one lieutenant out of the 25th Indiana were captured that day by getting behind.

The enemy lost at Lafayette 33 killed, 4 or 5 prisoners, and we found 15 wounded in one house the next day. Our loss was 4 killed, no missing, and 3 or 4 wounded. We stayed in Collierville part of a day and part of a night. We were waked up at 12 o’clock and ordered to rise at three. Marched to Mt. Pleasant and Hudsenville [?] to the Coldwater where we camped for the night. It took us two days to march back. It rained like “suds.”

The 2nd day [ ] as it rained in the morning, snowed at noon, and by night it was frozen hard enough to bear me up on the mud. I froze two of my fingers that day. When we got to Collierville, we had no tents and had to lay out doors and it was bitter cold. This was damn tough. Next day we got ahead of the companies—New Years Day—and about night moved off the conductor and engineer both drunk so we had a serious time. Think I never suffered more in a day in my life.

Got to Moscow and the engine had no wood or water. Stayed here all night waiting for another engine. This was a colder night than the one before. he boys stayed in sheds, in houses, and around fires and suffered a good deal. Next morning went by rail to Grand Junction where the boys got their tents, built winter quarters, and were pretty comfortable when we were ordered to march to this place. While we were at Grand Junction, those companies—A, F, C & H—who had got their horses, were allowed to turn them over and the saddles for the whole brigade were displaced off in a similar manner and we were dismounted again.

We are now ordered to prepare for “long and tedious marches.” Our pay is to come soon and we are to be rigged for a long campaign under Sherman with no baggage. We are ordered to turn over everything when we get to Memphis and will go there in a few days. The supposition is that we go to Texas or Mobile, which—I do not know. Think we will see plenty of fighting this spring. We take no tents along.

I wrote to you before I left Memphis last fall that I was in command of Co. K and I now state that I have been so all the time since the 17th day of September, 1863 and expect to stay in command for a while, “you bet.” I am 1st Lieutenant yet by may be something else after a while. It takes papers a great while to come around. Before—and in fact the day before we left Memphis—the Colonel asked me who I wished to send home & recruit for the company. I sent the Orderly, E. H. Benson, and I hear that he has more than recruits enough to fill the company up chock full. 98 enlisted—to the maximum. Old Tim Madden has enlisted. Old Bently of Poynette, ditto. And for my company too. The regiment, when the recruits get here, will number over a thousand again and there will not be a drafted man in it.

I shiuld have written you before but have been really busy making out my reports and being on the go a great deal. have but few opportunities. The Orderly visited Father’s folks and Miles’. He told some big yards about Lu which made the folks think I was going to marry a Southern girl. This pleased me and I defended the southern beauties with spirit. This settled the question in their minds and they think me spoken for. But John, you and me know how to come the “strategy.” Does John Hall stay with you and does he think of settling by you? Give him my best wishes. How are you financially? And when will you be able to enter your land? I will write to you again before we start on the “expedition.”

Direct to Memphis as usual and I will get your letters after a while. The mail generally follows a regiment unless they have their communications cut. I have written rather lengthy this time but will do so no more. Write soon. Your brother, — Lewis Low


Letter 7

Camp in the field 5 miles west of Jackson, Mississippi
February 6, 1864

Brother John,

I was too busy to write you at Memphis or Vicksburg and can say but a few words now. The advance has been skirmishing with the enemy yesterday and today. I think they will not stand at Jackson. We will pursue, I think, till we chase them into their holes somewhere. I saw Father in Memphis. You probably know he is State Agent and will be south for two or three months. I am in hopes I shall see him again before the expiration of my term. I think I shall come home after this campaign is over on a leave of absence—say in June or August.

Write me as usual giving the company and regiment but address me as Lieutenant till you hear from me again. I will soon be Captain. Your brother, — Lewis


Letter 8

On board transport “Era”
15 miles below Helena, Arkansas
March 14, 1864

Brother John,

I think it is about time I answered your last. You no doubt think I am not going to hurry myself about the matter, In due time you will perceive that it has been no fault of mine. You see by the heading that I am aboard the bosom of the waters again. Neptune, I fear, will get disgusted with freedom with which I make his element and raise a muss one of these “poetic” mornings. I wrote you some time last winter that the 32nd were going to form part of a column which would raid it through Mississippi & raise hell with the Rebs. Well, we went out on said raid and are on our way back again but mind you, we are not going to stay in Memphis or its vicinity during the summer, but go to Athens, Tennessee in the vicinity of Knoxville & Chattanooga near to the Georgia line.

By the bye, your having read by this time of Sherman’s great raid into central Mississippi and knowing that you had a brother connected with it, you probably feel anxious to hear something from his own pen in relation to it. The 4th Division of the 16th Corps de Armie, left Memphis February 1st in transports for Vicksburg where we arrived on the 3rd, disembarked and marched out east of the city 5 miles where the 3rd Division—Smith’s—joined us. We left on the 4th and the 17th Corps started about the same time from Natchez, all marching eastward, we crossing Big Black River at Messengers Ferry on pontoons—they are the bridge. After three days march we reached Jackson where the 17th Corps joined us, they having captured the Reb’s pontoons which was already laid down along Pearl River at this place.

The 32nd [Wisconsin] was the last regiment to cross and had to destroy the pontoons after them and had to march till two the next morning to catch up with the main body. Jackson is 50 miles east of Vicksburg. We marched to Meridian—the great railway center—going through Brandon, Hillsboro, Decatur, & Morton, all of which placed we sacked and burned, in some not leaving a house. Our march was along the Mississippi & Alabama Railroad which was completely destroyed.

At Meridian we destroyed their hospitals, arsenals, machine shops, barracks, and at the last place we destroyed the railroad for 25 miles in each direction making 100 in all. Here the army divided out for a day or two to destroy things. Our brigade had a little brush at Marion, 8 miles north of Meridian. Co. K only had three or four shots at the fleeing rebs. The army came back by a different route from that which they went out on and destroyed all the property in our reach, brought in about 5,000 negroes, and some 3 or 4 hundred prisoners. Had a few smart skirmishes, 1 wounded and one killed in Co. B [?] by straggling. That is all.

Meridian is 150 miles east of Vicksburg. I will write you more at another time. Direct to Cairo. I have got my commission as captain of Co. K, dated February 30, so you can address me as Captain Low. Guess I will stay in Co. K a while yet. I will be in Memphis by tomorrow evening & will see “dad” there. Your brother, — Lewis


Letter 9

Memphis [Tennessee]
March 16, 1864

Brother John,

I have been so busy that I have failed to mail the letter I wrote you while on the river. That & this is my only apology for not communicating with you sooner. Arrived i Memphis safe, sound, and well. We are camped on the Arkansas shore and I have to run across the river frequently thereby taking up much of my time. We are making preparations to leave here but how soon that will be, I know not. We have no tents and the weather is very cool for this climate this season of the year. I will write to you as soon as I get to a stopping place. When that will be, I do not know. You can direct to Co. K, as usual leaving off the place but simply say, via Cairo.

I see Father eavery day now and it seems almost like being home. I will probably be home in May or June. If I do not come this summer, it will be very likely that I do not come till the war is over or my time expires. I want to come home on Mother’s account more than anything else and then there is that on my mind which you spoke of. Guess I won’t pull much wool over your eyes nor do I want to. But I keep Miles & Melissa & Mother in a stew. They think I am going to marry some Southern girl. Now you know I am not “heavy” on the [ ].

I received a letter from a very bewitching girl in Fall River. I will of course answer it and keep up a flirtation but it must not get out or it will raise hell with me in another quarter. Your brother, Capt. Lewis Low


Letter 10

Decatur, Alabama
May 8, 1864

Brother John,

I hardly know when I wrote you last or when I last heard direct from you. One thing is certain, it is time you communicated with the army. And fearing that you will suspend me for not making my usual report. I hear that Father is home and think he is, but still I have not heard from them so I do not know positively. I hardly think he will go back to Memphis though he may come to Nashville. I have not heard how our people are getting along with spring work. I think that they must be later than usual on account of the season. You must be busy too with your work. How many acres have you to put in? John, I want you to make arrangements to break up a good piece this summer. If you wish to run a team of your own and have not team enough, you can take my 4 year olds and probably Father would let you have his 5 year olds. I hope you have heard from the Dept. in relation to your land and that you have bought it—at least I hope so. I am anxious to hear from you and from home & hear how you are all getting along, &c.

I think I wrote you once since I came to this place. Most of the troops from this vicinity have left and have gone to Chattanooga and will go from there to the front with Sherman who will, no doubt, take Atlanta. Think though that there will be some hard fighting in that direction before a great while. Grant will clean the Rebs out of Richmond and that vicinity this summer. This done and the Rebellion is used up. They even now are getting heartily sick of it and are deserting. Deserters still continue to come into our lines at this place. 85 came in in one squad day before yesterday and half of them enlisted into our army.

We are bothered on the picket line almost every day. The enemy seem delighted when they can get into a skirmish either us. They maneuver in all shapes to get us at a disadvantage and watch close to try and take us by surprise but we have thus far been too heavy for them. They even brought up 3 cannon a few days ago but did not succeed in driving the reserve in at all. We have had several short skirmishes with them. A few nights ago they attacked the line at midnight and kept it up till 7 the next morning when I came out with a fresh lot of men to relieve the others. The rebs, seeing us, fell back and during the 24 hours that I was on, they only fired 20 or 30 shots and whenever we advanced on them, they fell back. This morning they attacked our lines about daylight but it being a usual thing, it created no stir till the fire became general along the entire line though by far the heaviest in the center. We then fell in and went into the fortifications—our camp is inside of the works—where we could see all that was going on on both sides. The Rebs drove our cavalry & infantry pickets—about 150—back one quarter of a mile when 4 small companies of cavalry went out and the whole file charged the Rebs on the run, the infantry on the left and the cavalry on the right. The Rebs thinking that we must have a heavy support threw down their guns and ran, our men firing till the enemy opened a battery on us. This we in turn charged and they limbered up and skedaddled. So ended the skirmish of this morning.

We lost but one killed and 8 or ten wounded. The enemy’s loss could not be ascertained as they were seen carrying off a great many wounded. We took a few prisoners who say that this place will be attacked by ten thousand men with 48 hours. We have only about 24 hundred but can defend the place against that number successfully. We are strongly fortified. If there is a fight here, I will write to you immediately afterwards. We have been building fortifications day and night for a week past and we will have them completed. Then the Rebs may come just as fast as they choose. I have not heard from Miles & Melissa in a long time. Think they are all busy in spring work. I hope we will get paid off in a week or so. There is over 4 months pay due us now.

May 13th. I did not send this as soon as I expected to thinking I would wait the said 48 hours and see what it might bring forth. There has been no fighting at all on the lines till yesterday afternoon. I was on picket myself in charge of the extreme left of the line. The center was attacked about 2 o’clock but the boys soon drove them back. If it had not been for a mistake at guard mounting in the Sergt. Major, I would have been in the center. It seems to be my luck lately to keep clear of all brushes with the enemy.

I believe I told you that Samuel Dumbleton was drowned [on 26 March 1864] at Paducah, Kentucky. Add Webb’s time is out in May. Our armies in Louisiana & Arkansas seem to have got badly scooped this spring but Grant is doing the thing up brown and you will soon hear from Sherman. I should like to come home this spring but will no doubt have to wait till the campaign is over. I guess that Bert don’t get along so well at home as you used to but keep still about it. You know he is not given to heavy work but rather the reverse. I have got a good thing [ ] Fall River gal. Don’t think I’m trying to pull wool over you [ ]. Write soon and an old fashioned letter let it be. Your brother, — Lewis Low, Capt.


Letter 11

Decatur, Alabama
June 4, 1864

Brother John,

Yours of the 26th ult. is at hand, just received. Have been looking for a letter from you for some time. I wrote you some time since but it appears that you have not as yet received it. I am glad to hear that you are going to breaking up some more land. Hope you will break up 40 or 50 acres this season for the more you break, the better it is for you. I suppose that there is plenty of wild pasture and will be for some years so that you can cultivate all the land that you break.

I wish you had went home and got a yoke of my steers—the 4 year olds—if they would answer your purpose and afterwards sell them and use the money. If cattle are high after harvest, go home, drive out my two yoke and [ ] yours with as many as Father wishes to send. Whether this will pay or not, you can best judge for you all on the spot. I think your head is all right on the land speculation. Go in or as deep as you wish. I will back you. Remember one thing though, John—that there is going to be hard times soon after this war closes but I am not able to say whether it will affect the land speculation or not. There will be a host of men thrown out of employment which will reduce the price and demand for laborers, and it may have the effect of throwing a great many out into the new countries in search of homes. This may make the times with you just as good as ever and possibly better.

You’re right, however, there is a good deal between this and next spring. If Bart does not take that 80 of prairie which you have bid for—provided you get it—do not feel alarmed. It will be a good thing for you. It will then make you a nice large farm. Don’t feel squeamish about taking in for fear you cannot. Swing clear for all you have to do is to call on my pile in Father’s hands and the money shall come. I do not wish to have a little one-horse farm in a few years from now, but a large one—one that you will not be cramped up in when pasture becomes scarce. I shall send home in a few days, I think, about $300 and by the 1st of July the Government will owe me $260 more. But do not expect to get it till they owe me as much more. My pay is $130.50 per month now—a pretty good thing for a boy like me. I was in hopes of hearing something from Phine Kidd through you and feel disappointed that you too have played off on her. What a rakish set these Lows are?

I hear from Miles occasionally.. Had a letter from him a few days since. He says the girls are all right. That Miss Sarah Hand is teaching in Poynette and that Alma is teaching in Lodi. Think they must give satisfaction at one place so long. I must write to Mrs. White and see what has become of “Dulcinea.”

We went on a reconnoissance a few days ago and had a little brush with the foe. After going some four miles, we found their pickets which we drove in and kept up a skirmish with them till 9 at night, steadily driving them all the time. We drove them 18 miles from where we first found their pickets about 3 in the afternoon and as we were coming out of a piece of woods, they opened a battery of three guns on us, the first shell bursting over [Company] K but doing no damage. They shelled us pretty lively for a few moments but our battery opened on them and exploded one of their caissons, killing several men and horses. They had 5 more guns in reserve but did not use them. They all skeddaddled like wild fire before us. They had two regiments and a battalion of cavalry and one regiment of infantry and an 8 gun battery. We had three regiments of infantry, a regiment of cavalry with a 4 gun battery. I cannot say how many Rebs we killed but I saw one dead Reb Major and a Captain, besides a good many privates. Our cavalry lost 5 wounded, two killed. One regiment had 3 wounded—slightly only. About a week afterwards a regiment and two guns of our battery went out and were driven back and came near losing the cannon.

I have jumped David Chase & Charles Carman and have appointed those who I think are deserving to be sergeant. Write soon, John, and direct to me at Decatur, Alabama

— Lewis Low, Capt.

Do all in your power for Lincoln. Kill Fremont at the polls, Make him smell bad. Go for “Old Abe.” Don’t by any means help that damn Fremont. I shall not vote for him in any emergency. Abe is my first and last choice. If Fremont is nominated at Baltimore. I shall [quit?] the ticket.


Letter 12

Decatur, Alabama
July 3, 1864

Brother John,

Yours of the 17th of June is at hand containing the photograph. You have changed some in two years but for better, I think—at least it is a dang good picture. I suppose you had it taken for some fair creature who is skirmishing for a position on your staff. You have repeatedly told me that there was nothing but Hoosiers, Suckers, Squaws and half breeds in that section of country. Now don’t try to throw sand in my eyes in that way. I’ll bet 40 rounds of whiskey that there is a nice girl up there that you are very intimate with and with whom you have layed plans for future campaigns and are trying to lead me away from your base. Be this as it may, you have my best wishes. You are deserving of a nice little woman.

I hope you have had rain long ere this for I see by the papers that it was heavy at Wynona. Our people have been fortunate enough to have a nice shower and the prospect is good for about half a crop but no more. I learn, however, wheat is bringing $2 per bushel which is as good as a full crop at 90 cents or $1. It may be that the people are a little scared and excited. Mother writes me that you have concluded to take my money and buy land in speculation. All right. When does Burt intend to go to Minnesota? What can you get 200 acres for and can you get that much in a nice locality where every foot could be made plow land and not over three miles from timber and [ ] you 40 acres of timber? I merely ask for information—not knowing what may happen. I should [have] said 200 acres to be prairie. I expect a “blow up” at headquarters in Lowville in every sense of the word. I will tell you something about it.

Father and Mother both seem to feel exercised for fear that I will or will not get married—that I will marry somebody because she suits me and that I will not first canvass the matter with them. They want to have me tell them if I am engaged and how many years we had better be on probation and what I intended to do after the war was over. Now how in the devil can I tell what I shall do> And in regard to getting a wife, when I conclude to marry, in all probability there will be no hanging back to get old people’s consent. I shall not marry as a matter of convenience to myself, let alone anyone else. This idea of marrying is a matter which concerns me and me alone and I’ll be hanged if I don’t do as I please about it and have so written to them. They will no doubt tell me to go my way and do as I please—that I need not look to them for aid and comfort—at least I expect such will be the case. I can’t help it if it is. Have got sick and tired of hearing about the matter of matrimony. In my next, I can tell you how to cut [ ] and if it against me, I will want you to look out for about 200 acres of good prairie which I will then want you to buy for me and I will send you the money immediately after next pay day which will probably be the 15th of September. Do you think there will be any good prices of land at that time? If however, the thing should not go as I anticipate it will, then I will not want the land. At all events, I can let you know by my next.

I must not close this without getting in a little military news. Think I told you that we had been ordered to join Sherman & that we got one days march in that direction when we were ordered back to this place where we have remained ever since. Then a week ago today we were ordered out with one days rations with 5 of the companies of this regiment and a like number from the 17th Army Corps; 22nd Indiana and 18th Michigan. Went out a mile and found their pickets which were driven in. Companies A & K were then ordered to the front as skirmishers and were ordered to lay down close to the enemy but out of gunshot [range]. We could plainly hear the enemy giving orders to their skirmishers and wanted to go at them but the commander of the expedition would not let us. We layed there till 12 at night when we were ordered back to camp. Stayed here one day when [Company] K was ordered to go again with the regiments above mentioned. We were the advance guard sent out on the Courtland road four miles, turned to the right down a narrow lane which ran to the river reaching which we went down its banks going through fields, through woods, and at times finding it difficult to get our three ambulances through. At 5 in the afternoon, we found a wood road and were joined by 700 cavalry (4th Tennessee).

At dark we come out upon a main road which we took and kept till at night when we halted for a rest. One company being in advance was sent out on picket, At 12 we started again, one company sent to the extreme rear. Marched till daylight when we heard the enemy’s bugles, formed line of battle and moved forward. Our company was ordered to the front on the left of the line as skirmishers and had to double quick for half a mile to get to our position as the whole column was moving forward. Got to our place, deployed and charged the enemy on the double quick. Drove them out for the troops behind to gobble up. They now doing all the [ ] while we did all the work. While they were getting plunder, we were a mile and a half ahead chasing the enemy away from their camp, killing one of their men, followed them through the fields for half a mile when we were relieved by other companies. My men by this time were tired out. we captured 50 horses, 200 stands of arms, 30 [ ]. One company charged directly through their camp and left everything. — Lewis


Letter 13

Decatur, Alabama
July 31, 1864

Brother John,

Yours of the 15th is at hand. Found it waiting me on the return from a 3 days scout which we have been enjoying. You of course want to know what we are doing and all about our little affairs.

A week ago today a detail of 20 men and one sergeant from this regiment were sent out on the Courtland Road 6 miles for the purpose of bringing in goods belonging to refugees. While out, they were attacked by 75 mounted Rebs. They fought them and retreated 4 miles when they were surrounded and 9 men and the sergeant taken prisoners. The balance—eleven [men]—broke for a piece of woods and all succeeded in getting in.

The next day, 25th, an expedition consisting of the 32d Wisconsin, 25th Indiana, 18th Michigan and six companies of the 3rd Tennessee cavalry and two pieces of artillery—12 pounders—marched from here at 3 o’clock p.m. in the direction of Courtland, Went 12 miles and camped. Next day, 25th, we laid all day in ambush till 6 at night when this regiment attempted to make a detour of the Rebel camp 3 miles distant but had not gone a mile when we were fired upon by a Reb picket ad they then knew that we were trying to make a flank movement and they decamped though we kept on coming in where we intended but finding no enemy. This is the [same] place where my company charged them some time since so early in the morning. The place is called by the boys “Pond Spring” [but] the proper name is Linn Spring. Her we were joined by the balance of the cavalry and after eating breakfast, proceeded to Courtland where the rebs opened on us with both musketry and artillery from a piece of woods not more than 20 rods from us. The woods were skirted by a deep creek which enclosed [ ]. We were in an open field and had to take their fire for thirty minutes without having a chance to fire a shot in retaliation. We formed our line under fire, then laid down and our artillery soon silenced theirs. We then moved forward, the enemy getting like hell. It was a mighty hot fire, John. The balls come pretty thick and very close. It is strange that they did not kill more of us. One man in Co. C was killed by a cannon ball. One in the 18th was killed with a musket ball. Ten or twelve in all were wounded. How many the enemy lost, I don’t know, but they left 4 or 5 dead and carried some off.

I must say that Company K behaved splendidly, though I am its commander. They kept a perfect line, halted and dressed up. They also deployed right under fire just as cooly as though they were on drill or dress parade.

How much breaking have you in all? I received a letter from Father last night. He says that he will not cut more than 20 or 30 acres of wheat so that he will be short for fodder. He is going to send you the old wagon by John Miller and that he may send out a lot if you have young stock. Guess it would be well for me to send out mine and let you sell them. [ ] for he is so short of fodder, you can sell mine for what you can get for grain is so high that they would have to sell for a large pile to get much for her in the spring.

In regard to your buying any land to speculate on, I think you had better not, from this fact. Father will have to have a good deal of my money to live on and keep things up and he of course will not realize a crop from the farm this year. You need not look for any land for me for the old people wish me to come home and the [ ] which was a critical one to me, thy have to defend their position and it is perfectly satisfactory—woman.

I received a letter from Miles also last night. He is in Milwaukee. I hope youwill not be drafted and that Burt will not though the call is large and I fear it may take one of you. Yet I am glad the call is made and would not have him—the President—recall his proclamation though I knew you both would be drafted. If you are, John, it is only for one year.

I hope and believe you will make a good thing trapping and I do not care what “civilized” people call it. If I were there. I should go with you. It is just such an expedition as I should like. You want to take a good rifle with you and plenty of ammunition. Take a gallon or two of good whiskey along if you can trust to do so with the men you are to take with you. It is getting late, John, and I must retire. Write to me after and be sure to do so just before you start. Your brother, — Lewis


Letter 14

Lowville [Wisconsin]
March 3, 1865

Brother John,

I have not written you since we left Atlanta which was in November last. I told you then that I had been home and had the good luck to get me a wife &c. &c., that it came in asa natural consequence.

I was sick when Sherman’s army started for Savannah but went through with them. Was sick when we arrived at the aforementioned place, went with the command to Hilton head and Beaufort, was in the officer’s hospital at the latter place some 8 or ten days when I received a furlough for 20 days to come home. Came home via New York City and have been here about six weeks. Have had my leave of absence extended twice. Will probably leave here for the regiment next week Wednesday, the 8th, unless I hear that you expect to come home soon in which case I would wait one week longer so that I could see you.

You no doubt do not know anything about the news from the last three months. I will therefore give you a brief synopsis of all the important events which have transpired since your banishment from civilization. In November last, Hood threw his whole army in Sherman’s rear and succeeded in doing a great deal of damage to the railroad. Sherman followed with the most of is army till he became satisfied that Hood was determined to attempt an invasion of Tennessee and at the same time compel Sherman to leave Atlanta. He then sent two Corps back to Nashville under Gen. Thomas—the 4th & 23rd Corps. Hood went to within 4 miles of Nashville and laid siege to it thinking he was doing a big thing but one fine morning in the early part of December, Thomas attacked him and drove Hood back, giving him an awful thrashing. Our forces captured 7,000 prisoners and 61 pieces of artillery. The Rebs lost in killed and wounded about 10,000 besides as many as that number of deserters.

While these movements were going on, Sherman with the 15th, 17th, 14th, and 20th Army Corps evacuated Atlanta after having completely destroyed the railroad in every direction but instead of having to fall back as the Rebs thought, he just took a straight shoot right through the Confederacy and came out on the Atlantic coast at Savannah, Ga. We left Atlanta on the 5th of November and reached Savannah on the 10th of December when we laid siege to it and took it on the 21st of December. Stayed here till the 2nd of January when the 17th and 15th Army Corps went by water to Beaufort where they commenced to operate against Charleston, S. C. while the other two Army Corps went by land to stir up the state of South Carolina in a way that was not at all pleasant for the inhabitants to contemplate. Sherman succeeded in compelling the Johnnies to evacuate and our forces marched in and raised the old flag again which now floats over Fort Sumter and Moultrie as proudly as in the days of old. Our forces have also taken all the important railroad towns in the state and destroyed the roads so that it will be years before the whistle of the “Bullgins” [?] will be heard again. The Capitol of the State, Clumbia, was burnt. We have also taken Augusta, Georgia. Wilmington is in our possession. The Government is just putting into the field 300,000 more men which will sweep the Reb armies from the face of the earth in three months. Wisconsin has raised several new regiments—up to 52 is the number now from this state.

The 32nd have been in a fight since I came awy. they lost 17 killed and 64 wounded. Lt. Markham was wounded and Capt. Eickles killed. Co. K lost six wounded, none killed. The wounded in Co. K are Corp. [Joseph] Carter, John McCann, Michael Gunderson, W. W. Sizer, T[imothy] Foley, & F[rederick]. Vergeals [?] Bert’s regiment (42nd) is in Cairo yet.

Now Jack, what do you intend to do when you come out this spring? If you can do better in Minnesota this summer, why then stay there. If not, come home to work for “dad.” He will give you good wages. You can in this case sell your team there or bring it home and sell it during the summer. If you want to stay in Minnesota and get you a farm there, all right. And you shall have all the help we can possibly spare.

I have fixing upon a plan which between you and me I think will work. I will submit it to you and you can act upon it as you think best. One thing we all know and that is that Father is too old and feeble to take care of his farm alone. He wants me to come back and work on it. I think of going into the house on the hill. With what money I will have and what Bert will have, there will be money enough to buy Bert a place nearby. That will settle Bert. Now for you and me. I think that by hard work that you and me could make money off the farm and that in time we could pay off Melissa & we—you and me—eventually have this farm. I don’t know that you will fall in with my whims of the matter, but it does seem to be perfectly feasible. Father and Mother sometimes think it would be best to sell out here and all go to Minnesota and get larger places for us all. This you will know more about than I do and could therefore best advise them. Father and Mother wants you to do just what you think best if there is a chance to make money here this summer, I would stay. When I come home in the fall, I may go out there and buy me a farm and I may not—it will depend upon how the “cor. rams” in my propositions above mentioned. If I could see you and have a good talk with you, I could better make you acquainted with my ideas.

Hoping to hear from you soon, I remain your brother, — Lewis Low


Spared & Shared Podcast 6: Week ending June 26, 2026

Pip: Dispatches from people who really, really wanted to be somewhere else — welcome to Spared and Shared.

Mara: This episode draws on letters Griff has tracked down and transcribed, covering soldiers writing home from the Civil War front, and one earlier letter touching on family news and the politics of the day.

Pip: Let’s start with the battlefield letters — there are a lot of them, and they carry a lot of weight.

Letters From the Front Lines

Mara: The question running through all of these letters is the same one soldiers have always faced: how do you describe where you are and what you’re doing to someone who has no frame of reference for it?

Pip: Hamp Squires, writing to his brother-in-law Jetur White from a sandbank camp three miles from Helena, Arkansas in March 1863, finds his frame of reference in home. He writes: “The sand reminds me of Old Long Island but it is not quite so nice and white.”

Mara: That one line does a lot of work. He’s placing himself on a map his reader can picture, and in the same breath making clear the distance between that familiar image and where he actually is.

Pip: And then the letter just keeps going — card games, hard crackers for dinner, the river fifteen feet from the tent. The biography attached to Hamp’s letter is something else entirely: captured at Brice’s Cross Roads, sent to Andersonville, wasted from 175 pounds down to 80, and somehow secreted 60 cents past the guards to buy paper and write a letter that reached him six months later.

Mara: That biographical detail reframes the breezy tone of the 1863 letter entirely. He didn’t know yet what was coming.

Pip: The letter from Joseph Kerschner to his brother Edward in October 1862 runs on a similar frequency — practical, almost businesslike. Joseph has just received his discharge and is heading to Annapolis to chase a commission, while Edward, an assistant surgeon, had already survived the sinking of the Cumberland when the Virginia rammed her.

Mara: And Calvin, writing to his mother from camp near Fairfax in January 1863, is doing something different again. He writes: “I am happy in reading my bible and Saint’s Rest, and mother, you wrote that you hoped I would discharge my duty as a Christian. I will try to do so and my mother’s advice shall ever be borne in mind.”

Pip: That’s a soldier managing his mother’s worry as carefully as he’s managing his own.

Mara: William Bartlett’s letter from near Fredericksburg is the most domestic of the set — he spends most of it coordinating a care package: tobacco, notepaper, envelopes, maybe stockings, routed through Springfield to save on express fees.

Pip: Logistics of love, essentially.

Mara: Horace Derry’s two letters to his mother span April 1862 near Yorktown and November 1862 near Falmouth, just before Fredericksburg, where he’d lose his leg. The November letter captures the army in a holding pattern: mud, misdirected guard details, raw pork on the march, and pickets close enough to the Confederate line to have a conversation across the Rappahannock.

Pip: And then there’s Greenwood Norris, eighteen years old, writing from Beaufort, South Carolina on July 8, 1862, saying the island is the healthiest around. He died three days later, or possibly three weeks — the records disagree, but not about the outcome.

Mara: Walworth Porter’s letter from St. Louis in May 1862 rounds out the set — writing to his brother Sam before heading out with the 3rd Wisconsin Cavalry, already nursing a bad cold, already watching a comrade’s body being retrieved from Pittsburg Landing.

Pip: Seven letters, and the through line is the same: the ordinary texture of days, written by people who had no idea which letter might be the last.

Mara: That gap between the mundane and the mortal is what makes the archive matter. Which brings us to correspondence that never touched a battlefield at all.

A Letter Between Brothers-in-Law

Mara: The 1848 letter from Noah Wells to his brother-in-law Hiram Bell is a different register entirely — a schoolmaster’s letter, measured and expansive, covering an election, a Thanksgiving sermon, and a riot outside his window.

Pip: He writes: “I hope, therefore, no more will be heard about hickory poles, or ash poles, or hard cider, connected with the dignified business of electing a president for twenty millions of people.”

Mara: That’s Noah reacting to Zachary Taylor’s victory, arguing that New York’s electoral weight decided it, and hoping the spectacle of campaigning gives way to something more principled. The letter from Augustine Sackett, writing to his sister Flora from a gunboat on the Broad River in July 1863, keeps the family-news frequency going — asking after their father, wondering who will run the mowing machine, and noting that watermelons have become a significant event in the ship’s summer.

Pip: Priorities, correctly ordered.

Mara: Both letters are doing the same quiet work: maintaining connection across distance, filling in the texture of ordinary life for someone who isn’t there to see it.


Pip: What stays with me is how consistent the impulse is — soldier or schoolmaster, 1848 or 1863, everyone is trying to close the gap between where they are and where the person reading them is.

Mara: And the letters that survive are the ones that made it through. Next episode, we’ll see what else Griff has found waiting in the archive.

1863: Augustine Sackett to Flora Sackett

Assistant Engineer Augustine Sackett

This letter was written by Augustine Sackett (1841-1914), the son of Homer Sackett (1801-1871) and Flora Skiff (1808-1859). Sackett served in the Regular Navy, as an assistant engineer, doing duty on the ships WissahickonChippewaAscutney, and Mattabesett. He was with the Gulf Squadron in the blockade of Mobile and capture of New Orleans; was with the North Atlantic Squadron in the sounds of North Carolina; was in the Roanoke River service, and in the conflict with the Confederate ram Albemarle. At the close of the war he resigned from the service and has since resided either at Lee, Massachusetts, or New York City.

Augustine wrote this letter to his sister Flora Sackett (b. 1847). He wrote to her again in mid-October 1864 from the Mattabesett in which he stated, “I mean to cast my vote for Old Abe. We have only one or two McClellan officers on the ship.” [Letter in Connecticut Museum of Culture & History]

Sackett is best known for his inventing gypsum wallboard, or drywall. After the war he founded the Sackett Plaster Board Company, designing equipment that could mass produce the material.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

U. S. S. Gunboat Chippewa
Broad River
Wednesday, July 29th 1863

Dear Sister,

I received yours of the 13th yesterday. We had just been on a cruise down to the mouth of the Savannah river about 30 miles below here. I sent a letter to you not long since but as there is soon to be an opportunity to send letters north, I will try to improve it. I received a letter from [our brother] Homer yesterday. He was well. They were neither of them of very late date. I hardly see how they were so long coming.

Since my last letter we have been engaged un running around in the bays, inlets, and rivers in this vicinity to see that the rebs are not establishing themselves in any force (or if they are, to interfere), and that all continues quiet. The coast is completely cut up into a kind of network by deel inlets and rivers, both very narrow and crooked.

The weather is rather warm but not very uncomfortably so, as we have a pleasant sea breeze nearly all the time. It is decidedly different from the Mississippi river where we had rebs on three sides, an innumerable army of mosquitoes, and a sickly climate to combat with. It is a different matter to read and look at the pictures about taking Vicksburg and Port Hudson, from what it is to go down there and take it. It is a glorious and important victory but who can conceive of the untold suffering and hardship endured to achieve it. You have read in the papers before this time accounts of our operations near Charleston. I have not heard many particulars since we left there.

You did not write much about home matters in your last letter. Pa must miss Homer greatly this summer—especially in haying time. I hope and suppose of course he is not doing much or at least a great deal on the farm which it is not positively necessary to do. Who will do the mowing with the machine? I hope Pa won’t try to do it himself.

I hope that cousin Mary will deal gently with — —- When you write, give me all the news. I believe I have given you all I can think of now. One great event in our summer’s campaign is the appearance of several huge watermelons. A great delicacy and an almost necessary addition to our long continued fare of preserved meats, &c., instead of fresh. My health continues remarkable good.

I am looking for a letter from Pa although I know he must be very busy. No more news. Very truly yours, — Augustine Sackett

P. S. If any letters come to Warren directed to me, please forward them to me here.

1862: Horace Augustus Derry to Mary (Wright) Derry

When the 2nd letter transcribed below was written by Horace Augustus Derry of Co. D, 20th Massachusetts Infantry in late November 1862, the Army of the Potomac was under the new command of Ambrose Burnside who pledged to take the army directly to Richmond, come hell or high water — or so it seemed. But a series of unfortunate circumstances and bad weather caused delays in Burnside’s plans, resulting in an ill-advised crossing of the Rappahannock River and assault on the Confederate rifle-pits above the town of Fredericksburg. For Horace, now a sergeant, it would be his last battle. He took a gunshot wound to the leg on that day and was returned to a Washington hospital where his leg was eventually amputated. He survived the wound but was discharged from the service in 1863. In recognition of his bravery, newspaper accounts state that he was promoted to 2d Lieutenant, but I could find no military record of this change in rank.

The Thomas Balch Library at Leesburg, Virginia has a letter that Horace wrote his mother on 7 January 1863 from Stanton Hospital in Washington D.C. where he was recovering from the gunshot wound he received at Fredericksburg. He describes the placement and severity of the wound, as well as the treatment he received in camp and in the hospital. He also told his mother that many men were dying of their wounds after losing limbs.

Another letter written by Horace to his mother, dated 24 January 1863 at Stanton Hospital, reads in part:

“My dear kind and loving mother, I received your kind and welcome letter of the 20th and was glad to hear that you were all alive and kicking. I am well but I cannot kick much yet with only one leg. The Doctor has thought to put a poultice on to draw it after being here over a month. Well, [it is] as much as any one can expect from one of these Doctors out here. I have not got my money yet and I don’t know as I ever shall but they have going to pay off some of the regts. And I expect ours will get paid… I do not know whether Alden [H. Holbrook]’s is any more than a flesh wound or not. If you know, I wish you would tell me. What does [brother] Charley think of Burnside? Our Division had a review the other day and Burnside come around and Gen. [O. O.] Howard, commander of our division, took his hat off and sung out,  “Now boys, three cheers for Burnside,” but not one man cheered him. Rather hard don’t you think so? …You say that you suppose you must direct your letter to Lieutenant Derry… I think our first sergt. had ought to of had it before me. I do not call it any honor to be promoted in this army any way. It is a disgrace for a man to be in it anyway for we are all fighting for niggers. I think but then if I am Lieut. I shall try and do my duty the best I know how…” [Source: Derry letter sold on internet in 2008; transcribed text posted with letter]

Within a year of returning from the war, Horace married Stella M. Mabury of Boston. He found employment initially as a grocery clerk and later as the owner/operator of his own stables in East Boston. Boston newspapers reported him among the sleigh-owners who used to parade their rigs through city streets upon the first big snowfall each year in Boston. One article in 1898 called out his “natty sleigh” in particular that Horace drove in company with his wife and daughter Lillian (1864-1954). In January 1900, Hiram sold his stables and adjoining property at the corner of Meridian and Eutaw Streets and relocated to Sharon, and later Medford, Massachusetts. He died in 1925.

Horace was not the only member of his family to serve in the Civil War. Two older brothers also received wounds and survived the war. Barton Bass Derry (1830-1909) served as a first sergeant in Co. D, 39th Massachusetts. He was wounded on 8 May 1864 at Laurel Hill, Virginia. George Reed Derry (1831-1906) served in Co. G, 42nd Masachussetts. He was wounded and taken prisoner at the Battle of Galveston in January 1863.

Letter 1

[Editor’s Note: My thanks to Abbey Weber Jones for the first transcription of this letter.]

Addressed to Charles W. Mabury, South City Yard, Boston, Mass.

Camp near Yorktown [Virginia]
April the 13th, 1862

Dear Mother, 

I received your kind letter yesterday and was glad to hear that you were well. The papers that you sent me came in a good time, for I wanted something to read. I paid 10 cents for the New York Herald the same day that I received them. I have wrote two letters to Mother and have not had any answer yet. I should like to know the reason of it, and one to Charles and William and have not received an answer from either one of them. I hope that you will hear from Henry by the time you get this so that you can tell me where he is and how he likes [it]. If you get a letter from him, you let me know where he is and how to direct it and I will write to him. I hope that we shall see each other in a little while and then we will not have to write to each other.

You tell George Willett not to make a fool of himself by enlisting and coming out here for he will soon get sick of it. You say when you go down town you will carry your H.A.D. [head?] down and see if it does not look better than my other Mother’s. I am afraid it will not look so well. I am sorry that I did not have that one taken for increase, but it was my neglect. You know that I am forgetful. Don’t you know that night that I went out to Quincy and forgot to come back—don’t you? But you did not know where I slept, did you. 

You say that you hope that you will not have anymore parties until Henry and me gets home. I hope that will be in a very short time for I like parties better than I do fighting. Don’t you?  They say they had a hard fight at Island Number 10 and there was a great many lives lost on both sides; and I think there will be at Yorktown before it is taken but I hope not. I gave your love to Alden but Mrs. Talcott was not there so I could not give it to him but I heard that he was coming back before he got his discharge to see the boys and then I will give it to him. That will do for this time. You tell Stell my back has got well and I got rid of the boots. Give my love to Father and bub and sis.

From your son, — H. A. Derry


Letter 2

November 22nd 1862
Camp near Falmouth, Va.

Dear Mother,

I will now try and answer your kind letter of the 1st. We are paddling around in the mud now up to our knees. It has been raining for 3 or 4 days but it is a little pleasanter today and we are drying our things.

Capt. Frederick Dreher—a “Dutchman”—took temporary command of the 20th Mass. in November 1862. He was killed at the Battle of Fredericksburg.

Yesterday in the afternoon, I was ordered to go and get 24 men and go on guard over to Gen. [Darius] Couch’s Headquarters and over we went through the mud. We stopped there until dark and then there was 24 more came and I went and found out there was some mistake about it and they told me I might take my men and go back to camp and back we went through the mud again and that is about the way things are done all of the time. I shall be lad when we get some of our old officers back that knows something. Captain [Ferdinand] Dreher ¹ has got command of the regiment now. He is a Dutchman. You know we have been on the march the most of the time since I came back.

One day they marched us 20 miles and all we have on the march to eat is raw pork and hard bread. The boys find a great deal of fault and say they do not have enough of that.

We are close to Falmouth and on the other side of the [Rappahannock] River we can see the rebels on picket and we expect to cross in a few days. The pickets are near enough to talk to each other. We do not get many letters now for the mail does not go nor come regular now and I do not think it will until we get into winter quarters and I don’t know when that will be. I do not see much signs of it now and for my part, I do not want to go into winter quarters. I want to fight it out and come home.

Has [brother] Hen[ry] got home yet? You know you said he would be at home in two weeks but I guess he did not come.

We have not been paid off yet and I don’t think we shall for some time. I suppose you know George Willitt is sick at Washington and I think he is better off there than he would be in the army for I do not think he is well enough to stand it this winter out here. If we don’t go into winter quarters, I think a great many of is will be sick for half of the time we lie on the damp ground with nothing under us but one blanket.

I am sorry to hear that Stell [Stella A. Mabury] has been sick but I hope she is well now. She thought I had forgot the place where you lived and so she told me but I did not forget. You tell her I wrote a letter to her today and when I get time, I will write another one. Give my love to Hen[ry] and tell him I will write a letter to him as soon as I get time.

I must close now. Give my love to all of the folks over to South Boston, Emme, and all of the rest of the folks, and to Stell.

From your son, — H. A. Derry

¹ Capt. Ferdinand Dreher of Co. C, 20th Massachusetts, was killed at the Battle of Fredericksburg.

1862: Walworth Delavan Porter to Samuel Nay Porter

The following letter was written by Walworth Delavan Porter (1839-1924) of Co. F, 3rd Wisconsin Cavalry. His obituary, found in the Baraboo New Republic on 29 October 1924, informs us that he was born in LaGrange, Walworth county, Wisconsin on 11 January 1839. His parents were Horatio Nelson Porter (1811-1852) and Harriet Newell Nay. His father purchased land in Lagrange in 1831 and farmed there until 1848 when the family moved to Baraboo in Sauk County. Muster rolls reveal that Walworth enlisted on 1 March 1862. He was taken prisoner on 15 September 1862 and mustered out of the service after three years on 3 March 1865.

A trooper of the 3rd Wisconsin Cavalry in Fort Scott during the Civil War (Kansas Memory)

[Editor’s Note: My thanks to Abbey Weber Jones for preparing the first draft of this transcription.]

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Mr. Samuel N. Porter, Baraboo, Sauk county, Wisconsin, Per politeness of Lieut. Asa Wood

Camp Benton, St. Louis, Missouri
May 5, 1862

Brother Sam,

Having an opportunity to send a few lines by Lieut. Asa Wood I thought I would do so by improving a brief space of time previous to going on dress parade. I wrote to you a few days ago and I think stated about leaving soon. Well, we have not gone as yet, but will probably get off by tomorrow forenoon. We have had some unpleasant weather since coming here. Also many of the boys have been sick on account of the miserable water that is used. I have had a severe cold of late and am now nearly laid out but am bound to stand the storm if possible. Asa is going down after the body of Charlie Brier 1 who has recently died from a wound at [the] Pittsburg [Landing] fight. I am afraid Lieut. Wood thinks of leaving us by appearances. I think a great deal of him and would be sorry to have him leave.

I think there will be some trouble in our company among the officers before long. You may have heard of [brother] Charlie’s being promoted to Second Lieut.

There is but one Reg. on the ground at the present—that is the Second Wisconsin Cavalry. It is astonishing how many troops has left here within the past month, most of which were going to Pittsburg. What has become of Geo. Van? Tell him he must not expect to hear from this chicken again until he answers my letter.

One of Armstrong’s Co. who has been sick here in the Hospital rec’d a letter from Al yesterday. Al’s health has been miserable since landing at Pittsburg because of the water. Al states of [there] being two hundred troops now at that place.

Should we be sent out on the plains, I think our chance for staying three years is good. It is likely we may stay considerable time at Leavenworth. It is supposed there will be no use for us should there be another fight like the one which came off at Pittsburg.

When you write, give me the particulars in general. What do you [do] with those livestock when you have to abide by the law of not letting cattle and hogs run the streets; which I think a good law. As the bugle is blowing for parade, I will close. Give my respects to all friends and oblige

Your brother, W. D. P


1 Private Charles Augustus Brier of the 14th Wisconsin reached Mound City with a severe gunshot wound to the knee. Pneumonia soon followed, killing the 18-year-old from Webster’s Prairie on April 26. “[W]e look around and behold a lovely family circle broken — a father in tears, a mother in anguish, brother and sisters bowed in sorrow and sadness,” William Thompson, a Baraboo, Wisconsin, businessman, wrote about Brier in a letter published in the local paper. Reflecting on the private’s death, Thomson added: “Who then shall be held responsible for the sacrifice of the thousands of our young men, who have gone forth in the hour of our country’s peril, to save us and our posterity from the otherwise fearful doom which awaits us? But the record has been made! Thus fell Charles Brier, of Baraboo, Wis., at the battle of Shiloh, in the 19th year of his age; and died at the Mound City Hospital, April 26, 1862.” [Source: A Flood of Memories: How rising water imperiled Shiloh wounded.]

1863: Jeremiah Hampton Squires to Jetur White

I could not find an image of Hamp but here is a watercolor of Oscar Kelton who also served in Congress. A, 95th OVI. He was promoted from Orderly Sergeant to 1st Lieutenant before he was killed at the Battle of Brice’s Cross Roads in June 1864.

he only signed the letter “Hamp” but I feel confident that this letter was written by Jeremiah Hampton Squires (1842-Aft1918) while serving in Co. A, 95th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). A biographical sketch was found on-line which informs us that Hamp was born “at Southampton, on Long Island, New York, September 11, 1842, and is the only survivor of the four children of Jeremiah and Phebe (Jagger) Squires, who were farming people. Mr. Squires resided on the home farm on Long Island until reaching the age of seventeen years, and during this time acquired his education by attending the public schools and Southampton Academy. In the spring of 1860 he went to Columbus, Ohio, and, with the exception of the time he was a soldier in the Civil war, remained in the employ of one man at carpentering, as an apprentice, journeyman, foreman and partner, for nearly twenty years. Mr. Squires enlisted July 22, 1862, as a private in Company A, Ninety-fifth Regiment, Ohio Volunteer Infantry, and within two weeks of the time he was enlisted was engaged in his first battle, at Richmond, Kentucky. In this engagement twenty-seven men of his company were killed or wounded, and here he received his first and only wound during the war which consisted of a bullet in the left hand. He, with 600 others of his regiment, was here captured and paroled for ninety days.

He was then declared exchanged and rejoined his regiment, going into active service at Milliken’s Bend, in April, 1863, and being subsequently set to work digging a canal north of Vicksburg. Next he went to Grand Gulf, later to Jackson, and then to Vicksburg, where for six weeks he participated in the siege of that city, which finally fell into the hands of the North. His regiment then took part in the chase of Johnston’s army, which it met in the battle of Jackson, where it was ordered to uncover a masked battery. In so doing, Mr. Squires, then a sergeant, saw two officers of the enemy beating a retreat, followed them, and, on discovering them in a tent, covered them with his gun and took them as prisoners to the Union lines single-handed. While on the way from Vicksburg to Jackson, he was ordered to select four men and make a reconnoissance in the neighborhood of Black River, where the enemy were supposed to be occupying a fort on the river bank. Here they were surprised by about twenty-five of the enemy who were in the fort and were fired upon. The handful of Union men responded with a charge on the twenty-five Confederates, who retreated and crossed the river in boats, leaving the unguarded fort to be captured by a force of about one-fourth their own strength, one of the plucky Northerns having been dispatched to the Union commander with information regarding conditions. Later in the day, the commander of the Federal troops relieved the four men and they went on to Jackson as previously related. After Jackson the regiment went back to within about six miles of Vicksburg, where the men went into camp. Mr. Squires was then assigned to the duty of going to Columbus, Ohio, to secure drafted men to fill up the depleted ranks of the regiment, but, as there were none there, he was ordered to recruit.

He was relieved in the early spring and rejoined his regiment at Memphis, Tennessee, June 1, 1864, and was then in the expedition sent out to check the advance of the Confederate leader, General Forrest. At Brice’s Cross Roads, Mississippi, the Union forces, numbering about 6,000 were defeated by the Southerners, who numbered some 10,000, and 136 men of Mr. Squires’ regiment were captured by the enemy, he being among the number. He was started to Andersonville Prison and for several days the only food obtained by the prisoners consisted of corn which they picked up from around the places where the animals had been fed. Finally, they reached the line of the railroad and were packed into box cars and sent to Andersonville stockade, where they arrived June 19, 1864.

Mr. Squires experienced all the hardships, sufferings and tortures which incarceration in that awful prison meant, and from the weight of 175 pounds when he went in wasted away to eighty pounds, his weight when finally released. On November 24, 1864, with 10,000 other prisoners he was paroled and returned to Camp Chase, Ohio, to endeavor to regain his shattered energies. While at Andersonville, he had in some miraculous manner succeeded in secreting 60 cents from the search of his guards, and with this he bought writing paper and stamps and sent a letter to his sister, who was then living at Columbus, Ohio. Six months after the letter has been written it was handed to him at Columbus. In the spring of 1865 Mr. Squires rejoined his regiment at Mobile, Alabama, but the war being virtually over, he was stationed at Enterprise, Mississippi, doing guard duty for the rest of his service. He was finally ordered North and discharged at Louisville, Kentucky, August 18, 1865, at which time he held the rank of orderly sergeant.

At Columbus, Ohio, July 27, 1867, the brave young soldier was married to Virginia Elizabeth Schimp. He continued to be engaged at carpentering and contracting in Ohio until 1879, when he came to Kansas and purchased 240 acres of raw land in Pottawatomie County, six miles northwest of Waumega. In the fall of that year his family joined him and he continued to be engaged in farming for six years, since which time he has resided at Topeka.” 

Hamp wrote this letter to his brother-in-law, Jetur White (1829-1898) of Southampton, Suffolk county, New York. Jetur was married to Mary Sophronia Squires (1830-1911) about 1860.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Mr. Jetur White, Southampton, Suffolk county, Long Island, New York

Camp Smith, three miles from Helena, Arkansas
March 20th 1863

Dear friends,

I am very lazy but as I have nothing to do just now, I thought that I would write you a few lines to let you know how I am getting along and where we are. We left Memphis the 15th on the Champion bound for Vicksburg but our boat was too large to go down the Yazoo Pass so we had to stop and wait for small boats. We are on the opposite side of the river from the pass. Our camp is on a sand bank and the river is so high that the water is all around us. The sand reminds me of Old Long Island but it is not quite so nice and white.

I had a big time yesterday. Three of us started out to see if we could not get off of our island. The water was rather cold but we put on and came to where they were farming—a distance [of] about two miles. I guess we were not wet or nothing. The river is within fifteen feet of our tent and when I got back, I took a good swim.

It is very warm here in the day time and cool nights. The boys are in their shirt sleeves a most all the time. I don’t know how long we will stay here but I hope not very long. The boys have not much to do here and the most of them put their time in playing cards. Each sergeant has command of a squad of men and in my squad not one of them plays cards and but one of them that will use profane words and that not very often. I am getting along first rate and I don’t think I would be satisfied if I were out of the service if there was any war going on. To be sure, I want the war to stop—that is what I am fighting for. And the sooner it is over, the sooner I will get to Old Long Island. I think it must stop soon for the rebels have not anything to live on. Their army is worse than ours and every soldier knows that we have more to eat than we ought to have.

Jetur, I suppose you will be planting corn soon. If I do not look out, I will forget all about farming. I would like it first rate if I could come down there and help you this summer. I don’t know though whether I would be must help or not but I think not if there was any game there. There is plenty of ducks here but we cannot shoot them. We are in the 3rd Brigade, 8th Division, 16th Army Corps, Army of the Mississippi.

But our hard crackers are ready for us and I must get some of them soon if I want any dinner. When you write, direct as you have been doing and they will come to me. I have had my dinner. Did not have any chickens though. Don’t [ ] them drawn here but I had one hard cracker without any meat. Love to all. From your brother, — Hamp

1863: William A. Bartlett to Alida (Fish) Bartlett

This letter was written by Pvt. William A. Bartlett (1831-1897) who enlisted in Co. D, 37th Massachusetts Infantry during the American Civil War. William was the son of David Bartlett (1805-1836) and Cordelia Morey (1808-18xx). William married Alida Priscilla Fish (1829-1898) on 29 March 1854 in Westhampton, Massachusetts. Together they had at least five children: Clarence Alton Bartlett (1856-1929), Ida C. Bartlett (1857-1883), Mary A. Bartlett (1860-1915), Carrie M. Bartlett (1862-19xx), and Charles Watson Bartlett (1865-19xx).

In 2017, I published twelve letters from William, which were sent to me by a collector. At that time, it was widely recognized that numerous other letters from William had been sold to various collectors, and we have long anticipated the eventual emergence of additional correspondence. Recently, one such letter has surfaced, and it is presented below. The link to his other letters—Twelve Letters by William A. Bartlett

Bartlett was above the median age for enlistees in the American Civil War and his age and health seems to have limited his ability to perform the full duty he desired. He complained of pain in his arm which seems not to have been caused by his duties as a soldier but possibly an old complaint — rheumatism. If he served in battle with his comrades of the 37th Massachusetts, he did not speak of it in any of these twelve letters. When his regiment was ordered to New York City in July 1863 to restore order during the draft riots, he did not accompany them, preferring instead to remain on a special detail that afforded him light duty at the Corps headquarters.

From the letters we learn that he was sent to a hospital in Washington D. C. prior to the end of 1863 and in the spring of 1864 he was still awaiting his discharge from the Veteran Reserve Corps. His military records state that he was mustered out of the service on 15 April 1864.

At the time of his enlistment, he gave his occupation as a carpenter. In the 1870 U. S. Census, he also gave his occupation as a carpenter. In the 1880 U. S. Census, however, no occupation is given for the 48-year old veteran who seems to have been an invalid “at home.” William and his wife Alida made their home in Blandford, Hampden county, Massachusetts after the war.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

General Sedgwick’s Headquarters
Camp near Fredericksburg, Va.
March 22, 1862

Dear Wife,

How do you do today? I suppose some of you are at church while I am out here in the Virginia woods trying to think of something to write to you. I am as well as usual & dong the same work. We have had about as hard weather for the last two weeks as we have had this winter. It has been snow in the mornings, rain at night for the last three days. The snow was about two inches deep last night but it is all gone this morning but the mud is deep enough to make up for all deficiency. My cows are doing well.

I received your letter write the 15th, Thursday. I should think you had rather of a small society & not a very expensive one. I am glad to hear that Mari is on the gain but it must be very hard for her to have her husband so helpless. I hope he will better soon. I am very sorry to hear that John is not at work. It seems as though he might find plenty to do as help is scarce. I think Horace and Abby are doing very well in the children line. The cultivators came last Friday.

I have a letter from Mary Ann Fairman the same day. She says that she has not seen you since I came away. Uncle Lewis sent word to me to come home and help him through haying. He thinks I have stayed down here long enough. He wishes I would come home.

I am going to ask you to send me a box. I would like to have you send me three pounds of fine cut tobacco, one half ream commercial note paper & four bunches of envelopes. Anna may write on two bunches and direct them to you if she has a mind to as it is not always that we can get ink out here. You wished to know if I would like a pair of stockings. I should if you wish to send them. Hooker’s wife may want to send a bundle in yours. You may send it in a bundle or box, just as you please.

If you can, you had better send it to Springfield to save expense as it will have to come by Adams Express if you put it in the Express Office at Northampton. You will have to pay Tompson’s Express to carry it to Springfield extra but do as you think best about it. You will have to pay the Express in advance. Pay Master has not got along yet. We expect him every day. I will send you the directions for the box on a piece of paper enclosed in this. My love to you all. Yours truly, from your husband, — William A. Bartlett

P. S. Send me some postage stamps in your next letter and you will oblige. — W. A. B.

1862: Joseph H. Kerschner to Edward Kerschner

The following letter was written by Joseph H. Kerschner (1843-1881), the son of Gustavus Kerschner (1801-1872) and Anna Maria Brewer (1804-1890) of Clear Spring, Washington county, Maryland.

At the outbreak of the war, it appears that Joseph was mustered into the service of the United States into the 2d Maryland Potomac Home Brigade Cavalry. He went into camp at Frederick, Md., for drill and preparation for active service in the field. He was called into action in West Virginia and Maryland to repel an invasion, and was in several engagements early in the war. Maryland, being a border state, did not raise many regiments for the Union during the war. As a result many of its pro-Union citizens joined regiments raised in other states. In Joseph’s case, it seems he was able to get a discharge from his regiment in order that he might get a commission in a Massachusetts regiment. However, I could not find any evidence that he was able to do so. By 1864, I found him enrolled in the Freshman Class of Franklin and Marshall College.

Edward Kerschner, USN

Joseph wrote the letter to his older brother, Dr. Edward Kershner, who joined the US Navy as an Assistant Surgeon in January 1862 and was assigned duty aboard the sloop-of-war Cumberland. He was aboard the vessel when she was sunk by the Confederate ironclad Virginia (Merrimac). When she went down, one third of the crew was entombed in her hull and drowned in nearly nine fathoms of water. Kershner went down with the ship and was, by some miracle, rescued in an unconscious condition by an unidentified marine. After service at the Washington Navy Yard he was assigned to the New Ironsides and was aboard in April 1863, during the attack on Charleston Harbor. Kershner served on several ships in the North Atlantic Squadron and after the war, in 1872, achieved the rank of surgeon and then medical inspector in 1890. 

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Dr. Edward Kerschner, US Ironclad Steamer New Ironsides, Hampton Roads, Va.

Clear Spring [Maryland]
October 6th 1862

Dear Bro. Edward,

I have received my discharge from the Secretary of War and am at home on my way to see the Governor at Annapolis. It reads thus: “The following enlisted men are honorably discharged [from] the service to enable them to accept commissions in Massachusetts regiments. Private Jos. K. Kerschner, 2nd Ma. P. H. B. [Potomac Home Brigade, Cavalry]” I have a certificate of character from Capt. William [F.] Firey and also one from Lieut. J. A. Metz. I have an introduction to [Maryland] Governor [Augustus Williamson] Bradford from Lewis P. Firey, Esq. 1 I will ask for a commission in the Quartermaster Department & if refused, I will ask for one in the cavalry service. To go in the infantry service is to do which I hope he will not ask me.

I did not know where your ship was for a long while & when at last I heard from it, you were on your way to Fortress Monroe. I left the company on 1st of October and arrived at home on the evening of the 3rd. I would be much pleased to know what you have done with the Governor’s letter. I ought to have it by all means. You said you sent it to Father, He has not received it. I have received your letter of September 28, and also one in care of Father’s. I did no duty while I was sick of the dropsy in September. I am now well.

The company is at Williamsport. My discharge was sent to the Colonel of our brigade by the war Department who sent it to the captain. My discharge is dated August 28th.

I had thought of starting for Annapolis on Wednesday from here but I may defer it a couple of days. Father has a No. 1 crop of wheat & plenty of apples & grapes & pears. If I get a commission, it will be more than a sergeant (Rivers of Balt.) could do in my [ ]. He went to Annapolis but could get no commission. I will not be surprised nor sorry if the same luck should befall me. I told the captain he must take me back to the company again if I did not get a commission.

Mother is not so well as she might be but we all send our love to you. I am glad to hear that [brother] Jacob is got well & better pleased with Germany. I hope I shall soon hear from you again. Your brother. Affectionately, — Jos. H. Kerschner

1 Lewis P. Firey (1825-1885) was a Southern Unionist who served in the Maryland State Convention, and the Maryland State Senate during the Civil War. He pushed the administration hard in 1862 for a compromise that would end the war. He was the originator of the project for the Antietam National Cemetery.

1862: Greenwood Norris to G. J. Wing

The following letter was written by 18 year-old Greenwood Norris (1844-1862), the son of Greenwood B. Norris (1825-1844) and Harriet N. Hall (1820-1861) of Wayne, Kennebec county, Maine. After his father’s death, his mother remarried to William Wing, Jr. (1805-1888).

As his letterhead informs us, Greenwood Norris was a member of Co. C, 8th Maine Infantry. And while he writes on 8 July 1862 “I am well” and that Beaufort, South Carolina “is the healthiest island round here,” he died just three days later on 11 July 1863, according to Beaufort National Cemetery records. Another source claims he did not die until July 30th which seems more likely.

Beaufort, South Carolina in 1862. It shows the front & rear of several buildings lining Bay Street from what today is Henry C. Chambers Waterfront Park. Sam A. Cooley, Photographer.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

8th Maine Regiment, Co. C
Beaufort, South Carolina
July 8, 1862

Dear Friend,

I received your letter the 7th [and] was glad to hear from you. I am well and hope you [are] the same. We moved from Hilton Head the 3rd and went up to Beaufort. We stopped in a meeting house two nights and over the 4th, we did not have a very good time. It was not a day of independence because we had to stay in the house and the niggers went where they pleased.

This is quite a large place. There is two meeting houses—one a Methodist and a Baptist. We are right side of the mainland. The rebels shell our pickets every day. One of our boys were shot and two taken prisoners.

I am glad that so many of the young folks are getting married. I suppose that the next thing that I hear, you will be married. I think that some of them had better wait a little longer before striking out. I think I should.

We have green corn and squash. I have not much news because we have just got settled here. I guess that it will puzzle the devil to read this letter.

I should like to have been at Wayne the 4th [of July]. I think I should [have] had a better time. I am afraid we shall have to stay longer than it is expected. This is the healthiest island round here.

I am afraid that Gen. McClellan’s army will fail to do as much as expected. We are quite discouraged down here. There is plenty of darky girls out here but I have not see a white girl yet. So goodbye. Yours truly, — Greenwood Norris

to G. J. Wing