I could not find an image of Charles but his uniform might have looked much like this in August 1861. The 2nd Wisconsin wore coarse, gray uniforms with a shako style hat during the Battle of Bull Run.
The following letter was written by Charles W. Messer of Co. B, 2nd Wisconsin Infantry. He enlisted on 22 May 1861 and was discharged due to disability on 27 May 1863 after two years service. Charles was the son of Moses Messer (1767-1823) and Abigail Stevens (1772-1833). He was married in March 1864 to Etta E. Phenix at La Crosse, Wisconsin. He was buried near Bangor, Wisconsin, in 1902.
In July 1861, the 2nd Wisconsin Infantry Regiment brigaded with three New York regiments of Infantry; all of them under the command of Colonel (later General) William T. Sherman. Together, they participated in the battle of Bull Run in Virginia on July 21. Later in the war the regiment became a part of the vaunted Iron Brigade. The regimental history states that Charles did not remain with his regiment in the East, however. In February 1862, he was detached into the Western Gunboat service and remained there until his discharge in 1863. Charles’ age at the time of his enlistment could not be found but he was probably middle aged, making the gunboat service a better fit.
Charles wrote the letter to his niece, Amelia C. Larrabee (1846-1893) of Elkhorn. Walworth county, Wisconsin. Her parents were Charles W. Larrabee (1815-1890) and Olive L. Messer (1815-1870). In the 1860 US Census, Amelia’s father was enumerated in Salem, Kenosha county, Wisconsin, where he was identified as a “Hotel Keeper.” Amelia’s siblings at the time included, John (age 10), James (age 8). That census also informs us that Amelia and her siblings were all born in Vermont, her father’s native state. Her mother was born in Massachusetts. Their residence in 1850 was confirmed as Shoreham, Addison county, Vermont.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Addressed to Miss Amelia Larrabee, Elkhorn, Walworth County, Wisconsin
Arlington Heights August 4th [1861]
My dear niece,
I received your kind letter with much joy dated July the 26th 1861. It found me well as it left you. I enjoy pretty good health this summer so fair. I hope this will find you enjoying the same blessing.
You wanted to know if I received your flag. I did and carried it through the hardest battle that ever was fought in the United States. We was fighting eight long hours and never came off from the field. We lay on our arms all the night before the battle was fought. We commenced marching about one o’clock in the morning without our breakfast—had none that morning, only as we could take a bite from our haversack. [Even] then it was nothing but hard crackers. This is what you folks up there called liberty. I wish [you] would send some of it down here. I wonder if it is good wheat. If it is, wish you would send some of it down here. We had two small pieces of beef tongue about the size of your hand to last us two days. I give mine to a prisoner. He eat it so it was good. It done me just as much good so I eat it myself.
I have told you all about the fight, I believe. I had some pretty close calls that day, I tell you—some closer calls than I ever had in my life. But I am not tired of it yet. If they would give us enough to eat. That’s what troubles me the most. I have laid down to sleep a good many times hungry. I cannot call it going to bed for we do not know what a bed is in the army. We have our blanket and the ground to lay on and the blue heavens over us if it don’t rain. And if it does, then we stand up so it can run off from us.
Amelia, you must not trouble yourself about me for only think how many thousand there is in the field that is as dear to them as I am to you or anybody else. I am coming home to see you once more. It may not be for a long time but I feel kust so. I hope you will not let your mind trouble you so so you cannot learn as much as you ought to this summer. I like the dress very much. Tell Emmy when you see her that you and she went through the battle with me and never got a scratch. But I come pretty near loosing you both on the field. There was a ball cut my breast pocket out of my short and knocked you and she on the ground. But I stopped and picked you and Emmy up again. I would not lose you both there and let them have you—no, not by a darn sight.
We some expect to go in a few days to Harpers Ferry but I do not know when we shall go. It may be some time this month. Oh! I forgot to tell you that one of our artillery men got both of his hands blowed off that day and the first ball that passed through our ranks [and] took three of our boys out. I was in file of them when it passed through. We was kneeling down when it went through.
I shall be glad when this war is over. Then I will come and see you all. You must have lots of things fixed up then for I’ll be pretty hungry by that time. I wrote to Hellen and Kat McCloud a short time ago. I hear from home very often. They’re all well up there. You must write to Julia for she would be glad to hear from you all. I do not know anything new to write more so goodbye. Give my love to your father and mother, to James and John and accept the same yourself.
Direct your letter to Washington D. C., Company B, 2nd Regiment Wisconsin Infantry, — Charles W. Messer
The following letter was written by George S. Day (1845-1901) of Co. C, 8th Iowa Cavalry—a survivor of Andersonville Prison. George enlisted on 31 July 1863, writing this undated letter sometime in the fall of 1863 from Camp Roberts near Davenport, Iowa. The regimental history informs us that the 8th Iowa cavalry saw little of real war until the spring of 1864, when it started with Sherman in the celebrated campaign for Atlanta. The regiment had been organized late in the previous autumn at Davenport. It left Iowa in the middle of October and by the middle of November was stationed at Waverly and other points west of Nashville, Tenn., where it remained on guard and garrison duty all the winter, with little opportunity for showing the pluck of its soldiers and no chance at all for distinction.
I could not find an image of Day but here is one of Aaron L. Ratliff who also served in Co. C, 8th Iowa Cavalry[Iowa Civil War Images]
In May, 1864, the 8th Iowa Cavalry was made a part of the 1st brigade of McCook’s division of cavalry. In the arduous campaign that followed, the regiment was constantly at the front, and when the Confederates, after weeks of constant skirmishing and battles, at last fell back behind the Chattahoochee, the 8th Iowa cavalry was the first troop across the river after them. So the fighting and the skirmishing went on around Atlanta, and then came that luckless raid of Gen. McCook’s to the Macon railroad, in which the regiment was captured near Newnan, Georgia, only a few escaping through the woods to tell how heroically the command had tried to save itself. It was on this raid that George was taken prisoner with most of the others in his regiment. He remained in captivity, which included a long stint at Andersonville—until mustering out at Macon, George on 13 August 1865.
George was the son of Timothy Roberts Day—a wagonmaker—and Eliza Jane Smith of Winchester, Van Buren county, Iowa. He wrote the letter to Ruth Huber (1843-1894).
[Note: This letter is from the collection of Michael Huston and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Camp Roberts [Davenport, Iowa] [Fall 1863]
Friend Ruth,
This being Sabbath I have nothing to do so I thought instead of idling away the whole day I would improve a portion of it by writing to you, hoping you will pardon the intrusion as no offense is intended. It’s merely to express these friendly feelings that I entertain for you and to let you know how I like a soldier’s life which I can assure you pleases me exactly. I can endorse the sentiments of some unknown poet who expresses himself thus.
A soldier’s life is the life form. I own I love it dearly. Soldiering is nothing but fun—that is, such soldiering as we have to perform. I presume that we get down in Dixie the joke will not be so funny but then we can form a very good idea of what soldiering is for we have to come down to discipline here as close as we would in Dixie, and have to perform guard duty the same as though we was in the Rebel’s land. Several times when I have been standing guard at the [ ] hour of night and it pouring down rain in torrents upon me, I have thought I would like to be at home. But as soon as I was relieved, I would think just to the reverse. I am satisfied as long as I can keep my health that I will enjoy a soldier’s life for it is not a laborious task by no means or at least it is not in my estimation.
It is true, I have not experienced much of soldiering and have not been to Dixie but then we have to perform the same duty that we would if we was there, with the exceptions of marches and I presume that part will not be hard to perform on horse back.
Ruth, I would like to return home for a few days to see all of my old friends again but I have no desire to come back to stay. But there is little hopes of any of us getting furloughs. The prospect is dead at the present at any rate. It may be that we can get them if we stay here all winter. Dave is very anxious to geta furlough to come home to stay a while but he says [ ] could not hire him to come home to stay if it was left to his own action.
Ruth, if you consider this worthy and answer, I want you to write and tell me how you are a progressing with your exhibition or whether it is gone up the flume or not. I imagine that you are having lively old times in Winchester now since the boys have all left for I suppose from what I have heard they have all left including those that are agoing to school. And I heard that George Moore had left Winchester and gone to Birmingham to sell goods. And if such is the case, Winchester is dead and I am not certain but what Betty is dead too. Ruth, I guess I had better bring this to a close before I worry your patience any more with this uninteresting letter. Please write soon if you think worthy an answer and give me all the news. So goodbye, from your friend, — George
P. S. Excuse this big blot for R___ shoved my elbow and caused me to blot it. — George S. Day
Capt. Albert M. Edwards, Co. F, 24th Michigan Infantry
The following letter was written by Thomas Burns of Co. F, 24th Michigan Infantry while at Lovell Hospital in Portsmouth Grove, Rhode Island, in August 1863. Historians will recall that the 24th Michigan Infantry was a part of the vaunted “Black Hat” or Iron Brigade that played a critical role in the 1st day’s fight at Gettysburg, holding the Union line on Seminary Ridge long enough for the Army of the Potomac to arrive and set up a defensive line on Cemetery Ridge. Burns’ letter is directed to his captain, Albert M. Edwards, who led the regiment at Gettysburg after other senior officers were wounded. For his gallantry, he was later promoted to Major, to Lieutenant-Colonel, and finally to Brevet Colonel of the regiment.
Tracing the identity of Thomas Burns was complicated by the discovery that there were two privates by the name of Thomas Burns of Irish ancestry serving in the 24th Michigan—one in Co. E and one in Co. F. The one in Company E appears to have been several years younger and only served in the last year of the war. The one who had this letter penned on his behalf by another soldier in the hospital was probably born in the mid-1830s and may have been the one who was the son of an Irish emigrant named Patrick Burns (b. 1791) who worked as a carpenter in Detroit in 1850. This Thomas Burns died at a Soldier’s Home in California in 1915. He lies buried in the Los Angeles National Cemetery, Plot 26, C-18.
The letter does not reveal whether Thomas’s thumb wound was received in the Battle of Gettysburg or not. He is not listed among any Gettysburg casualty reports that I could find on-line. My friend Dale Niesen subsequently informed me that the Regimental history reports Thomas Burns of Co. F was wounded at Fitzhugh Crossing on 29 April 1863 at the same time that another man from the company was killed during an exchange of fire across the river.
[Note: This letter is from the Dave Ramsey Collection and was offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Portsmouth Grove, Rhode Island August 17th 1863
Captain Edwards,
Dear sir—I seat myself this morning to write you a few lines to let you know how I am getting along. I am at present getting along well. My thumb is all healed up but is still tender. Captain, I was in Washington at the time you sent my Descriptive List to me but was sent away from there the next week to this place and the doctors has written to Washington for my Descriptive List twice but have failed to get it as yet. The doctor thought I had better send to my company any get it. It was not mine alone that was lost only for there was some of the 20th and 7th Wisconsin also lost. Theirs they sent to their regiments and have got theirs.
I have not been mustered since you mustered me last. Ten to one that the cussed doctors get your Descriptive List whether you ever see them again or not. Captain, I wish you would send me my Descriptive List as soon as you can for I begin to want a little money. If you don’t want to send it to myself, please send it to Doctor [Lewis A.] Edwards in charge of the hospital. There is some two more of the 24th [Michigan] here that were in the Gettysburg fight wounded. There is also some of the 7th & 6th Wisconsin boys here—one of them that is writing this for me.
I was very happy to hear of your brave deeds upon the battlefield and I am glad you come out as well as you did without getting a scratch. We get the Detroit Free Press every week here and yesterday I had the pleasure of reading a great speech made by Col. Morrow made at Detroit.
I was near forgetting [to tell you that] about two weeks ago, there was two ladies and a gentleman visitors [came] to this place, came into my ward, looked at my card, and said you belong to the 24th Michigan, and asked if I knew Captain Edwards. I told them he was my captain. He says, “Indeed! I am well acquainted with him.” At them words the steamboat sounded here for to leave the wharf. He shook hands with me and told me he should be back again in the course of a short time. I had not time to ask him if he was a Michigan man, but one of the nurses told me he was from Philadelphia.
No more at present but remain yours truly, — Thomas Burns
Give my respects to all the boys. Direct to Lovell Hospital, Portsmouth Grove, Rhode Island, Ward 15
The following letters were written by Thomas Henry Barnfield (1833-1920), a native of Kentucky, who resided in Randolph county, Illinois, at the time of the Civil War. He served four years in Co. K, 5th Illinois Cavalry, rising from the rank of private to 2nd Lieutenant. He mustered out of the 5th Illinois Cavalry on 17 March 1865. Soon after, he reenlisted as a private in Co. I, of the 8th Regiment US Veteran Volunteer Infantry.
Henry wrote the letter to John Preston Mann (b. 1822) who served with him in the 5th Illinois Cavalry. After mustering out of the regiment, John began practicing law in Rockwood, Illinois. John was married to Nancy Clendening. In 1867, Henry Barnfield married Nancy’s sister, Martha Alice Clendenin (1836-1890). After he left the service, Henry farmed in Randolph county for a while and then relocated to Bartlett Springs, Lake county, California, where he died in 1920.
Letter 1
Camp Stoneman [near Washington D. C.] May 12, 1865
Mr. Mann,
Your letter which I have looked for with the most patient impatience. arrived night before last, but I was “on guard” yesterday and have not had a moment’s leisure till now. And even now, I expect I’ll be tempted to postpone replying till I run up to the 2nd and inform “Cap” that his interest demands his presence at Rockwood immediately.
Yes, W[illiam] Tecumseh] Sherman’s gone up forever. I was astonished at his conduct. 1 Even now, I can scarcely think him disloyal. Was he looking towards the White House? His doom fixed. I sometimes think of what [Secy. Simon] Cameron said of him in the early stages of the war. 2
I think I can see Sam Gordon trying to get Joel to refund the money. Why did Doel give him back any of it?
Bully for Hooker. Give him my best respects. Tell him to write to me and let me know how things were at Memphis. Let hang a few anyhow. Our squad of Vets shot two of them in an argument about Lee’s generalship. They (the Cops [Copperheads]) contended Lee was not whipped and that Grant could not whip him. Our arguments (though not numerous) were “weighty” and “well directed” and I am glad to say made an impression (one in the leg; the other in the shoulder). The dispute occurred at Crestline, Ohio.
We have moved into our “Dog tents,” have drawn our guns (not 16 shooters), and are “soldiering right.” We are guarding, drilling, parading, reviewing, &c. all the time. The weather is regular—one day very cold and two days very hot. I’m in my usual good health.
I like my Colonel very [much] for the acquaintance (I have see seen him three times). I got my “Special” the day before yesterday and will, perhaps, get the 1st installment of my “Regular” Monday. There’s any amount of money in camp and I must confess as long as I’ve been in the army, I never saw so much gambling. Boys start out in the morning with only five dollars (and that very often borrowed) and return in the evening with 6 or 7 or 800 dollars. It’s “Chuck-a-luck” (forgive the spelling) from early dawn till dewey eve. It is no exaggeration to say that from 100 to 150 thousand [dollars] changes hands every day in our Division. Cap. Barber is engaged slightly and at present is several hundred ahead. He think of going home on furlough in a few days.
Well, I must close for the present. Write as often as you can. Direct to Henry Barnfield, private in Co. I, 8th Regt., 1st Army Corps, Washington D. C.
1 The northern press expressed shock by Sherman’s unauthorized, lenient terms for the surrender of Joseph E. Johnston’s army. They appeared to allow slavery and secessionist state governments to continue, creating public outrage and rejection by government officials.
2In October 1861, Secretary of War Simon Cameron deemed William T. Sherman “unbalanced” or insane after Sherman, suffering from nervous exhaustion, claimed he needed 200,000 men to defend Kentucky. Following their meeting, Cameron told others in his party that Sherman was unstable, leading to national press headlines about his “insanity,” a period known as his “demons.”
Letter 2
Camp Bayard, [Trenton,] New Jersey July 24, 1865
Mr. J. P. Mann
Dear sir, we have taken this place since my last writing. I will not say “without the loss of a man.” for the thinned ranks of the regiment and the Provost Marshals of Baltimore and Philadelphia could successfully contradict the assertion.
We left Washington City on Wednesday the 19th and arrived here on Friday evening, and were entertained with a sumptuous repast by the “Union Loving Ladies” of this city. Everything was exactly right. I would like for you to see the country we came through—particularly from Camden up here. I have not time to write about it more than to say it’s a very fine country, overflowing with “milk and honey,” alias peaces, tomatoes, watrmelons, cabbages, pears, blackberries, beets, potatoes, and all sorts of “Truck.”
Well, we are doing Provost duty. Trenton is full of soldiers awaiting payment. They do as soldiers always do—swear at the unexpected delays, grown at the government, and (some of them) get more “Lager” aboard than is conducive to military discipline. We are getting along very well in our delicate duties and are in “good standing” with both soldiers and civilians. When we first went on duty in the city, they cried, “Quinine!” but they very soon learned who we were and now we are “Hancock’s Regulars.”
Our dress parade yesterday evening was a splendid thing and was witnessed by a very large number of ladies and gentlemen including the “elite” of the town and some discharged soldiers.
Yesterday morning I was up town and strayed into a Presbyterian Church, one of the oldest in the state—“1712”—the same one Washington used to attend. There was a large congregation and the sermon was “fair.” In the evening, dress parade and after that I went with one of my “bunkies” to an Episcopal Church where everything—church, congregation, Bishop, sermons andall—were “stylish.”
We are allowed greater liberties here than at Camp Stoneman. We are allowed 12 passes (or 1/6 the “for duty”) to the company and the Colonel told them if they behaved themselves, he would let as many go as wished if it was 1/3 the company but if they got drunk, etc., he would not allow a man to go from camp.
We’ve had no mail since we left Washington City but look for one tomorrow. Please write soon to Trenton, New Jersey. No other change. Yours, — Henry Barnfield
Letter 3
Trenton [New Jersey] August 7, 1865
My dear friend,
Your letter of the 2nd came to hand “on time.” I wish I could say as much for the letters our folks “ought to write.” I guess some of them are unwritten, leastways very few find their way to Trenton. What is the matter?
If Sherman’s “Bummers” were here, we’d show them how the Rebellion was crushed. Our officers think the world is on their shoulders instead of a brass foundry. And you’d hardly believe the 8th Hancock bear a thousand pounds of the base metal on dress parade. It’s true enough!
We were paid off last Friday to the 30th of June. Most of us got the 1st installment of Regular Bounty, 33.33 dollars. My pay amounted to $76.53 but I will not be able to send any of it home. I am very sorry for this but I never was a model economist. And here what with white gloves, paper collars, shoe blacking, Tripoli, emery cloth, etc. etc. (not to include peaches, milk, melons, pears, pies, &c.) One can spend a good deal of money with very little trouble. But then we live more like “merchant princes” than “poor devils of soldirs.”
I am glad to hear that Mrs. Lorance Clendenin is getting well again. Has Henry Clendenin been mustered out yet?
Do the 80th [Illinois Infantry] boys appear contented and resume their former avocations cheerfully? (say “Yes.”)
We are granting furloughs “muchly” — 6 or 7 to a company. But I told our Orderly Sergeant that I did not want one. It’s no trouble now to get a furlough. If it’s as easy in the fall, I’ll come home in October which will be too soon. No more now but remain respectfully yours, — Henry Barnfield
To J. P. Mann
Letter 4
Hart Island [New York City] September 13, 1865
Mr. Mann,
I wrote you a letter about a week since but owing to one of those “accidents” which (we are told) will happen in the best of families, it was not mailed for four or five days after it was written and I was just thinking about it when yours of the 2nd came to hand. Now how is it that Henry Clendening’s letter mailed the 10th while yours mailed the 2nd does not get here till the 12th? Our post office is “demoralized.”
Well, your letter contains such various news I scarcely know what to think though I can think of nothing now but “Whit” Vance. I feel his loss most deeply. It is indeed difficult for me to account for such feelings for one who was so far from what i think one ought to be. But with all the bad, there was very much that was good in him. It was a strange mixture. I shall ever remember his rollicking fun, his quaint humor, and his natural kindness of heart. I feel as if I had lost in him one of my best friends. And I have often thought of the pleasure of meeting him after the war and having him tell, in his own rich way, some reminiscences of the days “when we were soldiering.” But it’s all over now. How fares it with him in that other world? is a serious question which we should apply to ourselves. 1
Are you in earnest?, Are they going to build a railroad from Cairo to St. Louis? —and through Rockwood? How you ‘stonish me!
No, we are not likely to leave here for 6 or 7 weeks yet.
There is an intense excitement on the island in consequence of “Ghosts”, “Spirits” or some other mysterious phenomenon. The barrack “Haunted” is on used by the officers of the 14th Regiment, or rather, it was used by them for they have evacuated it. The “ghost” tore the building up some and the men, trying to discover the cause of these demonstrations or manifestations and have even dug the foundations up. But as yet the ghost is not “unearthed.” The superstitious believe it’s the ghost of a Major (a Paymaster) who was murdered there about a year ago.
“Others” (to which class I belong) think a ventriloquies. We strongly suspect an Old Capt. is having some rare fun just to relieve the monotony of camp life, &c. &c. 2
Be this as it may, I’ll let you know how the thing turns out. Your friend, — Henry Barnfield
1 Andrew Whitney Vance (1832-1865) of Randolph county, Illinois, served in Co. K, 5th Illinois Cavalry. He died on 12 August 1865 leaving a wife and several children.
2The Historic Pelham blog published a story about the 1865 ghost incident on Hart Island based on reports printed in the New York Evening Express in September 1865. The noises were described as “painful gasps and suppressed groans.” [Source: The Haunted House of Hart Island]
Letter 5
Hart Island [New York City] September 22, 1865
My dear friend,
Time is “dragging its slow length along.” It never passed more drearily with us. I used to imagine it passed tediously but now I know I was wrong. Each day seems a week and a week is many months. And it is yet 9 days till the 1st of October, but the season is far enough advanced for November (at least six weeks ahead of Randolph county). It is real fall weather when one feels comfortable near the stove of a morning and at 9 and 10 when we stop drilling to rest for a minute or two, he doesn’t know whether sunshine or shade is pleasantest. We begin to think of winter and greatcoats, homes and discharges.
The ladies of Rockwood are proving their attachment to the Union. I hope those “who are going to be [married] soon may be, and that the [veterans of the] 5th [Illinois Cavalry] may marry the rest. If it’s perfectly agreeable, of course. Is my sincere wish.
Did you hear Sherman? or has he really tired himself out? I did not see him at Washington. Some of the boys said he looked worn and jaded.
I am glad to hear that there is a fair prospect of the Unionists carrying Old Randolph County. I want the Cops [Copperheads] to reap the reward of their treason and treasonable sympathies. Yes, I wish every man who wsa not Unconditionally Union to be severely punished for his treason, his profligacy, his weakness or indecision. They should be made to feel that it is a very heinous crime to array themselves against their government or fail to assist her in her hour of desperate need. Oh! No, don’t let them alone!
I got a letter from “Cap” yesterday. He is at Elmira and complains that his friends from Rockwood are neglecting him. He asks me to inquire about Joel and let him know where he is and what he is doing, etc., &c. Can you tell me?
I am quite distressed with the idea of having to stay in the service this winter. A party of us had planned a trip out “on the plains” this fall but it’s already too late now. However, we can’t have everything as we wish it in this world as I have long since found out.
How about John Barnfield? Where is he? How did or does he and Maj. Hindman progress? And you have not said a word (for some time) of Corporal Davenport. There ate others you may imagine me enquiring after.
By the way, do the celebrated European Capitalists propose investing in the “St. Louis & Cairo Railroad?”
I have promised some of the 5th [Illinois Cavalry] boys to come home when they are “mustered out” if they told when that important date arrived. But I cannot get a furlough now. How long this will last, I cannot say. I might get a 24 hour pass and come home on it but I’d be court martialed for it and might not get so easily this time. So it’s quite likely I’ll not see Rocjwood for six months yet. Considerably yours, — Henry Barnfield
Letter 6
Washington City November 12, I865
Mr. J. P. M.
Yours of the 4th came at noon yesterday and ‘ere sundown, I had called on Sec. Stanton and stated your case. He referred me to Brig. Gen.—somebody—who told me (as it was quite late then) to call at 3 p.m. Monday and he could “tell me all about it.” I left your letter with him.
My health is very good. The weather is most delightful now after so much rain, and is just cold enough to be healthy. Freezing ice about one fouth of an inch thick of a night.
The “hanging of Wirz” came off on the 3rd according to the programme. I was on duty at the time and did not get to see the execution which was witnessed by all of our regiment who were not on duty. (I suppose you have seen the particulars in the papers.) He was perfectly indifferent to his fate, abusing the government in unstinted terms, He said “The American Eagle has degenerated into a Turkey Buzzard.” And to one of his guards (the evening before his execution) he said (as he looked at the gallows erected for him), “It’s just as I expected, and I don’t care a damn. I was only a captain here and I’ll be a Colonel in Hell.” This is pretty “hard” language and if it was not that Wirz was notoriously blasphemous, I would doubt if he ever made use of such language. But enough of Wirz. When the scaffold fell, soldiers and citizens united in a loud shout and several voices cried, “Now for Jeff Davis!” 1
I am delighted to hear the 5th [Illinois Cavalry] Boys are “Home at last,” though I regret that Maxwell is not with them and am almost afraid to hear from him. The 6th Ill. Cav. arrived here today. Our duty ought to be lighter after this. I am on duty every day now, am patrolling the city from 8 till 10 a.m. and from 7 till 9.30 p.m. This is not harder than having to go “on guard” every other day and attending Dress Parades, Roll Calls, Inspections &c &c from which we are exempt.
No more now. By the middle of the week, I will write you again. — Henry Barnfield
1 Henry Wirz, the commandant of Andersonville Prison, was hanged at 10:32 a.m. on November 10, 1865, at the Old Capitol Prison in Washington D.C., located next to the U.S. Capitol. His neck did not break from the fall, and the crowd of 200 spectators guarded by 120 soldiers watched as he writhed and slowly strangled. Wirz was one of only three men tried, convicted, and executed for war crimes during the Civil War (and, being a captain, was the highest-ranked of any executed), the others being Confederate guerrillas Champ Ferguson and Henry C. Magruder.As to the statements attributed to Wirz by his guards, I can find no other accounts to confirm them.
Henry Wirz hears his death warrant at the scaffold near the US Capitol, 10 November 1865 at 10:30 a.m., Library of Congress
Letter 7
Washington City January 20, 1866
My dear friend,
Your letter of the 10th is here just now (ten days enroute). I hasten to acknowledge the receipt.
My health is improved. My neuralgia is worn out. The weather is very pretty but the melting snow, slush, mud, &c. is not very comfortable to runners round. But today will finish the thaw, I think. It is very warm today.
I am to Congress two or three times per week. You’ll see ere this reaches you that the “Negro Suffrage Bill” for the District of Columbia passed the House by a very decent vote. Baker’s name, I am glad to say, is found among the “yeas.” Hurrah for Egypt!” 1 I was in the Senate yesterday while Trumbull was speaking and joined in the laugh against Senator [Willard] Saulsbury of Delaware when he made such an ass of himself. 2
Last week I attended Miss Anna E. Dickinson’s lecture on “Flood Tides.” The sentiments uttered I endorsed most heartily and for the eloquent manner in which they were spoken I cannot speak too highly. I cannot praise Miss Dickinson too much. 3
I am sorry to hear you speak so disapprovingly of Rockwood’s prospects. By a very little exertion (I am quite certain). I could get a “posish” here at a thousand dollars a year, but notwithstanding the advice of some of my friends, I have not applied for the place. I received a letter from brother Till last week urging me to come home and take charge of the farm and relieve him (he wants to go with John somewhere) but, under existing circumstances, I think this the worst thing I could do and will not entertain the idea until I look further. I have been thinking of late of going South (near Canton, Mississippi) to raise cotton. There is a company here leasing lands in that section of country and offering very liberal inducements to settlers. I think I could clear $1200 the first year. The trouble is I can’t get out of this in time, though the agent of the company is trying to get some of us out so that we may go there. I doubt if he will succeed, so you see the fates are against me, again.
I wish you to remember e to all my fiends….Goodbye. Ever your friend, — Henry Barnfield
1 Egypt, or Little Egypt” was the name given to the extreme southern region of Illinois encompassing some 16 or 17 counties.
2 Willard Saulsbury, Sr., a Democratic Senator from Delaware (1859-1871) was a statunch opponent of racial equality and black suffrage during the Reconstruction era. In 1861, he made a speech on the Senate floor contending that “God, nature, everything has made a distinction between the white man and negro.” He believed the United States to be “the white man’s home…”
The President has taken his farewell of Freedom; notwithstanding the (almost) prophetic warnings of persons who know too well whereof they affirmed the loyal men in and out of Congress were astonished at the veto of the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill: still more are they surprised at the wholesale opposition to the principles of the Bill. If the Republican’s falter, or if any considerable number of them go over to the Johnson-Doolittle train—Copperhead—Union! Fernian Party, we are lost. 1
Copperhead stock was high yesterday. They were exultant. The Union men were troubled and vexed. Everybody was anxious to know what the Senate would do. The throng was so great that I worked half an hour before I could get into the Gallery. Sumner was up, in a moment Davis of Kentucky took the floor and kept it for an hour and a half, after which Senator Trumbull in a two hours speech gave the President’s Veto Message a complete refutation; in the House Mr. [Thaddeus] Stevens under the previous question asserted that Congress had something to say about admitting members from the 11 states. The vote was 108 to 37, but you’ll see all these things in the newspapers long before this reaches you.
There’s to be a large Mass Meeting at Grover’s Theatre this evening of Fenians, Copperheads &c. to endorse President Johnson’s Veto.
February 22nd I866
It seems as if all the elite of the city are out today, yet there is no celebration nor anything else extra, except a few Johnson meetings. The weather is—- (well, I’ll have pity on Montague) delightful, and as hoops are not yet entirely out of fashion, the sidewalks are thronged.
Senator Yates made a very able speech a few days since (you’ve seen it, I guess). I hope his proposition (or Sumner’s) will be adopted. If some simple and effective measure could be passed securing the Freedmen their rights directly it would be much better than all the Freedmen’s Bureau Bills ever gotten up. I see Mr. Lane gave notice that he would move to continue the present Bill, but Johnson will not sign it. He’s just bull headed enough to do nothing now. The Intelligencer has him under its protecting aegis now. I presume the Herald will champion his cause, and out west the Republican will continue to be the exponent of copperheadism.
Lloyd Garrison lectures tomorrow night. The title of his lecture I cannot help but think is premature— “Liberty, Victorious.” Nevertheless President Johnson is pledged to “Make Treason odious.” I’d like to see him begin the work! but I feel that it is vain to indulge in such hopes. I forward you a slip about Dr. Sunderland’s break with his church.
February 23rd I866
Well there was more Treason spouted in this city yesterday than I ever heard before. The very name of Andrew Johnson is a synonym for all that’s disgraceful. I send you a Chronicle you can see his speech and judge for yourself. We are, I fear, on the eve of Revolution. Will the people abandon our Representatives in Congress and go for this? Well, I’ll not say it, —– President of ours. Has the Republican Party finished its work? and must it now be disbanded? It looks a good deal like it certainly. But the Union Congressmen meet this evening. Let’s see what they do! [no signature]
1 President Andrew Johnson vetoed the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill on February 19, 1866, marking a major conflict in Reconstruction. He argued it was unconstitutional, a peacetime misuse of the military, and “class legislation”. Congress failed to override this first veto, but later passed a revised bill in July 1866, which they successfully overrode.
Wm. Houston Mann as he might have looked in 1863 based upon an image taken around 1900.
The following Illinois home front letters were written by William “Houston” Mann (1820-1907), the son of John Beattie Mann (1796-1881) and Albina Bloomer Balch (1797-1882) of Randolph County. Houston wrote both letters to his brother, 41 year-old John Preston Mann (1822-1908) who served from 31 August 1861 to 27 October 1865 in the 5th Illinois Cavalry along with another brother, 30 year-old Calvin Anderson Mann (1833-1902). Both brothers were officers, Calvin rising to the rank of Captain of Co. K. During the seige of Vicksburg, Capt. Calvin Mann led a detachment of 40 men on a daring raid behind enemy lines that resulted in his capture. See Mann’s Raid. Houston was married in 1843 to Martha Pettit and lived until 1884 on the homestead near Kaskaskia he fondly called “Pleasant Ridge.” He afterward moved to Salina, Kansas, where he died in 1907.
Letter 1
[Editor’s Note: William “Houston” Mann wrote this letter to his younger brother, John Preston Mann (1822-1908) who served in the 5th Illinois Cavalry with another brother, Calvin Anderson Mann (1833-1902). John P. Mann was married to Nancy Clendenin Mann (1829-1912) adn they lived in Liberty (now Rockwood), Illinois on the Mississippi River 70 miles south of St. Louis. John served in the 5th Illinois Cavalry from 1861 to 1864, rising to 2nd Lieutenant, Company K, and regimental commissary. Because he saw little action and was stationed only a few days’ journey downriver, John Mann was able to preserve all of Nancy’s letters. These letters offer scholars a chance to study all aspects of life on the homefront from the perspective of a woman who watched the war’s traffic steam past her front porch. Nancy kept John connected to their four daughters and consulted him about the family finances. She also depicted political tensions in a town where many families had southern ties, while their neighbors provided shelter to runaway slaves on the Underground Railroad. Nancy’s letters to her husband are preserved in the Mann Family Papers at the Southern Illinois University archive in Carbondale.]
Addressed to J. P. Mann, Vicksburg, Mississippi
“Pleasant Ridge” [homestead near Kaskaskia, Randolph county, Illinois] June 24th I863
Dear Brother [John Preston Mann],
Yours of 14th of June came to hand in due time and was gladly received. We had heard that you had left Helena but had not heard where you had gone to—only that you had gone down the river. Was glad that you & Calvin [5th Illinois Cavalry] escaped so well out of that skirmish & that the Rebs have learned to fear the “Yankees,” “Northern Hordes,” “Lincoln’s Minions” &c. Hope you & Calvin will trade horses until you get mounted on the best. To be sure, you are right and in a [illegible]. I believe you both have the true grit & if only well mounted, would go as far as the foremost. Your Major could not have been well mounted or he——-
But you must respect your superior officers. I hope Gen. Grant will succeed in taking Vicksburg as soon as possible. I have no doubts myself that he will finally succeed, but many of the copperheads seem impatient at his slowness. I only fear that Johnston and Beauregard will get reinforcements sufficient to break up the siege & if so, the Northern traitors, K. G. C’s [Knights of the Golden Circle], Copperheads, & discontents generally would give oyster suppers, send greetings, & have a good time generally. I think that the traitors of this country have knocked under and are lying mum—even at Evansville, the rankest Secesh hole in the county they are quiet. They have found out that Union men have been holding private meeting as well as public & they are not invited to attend. Neither is anyone permitted to go into them who would reveal the objects & plans of the Union men.
They have also learned that the Union men are arming themselves, having heard a report that two wagon loads of some mysteriously covered commodity left Sparta six weeks ago & came down in direction of Preston and Harmon settlement, which is often confirmed by them talking to our men about it when our men “looks wise and speaks doubtful” and in some instances showing the handle of a revolver. This is done for effect as they are not armed except with the usual hunting rifle & shot guns that they have been accustomed to use on their farms. The Union men around Preston have procured some forty or fifty revolvers, individually, & I suppose they carry them at all times when they leave home. This is done to be prepared to meet an organization of K. G. C.’s at Evansville in which a proposition was made to raise a bushwhacking company to kill Union men & destroy their property. In that lodge, Chestnutwood, Alex Hood, & 36 others did form & organize a company for that purpose & elected their officers, Jim Richey (Bill’s son) and Blair (Sandy Dunn’s brother-in-law) opposed it to the bitter end. They said they were Democrats but they never joined the K. G. C.’s for that purpose and would not go into it. The result was they had a fracas in meeting & since then Jim Richey has left for California.
News from Vicksburg to the 4th—Good! Good! There is to be a Grand Demonstration here this evening, firing of the cannon, illumination &c Good! Good! Thank our Maker.
July 7th I863. Since writing the foregoing we have finished our harvesting. Alfred’s pretty good My own very light. They had a meeting in Chester which was large. The Union men seemed to have the majority. The Chester copperheads went to Evansville as there was to be a pay dinner there, the proceeds of which was to go to assist in supporting the Picket Guard. Poor thing! It is not able to support itself & has to be supported upon fashionable charity. There was a very large celebration in Lively Prairie of Union men. Other parts of the county is not heard from.
We have all been enrolled for the draft. No trouble. In Kaskaskia, William Crawford was appointed to do it. His manner at the commencement led some of them to think that he was afraid & they played off a joke upon him & got him so alarmed that he backed out. A copperhead told me that if he had went at it & done it, there would have been no trouble about. Bob Gant enrolled all of the township east ofthe river including Reily’s and Roberts’ neighborhood & if he had his [illegible], it would all have been done by this time.
We have just heard of a heavy battle in Pennsylvania & hope it is as well for us as reported. We are looking for [brother] Jonta [Jonathan Balch Mann, 80th Illinois Infantry] to come home on furlough. His address is Murfreesboro, Tennessee Field Hospital, Tent No. 9. But it is no use for you to write him as he will be moved if he don’t come home. — Huston
[Brother] Clinton’s 1 address is Murfreesboro, Tennessee, Care of Capt. Nevill, 22nd Regt. Illinois Vols.
1 Robert Clinton Mann (1824-1863) served in the 22nd Illinois Infantry and was wounded in the Battle of Chickamauga in September 1863. He died of his wounds on 2 October 1863.
Letter 2
Pleasant Ridge January 29, 1864
Dear Brother,
Yours of the December last came in due time and answer delayed in hopes of seeing Luther but on account of the cold weather he has failed to come up. I am engaged in teaching & cannot go down there to see him. Therefore, I will write without waiting further. Papa, Alfred & I agree in thinking that the McLaughlin debt is the only debt that is crowding us now & that it ought to be settled as soon as possible. Enclosed I send an account of the indebtedness to him with the amount of of credits. I will consult Luther the first opportunity & I think you may safely entrust him with it as he has been in tight places himself & has always managed to get through.
Boyd’s cannot crowd for two years yet, unless they can get something on you personally. I suggest that you send Papa & Mother a five or a ten once in a while as they have nothing to make pocket change out of and they often would get little comforts that they don’t ask Alfred for & do without.
You wrote Papa that you had no account of the particulars of Clinton’s death. Neither have we. He was wounded in the shoulder and taken to the hospital which the rebels succeeded in getting possession of & he was with them till the morning that he was exchanged & we do not hear of any of our men that saw him alive but suppose that he died about the time he was brought in. He is buried in Chattanooga. Jnta [Jonathan] saw his grave. Poor brother! Blasted in his earthly ties. We hope he is now at rest where he can enjoy that happiness that is lasting as eternity, free from all malice, hatred, envy, strife, and sedition.
Mrs. Pettit is very sick & has been for two months. The rest of the neighbors are well. There is nothing new—only one of my scholars dared to put on the secesh badge a few days ago in school which when I found out, I took occasion to reprove & forbid in future. The lassie went home in high dudgeon at the infringement of her rights & I understand that her father is [in] great perplexity & doubt how to proceed. Such an insult to the South is not to be borne at all. If Jeff Davis was to hear that such conduct was tamely submitted to on the part of his professed friends, he would class them as no better than an Abolition Schoolmaster.
J. H. Nelson is dead and what a twitter there is in the Union ranks. Many Union men think that as they are for the Union, they are entitled to the suffrages of the people. Many more are Union men for the sake of the offices (the court house including a certain butcher). I do hope that the Union will lay aside all private friendships & bring out men that are honest & well qualified & leave out all of the old wind broken, shavened, stage horses that are but a hundrance to the cause. — Houston
The following letters were written by Julius Hyde Keyes (1840-1893) to his parents, Sewell Keyes (1800-1883) and Marcia Hyde Prouty (1803-1881 of Watertown, Dodge county, Wisconsin, while he served in Co. B, 29th Wisconsin Infantry. He enlisted on 14 August 1862 and remained with his company until he was severely wounded in the Battle of Champion’s Hill on 16 May 1863 by a bullet to the head. From a field hospital he was transported to a hospital in St. Louis, Missouri.
“Corp. Julius H. Keyes of Co. B, 29th Regiment, reached this city last Tuesday. He was severely wounded in the battle of Champion’s Hill and for some weeks has been confined in the hospital at St. Louis.” [Source: Watertown Democrat, 23 October 1863]
Two years later, the bullet was finally extracted:
Watertown Republican, 1 November 1893
“On Tuesday last Dr. Brainard of Chicago, probably the most eminent surgeon in the west, performed a very skillful and successful operation on Julius H. Keyes of this city – extracting a minie ball from his head where he has carried it with much pain and suffering ever since the memorable battle of Champion Hills, two years ago the 16th of May. The ball entered the head near the right temple, destroyed the optical nerve in its course, pressed the eye outward, and embedded itself well up under the nose. It was removed by first being pressed into one of the nostrils and then drawn out. It was found to be an ounce ball, badly flattened out. At the time of receiving the wound he was a corporal in the 29th and belonged to the color guard – a post of honor and danger. The officers and men of the regiment who passed through that sanguinary battle with him will be rejoiced to learn of a prospect of the speedy recovery of their former comrade who fell, as all supposed, mortally wounded in their decimated ranks, where the fire was the hottest and raged the fiercest. On the eve of his departure for Chicago a number of liberal-hearted citizens, remembering with pride his gallantry in the field and the indomitable courage with which he has borne his sufferings, presented him with a purse of $50 as a slight testimonial of their appreciation of his services in fighting the battles of his country.” [Source: The Watertown Republican, June 1, 1865]
Letter 1
Camp near Helena, [Arkansas] December 3d, 1862
Dear Friends,
I received your letter yesterday and will hasten to answer it hoping this will find you in as good health and spirits as this leaves me and will be received with as much eagerness as I received yours. I do not remember of ever getting a letter which I looked for so anxiously as that one. I had almost given up ever hearing from you again. But on receiving that letter, it was a double assurance that I had not been forgotten by those left at home and I tell you that it is some consolation to think that he left dear ones at home, and that they are following him through scenes and dangers with an ever watchful eye. I really think that with some men that when they are out on picket some cold and rainy night, that the thoughts of their dear ones left at home, nerve them to endure even more than they could otherwise. With the thought that they will, at all hazards, go back to enjoy the comforts of home and the genial society of their friends once more.
But enough of this nonsense, and I will try and write something more interesting. I spoke in my last letter of an expedition of going down the river. There was forty out of this company went and you probably have heard of the White River Expedition with the intention of going to Little Rock, Arkansas. But on the account of the water being so low in White River, the boats could not go up only about three miles. They stayed there two days to ascertain if there was no other way of getting there, but at length abandoning the pursuit, they started up the river, arriving here on Saturday, having been gone just a week which seemed a month to us left behind. There was 10,000 men in all and 15 boats.
There was an expedition left Helena about a week ago to take possession of a railroad and to cut off Price from retreating from Holly Springs to Vicksburg. How they made out, I have never heard. I suppose you know more about what is going on in Helena than we do. I have been over there once and it is a miserable hole—all mud and water. It was once a place of about 3,000 inhabitants and you can hardly see anyone but soldiers and merchants and they are all thought to be “secesh.” There has been an additional force sent here—some of cavalry and battery and some in infantry, consisting of Ohio and Missouri troops. They are mostly all dutch [German] and have been all through Missouri and Arkansas having been in a good many battles and have seen a pretty hard time.
There is not much news here—only every four days there is foraging parties sent out for corn. But the boys take everything they want and have got their tents fixed up in good style, having got fireplaces in their shanties, seats, bunks, &c. They have gone out again today to get some boards and beeves if they can find any. We have been pretty lucky in getting cattle. We have killed and ate a good many.
In all our travels we have not seen a secesh in arms. They have gone further into the country where their friends are, leaving their negroes to go where they have a mind to. They are coming in here every day of all description. We have three wenches in our company and five negro men and I wish you could hear them sing and see them dance and crack their jokes. The most of them are very intelligent but their thick lips and black faces is enough, if ever he was an abolitionist, to greatly alter his opinion. At least it has mine and I have a great deal of fun of plaguing Cyprian Young about hugging them wenches.
I have received a letter from Sophia and also from Cal Jones since I have been here. They did not write any news—only what you have probably heard.
I am now writing sitting in my bunk and a very comfortable place it is—dry and clean. My bedfellow, Capt. [Darius S.] Gibbs, has gone out foraging. So you see, I have it all to myself. You need not woryy for my safety for I never was in better health in my life. The imagination of this soldiering is worse than the reality. I find it so and it is almost universal. They all say they find it better than they expected. You would think it was so to see the boys cut up and act. The health of the regiment is also good and we’ve not lost [but] one man and he fell overboard on the expedition down the river. The Colonel is very popular among the boys and any of them would die for him. He looks for their interest all he can and is one amongst them.
Olivia spoke about some mittens. I would like a pair but instead of mittens, I would like gloves. I have not got any. I was going to get a pair in Madison but we were ordered away so suddenly that I had not time, and if you could knit me a pair of gloves that will fit close, and send them. I would like them.
Write soon and oblige, — Julius Keyes
P. S. Tell Willis if he can get a chance to learn to set type to learn. I was glad to hear you was getting along so well and I hope as well as believe that I will be home next summer so that there is going to be something done this winter. I am certain. We can tell this month how things are going to be for the next six. My love to all. — Julius H. Keyes
Letter 2
Friar’s Point, Mississippi December 26th 1862
Dear Friends,
I received your letter dated the 14th while standing on the bank of th Mississippi river at Helena waiting for the boat to convey us to this place. In my last letter, I spoke of our going across the river to Helena to encamp which we did on the 23rd, but had not but just hot there and was setting up our tents when the order came to pack them up in the shortest notice to go where a soldier never knows. The order come at noon but we did not get on board the boat until dark and did not leave Helena till Christmas morning and was about two hours coming to this place, it being only 15 miles below our old camp.
When we arrived at this place there was some dozen guerrillas here enjoying their Christmas and it would have done you good to have seen them run. As soon as they saw the boats were agoing to land, they put [out] and we sent a shell after them but did not hit any.
This town is a very pretty little town and in time of peace, there might have been two thousand inhabitants but now there is but very few men and the stores seem deserted. There is considerably many women and intelligent and good-looking ones too. We occupy what houses we want for our commissary store, hospital, &c. and the Colonel [Charles R. Gill] has got his headquarters in one of them. But how long we shall stay here, I cannot say. The Colonel is in command of this place and as long as he is in command, we shall not want for fresh meat as long as it is running at large about the streets. You would laugh to see us last night when the Colonel rode along and spying some hogs, he said, “Boys, we want some of them to eat,” and then the boys went in, and such a time you never seen. But by that, we had some fresh meat for breakfast. The men in this town do not say a word against our taking everything we want, and will do anything. But we do not trust them much. The most objection to taking anything I saw was an old negro wench when we was killing a hog. She cried and took on and said it was one that her massa had gave her. Her master stood close by but said nothing.
The force at this place at present is our regiment, an Ohio Battery, and about 60 cavalry. The opinion of the Colonel is that there is not much of any Rebel force here. We have, at any rate, got in a good position to hold a superior force back—being behind a large embankment or levee.
I will devote this page almost entirely to answering questions which I have omitted to write. First, I fare pretty well and have enough to eat but not of the daintiest kind to be sure.But of good, wholesome food such as meat (fresh and salt), hard bread, beans, coffee, tea, sugar, molasses, potatoes (sweet and Irish). We have all these things but potatoes sometimes we cannot get. The rest we have plenty of and some spare.
We have not received any pay yet but I have got money enough yet. I have made an allotment of ten dollars a month to be drawn from the State Treasurer at Madison when I please so you see that it leaves me only 3 dollars a month to spend which is plenty enough.
You wanted to know how this picketing was conducted. It is done this way. In the morning at 8 o’clock the men that are detailed for pickets—which every man shares alike—is drawn up in line. There has to be an officer of the guard, a sergeant of the guard, a corporal of the guard. They are then three men placed on a post which is behind a log or tree and two sleeps while one watches. The officer of the guard—which is a commissioned officer—has charge of the whole. The sergeant and corporal do not have to watch but to keep things straight and take in prisoners to camp if there is any. They are relieved every 24 hours. The have to take provisions to last them that long. I do my own washing and do it good too. I think you would send me some postage stamps but I would not send more than one or two in a letter at a time. Write soon. Your son, — J. H. Keyes
I want you to number your letters.
You need not fret about me. I will take care of myself. I wrote you a letter at Madison stating the reason I did not come home before leaving. I was coming the next Monday but the order came 4 days too soon.
The following letter was written by Robert H. Goodell who had clerked for Joseph S. Bates & Co. in Cincinnati until he was appointed postmaster at Franklin Furnace, Scioto county, Ohio. He wrote the letter to his younger brother, Gaylord George Goodell, in response to a letter Gaylord sent him, datelined from Cazenevia, New York, on 27 April 1840. That letter, published on Spared & Shared 1 years ago, speaks of politics and asks Robert for his opinion on the presidential candidates and on the question of slavery:
“You wish to know what your brothers think of politics. David is a hot Whig; Edwin an administration man; Dwight’s mind is not fully made up yet, I think, but at Town Meeting he voted the administration ticket more somebody wanted he should than anything else. Nothing exceeds the enthusiasm expressed here for [William Henry] Harrison. There is nothing to be heard but log cabins & old cider. Last week there was a county convention at Morrisville which was attended with great display. Each town carried its log cabin — some drawn by 6 horses & some by 8 — with a barrel of old cider attached to the stern & 3 or 4 coon skins nailed to the side. The diner was composed of pork and beans with cornbread & old cider which they carried with them for it would have been extravagant to have bought a dinner these hard times. It is said to have been the greatest collection of people ever known at Morrisville. Each town dined in its log cabin. Such a display of flags I never before saw. Each wagonload had its flag with a motto of some kind relative to Harrison. Although I am in favor of Harrison in preference to Matty [Martin Van Buren], yet there are others that I should prefer. People act so much like cursed folks that I am disgusted with anything that bears the name of political. It appears to be the whole business parties to frame thunderbolts vulcan-like & hurl them against each other with Herculaneum strength. Please write what you think of abolitionists. They are getting a third party here.”
In response, Robert informs his brother that he considers slavery an evil but think the abolitionists do the slaves more harm than good by their fanaticism, causing the Southern slaveholders to tighten their control of their human property. He thinks the only viable solution is for Congress to outlaw slavery, to compensate the slaveholders for their lost property, and to export the Blacks from the United States. To emancipate the slaves without compensating the slaveholders, he considered robbery and would take up arms with the slaveocracy even against his own state if need be.
1 See 1840: Gaylord G. Goodell to R. H. O. Goodell on Spared & Shared 8.
T R A N S C R I P T I ON
Franklin Furnace, [Scioto county] Ohio June 4, 1840
Dear Brother,
Yours of date April 27th was received in the last of May while Joseph was with me. He remained with me about two weeks. I could prevail on him to stay with me no longer, he being anxious to get to Texas by the first of June. It did me almost as much good to see him as it would to go him. I am very sorry he met with bad luck in Fulton but I trust he will soon work out if he has his health. I received of him a letter from Canfield & my good Aunt which please acknowledge & say I will answer soon. About the middle of April I wrote you and enclosed a $50 note on the Franklin Bank of Cincinnati which i suppose you have ere this received. You ought to have had it about the time you wrote but you do not mention it. I have waited about two weeks before writing to hear from you. Sister has not written me yet. I got a letter from Mother by Joseph. Expect another every day. I think you have improved very much in writing but you have the same fault with myself—you write too fast & take too little pains. Were you to be more careful, you might write very well.
You wish me to say what I think of Abolitionism. I think just this. I am an abolitionist in principle at heart in the nat[ural] sense of the term. I consider it [slavery] an evil but I consider there is no remedy that can possibly be expected at present. I am not one of your N. Y. hotheaded fanatic fools that spent & make a great fuss about what is not my business to meddle with. I think all acting abolitionists are little better than common highway robbers & murderers. They are in effect cutting the throats of all the southern country. By their noise, they stir the negroes up to rebellion & thereby draw the lines of bondage tighter in proportion to the extent of their fanatic inconsiderance. It is a little curious that you will not find a man who has ever seen slavery & its effects & the treatment the slaves in this country receive from their masters but he is an abolishionist at heart, goes decidedly against all acting abolitionists. He sees that their actions seem to make the condition of the slave much worse with no possibility of making it better. They are a hundred times better off as slaves than they can be free under any circumstances.
Slavery is an evil but take the slaves together, they are much more happily situated than the Whites of this country when taken together. This I do know myself from observation. Then, know my opinion. I think slavery to be a serious evil. I believe the continuance of slavery to be a far less evil than the destruction of it except it be done in one way [and] the only effective way that can ever be adopted—that is, to leave it to Congress. When Congress thinks it a greater evil than it is a benefit, they will buy all the slaves with the public money and send them from the country.
Do you suppose that a man with a human being will suffer his property to be turned from him with no remuneration by a set of ruthless, heedless, headlong fools? No! Nor is there a slave holder in the U. S. that would not gladly sell their slaves to freedom for two-thirds their value. This I do know. Then know that I could wield a ponderous weapon in favor of the South were I called upon even against my mother state. I am equally enthusiastic in that as I am in the Harrisonian cause. There are others I would prefer to Harrison, [paper torn] cannot get them now. Harrison is the most available. In 1844, we will try to march the greatest man in the world to Washington—Henry Clay. Next we will take Daniel to the Capitol. Harrison goes it as Jackson did. He sweeps the whole country. Men, women and children cry, “Live, Tippicanoe, live!” The right spirit is abroad now. The country sees her wrongs. The rascals are too Vanfaced. Their race will be over in November.
Tell Aunt I will write her in a day or two & you must write me immediately & I will write about something besides public affairs. Remember me to all. Truly your brother, — R. H. G.
The following letter was written by Sgt. Horatio Cornell of Co. H, 3rd Delaware Infantry. It describes the actions of his regiment during the Second Battle of Weldon Railroad (otherwise known as “Yellow Tavern” or “Blick’s Station). In this engagement, the 5th Corps was attacked on 19 August 1864 by five infantry brigades under Maj. Gen. William Mahone, rolling up the Union right. The next day, after being reinforced, the Union counterattack by Major Gen. G. K. Warren, regained the ground lost. In the third day’s action, neither side gained any advantage and the Confederates were forced to withdraw with the result that the Weldon Railroad—a supply line for the beleaguered city of Petersburg was cut off.
In his letter, Hiram mentions that his comrade and tent mate in Co. H, Sgt. John Shilling, captured a battle flag during the action on 21 August 1864 in the battle of Weldon Railroad. He was later awarded the Medal of Honor for this achievement. Shilling (1832-1884), a native of England, resided in Felton, Kent county, Delaware, at the time of his enlistment.
Horatio mustered into the 3rd Delaware Infantry, Co. H, on 17 May 1862 as a sergeant and was present for duty throughout his service, reenlisting as a Veteran in March 1864. He mustered out of the service on 3 June 1865 at Arlington Heights, Virginia. He wrote the letter to his uncle, George B. Titus (1822-1908), a farmer living in Lewisville, Chester county, Pennsylvania.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Weldon Railroad August 28th 1864
Dear Uncle,
I received your letter some two weeks ago but have not had time to answer your letter before this for we have been marching and fighting ever since—hardly any sleep or time to eat a peaceful meal, I am nearly worn out. I am so weak that I can scarcely travel at all but am getting a little stronger than I have been as the Rebels appear to have got enough of attacking us. The Rebels made three attacks on the 5th Corps on Friday and Saturday and Sunday week. We—our Brigade [2nd Brigade, 4th Division, V Corps]—slaughtered them on this day week that they have not tried our Corps since. We piled them up. I was on the skirmish line and they attacked us about daylight and we fought them about five hours but during Saturday night, our Brigade fell back and took up a position on the left flank and they left the skirmish line without higher support. And when we had fought until every man was tired and we was ordered to fall back, we had to run about half a mile through a terrible shower of shot and shell—the most terrific that I have experienced since I have been down here.
An AI-generated watercolor of a post war image of John Shilling who served in Co. H, 3rd Delaware Infantry.
While we was on the skirmish line fighting, the Rebels made a break on the left flank on the Brigade behind works. The Brigade slaughtered them badly. Our regiment captured two [battle] flags. Shilling captured one of them. Our company has to mourn over the loss of four men. Sgt. [James E.] Trazzard, one of our men, was missing in the fore part of the fight. 1 The Rebels must have lost at leave five to our one.
This day week I am told by one of the men that our men picked up two thousand stand of arms in front of our skirmish line since the Rebels had evacuated it. There is heavy firing on the right of the line this morning. I suppose that the Rebels are trying to break our lines as they have failed to drive us from the Weldon [Rail] Road.
I suppose that you are picking peaches now and enjoying yourself. I wish you could see us down here. I do not wish you was a soldier—especially if you seen as hard times as we do. I lost everything on Sunday’s fight. I have thing but half of a [tent] shelter, no blanket or nothing to cover myself at night except as Shilling shares at night with me.
Saturday week we fought in entrenchments half knee’s deep in water.
I will bring my letter to a close by sending my love to you all. Write soon. From your nephew, — H. Cornell
[to] George B. Titus
1 Sgt. James E. Trazzard (1832-1864) was from Kent county, Delaware. He was captured near Petersburg, Virginia on August 19, 1864. Sent to be confined in Richmond, Virginia on August 22, 1864. He was later transferred to Salisbury, North Carolina on October 9, 1864. He died there on 6 December 1864.
The following letters were written by Maj. Henry Ewing (1840–1873), the son of Orville Ewing (1806-1876) and Milbrey Horn Williams (1815-1864) of Nashville, Tennessee. Henry served as an Assistant Adjutant-General on the staff of Confederate Brigadier General John S. Marmaduke during the American Civil War, specifically within the Trans-Mississippi Department in Arkansas and Missouri. He was associated with the Missouri Cavalry in Marmaduke’s Division and participated in campaigns in the region.
Henry Ewing was Assistant Adjutant-General for Brigadier General J. S. Marmaduke during the American Civil War. “At the time of the secession crisis Henry was a student at the University of Virginia and a member of one of the student-organized military companies at the university. As a member of the “Southern Guard” Henry participated in the seizure of the arsenal at Harpers Ferry on 18 April 1861. On 14 June 1861 Henry enlisted in the 20th Tennessee and applied for a commission. Receiving a commission in the State Militia he served as General Felix K. Zollicoffer’s aide. Eventually, Richmond also issued a commission to Henry. Before the war was over, Ewing participated in several battles including Shiloh, and served with Marmaduke’s cavalry and with Sterling Price in his raid in Missouri, September-October 1864. Following the war, Ewing eventually settled in St. Louis and published the Sr. Louts Times. He died 13 June 1873.” Source: “The Tennessee Cavalier in the Missouri Calvary” by William J. Crowley, 1978.
A post war image ofEmily (“Emma”) Weaver
Henry addressed his letters to Miss Emma Weaver of Batesville, Arkansas. There is a comprehensive biographic sketch of Emily Weaver (1847-1917) on the Encyclopedia of Arkansas which informs us that she was charged by Union authorities as a Confederate spy in 1864 and sentenced to be hung though her case was eventually dropped for insufficient evidence. She was born to Abram and Mary (Burton) Weaver of Chester Valley, Pennsylvania but came with her mother and six of seven brothers to Batesville in 1859; her father intending to finalize is business affairs in Pennsylvania and set up a new business in Memphis, Tennessee. When family plans were disrupted by the Civil War, Emily’s father joined the Union army while three of her older brothers joined the Confederacy. It was in Batesville that Emma befriended Gen. Marmaduke and members of his staff, including Henry Ewing with whom she must have carried on an extensive correspondence. They referred to each other as “cousins,” though they were only cousins via Henry’s marriage to Emma Patrick Burton Burr (1845-1932) of Batesville. Emma was the daughter of Batesville merchant, Edwin T. Burr and was enumerated in the 1850 Census as a five year old daughter. Family lore says she married Major Henry Ewing in a romantic wedding at Engleside (the Burr family plantation home on the White River), Batesville, Arkansas on June 2, 1863. Henry’s first letter was written on 29 May 1863—just days before the couple’s wedding. The other three letters were written later in the summer of 1863.
Batesville, Arkansas, during the Civil War.
Letter 1
Addressed to Miss Emma Weaver, Batesville, Arkansas
Headquarters &c. Jacksonport [Arkansas] 1 May 29, 1863
I’d like to know what right you’ve got to injure my character by calling me “Coz.” Ah, I see. You think I’ve been coz–ened and as you have been, you therefore prefix the “Dear” on sympathy—but I’ve got through your threat to him, a “leave” from “Uncle John” and I won’t have a paper fight with you now, but report in person in Batesville on Monday morning where you will (I hope you know I’m a “fightin” character) get your packsaddles ready. I regret to say to so literary a character as yourself that, except the writings of Moses—also Shakespeare, I have none other now. I can refer you only back to yourself and ask you to read that little volume bound—not in calf—and I’m sure from my experience you’ll find the book a very readable effort—an easily read one.
Gen. John S. Marmaduke
Now as to that wisdom which you have “laying loose” about you—I’ve felt a want of it a long while but then I hoped one day, you know, to be nearer you than now, and then I could profit by it. But I hope yet to set at the feet of your long [ ] and learn wisdom without having these Jones’s Redds, 2 &c. to trouble me. But you are making “Em” jealous, you say, and even she tells me “Now you musn’t write her ten pages” so I’ll be sensible for once & not bore you with a “ten Page” letter. I can’t stop though now because I wish to assure you that your entreaties have so prevailed on me that I do intend coming up soon & settling “this matter”—especially as “Old Marmaduke” says “it’s all right.” Unless the devil is to play elsewhere, he’ll be up too & other “purty” staff of his. He says [ ] letter burns him you threaten & when he said this, he rolled his eyes in very cannibal like style. What tale now have you been telling, Miss Em, on me about my “converse” with you at the cave? I tell you, you will make trouble with me yet & I will have a broomstick broken over my head. I beg you to keep silent. T’won’t do now. After the supposition becomes fact, it will be all right, you know.
The General & staff beg to return to you their profound thanks and obligation to you. They are better this morning, and those “inquiring friends” say they already know enough on [ ] don’t wish to inquire further. But you must settle your difficulties with them & with thanks for your note—with tears in my right eye—with a very bad pen in my hand, & but very little hair on the top of my head, I remain your “Dear Coz.”
— Henry Ewing
To Col. Weaver, Commanding Batesville &c.
1 At various times Jacksonport, Jackson county, Arkansas, was headquarters for such noted military leaders as Frederick Steele, Earl Van Dorn, John S. Marmaduke, Dandridge McRae and Jo Shelby.Jacksonport is approximately 20 miles from Batesville.
2Could this be slang for hemorrhoids?
Letter 2
[Editor’s Note: This letter was penned just one week after the Battle of Helena. During that assault on the Union garrison, Marmaduke commanded a cavalry division tasked with attacking the Union-held Battery A from the north. Marmaduke’s attack, part of a failed, disjointed three-pronged assault, was inefficiently supported by Brigadier General Marsh Walker, leading to personal animosity. This rivalry continued after the battle, leading to a duel near Little Rock on September 6, 1863, in which Marmaduke killed Walker.]
Headquarters Jacksonport [Arkansas] July 12 1863
My dear little cousin,
My feelings partake of the gloominess of the day and my mind is wearied with anxiety as to passing important events, and—to add to all this—with little to do in my office and a host of deadheads who could act in my place, I can’t get to Batesville. Altogether, I’m in a bad humor. I’ve got the blues. Can’t you, my dear little Coz, say something to cheer me? “They say” you’re a well filled head and I know you’re a big heart. If Vicksburg has fallen as all rumors go to prove, why “the deuce is to pay with our ducks” literally and metaphorically speaking. But then there’s glorious Old Lee who has defeated them terribly in Pennsylvania, taking 40,000 prisoners (so every account says) and sturdy Magruder has been “making much mischief” with them around & perhaps in New Orleans. Why should one feel sad patriotically? No reason. Then I must resolve my blues into a want of good weather and “baby talk.” Andy will say the weather is no excuse of course—so there you see my blues which started off on patriotic philosophic and affectionate principles are resolved down to be caused merely to a necessity to have my ears flattened by “baby talk” from—who? But what do I care if the world does know than I am exceedingly anxious to see Em. I’ll be hanged if I don’t send a special courier after her. If the General [Marmaduke] don’t in a few days, in the mildest, blandest tone imaginable say, “Well Ewing, I reckon you can go up and stay a few days provided you don’t injure my character there.” Wonder if I was to send [for her], if she (the little “Margarite” in prode) would come. “I can call spirits from the vasty deep.” “Ah, but says she [ ], will they come.”
To sum my feelings up almost in a word, I expect I could be “written down” not an ass exactly, but “a spooney” to use a slang phrase. But why should I fret. I doubt not she’s a hundred percent better off now that she’s used to being absent from “Harry” than if I were there. How selfish love is—isn’t it? Just wait until you are so foolish as to fall in love with (what am I saying—as if you were not already in love and that too perhaps with the horrid name of Jones.– ugh!!) or rather to get married and you can experience these blues a little yourself.
Col. Jo Shelby, a “gutsy” warrior, was wounded in the Battle of Helena.
I expect ere this, you have heard of the battle at Helena and to tell it o’er were to make it stale. [You probably] heard of the death of the gallant, noble Smith and Col. [Jo] Shelby’s chivalrous bravery 1 & the sufferings of others. I’ll not speak more more of it—it is a sad, tearful picture. What are you giving, Em, a chance to act “le grande fight” for, coupling death & my letters together. The Yankees wouldn’t shoot such a blunderbuss as I and therefore, she need never fear.
I have just received your kind letter by Carlisle. The soldier, even if he has a wife dearer than all else, cannot fail to appreciate the kind feelings expressed in your letter. It makes me proud of myself that I am esteemed worthy (however unworthy I am) of such love and anxiety. Be assured it is not lost—that I have a heart which does not quickly love the impression made & that little cousin Em is ever dearly remembered. I’m sure I’m not to blame for Em’s not knowing of my safety. If I haven’t written 20 letters since leaving, I hain’t written one. I speak figuratively. So many did I write it drew the attention of [Gen.] Price’s staff to my frequency in writing epistles and the General thinks I am the most ridiculously in love man he ever saw. Says he protests against my using government paper and wishes I hadn’t gotten married—ain’t half as good as Asst. Adjutant as I was because I do nothing but write & sit wishing I was back home. This of course is a way he has of coloring a picture you know. He’s great at embellishing. Ain’t it a pity he didn’t get shot a little in order that his staff might be in Batesville, for he’d be certain to go to Batesville. He certainly deserved a wound for exposing himself so unnecessarily. 2
With your letters Eddie Burr came also. I was very anxious to see him. He don’t look much like Em but I recognized him immediately & spoke to him before reading Em’s letter of introduction.
I must close. I haven’t written Em yet & she’ll think the deuce is to pay if she don’t hear from me. I will write again in a few days or present myself “in propria persona.” Remember me to Aunt Mary & Burt, and believe me your most affectionate cousin, — Harry
1 Col. Jo Shelby earned fame in the attack on Helena for his “audacious” and gallant leadership. He was wounded during the battle and credited with saving his battery.
2General Sterling Price had a reputation for always being active in the front lines with his men. He did not command from behind and while his heroism was never questioned, it sometimes led to poor coordination between cooperating commands. It was Price who led the attack on Battery C (Graveyard Hill) and, after it was captured, stayed with his troops under intense artillery fire from Union batteries and the Union gunboat Tyler.
Letter 3
Headquarters Marmaduke’s Division Near Jacksonport [Arkansas] August 4, 1863
My dear little coz.,
Your note of yesterday by Dobbins and letter of today before by [ ] came to hand yesterday evening. Why—why, don’t you come by and present yourself, which is worth a dozen letters. But I am blaming you for something which really my reason tells me you did right in. But indeed, I would like so much to see you. Where did you find my letter to “Dear Sally?” I have been looking for months, afraid that Em would find it and pull my whisker for ever having loved anybody else than her and that she too would feel “jealous” about my keeping “them angals” in “Old Macnany [?]” You have done me a favor. I shall return it whenever I can. Now you mark me if I don’t find one of your letters to Jones soon and be kind enough to read it to you. And your own letter—so like you—cheerful and happy. It is almost a welcome as one from “Queenie.” If I can see Adam, I will deliver your message. I am kept so close in my office as our command is so far separated that I am never seen of delivering a message given me.
I think your conclusion about staying at home even in case the Federals occupy the country for most sensible. If they do remain for a long while, I shall send Em back but not as you think in a “few weeks.” I want her to stay until matters become quiet and the problem is solved. Of what disposition the Federals, after they obtain possession, intends making of things—whether Arkansas is to become a second Missouri—I know her little heart will break down in its resolution, but when it does, there is time enough for her to return. I think too & thought before getting her to go of what you say—her great anxiety in case I were wounded, which is probable at all times. Your case, I think, entirely different, and yet I know what it is to bear the “taunt of gallency tongue.” If you go to Little Rock, you most likely will have to leave them and at any rate, you will have to leave your mother who will be left by herself and in no way can I see that it is a proper course to take to leave home unless the occupation of the Federals is perpetual. You can stay at home in quiet—what you really need very much—reading and planning, perhaps to do many kindnesses for prisoners. You can, as it were, domesticate yourself. Indeed, my dear little coz, I think your going out now would go far towards making you as [ ] as a ship without a helm. This “helm” is and will be given you by quiet. You, as yet, have your thoughts & objects in life “all in a mix” and you would more greatly mix them by leaving? We cannot long be beat down but like Laurence’s serpent, we may be struck, but we bite in return and it will be more deadly. 1
I admire your courage. I love a woman or man who shows such character and I despise the weak hearted who whines, “We can’t whip ’em.” “Once more to the breach, dear friends, once more!” is my motto forever. God has smiled on us even while chastening us. What is liberty if not purchased with sacrifices with blood? Liberty before everything. It is a solemn duty. It is a principle invested in us by God Himself and it is only the sniveler who gainsays it.
I heard from Em, my little d____q___ yesterday. She dated her letter July 31st at Adam’s, 21 miles from Little Rock. Said she was very well but tired. Didn’t know how long she would remain as Little Rock, of course, is a little low spirited. Says everybody she meets is cursing Marmaduke—poor fellow. I learn from several meeting her that she has got to Little Rock the next day—Saturday August 1st.
If possible, I will be down to see you. Hope to go with the General some evening but my dear little Coz, don’t think hard if I don’t. I have been away very much you know lately and the others have not so I will have to play housekeep awhile. I send you a book to read. Perhaps it will interest you. I know you will have a gay time. Tell cousin Laura I received her note, delivered her letter after “dueling” the General awhile by keeping it. I would rather answer her letter to him than hers to me. Oh what an amount of rascality is in that correspondence. She writes to me like a preacher; to the General like—what? Give her my love and say that I will send her all the papers I can get my hands on. Tell Mr. Cox to send me the money for the two pounds of butter she eat. It’s scarce.
Cousin, don’t dream of & fill your [ ] with possibilities. They will make you unhappy. Drown these thoughts out. Goodbye. God bless you. Believe me your affectionate cousin, — Harry
I send this by a handsome man and better proxy than myself. If Mr. Cox wants something to smoke, we have some fine cigars.
1 This allegorical reference remains an enigma. I could not find any reference to it in period literature yet, ironically, decades later, D. H. Lawrence’s wrote a poem called “Snake,” in which the allegory of the serpent being “struck down but biting” was the subject. It represents the conflict between innate, natural impulses and the destructive influence of societal conditioning, or “voices of education.”
Letter 4
Headquarters &c. Des Arc [Arkansas] August 18, 1863
My dear little “Coz,”
Capt. Hooper formerly of Col. Greene’s staff, returns to Jacksonport tomorrow and if Col. Greene is still in Batesville, will also go there. If not, he promises to send this to you. It may be my last chance to write you & notwithstanding my intense laziness, I cannot resist writing it if it “just a little.”
After leaving you at Simpson’s, I hope you pardoned my impoliteness in leaving you alone. [Major Charles Cicero] Rainwater 1 and myself, as Newton would say, “rushed frantically” to Searcy. We thought we could make it by dark but Rainwater’s horse was very much tired and we had to halt an hour to let a terrific rainstorm pass, and ride out with it until about nine. I feared that Em, getting tired of waiting, had perhaps gone on and when within three or four miles of town and hurriedly on went to one hotel, I was then informed she was at one below. There she was in truth and really cousin, I was afraid to go in except stealthily for fear that she would make a scene. As it was, though General [Marmaduke] had told her I would be there early in the evening, the little thing had been beset with the fidgets all the evening, running to the window & looking out of the door and was listening for me. Although I came in quietly, she happened to be coming out in the hall, I suppose, to ascertain the cause of the noise when she met me. Of course there was a scream and “Why Harry!” and I was again happy. She then remained with me until the second day after (Judge F, only then being ready). You may judge that neither lost any time in gadding about. The time came too soon for her to leave and again she was off, sobbing like her heart would break to the [Little] Rock. She rather thought she had done wrong in returning but know as well as I did that even when I disposed to scold her before, I would forget it in her presence. What plans and ideas are swept away by the masses of her presence. After riding along or sitting, I think of something to change or improve in her nature—something to wile her mind interactively . But when I meet her, it is forgotten in the ecstasy of her presence.
Oh! little Coz, she is indeed with all her faults worthy the deepest love of any and often comparing my more phlegmatic nature with hers, I fear I am not capable of a love deep enough to requite hers. Well, well, the subject always runs away with me.
I handed your bundle to Uncle John. He opened, read the note but could not make it out. Asked me from whence it came. Pretended to be ignorant, I suppose, but you may be sure he was very grateful for the opportune present (and I was too for he’s always using mine). I let him know who lost them. I sent your letter forward.
Speaking of letters, Em had written you already when her letter went to Mrs. [Laura A. Erwin] Cox but by some mistake the letter was never mailed. Now didn’t I tell you so! I told her of it. She intends writing you by first opportunity. Mrs. Cox and [General] Price had the devil of a time getting [ ] from the Glaizo. They were lost near Red River and stuck in the mud. Price had to push the buggy out while Mrs. Cox led the horse—the mud 6 inches deep. You can well imagine how much fun Mrs. Cox had out of Price. She was in great spirits while in Searcy. Was there during the gunboat excitement but packing up ready to leave. Did not get off until next day when the General sent Carlyle along with her. She will be great company for Em while they are together in Little Rock. Rare talks they will have. While here, she got a letter from [her husband] Maj. [Thomas] Cox in which I believe she said he would shortly be in Little Rock. 2
My dear little cousin, how dearly I would like to find my table with you tonight. I know not why it is, but I have tire of talking some to others, “mums the word entirely.” Are you adopting any of my well meant but I fear stupid antics. Would I might see you occasionally to cheer you up. But the war is not eternal, I hope, and “we will meet again.” I write on time. Forgive my brevity. Remember me kindly to Aunt Mary and Mrs. Kinnard & for fear I won’t again have opportunity to write to all at Mr. B’s and to “Auntie” dearly and now you won’t forget ne? Will you? Please don’t. It would hurt me, and believe me, my dear little cousin, I will often be carried back in memory and my heart will yearn to see you & see you help to make your happy. Goodbye. God bless you, — your cousin & friend, — Harry
The enemy are crossing the river—White—below Clarendon. We will have a big fight above Little Rock unless they make a rear movement by way of Pine Bluff. Shelby’s Brigade has been ordered I suppose temporarily to support Gen. Walker. It creates great dissatisfaction in the Brigade.
1 Major Charles Cicero Rainwater (b. 1838) was appointed ordnance officer on the staff of Gen. John S. Marmaduke in 1863.
2Lilburn “Thomas” Cox (1829-1871) was born in Indiana but came to Springfield, Missouri, in the fall of 1836. He served in the Missouri Militia during the Mexican War and later became a protege of Gen. Sterling Price. In 1858, Cox relocated to Batesville and married in 1842 to Elizabeth Hayden. He was a school teacher in Batesville and attempted to establish a law practice. Before the Civil War, Thomas purchased the Batesville mansion built by his father-in-law and hosted many dignitaries. During the war, the house was occupied at times by Gen. John S. Marmaduke. In January 1869, Thomas remarried to Laura A. Erwin (b. 1836). In 1860 he owned 2,650 acres of land in Independence county. A Quaker, Thomas owned only one slave in 1860. After Thomas’s death in 1871, Laura A. Erwin Cox was remarried July 2, 1874 to Dr. David Ewing, believed to be the former husband of Em Ewing mentioned in her letter reproduced above.
The “Independence Chronicle” printed a letter written by Laura A. Erwin Cox to her husband dated September 14, 1863. In an edition printed in October 1963 the newspaper expressed appreciation to Miss Elenor Gray of Batesville who was a grand-niece of Laura A. Erwin Cox. The newspaper terms the letter one of the most graphic accounts of the Battle of Little Rock and the retreat of the Confederate army. The writer of the letter was in Little Rock when the evacuation began and accompanied the soldiers at least as far as Arkadelphia, Arkansas. It is believed that she had left the Cox home in Batesville when northern Arkansas fell into Union hands. The letter reads:
September 13, 1863
My Dear Tom,
Here I am, right side up with care, but quite a wonder considering what I have gone through with in the last 5 days. You will have heard of the evacuation of Little Rock by our troops, that the enemy now holds our Capitol, etc. This was done on the 10th. I closed a long letter to you on the morning of the 10th, and at that time it was thought we could hold the place, but a few hours soon told a different tale. The enemy advanced below town, crossed in force, but did not come up on our fortifications as was expected by Gen. Price, but shunned them as all sensible people would do when they could effect their aim without it.
Gen. Price estimated their strength at 30,000 some more (cavalry infantry under [Gen.] Steele, Davidson, Curtis). On the morning of the 10th it was found that they were crossing some 4 to 6 miles below the Rock. Marmaduke’s Cavalry was immediately crossed on this side, sent down to keep them in check til the infantry could come over, which they did immediately commenced the retreat, which was about 10 o’clock. The cavalry was fighting all the time in the most daring and gallant manner ever witnessed. They, thinking all the time that the infantry was to support them, gave a general fight which every man was anxious for. There was no infantry engaged—only the entire cavalry force (including Newton’s & Dobbins’ regiments which were under Marmaduke also). The artillery was partly engaged. Pratt’s Battery did good work, also Woodruff’s, which was made up of volunteers.
At 1 o’clock it was generally known that a general retreat was ordered. The cavalry stood up to the last minute disputing every inch as they fell back. Never did men fight better, never more hurt at the giving up a place, for they felt it would be a long retreat. The men all would have felt better satisfied if they would have given them a trial. Many blame Gen. Price— think the force not so great, but it is bound to be large. They move with entire confidence. I suppose Gen. Price knows best, but it does look like it was rather badly managed. Had his fortifications been extended down the river and up–instead of putting the entire works in front of the town, the time might have been prolonged, if not successful entirely. I will not criticize ‘Old Pap’s’ generalship for he has plenty of that. He may be all right in his notions. The retreat did not take him by surprise for to my certain knowledge there has been more arrangements to evacuate the place than to hold it.
It’s all gone up now—all North Arkansas. Where their lines will be in four weeks, no one knows. I left at 4:30 that evening, came out with brother as our cavalry retreated. When I left Dr. K., our cavalry was in line across the lower end of town below the P. O. fighting. I helped Dr. K. bind up some of our wounded. You have no idea what a cram there was. Marmaduke through Price was influenced by some of the citizens not to fight so close to town, and he was very much enraged. He sent me and Em Ewing to get out of town. Mrs. Peyton and a few others said he was going to raise H— before he left Town. He fought them all the way through the town, but lost only a few men. He killed a Federal with his pistol in the street by Dr. Peyton’s near the middle of the town. He acted in a reckless manner all day. His men all followed him. They captured three pieces of artillery and brought them off. The men were dismounted—all save the General and his Escort when they charged the Battery. The General told them the first man that lagged or faltered, he would shoot them down. They killed 3 men off of the Battery after they took it. They would not give up. It was their intention to destroy the main portion of the Town & would have done it, but were hurried too much. There is not much love for Little Rock in the soldiers.
We followed the trains and infantry on, traveling all in a cram, the cavalry fighting in the rear. We all stopped about 3 o’clock in the night and took a rest until daylight. I slept under a tree with brother Bill and slept as sound as if I were a thousand miles from the enemy. Daylight found us all on the stir, the enemy were crowing the rear, the cavalry still fighting them. Brother and I came on, stopped about 12 and got dinner—the first eating done for several meals. We managed to get to stay in a house the next night. The [wagon] trains, passing all night, put us behind again. The Feds followed on to Benton in Saline County where Marmaduke gave them a little fight and repulsed their cavalry force that had been following them. They were soon reinforced by their infantry, and Marmaduke had to fall back. The infantry of Gen. Price was halted at Salmi River & a portion of the train. If the force had not been too large they could have fought them there, but owing to their attempting to flank our forces, they had to go to Rock Port 35 miles from here where we left them yesterday morning.
We got here to cousin Ann McFadden’s last night, tired and hungry, for something to eat had played out on the road from Little Rock here. I brought George and Fanny [horses] with me. I have given you a faint idea of the retreat & hope soon to be able to give you a more minute description by word of mouth. This is my first big retreat and I hope my last for, I assure you, it was not pleasant. The dust was so thick for your life you could not see a man five steps from you. I passed more broken down wagons, buggies, etc than you could imagine could be in same distance. I saw everybody but you on the retreat.
Mrs. Hull was along, seemed cheerful as a bird–could not tell whether she was white or black hardly. Col. Hull is in Missouri. I left Dr. Peyton’s wife 2 miles back of Arkadelphia with a host of ladies (camped). Every house in Arkadelphia and around is full. Poor Em Ewing, I left her just crying to kill nearly, in the streets. Maj. just got to say goodbye as he galloped by, the balls flying after them. Em had no way of coming out. I hated to leave her. Since I have been with Em of late I find her quite a different girl from what Nannie has always represented her to be. She has one of the best husbands except mine. He [Harry Ewing] is a noble fellow. Although Nan says Em has picked up a stranger, she tried to pick him up and failed as she has in a few other cases.
Dr. Kirkwood went down the morning of the fight and tendered his services as a Sergeant or as a man for the ranks. He thought he would be successful that morning. John Kirkwood was a volunteer gunner of Maj. Woodruff’s Battery and will make a good soldier, but Dr. tried to keep him out as long as possible. Dr. was very uneasy when he found we were going to evacuate the place. The people accused the Dr. then of being Fed, but I don’t think he would wish us anything but success, but his confidence in our cause is light. He really wishes it different, but can’t feel it will be & speaks it out while others think as he does and say nothing. But he will play his hand as to get along with them, I know. He wanted me to stay, but really I felt as if I could not stand to hear them exulting over their success.
And to be there and not hear a word from you–I could not think of it. Yet it looks just now like to keep out of the war lines will be next to impossible. Whether our army will make a stand here or not I can’t tell, but I think if the enemy still come on, they will fall back as far as Washington where they are sending all the Government stores now. Gen. Cabel’s Command got to Arkadelphia yesterday. Gen. Price & Staff got there this morning. I have just learned that it is thought the enemy will not move on here immediately. They could put this outfit through rapidly if they were to push them now for they need rest, and they are somewhat demoralized. Quite a number deserted on the retreat, mostly Arkansas men, Reg. and the infantry. The Negroes dropped off by the dozens the first night we left Little Rock.
I do hope the Feds will put the last white man that sneaked in home in the ranks & pray they may all be killed the first battle. Many of the desertions are not aiming to quit the service, but are opposed to being sent so far from home. It looks like we are losing ground here, but I hope things will change. Tis a long lane that has no turn to it. The Rebels are having a hard time. There is said to be 2,000 cavalry from the Missisippi River to be at Arkadelphia tomorrow. The militia is all encamped at town and all the old men have volunteered for 12 months in this county. Uncle James Wilson is orderly Sergeant of A Company & left this morning for Camp. McFadden is also out in a Pioneer company. The entire country is deserted by the men around here, but they are too late going out I fear. The Federals now have the best part of the State. I would not give North Arkansas for 50 times the extent of this country. From here to Little Rock there is not enough corn to feed a regiment of cavalry for three months, and the people are living on half rations—Little Rock not excepted. I positively nearly starved since I left home for something I was used to eating.
How often I have thought of the poor soldiers & as I came along the road, I was reminded of the hardships my poor brothers have undergone while on those marches east of the Mississippi River. I shall feel more for the poor soldiers now than ever. One poor fellow I saw dying by the roadside. How much I wanted to get out and do something for him. I asked Col. Newton’s wagonmaster to see to him, but he was hurried so I doubt but that he was left to die alone and maybe unburied.
I find this whole country filled with sick. The Citizens–McFaddens all sick and their neighbors. I hope I will not get sick. I had my spell in Little Rock, had only been up 4 days when I left. I feel quite well now since I got enough to eat again. This country does not look like it did when I was here before. I feel a lonesome or blue spell coming on me. It is so quiet here still I have been in such a crowd for so long, I know I will be lonesome here. Lou Ross heard I was here last night, and she came calling on me this morning has just [illegible] Lou was very glad to see me. She is about all of my old friends left around here that is not married 2, 3 children. Lou wanted to know where mine were. I told her I hung them up in my wardrobe before I left home.
Brother Bill has gone down to Aunt Rutha’s, three miles from here. He will go to his command in the morning. I am half crazy to hear from you. If you wrote me at Little Rock I have never gotten a letter since you got my letter written you at Little Rock. I was there 4 weeks, and during that time I wrote you from 3 to 4 times a week. I hope you got them. I suppose Capt. Price will find your letters to me in the mail destined for Little Rock which will be opened at Arkadelphia now. He told me he would attend to it for me. He came on yesterday with us, is quite unwell, has been on the decline since the Helena fight. I hope he will get better for he is an excellent young man and a good friend of mine. He has been very kind attentive since I left home.
Col. Shaver came during the skedaddle out of Little Rock to assist me in getting out. He said his ambulance tent and his servant with himself was at my service. He was most the most excited man I saw during the day.
Head, John Smith & about 20 others came after me as they feared I had no way of getting out, knowing I was there. I will never forget such friends for they are true friends. Head is a great soldier. John Smith is highly complimented by the Reg. for his bravery. He makes a good soldier with a Reg. of Henry Smiths who, bye the bye, I hear has gone to Mexico, family and all. I guess ’tis so he would rather go to Africa than fight. I don’t know where Freas is now, but is out of danger, I guess. Can’t hear from up there now. You need not be surprised to hear of me being homesick. I would give a great deal to see Pa, Ma little Matt now, and if I don’t get to see a big six footer down here pretty soon I don’t know what I will do. I’ve not got the patience of Job. It seems an age since I saw you. I hope I will see you soon, but I see but little hope of it now. May paper is out. I must close. Truly yours, — Laura
P. S. I am going to write Mr. Ruse [Ross?] tomorrow. Maybe he can get a letter to you or has heard from you. If our army has to fall back from here, I will go as far as Judge Rose’s if our army can make a stand there I think I’ll go no further unless I get with you. I will keep George [horse] with me as long as I stay within our lines, but in case I have to remain in the enemy’s lines I will leave him with Brother or some Officer for you. Fanny [horse] I will keep with me and take the chances. Truly yours, — Laura
The following letters were written by Felix Thomas Griffin (1838-1905), the son of Richard Callaway Griffin (1798-1849) and Phoebe Yates (1801-1858). Felix was commissioned a Lieutenant in Co. A (“Irvin Guards”), 9th Georgia Infantry, in June 1861, but transferred to Co. C, 11th Battalion Georgia Light Artillery in December 1861. He was elected 1st Lieutenant in January 1862. In the Battle of Crampton’s Gap (South Mountain), Felix and Sergeant John C. Dyson were wounded and Private George D. Bruckner was killed.
Captain John T. Wingfield’s Company C was one of three batteries comprising the artillery battalion led to Gettysburg by Major John Lane, which was attached to the infantry division of Major General Richard H. Anderson of the Third Corps, commanded by Lieutenant General A. P. Hill. Capt. John T. Wingfield, Senior 1st Lieutenant Frank Arnold, Junior 1st Lieutenant Felix T. Griffin, Senior 2nd Lieutenant Joseph W. Barnett. The battalion was usually referred to as Cutts’ Battalion, after Lieutenant Colonel Allen S. Cutts, who missed the campaign due to an undefined “indisposition.” It was officially the 11th Battalion of Georgia Artillery, which was called the “Sumter Battalion,” from Americus, Georgia. However, Company C traced its roots back to Company A of the 9th Georgia infantry – the “Irvin Guards” from Wilkes County, Georgia.
At Gettysburg, Company C was equipped with five pieces – three 3-Inch navy Parrotts, and two heavy 20-pounder Parrotts. During the battle a total of 406 rounds were expended, including 300 rounds of navy Parrott ammunition and 106 rounds of 20-pounder Parrott shell. Approximately 85-90 rounds were fired on July 2 and the remainder on July 3.
After the war, in 1868, Felix married Laura Corintha Strother (1847-1890). Both Felix and Laura were buried in the Old Griffin Cemetery in Thomson which was bordered by Little River and on the property which was once the Griffin Plantation, purchased by Felix’s grandfather, Jeremiah John Griffin (1774-1847). It seems that Jeremiah was a wealthy landowner in McDuffie County when two Englishmen discovered gold near Thurmond Lake in 1823. They couldn’t afford to buy land, so they approached local farmers. Jeremiah bought about 3,000 acres along Little River, essentially establishing a gold mining monopoly. He used slaves to extract gold from the quartz by a chemical process that involved pulverizing the quartz, mixing it with mercury and heating it to 400 degrees. Jeremiah’s claim to fame was the invention of the stamp mill in 1833. Similar in concept to a grist mill for flour, the stamp mill automated much of the process of extracting gold using water power rather than human power. The process is explained in more detail in an article in the Augusta Chronicle of March 30, 2008, headlined “McDuffie County was rich in ore.”
The letters were addressed to Col. Joseph Belknap Smith (1815-1898), the son of Joseph Nicholas Smith (1771-1857) and Polly Emerson (1784-1868) of Strafford county, New Hampshire. Joseph Belknap Smith (1802-1916) was a speculator and one of the founders of the Columbia Mining Company in eastern Georgia, not far from the Savannah river, where gold mining had been going on since the 1820s. By the 1850s, the mining operations required capital and equipment to extract the gold from veins deep in the ground. It also required steady labor for digging, hauling, and washing the ore—a labor that was supplied principally by slaves. The slaves were either owned outright by investors or hired from local slaveholders, of which there were many in the area. For example, Felix Shanks and his brother George owned 50 slaves between them, some of whom may have been hired by Smith seasonally. Smith’s operations at Columbia included a stamp mill and ore-processing machinery, producing as much as $2 million in gold before the Civil War (roughly 4 tons of gold). Records held in the Duke University Archives indicate that he employed about 120 enslaved laborers and processed 10 tons of ore per day.
Letter 1
Addressed to Col. J. B. Smith, Columbia Mine, Columbia County, Georgia
Headquarters Irvin Artillery Near Orange Court House, Virginia April 22nd 1864
Dear Colonel,
I will pen you a few lines to let you know that I am still a live rebel and that you are not forgotten. I am sorry I did not get a chance while at home to have a long sociable chat with you—not that I did not try for I called at your hall twice, but the truth is the Colonel is such a business man not to mention his lady propensities that he is somewhat (or at least I found him so) like the irishman’s flea. However, it is all right, especially if he will take care of the fair damsels in our beloved old section which the cruel fangs of war have so long separated so many of us from. I regretted very much to have to leave them all so soon, both at home and also in South Carolina where I had a good time generally, but these regrets and sad partings from them and other kind friends were somewhat alleviated by thoughts of returning to duty in the field which if left undone, life with all of its former attractions would become a burden to me and them.
Three long years have passed by and yet grim war is still upon us, and in that time we have had bright and as often gloomy prospects. But I have never been without the strongest hopes of our final success, and if I am fortunate to be one of the survivors, then life, I think, will then appear to have only begun afresh and it is a pleasing thought to have the pleasure of again sitting under our own vine and fig tree. I think our prospects were never so bright as at present and we hope that the end is near for the fulfilling of these hopes.
We are concentrating a very large army here and it is believed by many that Grant is the last trump of Old Abe. If we hold the best hand, it is thought the game is out.
The weather is now getting favorable for the campaign to open and the troops seem eager for the work before them. Two of Longstreet’s divisions are here and with other reinforcements, we expect to march to victory. I have no doubt it will be the greatest battle of the war if both of the opposing armies are concentrated. A defeat of the enemy’s plan now would inevitably bring great commotion in the councils if nothing else. And a few more hard blows would, I think, suffice. Now is the time for us to present a bold unbroken front in everything that pertains to our success. Unfortunately, I am afraid some of the demagogues of our own state will by their untimely and uncalled for opposition to the general government, prolong the end. I enclose you some resolutions of our Battalion which without farther writing express my views and I believe them [to be] the almost unanimous sentiment of the Georgia troops.
We are not faring altogether like Queens and Kings and Princes but on 1/4 of a pound of bacon, a plenty of corn meal with genuine coffee enough, also rice, and a sprinkling of sugar and molasses, with an occasional reminder of some other articles that grow in the Confederacy. We are doing finely and are healthy, hearty, robust, and we fancy good looking—if we could only get on a boiled shirt and the other paraphernalia (if you need an interpreter, call up Capt. Murphy).
I go out hunting occasionally and get up something in the shape of a bird pie which is hard to beat. Rabbits are also in great demand and although it is now spring time, we have no contentious scruples about eating them.
Drilling is now one of our daily vocations and target shooting also with the infantry. The artillery also has been practicing some in the rear but we being in the front, have not been granted that privilege.
Colonel, if you see Gabe before he comes out, please tell him to bring my ring you had the kindness t take to Augusta to be mended, if it is still there. But if you have paid for it and it is at home, you need not say anything about [it] except to ask Mr. Woodall for pay for repairing it if he has not done so.
I believe there is nothing else that would interest you. I will be glad if you would fulfill your long promise to write if the ladies don’t require too much of your attention. Nothing else will excuse you—even if that be admissible. Remember me to all friends. My special regards to the fair sex. Yours as ever &c. — F. T. Griffin
Address, Irvin Artillery, Cutts’ Battalion, Army of Northern Virginia
To Col. J. B. Smith, Columbia Mine, Georgia
Letter 2
Wagon Camp near Richmond, Virginia June 4th 1864
Dear Colonel,
Your communication was received a few days ago and also the box containing your generous donation to our mess come to hand soon after. I would have written to you some time ago acknowledging your first welcome letter, but having (as you say) from being actuated by some kind of sympathetic, mesmeretic or (I will make a dictionary of my own) unetic feeling, written only a few days in advance of the receipt of yours and failing to write immediately I soon found that an arduous campaign [and] was anything else but favorable to letter writing, and a number of my best friends and relatives remain yet unaccommodated.
I will now attempt to respond to your interesting document though if you judge from the heading of my letter & of my excuse for being here, you will be willing to make allowances for brevity and dullness in what few lines I shall write. I have been very unwell for the past three days and for once, while the storm of battle is raging, I am safely stored away from bullets and shells with our brave quartermasters and commissaries. But I am so much improved today that I think of going on the field tomorrow though my surgeon advises me not to get out so soon.
“We hope soon to take Grant’s commission away. He is a stubborn fighter and the very best one in my opinion….” — Lt. F. T. Griffin, 111th Ga. Artillery
I enclose you a synopsis of the fighting yesterday which you will find very gratifying. We are all in the finest spirits and we hope soon to take Grant’s commission away from him. He is a stubborn fighter and the very best one in my opinion they could have sent against us for when we send him back—if such a thing is not utterly impossible—it will be with a fragment of an army and such an one as I think will never be recruited. If Johnston will only now make good use of his strategy & do his work well, I think that the end is near. God grant that it may be so and that once more we may prosper under our own vine and fig tree with none of the Habeas Corpus and other Scarecrows dangling among the limbs over our heads.
But before I go farther, Colonel, I must thank you for Capt. Wingfield, Lts. Barnett and Irvin who join me in grateful acknowledgement for the contents of your timely box. Nothing else you could have put in would have been more acceptable. We had been pretty hard up for rations on this campaign most of the time. We had two negroes to feed off of only 4 rations that we drew, making 6 living on four short rations.
I see that Congress has taken the matter into consideration again and we expect to soon have the privilege of two rations which gives us abundance. All of our neighborhood boys are getting a benefit. I am now able to reciprocate for past levees made upon their commissary stores, some of which bore evidences of Col. Smith’s handling.
Our Battery has not been engaged in the late battles near Richmond though we have been on the lines. At Spotsylvania and North Anna River we were under a terrible artillery fire but being behind good works, sustained no loss except a few wounded. We had several wounded by the bursting of one of our 20-pounder Parrott guns on North Anna. One of my ammunition chests was also blown up and another pierced by a 12 pound ball. None of those hurt are among your acquaintances. We get two more new guns from Richmond today to replace the bursted one and the fellow to it we had condemned and turned in. The Battery brother William is in suffered heavy loss yesterday—three killed and over 20 wounded (brother among the latter but said to be only slightly so.)
It is now 10.30 o’clock a.m.; heavy artillery firing is going on in the direction of Gaines Mills. As it is about time for the mail to go, I will close. Let me hear from you again, Colonel, and you shall always have a reply even if it comes from the abode of quartermasters and commissaries. My regards to all my office friends. With the best wishes, I remain your friend, — F. T. Griffin
The boys send their regards to you and we would all be pleased to see the Colonel in camp where we can show him what finally becomes of the good flour he sends. — F. T. Griffin
I am sorry you lost your old house dog, Dalco, as you seemed to like him, but although I disliked to part with him, his condition for service was such I do not much regret it. — F. T. G.
P. S. Major [John] Lane, our former Captain, is severely wounded in the hand.
Letter 3
Fort Mahone Near Petersburg, Virginia September 18, 1864
Dear Colonel,
Perhaps a few lines at this time may not be altogether uninteresting, and it being Sunday which is usually a quiet day (Grant having got to be a Christian in this respect), I will see what virtue there is in writing a little. There is no news of a very exciting nature from this part of our lines. Everything has been comparatively quiet for the past few days. Picket firing and occasionally artillery dueling constitute our battles nowadays. I must confess though that this sort of warfare does not exactly suit me.
Our battery is in position in a fort some 150 or 200 yards in front of our line of battle and the Yankees seem to consider this point an excellent target for practice. They keep up a continuous whistling of Minié balls over our heads and this latter mentioned organ has to keep down, and not at all wish to satisfy his curiosity, if they would study their own interest and of course that comes natural. Nevertheless, we have had three of our men (Henling, Keough, and [Lewis D.] Sherer) severely wounded in the last few days by these Minié whistlers, none of them however dangerous, but only good furlough wounds.
We take out our guns to the rear of our line of battle after dusk every night and bring them in again before daylight. As this breaks into my morning naps considerably, I do not find this mode of doing [enjoyable], yet I have long ago found out a soldier must be a soldier or no soldier at all. And so long as Mr. Bob Lee says do so, we all say all right. I only wish we had another Bob Lee at the head of the army in Georgia. Sherman would hardly get many more days of truce. I believe the impression seems to be gaining ground that Grant intends to play his hand again soon with Richmond, for his prize and that he will have all the cards to do it with. In that case, Sherman will have to rest on his laurels—if Hood allows him—and bring some of his men up here who have been in the habit of driving rebels. They will find out that these fellows up here have been shot at so much they don’t drive well and perhaps they may be a little disappointed.
We are expecting to have a pretty hard time of it here this winter owing to the scarcity of wood and the close proximity of the enemy to our lines. We are now building a railroad from Petersburg running into the country some distance to bring in supplies of wood, but even with this arrangement we are fearful of a short supply. Heretofore we have been in the habit of using as much as we saw proper and our fires often in the dark cold nights of winter supplied the wants of blankets. However, the infantry have already been drawing on the Yankees for a supply of these and perhaps they may put in another requisition before long. Some of them seem to be overstocked already (those who were in the last fight) as they are offering some fine ones I understand for sale.
[Ferdinand C.] Duvall 1 and myself had a very pleasant journey from Augusta to Richmond—Duvall especially as he met up with a beautiful female friend of his and come the most of the way with her. This lady was the idol of General Hood’s heart, but unfortunately, [being a] one legged fellow, he did not succeed. Colonel, you—I have no doubt—think those young widows very charming but this Missee takes the shine off of any I saw at home. 2
Ferdinand C. Duvall of Co. C, 2nd Maryland Infantry
Bye the bye, how did you like that little 42nd cousin of mine we met at Dr. Holland’s? I was very much pleased to cousin such a charming little creature as I had never seen or heard of her before. I have not seen Duvall since I left him at Richmond, but had a letter from him the other day. He is with his regiment and desires to be remembered to you. If there has been a letter come for him at your office and you have not already forwarded it, please forward it thus: 2nd Maryland Infantry, Archers Brigade, Army of Northern Virginia. There was one sent to him while there which came from his home and he is very anxious to get it. I shall go over to see him soon to talk over our Georgia scenes. Col. Smith will of course be one of the characters. The sprightly widows and blue eyed damsels will all get a passing notice and the winding up will be the future prospects of another volume which I hope may be this winter, another mountain party or perchance another infair where Col. Smith and the artilleryman J. E. S. might figure conspicuously as rivals would certainly be a very desirable place for we old veterans to recreate at again.
We are now getting along very well. The boys complain of short rations occasionally, but I think they should lay the blame to their enormous appetites more than anything else. We have been drawing flour rations for some time now and this being the case, we are not yet in want of this article. But I shall be sure to make a requisition on Little River Mill if I should find it wanting.
Sally “Buck” Preston“takes the shine off any I saw at home.”
The prospects are now good for a rainy spell. It has now commenced this evening to drizzle a little and as it is quite warm, I think we will have a plenty of it. If so, Mr. Grant will hardly make any serious demonstrations very soon. He has made some reconnaissance on our right and left flank a few days ago, and perhaps this may be a prelude to more important demonstrations.
Well, Colonel, I will bring this to a close lest I weary your patience. Let me hear from you soon and when you see the young ladies, present them my loving regards. My regards to office friends. Truly your friend, — F. T. Griffin
1 Ferdinand C. Duvall (1835-1878) of Ann Arundel county, Maryland, served as the Captain of Co. C, 2nd Maryland Infantry. He was wounded seriously in the right thigh in the fighting at Peebles’ Farm on 30 September 1864 less than two weeks after this letter was written.
2 The beautiful female friend was undoubtedly Sally Buchanon (“Buck”) Preston of South Carolina. Gen. John Bell Hood famously courted her and described the courtship as his “hardest battle.” Hood married someone else after the war as did Duvall. Sally was mentioned in Mary Chestnut’s diary and claimed that all the men loved Buck. She also wrote that Buck confided to her that she would not marry Hood “if he had a thousand legs instead of having just lost one.”
Letter 4
Headquarters Reserve Camp Lane’s Artillery Battery Near Petersburg, Virginia November 16, 1864
Col. J. B. Smith Columbia Mine, Georgia
Dear Colonel, yours of October 20th was received a short time ago and as usual was read with much interest and should have been attended to ere this but as I have been in charge of our battery camp for two or more weeks and trying to get things under way for the cold of winter, I have found but little time to write. Today is appointed by the President for a day of public workship and as I have concluded to not go to church—it being quite cold—I will now (for fear of appropriating the day to a worse use) try to write to a few of my friends.
The flour you were so generous and kind to send to myself and J. W. S[hank]—two barrels—was received about a weeks ago and a thousand thanks from myself and mess & some of your other friends who I thought proper to divide with. The Strothers and Griffins have all partaken and pronounced it good with the rest of us. Myself and J. W. Shank are now messing together so of course we take a full benefit, after dividing liberally with the others of our respective old messes. But we all use of it as long as it lasts which, owing to the huge supply, will fatten us all up so we shall be able to stand the cold of winter. Myself and John [Shank] being the only two in Reserve Camp from our neighborhood, have joined horses andn with the aid of the Colonel’s contribution, or rather donation, we have been luxuriating on apple dumplings. Now Colonel, if you want to eat a good dumpling, just come out to see us and we will put the little pot into the big one and stir it with the skillet (provided all these necessaries can be found in camp)/ At any rate, we promise you a huge dumpling and as I have been exercising my hunting propensities, a bird pie occasionlly finds lodging on our table (without legs).
I have little or no news to communicate. Our Battery is on the lines and the boys over there three miles distant from here are very comfortably fixed for winter, having good cabins and brick chimneys. Here we are not altogether so fortunate in that respect yet for we have been waiting in suspense for a week just to know what to be at, the cause of which is this. The old gentleman on whose land we pitched our camp has raised a row about the scarcity of his wood and does not want us to to cut it down any more, so between the officials from Gen. Lee down, we have not yet received positive orders what to do. Most of the drivers had put up their houses and don’t like to have to move. Others had only half way finished so thus things stand. But I think we will be apt to get orders tomorrow to move one mile farther and pitch into somebody else’s timber and then in a few days I expect to have a brick chimney and a fireside of my own. And as I am the only officer in charge of all the drivers and horses, being boss, I do as I please—go and come when I please to go. to see who I please, and have a good time generally.
Well, Colonel, in the midst of this general pleasing, I have pleased to go to see a nice little girl near here of sweet 17—sound on the slavery question—good-looking and accomplished. Have an invitation to come over to play whist and to be on hand at meal times when I am so disposed. But you need not imagine I am taking on. I know how to play my hand to make it pay in more ways than one.
Now about that sweet little Augusta cousin living in Wilkes [county]. Since she has expressed herself in such unmistakeable terms as to answer a letter, she shall certainly soon have no excuse to say why she has not answered one. I am under many obligations to you, Colonel, to have given me such a chance for so amiable a correspondent. I will now tell you something. I sent her two nice pieces of new music upon my return through Richmond and received a beautiful little note in reply. In a few [words], says she shall hear from me again since you have opened the way. That was a good joke you got on Miss Molly but I think she committed herself unthoughtedly and without the intention of doing so. From her subsequent apology, this certainly was the case, and you should not consider yourself entirely out of the ring even though artillery should play against you. I learn that after a beautiful burst up, Miss Lou Tankersley has at last come to a sensible conclusion not to sleep by herself these cold winter nights, so I shall expect to hear yet from J. B. S. and J. E. S. on the subject.
I shall go to Richmond in a few days and will have an opportunity of seeing some lady friends there and perhaps I may find out what has become of [Ferdinand C.] Duvall. Poor fellow. Since he was wounded [at Peebles’ Farm], I have not heard from him for a long time now. I am glad you and artilleryman has a good time together and thought of your old friends. I hope we may all yet meet again around the social band.
I have not said anything about military affairs, elections, &c. In the former, nothing of interest has lately taken place. The election of Abraham the 1st I believe is generally conceded to have been the best for us so here we go for another 4 mile heat. Abraham in the meantime, I think, will be likely to break down on the road. Let me hear from you again as often as you can make it convenient. Give my love to the fair sex and regards to friends. Truly your friend, — F. T. Griffin
P. S. All friends well & in fine spirits. B. G. Paschal is discharged and returns home, poor fellow, I hope to regain his shattered health.
Spared & Shared 23 