The following letter was written by G. W. Moss to his brother J. W. Moss on 1 July 1863—the first day of the Battle of Gettysburg. He wrote the letter from (presumably) his home in Newtown, Bucks county, Pennsylvania, mentioning the “excitement” of the populace on account of the “call of the Governor and the Rebels being in the eastern part of the State.” The call by the governor was for the home militia to turn out to defend the state.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Newtown, [Bucks county] Pennsylvania July 1, 1863
Mr. J. W. Moss, brother,
Having spare time this morning, I thought I would drop you a few lines. I arrived at home on the next Friday evening after leaving your place with about 200 head of sheep, two horses and a yoke of cattle. I have not been away since and don’t expect to be very soon. Since I come home, I have been tolerable busy practicing doing better than trading these squally times.
We have had here the greatest rains I ever saw—just come in time to make us an abundant crop.
There is a great deal of excitement manifested here at this time about the call of the Governor and the Rebels being in the eastern part of this State. They are just doing as they please and the people let them, They have pillaged everything so far as they have went (Chambersburg, Little York, Carlisle, &c.). The people here act quite easy. They allow Harrisburg and other places to take care of themselves because we know we will have to if need be. For my part, I [al]low those to go that can spare the [time] better than I can—those that had fortunes gave them. Charity begins at home. It would not put a dollar in my pocket, no difference what becomes of the aristocrats of Pittsburgh & Harrisburg.
I haven’t heard anything from John yet. Why? I can’t tell you but I would like to know something of him very bad. Yet how can I is more than I know. There is something wrong, you can rest assured. What? I can’t say. A few suggestions in the way of thought. You ought to try to sow a good patch of buckwheat. It will be ready sale and good feed and is easily raised. Also fruit is growing to be very scarce so for a healthy secure, you ought to have a big patch of turnips (sowed then). You have the very ground for them if you can get it cleared. I wouldn’t enlist until I was bound to.
We are as well as common and hope the few lines may find you all enjoying the same blessing. Write soon. Your brother, — G. W. M.
Samuel Wilkeson, Board President of the American Colonization Society
The following letter was written by Samuel Wilkeson (1781-1848), one of the most powerful and influential figures within the American Colonization Society (ACS). In 1840 when this letter was written, he was serving as the General Agent and Board President of the society. A former mayor of Buffalo and independently wealthy, Wilkeson eschewed a salary to aid the financially struggling society in recruiting and transporting free Blacks to Liberia.
Wilkeson datelined his 1840 letter from the “Colonization Rooms” of the society in Washington City. These rooms were located in downtown Washington near the US Navy Department and the White House complex. From their editorial office, the society published and distributed its monthly journal, the African Repository and Colonial Journal to keep its donors informed on the repatriation process.
Wilkeson wrote the letter to Nathaniel Chapman Crenshaw (1791-1866), a prominent Quaker minister and resident of Hanover county, Virginia. As an active member and leader of the Cedar Creek Quaker community and the Virginia Half Years Meeting, Crenshaw was a devout abolitionist. Because Virginia law strictly restricted the manumission of enslaved people and forced newly freed slaves to leave the state within a restricted timeframe, souther Quakers like Crenshaw devised a legal workaround. They would legally purchase or accept ownership of slaves through trusts and wills, but treat them as free and prevent them from being sold. They hired them out to others to pay for their subsistence until manumission and transport out of the state could be arranged—in this case, to send them to Liberia, Africa. [Source: In trust to Liberation, Nathaniel C. Crenshaw and Eliza Hopkins Crenshaw]
Pictured in header: Nathaniel Crenshaw and his wife, Eliza (Hopkins) Crenshaw, ca. 1846.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Directed to Mr. N. Crenshaw, Montpelier, Va.; envelope franked by Alex Duncan (Member of Congress—Ohio.)
Colonization Rooms Washington [City, D. C.] March 25, 1840
Mr. N. Crenshaw
Dear sir, yours of the 20th is at hand. I am sorry you have hired out your people beyond the first of August as I hope to be able to send an expedition by that time, and as I propose to send the ship from Norfolk, it will be convenient for your people to go at that time. I trust, however, that you may arrange to have them released.
Let me request you to furnish your people with such articles of kitchen furniture and farming utensils as they will need in the Colony, beside the money which will be provided for their passage and subsistence in Africa until they can raise a small crop. I will give you due notice of the time the vessel will be ready to receive them on board.
Will you my friend, take a little interest in extending the circulation of the Repository and commending our good cause to your benevolent neighbors! We are in great want of money. Respectfully yours, [Samuel] Wilkeson, Chairman Ex. Committee, A. C. S.
This letter was written by William H. Banner and was directed to “Miss Barbrah Dellinger” whom he called, “my dear love” and even declared himself her “intended husband” but I have not been able to link the two in any Pennsylvania marriage records. I think it likely they never married.
The author directs Barbara to send her letters to him at the US General Hospital in York but he does not give us any indication that he was sick or wounded. It seems clear that he was working there, however, and given that he had to have a pass to leave the hospital, he must have been in military service. I found a William Henry Banner (1846-1917) that seems to fit the profile of such a soldier. William was born in York county, the son of William & Anna Mary (Baughman) Banner. In 1860, he was learning the blacksmith trade. In July 1862, at the overstated age of 18, he mustered into Co. F, 107th Pennsylvania Infantry but was ordered discharged for reasons unknown effective June 11, 1864. Under circumstances like these, it was often the case that a soldier who became ill and could not stand the rigors of camp life, would be kept on as a nurse at whatever hospital they were sent. He would have been on “detached duty.” Finally, he may have been discharged when a surgeon determined he was no longer needed but not capable of returning to his regiment. William married Pauline Keller about 1865 after completed a second brief tour with the 200th Pennsylvania Infantry.
But who was Barbara Dellinger? My best guess is she was the same young woman by that name born to John S. Dellinger and Elizabeth Smith in Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, in 1847. If so, she must have declined William’s invitation to become his “beloved” for she later married Benjamin F. Neff (1848-1882) in the early 1870s. After Ben died, she married Orville C. Kidder (1840-1897). She died in 1923.
The distance from York to Mountville where the Dellingers lived was approximately 17 miles.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
U. S. General Hospital at York, Pennsylvania July 18, 1863
My Dear Love,
I now enjoy the present opportunity to address a few lines to you hoping that when these few lines come to hand, that they may find you in good health. I am very well. My dear intended wife, I will inform you that I received your kind and welcome letter on the 17th and I was very glad to hear from you indeed.
My dear love, I will inform you that we received about 80 wounded men in this hospital.
The folks around here are pretty well scared about the draft. I think they will draft here next week.
We have a great deal of rain here for the few last days.
Miss Barbrah Dellinger, I think a great deal of you and I love you from my soul and if you love me as I love you, no knife can cut our love in two. Now my dear love, I will inquire several questions from you and I hope you will answer me those especially. I intend to marry you and make you my beloved and I think we will make a good pair. And if I can’t get you, why I don’t want to marry any person in my life. It is my whole trust to get you, my dear.
My dear, did that girl come that day when I was out last—you know, that other fellow’s girl? Do you think I could have stayed with you that night if it had not rained? Please let me know in return. My dear love, I would much rather speak to you personally than through corresponding but it can’t be helped.
I expect to get paid off the next week. Then I will get a pass and come and see you and stay with you several days and nights and the first chance that I get, I will get my picture taken and send it to you. And I would very much like to have your picture. My dear, you must not think hard of my boldness in this respect. Here is a kiss for you. I hope you will answer this as soon as you receive this. And one thing [more], I hope you will not keep any other person’s company or let no one touch you in one way. Remain true to me and I will to you.
If ever I return to thee a happy bride you shall be.
My dear love, please answer this as soon as you receive this. I can’t write much more now for I am busy so I show my best respects to your parents. So I must close for the present. Believe me to remain your very respectfully intended husband, — Wm. H. Banner
The following letter was written by Franklin Monroe Hollister (1824-1893) to his wife, Lucy Dutton (Williams) Hollister (1823-1908). The couple were married in Muskingum county, Ohio, on 30 December 1852. Frank was born at Groton, New York, the oldest child of Asa Hollister and Lucretia Page. In June 1861, Frank worked as a civilian blacksmith/carriage smith in Zanesville. A Veterans Schedule reveals that Frank later served as a private in Co. C, 159th Ohio Infantry for three months (100 day Ohio National Guard) during the summer of 1864. Their duty assignment at that time was to guard railroad bridges along the Philadelphia, Wilmington & Baltimore Railroad.
Frank’s letter gives us a glimpse of the war excitement in Zanesville, Ohio, in mid-June 1861, two months after the firing on Fort Sumter.
T R A N S CR I P T I O N
Addressed to Mrs. L. D. Hollister, Royalston, Worcester county, Mass.
Zanesville [Ohio] June 16th 1861
Dear Lucy,
Three months have passed since I bid you goodbye and long and lonely have they been to me—the longest three months I ever passed, partly on account of your account, and partly on account of the startling events that have transpired. It is the universal expression here that the time never dragged so heavily as it has since the 15th of April. 1
Our friends here are all well. Mr. & Mrs. [Howard] Aston send their love. Others ditto. But I can’t name the all.
We had two collisions on the [raid]road last Monday. Three men were killed in one and others hurt. Among them William Thompson—not dangerous however. 2 The cause was a new time table changing the time and numbering it the same as the last, the conductors mistaking the old card for the new one.
The 20th [Ohio] Regiment left here Thursday for the sacred soil of Old Virginia. 3 The 17th came down from Lancaster the same day and took their place in camp yesterday. 4 They got marching orders to gather with the 8 companies of the 19th stationed here (two companies [A & B] of the 19th are already in Virginia). They were to leave this morning at 6 o’clock. I went down to see them off. Twenty-six passenger cars contained the 17th and two companies of the 19th. Another train of stock cars was ready to take the remaining 6 companies but they refused to ride in them. The people think they will be glad to ride in almost any [type of] car before the war is over. I heard the Colonel [Samuel Beatty, 19th Ohio Infantry] severely censured. 5
I suppose other troops will be sent here to take their place as this is to be a permanent camp (I am afraid too permanent, for some of the girls they seem perfectly bewitched after the sojer boys and if some of them don’t leave their card, I shall be disappointed. Every day they go to the camp in droves carrying cakes and other goodies and every evening they are promenading the streets with both officers and high privates. 6
By the way, Company I, 19th [OVI] has some of the highest kind of privates. Two of them are 6 feet 7 inches [tall] and nearly all 6 feet. As I told you in one of my letters, there would be no fight at Harpers Ferry so it has turned out. The rebels have run from there just in time to escape the coils of Scott’s boa constructor.
Three deserters from there arrived at a relatives—a Mr. Swank, who lives in the country two or three miles east of here yesterday. They say their whole company deserted, captain and all. They left just before the bridge was blown up. Also say there are five thousand more in the Harpers Ferry rebel army who will desert as soon as they can get away. “So mote it be.”
Tell Gertie [that] Cappie Hiliard wants to know when she is coming home. Floy. Cole says she want to see Gertie Hollister or her great grandmother, she don’t care which. She is in a great way about her great grandmother. She went out to the cemetery a while ago and was shown her great grandmother’s grave. [She] came home crying because her great grandmother was dead. Her mother thinks it was a good joke.
My sheet is full and I must bid you goodbye. — Frank Hollister
Ben Blandie’s company of three year’s men start for camp tomorrow morning. 7 This makes five companies from Zanesville and one from Dresden, six from Old Muskingum.
1 On April 15th, President Lincoln issued a proclamation asserting that the states which enacted ordinances of secession were in a state of insurrection, subsequently calling for 75,000 troops to quell this upheaval.
2 Possibly the same William Thompsonenumerated at Zanesville in the 1860 US Census who was born about 1835 in Maine and working in Zanesville in the Carriage business.
3 The 20th Ohio Infantry (3 months) finished their organizing and drilling in Zanesville, ohio, before receiving orders to West Virginia. They were organized at Columbus.
4 The 17th Ohio Infantry (3 Months) were mustered into service at Camp Anderson in Lancaster under the command of Colonel John. M. Connell on 5 June 1861, to date from 27 April 1861. They saw service briefly in West Virginia.
5 A drummer boy in Co. H of the 19th Ohio Infantry (3 months) wrote in his diary that eight of the companies were sent to Camp Goddard, one mile from Zanesville. It was located on the grounds of the Agricultural Society of Muskingum county (Fairgrounds)—situated in a valley surrounded by beautiful wood-covered hills. The camp was “25-30 acres in size and surrounded by a fence with substantial buildings for quarters,” he wrote. [See Diary of an Ohio Volunteer]
6 “The ladies of Zanesville, God bless their kind hearts and pretty faces, have shown themselves to be true, genuine daughters of freedom. We have received from them substantial evidences in the form of various little luxuries, such as we have not had since we left our own loved homes, of the goodness of their hearts, and the interest that they take in the welfare of those who have undertaken to vindicate the rights of our government and sustain the honor of our common country. Long may they live to greet the gallant boys of the old’ Buckeye State with their kindest and most bewitching smiles; and may they live to see the enemies of our country annihilated, and freedom established from the far East to the far West, and from the chilly North to the farthest part of the sunny South; and then long may they live to enjoy that freedom which their fair hands has so much contributed to establish.” [Diary of an Ohio Volunteer, page 22]
7 Benjamin A. Blandy (or Blandie) served as the 1st Lieutenant of Co. D, 78th Ohio Infantry (3 years men) recruited out of Zanesville. Their Colonel was Mortimer D. Leggett.
The following letter was written in two parts—the first part by Emma Maria (Cruger) Irving (1805-1867), and the second part by her husband, Dr. John Beaufain Irving (1800-1881). The letter was addressed to John’s mother, Hannah Margaret (Corbett) Irving (1775-1865), the relict of Jacob Aemilius (1767-1816). Hannah was residing in Drummondsville [Niagara Falls] Ontario, Canada, when this letter was written in February 1864. Dr. John B. and Emma (Cruger) Irving are depicted in the header based on family portraits.
In March 1846, Dr. John B. Irving—a prominent physician, author, and rice planter—purchased the 670-acre Kensington Plantation located along the eastern branch of the Cooper River in Huger (Berkeley County), just outside of Charleston, South Carolina. Dr. Irving famously documented regional antebellum life in his 1842 book, A Day on Cooper River. The main house on this plantation burned down in 1924. Major portions of the original plantation are under conservation easements today to protect the historic site. It had been previously owned by Elias Octavus Ball (see Slaves in the Family by Edward Ball, 1998).
The Irving family strongly supported the Confederacy. Because of their allegiance, Dr. Irving and his family lost their entire fortune, land, and properties by the end of the war. Following the collapse of the plantation system, the family was forced to leave South Carolina. He relocated to New York at the age of 65 to rebuild his life. His son, Aemilius Irving (1824-1873), lived in Cordesville, South Carolina, where he passed away unmarried in 1873. Another son, John Beaufain Irving II (1826-1877), went on to become a well-known portrait artist. Both sons are mentioned in this letter.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Kensington February 6th 1864
My dear Mother,
Your letters of 9th & 10th November have been gratefully received & as by an especial interposition of Providence in our favor, the mail bag of the vessel which brought them had just been yielded up when she got aground off Sullivan’s Island, after successfully running the blockade, & was burnt to the water’s edge by the enemy’s shells. She brought also a valuable cargo for our government which was almost entirely saved for which Heaven be praised, for our poor soldiery in Virginia & Tennessee are sadly in want of the blankets, shoes, bacon, &c. of which the cargo consisted. This accident occurred last week. Your letters have, indeed, had a narrow escape & we do not hold them the less valuable for the rish we ran of losing them. 1
The kind & affectionate interest you express in us & our affairs is deeply & warmly appreciated. Heaven grant the prayers you put up for us. We stand much in need of His powerful arm to avert the crushing blow which threatened to place us under the iron rule of an unrelenting & vengeful foe. Our city is being shelled day 7 night, but even though it be laid in ashes, the soil will still be ours to fight upon. We are suffering for want of most of the necessaries of life—principally clothing & shoes. We have been compelled to cut up our carpeting to clothe our negroes. No shoes to be had for them at any price—the workmen being all engaged supplying the soldiery. Shoes for gentlemen & ladies cost $100, flour at $200 per barrel, brown sugar at $4 per lb., and everything in like.
My dear John [Beaufain Irving, II), who has just gone to housekeeping in Columbia, writes that everything is so enormously dear that he can scarcely scrape along even with his father’s assistance. He makes by his brush between $800 and $1.000 per month and all is expended on the bare necessaries. His office of C. S. Marshall yields nothing in these times. He has to pay $5 per pound for hams, $3 for beef, &c. It costs him more to dress his children now in homespun than it did formerly in the finest and handsomest materials. Shoes for their baby feet cost $20. Thus, you see, my dear Mother, how awfully we are suffering from the blockade. We are groaning also under the heaviest taxes ever imposed upon a people and which strip us of almost all. But we must make great sacrifices for our country. Our soldiers must be fed and clothed. God bless the brave fellows!
It made us very sad to think your words to the effect that you might die alone without an affectionate hand to close your eyes may be realized. Oh, why can you not be induced to live with or near Aemilius—that he and his wife may administer to your declining years by their devoted care and love. It is a constant source of unhappiness to us to know you alone.
Have you made a mistake in your age when you say 98 1/2? we cannot make it more than 92.
Our dear Aemilius writes from camp on James Island that he is in perfect health in spite of the severe hardships he undergoes—sleeping, or waking rather, two nights in three in the open fields, on picket duty, lying in a ditch, or endeavoring to rise in the morning he finds himself frozen to the ground. But God’s will be done!
Please remember us kindly to Aemilius & his wife & also to Dr. With many prayers for your health and comfort, your sincerely attached daughter, — E[mma] Irving
Your kind messages to Mrs. Robertson & the Hugers shall be transmitted & those to the Harleston’s also. By the way, one of your young relatives, Capt. Frank [Huger] Harleston, gloriously lost his life at Fort Sumter the other day by the explosion of a shell. He was a grandson of your uncle Ned and of Col. Frank Huger of Olm___ memory. God bless you.
[In a different hand]
My dear old Mother. I cannot express how happy we were made by the recognition of your handwriting once more. The last vessel that ran the blockade successfully from Nassau brought us your dear welcome letter of the 9th November. To find you are still, by the good Providence of God, in the land of the living & in health was a great relief & joy to my mind, and the delight was greatly augmented to find you & those about you sympathizing as warmly as you do in our sad and trying situation.
Dark and perilous times are indeed upon us, my dear old mother, and we are passing through more—much more, of suffering & privation that the outside world imagines. But relying on the justness of our cause, the purity of our motives, we will continue to endure manfully to the end of our probation, confident that in His own good appointed time our unequal conflict will interpose to save & deliver us from our malicious & vindictive foe, and ultimately secure for our Confederacy the blessings of peace, and a name among the nations of the Earth.
Sad & dispiriting as the signs of the times are, however, there is not the slightest despondency among our people. We must expect some reverses in a struggle like ours. But up to this time, these reverses have served only to stimulate us to greater exertions in the future—to nerve us for severer trials and prepare us for sterner sacrifices. I feel sure that the spirit of our army & the devotion of our people will rise as difficulties & dangers gather & deepen around us.
We have not yet been driven from our plantations, do not feel the effects of the war as severely as those who have to buy everything they require for their daily sustenance. The markets are so high many families no longer purchase meat. We planters have enough to eat and we share to others some of God’s bounties to us. But we find great difficulty for ourselves & negroes. I had to give a few weeks since $1,850 for a bale of [ ]. I have often purchased before for $60. What a consumption of Brotish goods will take place as soon as the blockade ceases.
I have many things to say to you, my dear old mother, but I cannot write them now. God grant we may meet again in this world. I am delighted to hear such good accounts of Robert Towbridge. You have reason to be proud of him. Do you think his mother is permitted to look down from Heaven & see him in his elevated position? I think so.
Remember me to Mrs. Murray with my best regards. & now, may the blessings of Heaven rest upon you forever & ever, my dear old mother, prays earnestly your affectionate son.
1 The blockade runner was the side-wheeled Presto. “At daylight on February 2, 1864, Union blockaders discovered that the blockade runner Presto had run ashore just to the east of Fort Moultrie while attempting to enter the harbor. Admiral Dahlgren noticed the stranded vessel and ordered the advance monitor to open fire at a range of 2,500 yards on the steamer. The other monitors advanced and began a general fire on the steamer. Union land batteries also opened fire and by morning large holes in the hull and wheel boxes appeared. Confederate batteries answered in return. By 1 PM the mainmast was cut away and the vessel was in flames. Several shells passed through below the waterline and most likely damaged machinery and cargo. The wreck was bombarded for a couple of more days causing it to burn to the waterline. The Passaic had picket duty the night of the 3rd and stationed a picket boat near the stricken vessel to detect any enemy movement on her. From February 2-4 Union land batteries fired 769 projectiles from 30-pounders to 300-pounder Parrotts at the wreck. During this time Confederate batteries on Sullivan’s and James Islands returned a steady barrage at the Union batteries. By the end of the Union cannonade the hull was shattered and had the appearance of breaking apart. A Boston Herald article reported a shell from a 200-pounder Parrott from Fort Wagner nearly cut the vessel in two. Union forces later gathered intelligence that the steamer was the Presto from Nassau.” [Source: Shipwrecks off Sullivan’s Island During the Civil War.] Reports are that the Presto carried a cargo of lead, bacon and spirits when it was driven ashore. But when Confederate soldiers rushed out to salvage the ruined cargo, instead of bring back vital military goods, they recovered the massive stash of liquor which led to the “Grand Drunk.” [See The Grand Drunk]
I could not find an image of James but here is one of Pvt Dennis Crowley who also served in the 96th Illinois Infantry (Ancestry)
This letter was written by James A. Beck (1843-1931) to his father, Irish emigrant James Beck of Gages Lake, Lake county, Illinois. James enlisted when he was 18 years old as a private in Co. B, 96th Illinois Infantry and served three years. He mustered out of the service on 10 June 1865. After he returned home from the war, James married Abigail E. Smith (1847-1939) and took up farming in Gurnee, Lake county, Illinois.
Beck’s letters describes the early engagements of the 96th Illinois Infantry on the Atlanta Campaign, including the harrowing, chaotic engagement and narrow escape at the Battle of Resaca on 14 May 1864 which he called “a damd hard fight.” As Joe Johnston’s forces mounted a strong counterattack under the command of Gen. John Bell Hood, the 96th Illinois and 115th Illinois Regiments (in the 4th Army Corps) found themselves outflanked by Confederate troops that led to a disorganized hasty retreat. According to the History of the Ninety-Sixth Regiment, nearly half of the men who survived emerged with bullet holes through their clothing. As stated in his letter, the Union flank was bolstered by the timely arrival of Joe Hooker’s 20th Army Corps.
A Soldier’s depiction of the Battle of Resaca
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Directed to Mr. James Beck, Gages Lake, Lake county, Illinois
Camp at Cassville, Georgia May the 21st 1864
Dear father,
It is with much pleasure that I take my pen in hand to let you know that I am all right yet and I hope these few lines will find you all the same. We have had some damned hard times this month. I wrote a few lines to you when we was at Tunnel Hill and I sent 20 dollars and I have not had a letter from you since I have been in the company—that is, since I left the battery.
I told you about our skirmish at Rocky Face Mountain in front of Dalton. I told you that we had one killed in our company and two slightly wounded in our company. We had 2 killed in the regiment and 30 wounded that day. That was the 9th and the 12th the rebs had to evacuate for if they had a stayed one day longer, we would had them cut off. But they got out and on the 13th followed them right on. We came through Dalton on the 13th and on the 14th, we had a damned hard fight. We was about in the center of the line and they fell back to their breastworks and they thought to make a stand in the forenoon.
We heard a pretty heavy firing on our right and it kept working around till we got it before night for they massed their force on us and thought to break our lines. Our company was sent out on the skirmish line. We had one man killed in our company and pretty soon we was ordered to join the regiment and we did and we had another company go out and they got drove in and the rebs made a desperate charge on us and they had our regiment surrounded on three sides and they poured a volley into us from three ways and we give them our loads that we had in our guns and we had to get out. And we only had the one way to get out. We lost in all since we started on this campaign 11 killed, 35 wounded, and there is 3 missing.
I had one damned close call. I got a bullet hole through both pants legs but it did not happen to touch the hide. It tore a hole that I could stick my hand in but I thought it was close enough and I was damned glad to get out as well as that. We never could a got out if we had not been good on foot and I tell you, our battery just more than sent shells and canister in them. But Old Joe Hooker just came up with reinforcements then and saved us. I think if he had not come just as he did, that the biggest part of our brigade would have been captured.
And the next day was Sunday and it was about noon when Hooker got his corps there and they had a desperate fight. We had to support them. I tell you, it was a hard old thing. The bullets flew pretty thick around us. There was one struck Ney [Nate] Lamb [of Co. G] on the finger and he had to have it taken off. I believe our men got four pieces of artillery that day and I don’t know how many prisoners out of there and the next morning we followed them up. The first town we came to…[unfinished & unsigned letter]
The following letter was written by Addison “Lee” Ewing (1837-1914) of Haubstatd, Indiana. He enlisted and mustered into Co. C, 63rd Indiana Infantry og May 1, 1862, and was promoted to 2nd Lieutenant on 2 October 1862, which rank he held throughout the Atlanta Campaign which he describes in this letter. Later, in October 1864, he was promoted to Captain of Co. I. and then resigned due to disability in April 1865.
Capt. Addison Lee Ewing, 63rd Indiana Infantry (AI generated painting from tintype on Find-A-Grave)
As he mentions in the letter, the regiment saw its first real battle at Second Bull Run on 27 May 1862. They were not seriously tested again until the Atlanta Campaign where they fought at Rocky Face Ridge and Resaca. At the latter place the brigade, with the 63d in the front line, charged across an open field, more than half a mile in extent, under terrific fire and took a portion of the enemy’s works, its loss being 18 killed and 94 wounded. It overtook the enemy at Cassville and drove him all the following day.
It took position at Dallas, where it lay in entrenchments until June 1, under the fire of three batteries, and was in line of battle from June 3 to 6. It was then in reserve until the 15th when it again took the front line near Lost Mountain. It was under fire at the Kennesaw line, crossed Nose’s Creek under a heavy fire, and was then in entrenchments until July 1. It reached Atlanta July 20 and was in the engagement of the 22nd. It was in various movements about Atlanta until Sept. 5 and then moved to Decatur, where it remained until Oct. 4, when it joined the force sent to intercept Hood.
From Dalton it marched to Nashville and Pulaski and then fell back before Hood’s advance, being engaged daily. It participated in the battle of Franklin, repulsing repeated assaults, was also at the battle of Nashville; joined in the pursuit of Hood as far as the Tennessee River; moved on Jan. 16, 1865, for Alexandria, Va., and sailed from there on Feb. 3, for Fort Fisher, N. C.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Sunday, September 4th 1864 4 miles south of Jonesboro, Georgia
Dear Wife,
I sent you a letter from this place yesterday—the first chance I had for several days. And I sent it by the 36th Indiana Volunteers whose time had expired and are going home.
We broke camp at our position on the right the 28th of August and moved about two miles south. Our regiment being on picket was the last to leave, and bring up the rear. We got our arms stacked in the brush just at dark & threw up temporary works. Beef was then issued and was about all we had for supper owing to some disarrangement of our trains.
29th. We was woke up before day some time & was ready to move at daylight but didn’t start till 9 o’clock. That is pretty hard on me to get up so early. Today we marched about 4 miles under a burning sun, but halted in time to draw rations & put up our works before night. Some time during the night some thief stole my hat & next morning I was somewhat out of humor.
30th. Again gorgeous up very early so my aforesaid humor had a very early start. We didn’t move till nine though and as we was getting in a country where forage was plenty, my ill humor soon subsided. At noon we took dinner at the railroad running from East Point to Alabama. It was all tore up and destroyed by troops who had passed ahead of us. At night we take [ ] throw up works fronting north, quite contrary to our former fronts. But we are now in rear of Atlanta. We could hear some fighting away on our right but none near us.
August 31st. Yesterday was two years ago since we stood under the fierce fire of the victorious army of Longstreet at Bull Run, Virginia. Circumstances are quite different now. Six months pay due today. We hear that Mobile is ours. We get an early start this time and at 10 o’clock we hear the locomotive whistle on the Macon Railroad ahead of us. At 4 p.m. we hear it again still clearer than before. No stopping for dinner. That car has passed for the last time in Rebel hands. Our skirmishers go at the rebs with a yell, a few vollies of musketry, and then we hear the huzzah’s of our victorious lads as they commence tearing up a few rails of the last communications with theenemy at Atlanta. We know now that Atlanta is ours for half of the rebs have left there & are south of us fighting our other Corps. This has been a hard days work. We go in camp, put up a slight work & sleep.
September 1st. This morning we hear pretty brisk cannonading on our right. We move out in light marching order at sun up & commence tearing up & burning the [Macon & Western] railroad as far up as a little place called Rough & Ready, every foot of which is destroyed down to this point. We got back to camp just at noon, stopped half hour &then moved south again, at first slow & tedious, then for three miles just before halting we almost went on double quick. We camp on a “big plantation,” have plenty of green corn, peas, &c. I was very tired & eat my late supper about half asleep. Fighting going on not more than a mile ahead. Wounded pass us going to rear. Tonight we hear the Rebs blowing up their magazines at Atlanta & burning 80 carloads of ammunition.
September 2nd. Saw about 60 prisoners passing to the rear. Move out at 8. We hear by some officer that the “Gate City” is ours. The boys have a general throw up of hats & feel good generally. Then comes another report that we have taken 12 cannon and 2,000 prisoners south of us. We march all day till late at night. Pass rebel hospitals where I see a large number of the enemy’s wounded which they leave in their hurried retreat. At night we camp in a corn field & I am pretty near fagged out. However, some fresh mutton & coffee helps the case & I stretch out on the sod glad to get even that favor.
The cannonading is close ahead but we are in the rear and for the last two nights rest without using the spade.
September 3rd. Last night I didn’t put up any tent so I was roused up very early in the morning by a storm just bursting over my head & such lightning I never saw before. I put everything on and go to a cotton gin nearby and crouch down among horses and men in the darkness. As daylight approached, the rain ceased & I “emerged.” Some of my men who had been guarding cattle the night before came in with a lot of honey so with mutton, sweet potatoes, &c. I manage to get a pretty good breakfast down me. At 8 we move half a mile into [ ] in rear of the 4th Army Corps. Get official notice from Sherman of our having Atlanta. He also orders us to quit destroying railroads. There are various rumors of our returning to Atlanta resting, getting pay, &c., all of which I hope will be done. We have worked day 7 night for four months faithfully, have accomplished the great effort which we intended. Now we want rest. We want money, and we want mail.
August [September] 4, Sunday at [ ] o’clock. The chaplain’s of our Brigade hold a Union meeting with the song of praise is mingled the rattle pf picket fighting on the front & the sound of exhortation is accompanied by the occasional boom of gun & screech of shell. At 4 p.m. we move half mile to the rear. I think the intention was for us to go somewhere else but we are ordered into camp is a grassy field. Still in hearing of the picket firing in front.
August [September] 5th. Some talk of our remaining in camp a few days. In enquiring for the mustering officer at Division Headquarters, I was told I could not get to see him till we went back as he was at Atlanta so I supposae we are going back at no distant period.
August [September] 8th Decatur, Georgia
Dear Mary, I am rejoiced today that I am here with the victorious army safe, sound & well & among other good things I enjoyed, today was the reception of your letter of the 25th of August containing three white stamped envelopes. We suppose the campaign to be ended. We arrived here this morning and on counting, there is 25 of Co, C who have gone all through this campaign without going to the hospital, myself among the number. I will give you my diary in my next up to the present date of all the particulars. I am sorry to hear of Mrs. Harrison’s destitution. You will meet my approbation in relieving her all you can. She has seen better days. Her brother John has made a fortune off of this war & her father is a slave owner in East Tennessee living under the benefits of the Oath of Allegiance. Lieut. Blythe received a captain’s commission today.
My sheet is full but this will serve to let you all know that I am (thanks to a kind Providence) still among the living “heroes” of the great campaign in Georgia.
My love to all. I will write soon. Yours affectionately, — Lee
These letters were written by James Anderson (1840-18xx) who enlisted at Staten Island to serve three years in Co. F, 72nd New York Infantry. He mustered in as a private on 21 June 1861, was promoted to corporal no long after, and won his sergeant’s strips on 20 May 1863 — just after this letter was penned to his sister.
In the letter written just after the Battle of Chancellorsville (Letter 4), James informed his sister of the death of their colonel and of the heavy losses suffered by the 72nd New York Infantry [3rd Excelsior Regiment]. Major Leonard’s after action report claimed that of the 29 officers and 411 enlisted men of the 72nd entering the action at Chancellorsville, 104 were either killed, wounded, or listed as missing—one-fourth of the entire command. While searching the battlefield for missing and wounded under a flag-of-truce days days later, some boys of the 72nd learned the details of their colonel’s death causing the men to weep. Col. Stevens’s body was removed from a temporary burial at the Wilderness Church and sent home to Dunkirk.
Later in the war, Sgt. James Anderson of Co. F served as the Third Excelsior’s regimental color bearer—a dubious honor to be sure as it made him an immediate target in any assault. Indeed, he was twice wounded in action—first on 27 November 1863 at One-Mile Run, Virginia, and second, on 19 June 1864 before Petersburg which effectively ended his service.
Letter 1
Virginia May 9th 1862
Dear Sister,
I am well and hope these few lines will find you the same. I received your likeness and letter.
We had a fight. Our loss was great but drove the rebels. I will send my likeness as soon as I can. I will send mother some money in this letter, $10.
Give my respects to all. Goodbye. I’ve no more time to write, Write soon. Direct your letter as before. [unsigned]
Letter 2
[The only time the 72nd New York camped on or near the White Oak Swamp was in late June 1862 during the Seven Days Battles. They fought there on 30 June 1862 in the Battle of White Oak Swamp as the Union Army retreated to the James River.]
Camp near White Oak Swamp, Virginia May 2?. 1862 [see note above]
Dear Sister,
I received your letter and was glad to hear from you. I am well and hope these few lines will find you the same. In regard to my likeness, I cannot send it to you until I can get it taken. The weather is hot. The wheat is headed. The strawberries is ripe. Corn wants hoeing and no-one to do it. The rebels took all—both black and white—from [the fields].
You must excuse me for not finishing this letter. I have not had time. There has been another fight. The losses were great. The rebels were thick as the devil. I counted 18 on half the ground than that of the cow yard above the road. There is lots of men that is not buried. the battlefield is large.
I will send you my likeness as son as I can. There is no one to take it in here. The natives have left here.
I can’t think of anything more to write now. Direct your letter as before. Give my respects to all. Goodbye from your affectionate brother, — James Anderson
to Minerva Collins
Letter 3
Virginia July 13, 1862
Dear Sister,
I received your letter and was glad to hear from you. I am well and hope these few lines will find you the same. You must excuse me for neglecting so long to answer your letter. I should have answered it before if I had time. We have not had time to wash since we left Fair Oaks. The Battle of Fair Oaks was such a sight as you never saw. I hope you never will. It was horrible. But we have left fields that was more horrible that the rebels admit that they lost forty thousand. [They] say that we lost twenty thousand. I haven’t heard from Mary Ann or Genoa since April. I haven’t heard from Margaret in some time.
I can’t think of anything more to wrote. Direct your letter to Co. F, 3rd [Excelsior] Regiment, Sickles Brigade, Washington D. C.
— James Anderson
Letter 4
[This letter is from the private collection of Richard Weiner and is published by express consent.]
May 18, 1863
Dear Sister,
I received your letter and was glad to hear from you. I am well and hope these few lines will find you the same. We have had another fight that lasts 10 days. The loss from our small regiment was great — the number I don’t know. Our Colonel [William O. Stevens was] killed — one that never will be replaced. I suppose that the loss is about 120 — 10 officers. The number killed I don’t know — this is the loss in killed, wounded and missing. But I am safe though our loss was heavy. But where we had 1 killed, the rebs had 10. They come out en mass and the lead and iron was poured into them volley after volley. The grape, the canister, the case and the shell swept them away like the dew before the sun in the days of July. They come out brigade after brigade and fell to the ground never to rise again. Yes, fell dead and wounded like the grain before the reaper’s sickle. Those days left many a fatherless child and many a widow to mourn the loss of that dear one that was slain. I will say no more of the war.
The box come all right. The tape was of no use. It was as wide again as I wanted. I thank you for it. I will send you some books that I would like to have you take care of for me. I will send you a dollar to pay the expenses on them. If I could hear from mother, I would send her some money. I think that she might have told me something about her going. I haven’t heard from any of them but you in some time.
Goodbye. From your affectionate brother, — James Anderson
“I am Barbara Blake, the great-great granddaughter of Benjamin B. Hall [of Co. F, 105th Pennsylvania Infantry]. I have in possession two of his letters he wrote home right before he was captured and died in Andersonville, Georgia in 1864. I was informed that Brian Rhinehart from Civil War Records said you would be interested in publishing these on your site and transcribing them for research. I would love for my great-great grandfather’s letters to be used in this way. Two letters he wrote were passed down from mother to daughter and I think they may be the only letters he wrote as he was captured shortly after the last letter. Since he passed, I am the fourth daughter to possess them and will be passing them down to my daughter as well. There are two letters, one from April 1864 and one from May 1864 and his tintype photo. I had these copied a few years ago and the originals are between acid free paper to protect them. I also included my transcription of them, they were very hard to read, but you may be able to read what I could not. I think your project is wonderful.”
Benjamin B. Hall, Co. F, 105th Pennsylvania Infantry (courtesy of Barbara Blake)
Benjamin B. Hall (1824-1864) was a 39-year-old farmer compelled to register for the draft in Mahoning Township, Indiana County, Pennsylvania, in June 1863. By this time, the war had persisted for nearly three years. On 29 February 1864, a leap year, the now 40-year-old Ben took the solemn oath at Pittsburgh to serve in the U.S. Army. Those who enlisted alongside him that day were not the youthful, idealistic volunteers of 1861; instead, they were middle-aged family men—draftees fully aware of the hardships and dangers that awaited them.
Ben’s service record is short. Prisoner of War records reveal that he died of “scorbutis” (lack of Vitamin C) while at Andersonville Prison in Georgia. His date of death was given as 17 July 1864, just four and a half months after he entered the service and only two months after his capture. It would be a full year before his widow could obtain the proof necessary to file for a widow’s pension. Her application reveals important facts about their family. It tells us her maiden name was Mary Ann Porter (b. 1838) and that she married Benjamin on 25 April 1857. Together they had two children, Elizabeth (b. 1860) and Susannah (b. 1863). Mary Ann was illiterate—signed her name with an “x.” The pension record also informs us, by testimony of Ben’s captain, that he was taken prisoner at the Battle of Spottsylvania Court House on 12 May 1864. He must have been mistaken, however, for Ben’s second letter reveals he was still with the regiment when he datelined it on 20 May 1864. That letter informs us that he was serving in the rear guard so my hunch is he was taken prisoner shortly after having sent off his letter. His fatigue may have added to the risk of capture as those lagging behind a marching regiment were often gathered up as prisoners by enemy cavalry.
Over the years I have transcribed several letters by members of the 105th Pennsylvania Infantry. These include:
My well, beloved wife Mary and my lovely little children,
I am reasonably well at present and I hope those few lines of mine may find you all enjoying better health than your poor father that is far away from his sweet family. I hope the blessing of God may be with us now and ever. Mother, I want you to take good care of yourself and my dear children.
Mother, you must not work very much in your garden. When you get your lot ploughed, hire John to plant your potatoes and make your garden. Get enough potatoes if you can get them and try in time and get yourself a good supply of onions to set out. And I want you to let me know whether you got more ground added to your lot or not, and if [it] ain’t fenced, you can still get it done in time for turnips. I should like so well [if] you could a had it ready for potatoes.
Well, Mother, we all thought Mr. Barto 1 see’d a big sight when he was out in the six months service but I do tell you, if they send him from Camp Coplin [Copeland] to where I am, he will see something. The folks around home are getting scarce and the report here is they want the men this summer to make a close of it for to see the encampments between Alexandria and where I am now—a space of sixty miles.
Mother, I should like so well [to see] you and the children. Write soon and often. It does make me feel rejoiced to hear of you all enjoying good health. Nothing more at present, and [I remain] your affectionate husband to death, — Benj. B. Hall
To Mary Ann Hall and my sweet children
Give my compliments to all enquiring friends. Amen.
1 Possibly George Washington Barto (1840-1918) from Indiana county who served just a few weeks in Congress. I, 74th Pennsylvania Volunteers in 1862. His wife was Sarah Porter—possibly a relative of Ben’s wife.
Letter 2
May 20th 1864
My sweet and loving wife until death do separate us,
I long to see you and my dear children and I hope the Lord will spare us to meet together on earth again. Mother, I received your affectionate letter yesterday the 19th day of May and it found me very much fatigued from a long and double-quick march from 4 o’clock in the evening to about 10 o’clock the next day. Our Corps encamped there to that evening about 7 o’clock. There was a skirmish of the enemy cavalry and our artillery [who] got to fighting about 4 miles from us. Our Division was called back to reinforce our artillery that night and when the Division got there, the enemy retreated. We followed them and took some prisoners. They fought hard for a little while but it so happened we gained the battle with the loss of a good many men of ours.
We are expecting to have another engagement today there with the enemy. I hope they won’t for I am very tired at present. I am entirely run down. I would like to rest for a while now.
Mother, I have been in all danger. The Lord has saved me so far and I hope he will protect me from the dangers of this undertaking. There are a great many men run down from marching. Our officers want to kill men as fast [as] possible. The idea of the officers of the Potomac Army thinks that the ball and shell don’t kill the men off fast enough [so] they will double quick [us] day and night and that, of course, will help to thin the men.
Mother dear, I was so rejoiced to hear from you and the children [and] to find you all in good health. Mother, you have no idea of the comfort it is to me to hear from you and the children as long as you are well. When sickness comes to me, I feel lost and gloomy.
Mother, we are handy to Fredericksburg now. Our Division would have been there by this [time] if we had not been attacked in the rear. If the enemy stays there a while, it will rest us of the march. But they won’t stop long there now. Our army has advanced back, all of them except our regiment, 105th Pennsylvania, and [the] 63rd Regiment Pennsylvania. The two regiments of our Corps is holding the enemy from advancing over the river. 1
Mother, give my respects to all my well wishers. I give to them to know that there is no pleasure in soldiering but I can tell it with a sincere heart there is danger. Mother, tell Pots to stay and take good care of his mother while [she is living?] upon earth. Mother, do take good care of yourself and my sweet children while their Pap is absent and far away from you all.
Nothing more at present. I remaineth your sincere and loving husband until death do part us. — Benjamin B. Hall
To wife Mary Ann Hall and his dear little pets that I so long to see again. May the Lord bless us all. Amen
1 It’s not clear what river Ben is referring to but I suspect it was the Po or No River near Spotsylvania.
“Attached are two letters from my great-great-grandfather, Dr. Henry Francis Conrad, written while he was an assistant surgeon with the 111th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry and then when he found out he had been appointed surgeon of the 174th Pennsylvania Infantry (Drafted Militia).” This was the message sent me by John R. Conrad in August 2026, who further informed that both letters were addressed to Henry’s wife, Julia Annastacia (Adams) Conrad. He told me that he had obtained scans of the originals from a relative named Elaine Conrad, who most likely had given the originals to the Blair County (PA) Genealogical Society. He also sent me a transcript of a letter Dr. Conrad wrote to his local newspaper while serving with the 174th in Beaufort, South Carolina. The letter was not signed nor dated, but Dr. Conrad was the only member of the 174th from Blair County and the handwriting matched that of the two letters.
Henry Francis Conrad (1832-1872) was from Newry, Blair county, Pennsylvania. He was a graduate of St. Francis University (Loretto, Pa.) in 1855 and married Julia in Hollidaysburg on 23 December 1856. He served as an Assistant Surgeon with the 111th Pennsylvania from 8 August 1862 to 13 January 1863 when he was transferred to the 174th Pennsylvania (Drafted Militia) to serve as Full Surgeon. He was discharged from the service on 16 January 1864 and returned to Hollidaysburg to practice medicine but died of consumption eight years later in 1872.
Over the years I have transcribed a number of letters by members of the 111th Pennsylvania. These include:
I have transcribed only one from a member of the 174th Pennsylvania (Drafted Militia):
John W. Snyder, Co. K, 174th Pennsylvania Drafted Militia (1 Letter)
Letter 1
Hospital near Battlefield of Antietam 1 Wednesday night, September 24th 1862
Dear Julia,
I received your welcome letter on the same evening after I wrote you which letter, I suppose, you have received before this. As four of our wounded officers are going home tomorrow, I thought I would pen a few lines and send them to be mailed by one of them.
We had our tent hospital erected here in a beautiful grove. There is also another hospital of our division close to us. I have a great deal of work to do every day. The Senior Surgeon is rather lazy so the work falls all on me, our other Assistant Surgeon being along with the regiment. The day after I wrote you we had five amputations there and six or seven surgeons present. I operated in one case—an amputation of the thigh, an important operation. Another of our men dies on Saturday. His thigh was shattered by a Minié ball, and also another the day before, shot in the head but who was laying at another hospital. This makes 27 dead of our regiment and perhaps more may die for some of them are very badly hurt.
You need not be anxious about my marching as it is very little I have done on foot. I have a tough little mustang mare which I call Julia—carries me very nicely. As I informed you during our late long marches, I often had to live a day or two on a couple crackers and also every night to lie out in the open air with nothing but my blanket. But now we are stationery, have our tent up, and get good living such as soft bread, fresh beef, canned soups of various kinds, and occasionally we buy from the surrounding farmers potatoes, butter, eggs, &c. and they have sent us many things gratuitously. We have always apples which we stew. So on the whole, we live quite well.
We will likely be here a considerable time as I think some of our worst cases cannot be moved in less than a month. I must tell you some good news. It is this—I got a clean shirt yesterday. You know there are societies of ladies throughout the North who send clothing, delicacies, &c. to the soldiers of our army. Well yesterday afternoon some gentlemen agents of a Philadelphia Society came around and gave me different things for our wounded. Among other things, he threw in one fine shirt (it had been worn). In pondering over it, I came to the conclusion that one shirt would not be of any service to fifty men, and that it would only create a jealousy against the one that got it, and considering again that the one I had on had only been worn four weeks and a half, I thought the best thing I could do would be to apply it to my own use, and I did. And now feel like another man.
I am sorry to hear of little Harry’s sickness but trust ‘ere this he is well. He will have some difficulty no doubt during teething but afterwards will become a hale & hearty fellow. I am glad to hear Tommy goes to school so nicely. Tell him I’ll bring him something pretty when I come home if he is a good boy and learns well.
You ask me if I cannot come home when I please. Not by any means—especially at this active time when a battle may be fought at any day and when so many wounded are wanting the strictest attention. Julia, if you had not sent the clothes before you get this, if possible, send me a pair of strong pants if you can get them from McIntosh as my rear pocket handkerchief is protruding about four inches from those I wear, which is not very respectable for a surgeon in the US Army. I nearly broke my back last night mending them but they won’t hold and are nearly as bad as ever. If you can, send me a dark pair & strong, worth no more than five dollars.
It is impossible for me to say when I can come home to see you, but I do not expect it before winter. The next battle no doubt will be at Winchester as I believe the rebels are concentrating there in force. I hope I may be there. Our regiment is now, I believe, at Harpers Ferry. It is 12 miles to Hagerstown from this place. Don’t forget to send the Standard and also send me the Philadelphia Inquirer with the account of the late battle in it—that is, if you get it. Don’t forget also to send me some postage stamps if you are able for I am completely out of funds. We will get paid, I think, pretty soon. You need not send me anything in the eating line with the clothes as we are doing pretty well now in that way. Perhaps after awhile we will give you a chance to exercise your charity.
Have they commenced to draft yet? Tell Abbie if you see him that it is impossible to get him a position at present, but that I will keep a lookout. Well, one of my patients has sent for me. I will close bidding you good night. Write immediately. Direct as before. My love to all and believe me as ever truly yours, — Henry
Thursday morning. Dear Julia, send your letter to Sharpsburg, Maryland. We lay only a mile and a half from it and I know I’ll get it sooner than by Washington. Direct it thus:
Dr. H. F. Conrad, Sharpsburg, Maryland—-as I do not want it directed to the regiment. It rained a little yesterday and is quite chilly this morning.
1 The 111th Pennsylvania Regiment was part of the 2nd Brigade, 2nd Division, 12th Army Corps during the Battle of Antietam. Their hospital was probably established with other regiments of the 12th Army Corps at the Smoketown Field Hospital, set up immediately after the 17 September 1862 battle in an oak grove just one mile north of the main battlefield (near the intersection of Smoketown and Keedysville roads). It was the largest hospital in the area and there were wounded men treated there for many months.
Letter 2
Aquia Landing, Va. January 27th 1863 Tuesday evening
Dear Julia,
I received your letter of the 21st inst. this afternoon. I was much rejoiced to hear from you after so long a time. I never received the letter you wrote on the week before. Neither have I received either of the Standards, but likely I will get one tomorrow. One of the batteries (Hampton’s) came to this place yesterday. The other remained at Stafford Court House. I will make my quarters with this one at present. I will be required to visit Knapp’s [Battery] every couple days. It is about six miles from here to the Court House. I will go up tomorrow.
This is quite a fine place on account of its proximity to the Potomac River. Aquia Creek empties ito the river at this point. There is a great business done here. The railroad runs from this point to Fredericksburg. All the supplies for Burnside’s Army pass over it. The supplies are brought here on steamboats, sloops, &c. and the river presents a fine appearance, being covered with boats and sail.
I was much surprised to meet Dick Miller at the depot this morning. He is clerk in the commissary department.
I received notice yesterday that I have been appointed Senior Surgeon of the 174th Pennsylvania Volunteers. I have not yet received orders to report to that regiment but will or may at any time. So you see I am quite in luck. When I leave this post, I will make a big effort to get home. The packet boats run from this point twice a day to Washington. I do not know where the 174th Regiment is situated but I think it is at Fortress Monroe.
But I have better news at least for you than my promotion. Namely, the paymaster is here and paid off our regiment this afternoon. It is certainly time. He paid off to the first of November. I will send you by Adams Express tomorrow a few greenbacks so you can look out for it. I send you a little in this letter to do you until you get the package. I do not risk to send much by mail. You must be very careful, Julia, and not spend money unnecessarily. I have to pay 75 dollars that I borrowed when I left Huntingdon. I have also borrowed about 30 dollars here in the army and must immediately, in honor, pay it. It has cost me considerably to live and I must have a new suit of clothes for I am pretty ragged. Therefore, I cannot send you home much this time. Yet sufficient to permit you to get along right well with economy until next pay which I do not think will be more than two months and I think it may not be that long. I only got paid for a little over two and a half months.
I am glad the boys are well. Tell Tommy he need not trouble himself in regard to a bed for me as I can lay down any place now, being used to that kind of life. It is raining steadily now and I will have a bad day to ride up to Stafford tomorrow. Write me immediately. I suppose you received the letter I wrote you on the day we arrived at Stafford. I will see Add Moore tomorrow. I will give him Addie’s best wishes. My kind regards and love to all. Do not pay Hen McIntosh at present. Good night. I remain as ever yours, — Henry
Direct your letters to Dr. H. F. Conrad, Hampton’s Battery, Artillery Brigade, 2nd Division, 12th Army Corps
Wednesday morning [in pencil]. This is a very disagreeable day—snowing a cold wet snow. I will not go to Stafford this day, I think, unless the weather improves considerably before long. Any articles you get at the furnace or any other store, pay immediately. I would not for a thousand dollars that you should have applied to the Relief Society. Of course you had no idea of it. Go yourself or send Addie to the Express office as Thenia might lose the money. Yours, — Henry
Letter 3
[Editor’s Note: The following transcript was provided to me by John R. Conrad who stated that it was a letter his ancestor, Dr. Henry F. Conrad, wrote to his local newspaper, the Democratic Standard (Hollidaysburg, Pa.) while serving with the 174th Pennsylvania Vols. in Beaufort, South Carolina. The letter was not signed, but he was the only soldier in the 174th from Blair County, Pennsylvania, and the handwriting matches the handwriting in the two earlier letters.]
Dear Standard. 1 I have several times seated myself to drop you a friendly line, but always some unforeseen circumstance presented itself to prevent my carrying out my purpose. But indeed I must confess that life is here so monotonous and inactive that I have little to write about. Even when the opportunity was offered us to do something for our country and destroy the dull uniformity of quiet camp life, it was denied us. I have referenced to the time the gunboat, Washington, 2 was captured on Coosaw River, some six or seven miles above this area. The commander of this regiment, Col. John Nyce 3—an efficient & brave soldier—urgently requested the privilege from higher authority on the morning of this capture to proceed with part of his own regiment and one or two batteries of the 3rd Rhode Island Light Artillery, and prevent the ability of recovering the ordinance on board that boat and—if necessary—give them a specimen of the fighting quality of Bucks County Dutchmen. But from causes not known and most mysterious to us all, the request was refused and the Confeds were permitted to cross over to our side of the river (she was sunk on this side), raise her, tow her across to the mainland, and, as federals inform us, are now repairing her for their own use. All was within six or seven miles of our forces in the harbor and consisting of eight regiments of infantry and three batteries of artillery which could be brought into action if necessary, besides saying nothing of the gunboats lying in the river. But the Authorities seemed perfectly unconcerned and uninterested. But this appears as I’m provoking & dwell upon what I would willingly if possible eradicate from my memory forever.
We are encamped about a half mile west of Beaufort, and are pleasantly situated in a perfectly level field of about two hundred acres. In fact, the whole island is a level plain and I would judge is very fertile for particular products as corn, beans, peas, and I have been informed, cotton. Beaufort, situated in a bend of the Coosaw River, has been and is still a lovely place. The streets are lined with beautiful shade trees of live oak, locust, and others peculiar to this region whose spreading boughs cast a cooling shade over the sidewalks and attract a pleasant breeze which is quite refreshing on these hot sweltering days. The houses are generally built back from the street with a yard in front enclosed by a neat railing fence painted white, or a stone wall capped by an iron railing. The buildings are perfectly embowered in trees and shrubbery. The orange, fig, Jasmine, Magnolia, & Oleander abound—the two latter being now in full bloom. The gardens are beautified by a profusion of flowers of many varieties which diffuse a fragrant perfume throughout the atmosphere, soothing to the senses. Notwithstanding, an inconsiderate, vandal-like soldiery has produced considerable devastation dilapidation by tearing down the enclosures of parks, gardens, and even cemeteries. Still, sufficient remains to fully attest that Beaufort has been the abode of wealth, enormousness, & ease, and at one time almost, I might say, a perfect Eden.
There are stationed at present on this island, five Pennsylvania regiments, namely the 52nd, Col. Dodge; 55th, Col. White; 104th, Col. Davis; 174th, Col. Nyce; 176th, Col. Lechler. Col. Nyce appears to stand this Southern climate admirably, his extensive proportions are not in the least reduced, and he has the credit of having the cleanliest and most tidy and as thoroughly a drilled regiment as is on the island if not in the department.
There are two Negro regiments here both on pickets on the further end of the island. Apropos of Negro soldiers, they were as you are aware, in the late expedition to Jacksonville, Florida. The Republican press made a great blow about their superior bravery & fighting qualities. Now as the darkies say down here, “we can’t shurn it,” for we happen to know better having it from good authority that they would not at all stand firm, but cut and run at the first regular volley from the Rebs. And it is my opinion and always has been that a “Nigger” will not endure the screaming shell, whistling minie, or the smell of gunpowder.
Speaking of this Florida expedition, I would state that a regiment associated with it and now encamped on this island, has covered itself with an infamy which in the eyes of an enlightened and civilized people time alone will efface. I have reference to the wanton destruction of Jacksonville by fire. Most all the inhabitants who remained in the place were true to the Union and had placed themselves under the protection of the Union forces. So much had they identified themselves with the union cause that they had even been outlawed with the rebels. But their sincere loyalty did not protect them. The members of the above regiment with some blacks urged on by their white officers, with a vandalism worthy of the barbarous Malays, applied the flaming torch to all parts of the most flourishing and beautiful town of Florida—the resort of Northern invalids—reducing it to a heap of ashes & smoldering ruins. To their other outrages they have added that of Church robbery. Entering a church, they commenced sacking it, tore up a expensive organ and afterwards robbed the church of everything valuable and hallowed by those who had worshipped there, the barrels of the altar books, pictures, &c. Nothing escaped their rapacious hands. After they had completely sacked the building it was set fire to and was reduced to ashes with the rest of the divine place. I myself saw, after the return of the expedition to this place, some of the articles taken from this church by this wicked act of barbarianism, the inhabitants—men, women, and children—were left with nothing but the canopy of heaven to shield them from the vicissitudes of the weather, the pelting storm or the scorching rays of the sun. Some came here in the transports and more remained to be exposed to mercies of the rebel horde without food and houseless. And to suffer, heaven only knows what, for their loyalty.
And yet all this damnable outrage and crime is proper against humanity and marked at and no cognitions favored of it by those in authority but that heaven smile upon and assist our cause, or make it frown, when such wickedness is permitted. But then this we do know, that the members of the 8th Maine Regiment are looked upon by all honorable soldiers in this island department as abolition vagabonds, and their companionship with ease discarded. We do not now, as some time ago, see the Abolition papers so crowded with resolutions from different regiments proclaiming to the world their great patriotism, their determination to die beneath the glorious old flag, if necessary, and their denunciation of Copperheads in the North, _______ ______ _______ treasury ____ else. Now we consider these resolutions as altogether a poppy-cock arrangement—as though the loyalty of those individuals been brought into question that it is necessary for them to come out in those public manifestations to sustain it. We think not. The secret of the matter is this. They are gotten up in regiments, commanded by Abolition officers who are generally democrats for political purposes and to produce in the minds of the soldiers a prejudice against the Democratic Party at home and to produce the impression that some but not all foes are loyal and the great pillar upon which the Nation must stand [end of letter]
1 This letter was written by a soldier of the 174th Pennsylvania Regiment to the Hollidaysburg, Pennsylvania, Democratic Standard, but the 174th was from Bucks and Northampton Counties in eastern Pennsylvania. The only soldier in the unit from Blair County was Dr. Henry F. Conrad, the regimental surgeon. A comparison of the handwriting of this letter with that of known letters of Dr. Conrad strongly suggests that this letter was written by Dr. Conrad. Given the events noted in the letter, it was written after April 7 and before early June, 1863, probably in the middle of April.
2 On 9 April 1863, the 243-ton gunboat USS George Washington was ambushed, burned and sunk by Confederate artillery near Chisholm Island six miles north of Beaufort on the Coosaw River. She ran aground while navigating the shallow waterways near the Port Royal Ferry, and before she could get off, she was ambushed by the the Beaufort Volunteer Artillery and Nelson’s Light Artillery. One shot struck and exploded the ammunition magazine resulting in her catching fire and sinking in shallow water.
3 John Nyce (1831-1880) was colonel of the 174th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment, a drafted unit that served from November 19, 1862 until August 7, 1863, when it was mustered out at Philadelphia, PA. It served most of that time on garrison duty in South Carolina, primarily in and around Port Royal and Hilton Head.
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