All posts by Griff

My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
50th New York Engineers

1862: Adam Clark Baum to Josephine (Stone) Baum

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The following letters were written by Adam “Clark” Baum (1832-1888), the son of John P. Baum (1797-1854) and Magdalena Elwood (1799-1854), and the husband of Josephine (“Josie”) Stone (1836-1912) of Syracuse, Onondaga county, New York. Clark and Josie had one child at the time of this 1862 letter—an infant named Josie.

During the Civil War, Clark was appointed in August 1862 as an Assistant Surgeon of the 50th New York Engineers. He resigned his commission on 31 January 1865.

Officers of the 50th New Engineers in 1865

Letter 1

[Editor’s Note: The 1st draft of this transcription was kindly provided by Abbey Weber Jones.]

Friday, November 28, 1862, 3 p.m.

Darling Josie,

Now don’t “go for to get mad” at me because I do not write longer letters. You may, probably before you get this, know the reason. I will tell you now that I have been pretty sick for some time and did not feel much like writing because I was a little blue and I feared I should make you feel so too, because I can scarcely ever write a gay letter when I feel badly. I therefore guarded myself not to write what would make you think I was blue, and felt bad, and in doing, so was obliged to write short letters. I am now all OK once more and shall be able to write full letters once more.

Saturday morning, 10 a.m. I had got this far in my “long” letter when I received an order to “move hospital tomorrow morning at 8 a.m. on board a pontoon train” and I tell you, I had to fly around some. Well got all ready that I could—and as your two letters, one enclosing $10, came to hand yesterday p.m., I went downtown [&] bought a pair of boots. Cost $7.50. Price was $9. Some butter, cheese, &c. to “the front” with me and got all packed up & together, the sick ones sent off to General Hospital, and the convalescents all ready to move at 8 a.m. when it looked so much like rain that I did not dare to take the men aboard the open boats for fear they might get worse. And as there was another train with two barges going out this p.m. at 3 o’clock, I just made up my mind to wait and go with them which gives me a little more time.

I lost a man last Thursday night [27 November]. He had the fever (which now is of a remittent type) with typhoid symptoms. He grew worse very fast from Thursday morning and meds appeared to have no effect on him whatever. At 3 p.m. of Thursday, I telegraphed to his friends who live at Beaver Dam[s], Schuyler Co., New York (name Buck) and as the boy had no money, I borrowed a dollar and invested it in “humanity” feeling that if I were in his condition, I would want some one to telegraph to my friends. I learn from letters upon him that he is an only son of a good family farmer who came into the service to do his country’s service, not for money—for his friends have enough of that—but from patriotic feelings. He did not realize his condition as he was out of his head until towards the last and then became insensible. [He] died very easy, lying on his side. We are keeping the body & shall till tomorrow and then if his friends do not come, I have given directions to have it buried. We shall leave a guard with it. 1

We shall start down the noble Potomac about 3 o’clock and will have about 2 or 3 hours of daylight and I will write you a description of our route.

No, I thank you, [but] I will not dine with you Thanksgiving. I had a glorious dinner. Had beef steak, potatoes, bread, butter, cabbage, catsup, coffee &c., &c., &c. too numerous to mention. All the trouble was, I had to eat alone and consequently did not enjoy the dinner as well as I would had I sat at the head of a certain “Oak Extension” that I [ ] of. But never mind, one of these fine days when the war is over, I will go home and we will have a good time. One thing is certain, I shall see you some time between now and April 1st, for if I can do no better and the regiment comes back here to Washington, I shall have you come down and see the sights this winter and stay with me a few days. You say to Pa that he had better make calculations to take you two Josies in his car & come down, bringing Ma with him if he can get her started. Miss Tracy will run the boarding house while you come. It will probably occur some time in February so look out for it and prepare. You may laugh and say no, but I assure you that it is a fixed fact that I shall see my darlings one of these days. I shall try for a furlough but with small hopes. If the furlough is not forthcoming, my wife and little “Dodo” will be. 

Some things to get ready [yet] & I must close. Kiss the little darling for me and imagine if you can, a good long loving one for yourself. Ever yours, –Clark

1 The dead soldier was Datus Ensign Buck (1841-1862), the son of Daniel S. Buck of Beavers Dams, Schyler county, New York. Datus les buried in the US Soldiers’ and Airmen’ Home National Cemetery in Washington D. C.

Letter 2

[Editor’s Note: This transcribed letter is among six of Asst. Surgeon Adam Clark Baum’s letter that are listed for sale by The Excelsior Brigade. Since I have not seen the original letter, I cannot attest to the accuracy of this transcription.]

Camp of Detachment, 50th New York Volunteer Engineers
Near Rappahannock Station, VA
Tuesday, November 10th 1863

My Darling,

Once more upon the line of the Rappahannock, calmly settled in the old routine of camp like after the excitement horrors and scenes of suffering incident to the battle. Not a great battle like Chancellorsville, Fredericksburg or Gettysburg or Chickamauga, but a short sharp and bloody fight in which perhaps as much skill and quite as much bravery and indomitable courage were shown as at any of the above named great battles. Our men fought splendidly and the enemy with his usual desperation. But to take things as they transpired I must begin back. I wrote you Friday that we were ordered forward to the Rappahannock. Well, Saturday morning our trains no. 1 and 2 with bridge material for two bridges, left camp at 4 a.m. The headquarters wagons with hospital and ambulances and myself did not move until 8 a.m. We found the roads full of troops and trains and our progress was slow. At last about 4 p.m. we came upon our behind and quietly waiting the advance of the line of battle which was drawn up in the woods out of sight of the rebs. As we were engineer officers, they let us through the line and then we saw a large undulating plain spread out before us about 1 ½ miles wide. 

On the further side of which the bluff of the river bank loomed up bristling with cannon and bayonets of the rebs and about half way across the plain was the reb pickets and advance line. Also our pickets and advance line and supports all watching and waiting for something to turn up. At last General Sedgwick gave the orders. The bugle sounds and our men advance the 6th Corps upon the right of the railroad and the 5th Corps upon the left. The rebs discharge their pieces and fall back followed by our men. Both sides firing as rapidly as possible. The advance of both sides being in “skirmish line” (in which the men are from 10 feet to 10 rods apart according to the strength of the line). About this time the rebs opened their batteries with shell. We soon drive them off a knoll and very soon a heavy boom, a puff of smoke, followed by others in quick succession tell us that a couple of our batteries have gained a position on the knoll and are pouring destruction into the work of the rebs. We ride forward to a knoll near the center of the plain near the railroad, so we can see better. Ahh, that won’t do. No excuse time “Johnnie” I do not care for any of your civilities of that sort. Those “rotten” messengers you are sending us are not required here. We don’t care for any. Please excuse me.

Some of the shells burst unpleasantly near us and we “retire in disgust” and at double quick too. I assure you to a more sheltered position. Well our skirmishers slowly advance across that plain. Standing up like men without a particle of cover while the rebs crawled back dodging about from point to point to escape the shots. The rebel batteries soon see they have something more to do than fire at our batteries. Our men are getting too near. Some of their gunners are picked off by our sharpshooters. They then load with grape and shrapnel and fire at our advancing troops. My God, what a gap they make. But it is closed up again as they move forward. The skirmishers gain the foot of the hill about 50 yards from the works and stop and uncap their guns, grasp them at a “charge bayonet” and with a cheer that is heard two miles, rush upon the works. My God what a havoc the grape and canister make among them. No firing on our side now. Our cannons are directed to the work on the other side of the river and our men having taken the caps off their guns by order so they could not stop to fire if they choose to. Our skirmishers jump on the works and gun in hand over they jump. My god. Why are the support so far behind? Will those few brave men be sacrificed before the support reaches them. “Forward G-d d—n you double quick crises an offer. Up they rush just in time for at least half of the skirmish line who first gained the works are either killed or wounded in the hand to hand conflict. Officers after discharging their pistols are obliged to use the sword in defense and offense. Sixteen out of 22 officers of the 6th Maine Regiment were either killed or wounded.

One sergeant of the 6th Maine jumped over the works in advance of all his comrades. He was alone and was obliged to throw down his gun and surrender. His comrades soon after coming up with a cheer rushed in to the rescue. He caught up his gun and with the butt of it knocked down his guard and went in again. All the officers of his company were killed or wounded and he was left in command of his company. When the rebs were overpowered or rather “over cowed” as our boys call it and threw down their arms and surrendered, he (the Sargent) went up to take their colors. The rebs refused to let him have them saying they would not give them up to a noncommissioned officer. He threw down his gun and with two or three comrades had a regular fist fight with the rebs color guard. They had a regular knock down. Our Maine boys being too much the “johnnies”. The sergeant knocked down the color sergeant caught the colors and with a cheer jumped upon them. About this time the fight was terrible along the whole line of the works. The 6th Corps were having all they could do and the 5th were not idle. What means they came another brigade of the “Johnnies” rushing across the bridge to rescue their comrades. Our boys let them come on. What is that? Why don’t they fire upon them? Ah, I see why. It is one division of the 5th Corps are coming to the rescue. All marching by the flank and just in time to fix the “Johnnies.” Not a word. Not a shot. They come up as coolly as though at dress parade, file along slowly and take position to cover the bridge. The only way the Johnnies can get back. They see it but too late. They make a rush. But no you don’t every man that make the attempt fails. “lay down your arms and surrender”. There is no alternative and they “gracefully” submit.

This brigade (North Carolina and Georgia troops) had “double quicked” six miles to reinforce their comrades. They rushed across the bridge just after our men had got possession of their works and in less than 20 minutes everyone was “gobbled up” that was not killed or wounded. Some attempt to swim the river but were drowned or shot down in the attempt. Every man, every gun and everything they had on this side of the river is ours. Seven cannons, 2,234 prisoners, one pontoon bridge, 9 stands of colors, 1 brigadier general, 2 or 3 colonels, lots of captains and lieutenants and etc. our loss in killed and wounded is a little under 300. Almost the entire loss was sustained by the 3 or 4 regiments forming the advance line of skirmishers. During the fore part of the night, the rebs attempted to destroy their pontoon bridge, which they were obliged to leave. But our sharpshooters would not let ‘em. Our men held one end of the bridge and they the other. In the morning our troops were in possession of both sides of the river and the infantry of the 5th and 6th Corps were across. 
How it was done, I have not heard, but think the “Johnnies” evacuated as we heard no firing during the night.

In the morning our detachment went down, repaired the reb bridge and laid another ½ mile below the railroad bridge and the artillery, etc., went across chasing the rebs beyond Culpepper—they offering no resistance. Yesterday they drove them to the Rapidan and Headquarters of the Army of the Potomac established themselves last night near Brandy station about 6 miles beyond the river. The rebs were building splendid winter quarters at Brandy Station intending to make the line of the Rappahannock their advance. They had fortified here at the station on both sides of the river and below but more particularly on this side took them by surprise and “wasted” them for once on their own ground. I understand there were 2,000 more prisoners taken yesterday at near Rapidan and Sulphur Springs. Did not see them. Those taken at this point were fine look men. Comfortable clothed. Good shoes and many with good boots. Did not look as though they had suffered much for the necessaries of life. I send you a little sketch of the battlefield. It is correct although not very nice. You can get a very good idea of the “position” and “situation.”

The mail has gone for today so this letter will answer for my Wednesday’s letter. Have made up my mind to send you little sketches of any point of interest in our travels. They will be interesting to look at by and by when we have at last succeeded in “crushing” and this “cruel war is over”. The work on the south side of the river was somewhat “knocked into pie” by our large siege guns on the right. Before the rebs evacuated that work they filled up a rifle pit that our men had dug when we were here before and yesterday when our men opened it they found eight dead rebs. They had been buried there by their comrades or rather thrown into the pit and covered up to deceive us in regard to their loss. I have seen 21 of their dead and these eight make 29. How many more I do not know. Our loss in killed and wounded is probably greater than theirs as they were protected by works and we were without cover.

Wednesday your letter of November 5th came to hand last night. Yes, indeed New York has done nobly. We can now day show us a state that has done better than the old “Empire”. Bully for the Empire.

I regret to hear that you are “ailing” and “pining away” to 160 pounds. By George, I would hardly dare go home now if I was discharged for fear you would be inclined to give me a dressing and rather guess you could do it.

You say you have not received a letter from me in a long time. I have written regularly two letters each week. Although no always on the regular days.

Give my love to all friends. Especially our folks. Tell Miss Tracy I am “most out of tobacco and whiskey, entirely out of wine. Have got a few sweet potatoes, 10 or 12 cans of fresh tomatoes, 10 or 12 pounds of butter, some dried apples and peaches, about 1 peck of fresh apples and a few necessaries.

Kiss the little darling. Ever your own, — Clark

Letter 3

[Editor’s Note: This transcribed letter is among six of Asst. Surgeon Adam Clark Baum’s letter that are listed for sale by The Excelsior Brigade. Since I have not seen the original letter, I cannot attest to the accuracy of this transcription.]

Headquarters, 2nd Battalion
50th New York Volunteer Engineers
Cold Harbor, Va
June 11th 1864

My Darling,

Having a little time to myself this forenoon, I thought I would anticipate my usual Sunday letter. For in my opinion, we shall not be where we can write much tomorrow.

We are still lying here gazing at the rebs and the rebs gazing at us. Our lines of battle being up in many places to within 100 yards (300 feet) of the rebel works. And in some places, our pickets are within a less distance than that even. In one place, our pickets got up so close that they could hear the men talk in an ordinary tone and could understand them. The officers were giving instructions to the men providing our men made an attack during the night. You may think that it is very strange that men could live in such a place. It is strange but never the less true. I’ll tell you how it is brought about. When our Army finds a “mares nest” and they want to advance their lines, they take the shovel and go to work throwing up a “rifle pit”, which consists of a bank of earth with a ditch (from which the earth is thrown) behind the bank ramping in direction and length as the case may require. This rifle pit is many times strengthened by “reveting” it which is to lay up logs like the side of a log house and pack the dirt against that wall. The wall of course being on our side of the work. The bank of earth is from 4 to 10 feet thick from 3 to 6 ½ feet high. The lines are not straight but usually run in an irregular zig-zag course. Taking advantage of the ground. When the line is formed and troops in the work, the “skirmishers” or “picket” are thrown out in advance during the night, each man with his gun and spade. He digs a pit for himself. The following night the pickets are thrown out still further and they dig pits each for himself a little in advance and the troops connect the pits of the previous night, making a line of it and so they advance slowly. Until the lines are so close that if a man shows his head on either side it is certain death. An officer has just told me that a portion of our lines in place was within 30 yards (90 feet) of the rebels works and our pickets in advance of that even. I can hardly believe it yet it must be so as he is a reliable man. We have now here 12 or 14 lines of works that have been made in that way. Some of the front ones were built by the rebs and “our fellows” after driving them out faced the works the other and are using them.

Today our men are at work on breastworks in rear of our camp, which with other infallible signs indicate another “flank movement” probably to the James River and to the south of Richmond. Movements of our troops and trains indicate that and more too. If I was certain no eyes but yours and friends at home were to see this, I could tell you what. But I guess I won’t for if I am not mistaken, you will hear of it before this reaches you. There are about 5000 men at work on the rear line of works today and I presume before I am able to send this letter, we shall be started on another flank movement.

Strange things occur in this war—many things you hear nothing of. For instance, the day before yesterday, the rebs and our men got tired shooting and stopped without any arrangement between them. After the shooting had been stopped for a little time, one of our men exposed his hat on a ram rod above the work. The rebs did not shoot. By and by he exposed his head a little. Then a reb showed his—no shooting. Then one exposed a little more, then the other a little more, and so on till both stood up in full view of the other and then others tried it without any trouble. Then they began to talk backwards and forwards and ten on both sides began to get up on the work and then to walk out towards the others works and so on until they were having a nice friendly chat. Men all left their guns in the pits and met as friends (some say shaking hands and drinking together but that I don’t know about) and were laying down on the top of the works until by and by the field officer of the day of the 6th Corps (Colonel Johns of the 7th Massachusetts, came along and put a stop to it. He told them that he rode down to the front line of the works on horseback, a thing he would not have done for his life under other circumstances for it would have been certain death. And dismounting outside our works and told the rebs and our men to get back behind their works or he would order the 2nd line of works to fire on them all. So the rebs went back to their work and our men to theirs and after they had gotten back, they hollered to each other “get back under cover for we are going to shoot.” “Watch out, Yanks, I’m going to shoot,” “Take care there Johnnie, your head in the way of my bullet,” and such interchanges of cordiality until by and by they got busily to work again “shooting to kill.” This is a true statement. Colonel Johns, the field officer of the day of the 6th Corps, told me this himself, and he is a straight forward reliable old soldier. You may know this from the fact that he has been field officer of the day for 10 days past and in such a time as this it is an important position.

Shall write you again in a few days. Probably from the James River when I will ‘answer” your letters about little Josie’s Erysipelas. I would not do anything for her except to keep her bowels regular and perhaps a little Sulphur and molasses.

In regard to the winter, I think you may safely rent the rooms for if I get out this fall, I shall want to spend the winter in New York.

Much love to all. Be a good girl and keep your skirts clean and you nose tied up.

In regard to females visiting the hospitals of Washington, the story you write sound swell and if it is even true, should awake your sympathies. Allow one who has “seen service” to advise you to do what you can for the sanitary commission at home and let these special visits with baskets, etc. be made by others. It is no place for a woman who does not make that her business. They do more harm than good in such hospitals as Washington affords. They might do goo in our field hospital or depots like Fredericksburg or Belle Plain or White House. But in regularly organized hospitals where everything is arranged in a systematic manner, “outside” women are worse than useless.

Ever your own,

Clark

48th New York Infantry, Fort Marion, Fort Wagner, St. Augustine, Florida

1863: Abram Clark to Ester Timpany

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Though he only signed the letter as cousin “Abram,” I believe this letter was written by 30 year-old Abram Clark of Brooklyn, New York, formerly of Greenwich, Fairfield county, New York. The Timpany and Clark families were united when Philo Clark (1772-1856) married Elizabeth Timpany (1776-1850) in 1796.

Abram Clark enlisted in Co. G, 48th New York Infantry in September 1861. He was wounded twice at Cold Harbor, Virginia but survived and mustered out of the regiment in September 1865. He was in the disastrous assault of Battery (Fort) Wagner which protected Charleston S.C., where of three attacking Union columns, only 140 men of his column managed to achieve a measure of success by capturing a wall of Wagner and holding it for three hours. Repeated Confederate attacks with overwhelming numbers finally compelled their surrender, when repeated pleas to the Union officer in charge of reserves failed to send relief.

Anyone who has seen the Movie, “Glory,” which dealt with the raising & training of the first black regiment, the 54th Massachusetts will remember the final scenes which dealt with the attack of this regiment on another point of Battery Wagner’s walls.

Abram wrote the letter to his 32 year-old cousin, Ester Timpany (1829-1891), the daughter of William Tippany, Sr. (1783-1864) and Elizabeth Ferris (1791-1870) of Greenwich, Fairfield county, Connecticut.

Abram J. Palmer of Co. D, 48th New York Infantry (Claudia & Al Niemiec Collection)

The Timpany family was also related to the Palmer family and there is an outside chance this letter was written by Abram John Palmer (1847-1922) of Greenwich, Fairfield county, Connecticut, who—when but 15 years old—enlisted as a musician in Co. D, 48th New York Infantry. He served from 24 July 1861 to September 20, 1864. I don’t believe he wrote the letter because he was many years younger than Ester and he was also reported to have been taken prisoner in the assault on Fort Wagner. Fifteen years after the war, he was made Regimental historian & tasked with compiling the record of the regiment’s service in the Civil War. As such, he used the “Official Records Of The War “which the Federal government had assembled, his own memories, diaries, letters, & memories of his regiment’s members, as well as the memories, diaries, & letters of surviving former Confederates to write this history of the 48th.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Miss Ester Timpany, Greenwich, Connecticut

Fort Marion [only Cos. D, G, and I were garrisoned here]
St. Augustine, St. John’s County, Florida
August 14th 1863

Dear Cousin,

I received your welcome letter this morning and answer it immediately. I am enjoying very good health—in fact, better than I have for several months. The weather is a great deal warmer here than it is in the state of South Carolina. We are fifty miles further south than New Orleans.

I wrote a long letter to you a few days since giving you an account of the battles I was in at Charleston.

Fruit of all kinds which grows in a southern climate are to be found here ripe and plenty.

There has been several families come into the town from Rebeldom. They take oath of allegiance and have good homes given to them and rations furnished by Uncle Sam. You write about Charles Edwin being under fire for 5 days. If I saw him I could sympathize with him as I was under as heavy fire as any man living ever say for 13 days and nights. I have seen comrades dropped by hundreds at a few rounds of grape and shell which the Rebels poured into us.

I must now close this as the boat leaves here and there will not be another here in two weeks. Give my love to all. Your cousin, — Abram

P. S. Write soon and direct to Fort Marion, St. Augustine, Florida

Lee's Surrender at Appomattox, Lincoln Assassination, Ohio Homefront

1865: Ellie to Lucinda Hughes

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I am not certain of the author of this letter nor can I be confident that the young woman she wrote to was the same Lucinda Hughes (1839-1919) who once lived in Butler, Darke county, Ohio and who married Luther W. Frazier (1827-1884) in 1877. The envelope shows her name as either Linda or Cinda (I think the latter) which would have been short for Cinda. Linda was not a common name at the time. The recipient of the letter was yet unmarried in 1865 and lived in Farmer Center, Defiance county, Ohio. The author—whose given name might have been Ellie—lived in Dalton, Ohio. Dalton is located in Sugar Creek Township in Wayne county, approximately half way between Wooster and Canton. In the 1860s, its population was about 2500.

In her letter, Ellie (if that was her name) provides an account of Dalton in April 1865, where a sense of jubilation emerged upon the news of Richmond’s fall and Lee’s army’s surrender, yet this triumph was swiftly overshadowed by the profound sorrow following Lincoln’s assassination.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Miss Cinda Hughes, Farmer Center, Defiance County, Ohio

Dalton [Wayne county, Ohio]
April 16th 1865

Dear Friend Cinda,

I received your letter some time ago and should have answered it before this but thought I would serve you the same way you did me. I thought you was never a going to answer my letter but enough of that.

This is a very gloomy day—about as gloomy as the news is. The folks were almost crazy here when the news came Richmond was taken and Lee had surrendered. They rung all the bells in town and have had bonfires almost every evening this week. We sent off for music and speakers. The men thought the war was about over but the news this evening is very sad. How I would like to choke the man that killed Lincoln. Hanging is too good for him. The flags are all half-masted and trimmed with crepe. Every thing is in mourning for those men that [were] assassinated.

I received a letter last evening from the sister of a school mate of mine. She moved out West a short time ago and her and I have been corresponding for some time. I thought as much of her as a sister. Her sister said she had been dead a few days before my letter reached them. You can’t imagine how bad I feel about it. The last letter I got from her she said she was a going to get married in a few weeks and come to see me. The day I looked for her, I heard of her death.

I am staying with the preacher’s children now. He has gone away and came for me to stay. How I wish you could come to Dalton. I would like to see you so well and have a long talk. I have so much to tell you. I have got two photographs of Ed’s he sent me lately. I am going over to see Sue and am going to get some photos taken and will send you one. Uncle Quinny [?] has been very sick. The doctor nor none of the folks thought he would get well. He is some better now. I think with a great deal of care, he will get along. Mr. Wills is very bad. He has the consumption. I don’t think he will live till night. Gust [Augusta] McDowell is very low with the lung fever. I didn’t hear from her today. 1

I am going to do my hat over this week and trim it with broad banded ribbon as that is going to be the style. Sallie McChinny [?] is going out to her sister’s next month. How I wish I could go with her and see you. There is going to be a party in the hall this week. How I wish you was here to attend. I suppose you have taken the eye of some young gentleman there. Come now, Cinda, and confess and tell me when you write again who your beau is and send me his picture. I am anxious to see him.

Today is Easter. Do you remember one Easter out to your house the eggs we colored at Ferrie’s.

Capt. Samuel Bruch (1831-1865)

You must excuse this writing as I have written three letters today and my hand is tired. I can scarcely write. I want you to be more punctual the next time. Mrs. [Eliza] Otis is well. 2 The same thing is the matter with her that was when you left. She got word her brother Sam [Bruch] is dead. He died at Nashville away from any of his folks. He was only sick one day. His wife [Kate] was at Canton at her father’s when he died. They sent for her but he was dead when she got there. Eliza was at Canton at his funeral.

Newt Fletcher 2 has been home for some time. He just went back a short time ago. Hannah Warden came here [to see him]. We had gay times when he was here. We was some place every evening or some person was at our house. I will have to stop as I have no more paper to write. I could talk all day to you. Write soon and oblige your dear friend—Ellie

Jore [Marjorie or Margaret?] is all right. I guess she ain’t going to write to you.

1 Carolina Augusta McDowell (1846-1924) was married in 1868 to William Feasel (1844-1903). She was the daughter of James McDowell (1792-1858) and Nancy S. Durrah (1810-1892) of Sugar Creek, Wayne county, Ohio.

2 Eliza (Bruch) Otis (1839-1917) was the daughter of Jacob Bruch and the wife of Ezekiel D. Otis (1832-1897). They were married in 1858. Eliza’s brother was Capt. Samuel Bruch (1831-1865). He was married to Catharine (“Kate”) Patterson (1836-1911) in 1859. He held a position at Memphis as the Assistant Superintendent in the Military Telegraphy Division. He died on 31 March 1865 at the age of 33. His funeral was in Canton.

3 William Newton Fletcher (1843-1915) enlisted as a private in Co. C, 16th Ohio Volunteer Infantry, on 23 April 1861. Mustered out on 18 August 1861. Enlisted as a private in Co. I, 102nd Ohio Volunteer Infantry, on 29 July 1862 at the age of 19. Mustered out on 30 June 1865 at Nashville, TN. He married Hannah Elizabeth Warden (1845-1882).

131st Pennsylvania Infantry, Battle of Fredericksburg

1863: James Bennett McKee to Mary C. McKee

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I could not find an image of McKee here is a watercolor of Pvt. Samuel M. Greer who served in Co. D, 131st Pennsylvania Infantry (Photo Sleuth)

The following letters were written by James Bennett McKee (1835-1908), the son of George C. McKee (1806-1888) and Mary A. C. Bennett (18xx-1871) of Watsontown, Northumberland county, Pennsylvania. He wrote the letters to his sister, Mary C. McKee (1845-1923) while serving as a private in Co. B, 131st Pennsylvania Infantry—a nine-month’s regiment. James mustered into the service on 8 August 1862 and mustered out of the service on 23 May 1863.

The 131st Pennsylvania was attached to the 2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, 5th Army Corps in the Army of the Potomac. They arrived too late to participate in the Battle of Antietam but they fought at Fredericksburg and at Chancellorsville. At Fredericksburg, they suffered 177 casualties in just an hour and a half during an aggressive assault on Marye’s Heights.

Letter 1

Camp near Fredericksburg
January 1, 1863

Dear Sister,

It is with pleasure that I seat myself to pen a few lines to you to let you know that I am well, hoping that this may find you all the same. Your letter was received on Monday and was glad to hear that you were all well. It has been almost five months since I left home but the time has passed very quickly although soldiering is hard business.

I have received no box yet and have given up all hopes of getting it so I will have to spend my New Years without a roast. There has several boxes come for the regiment but they were expressed from home. Josie Moore received one this morning valued at nine dollars which cost but two which makes me think that [John H.] Cooner might have brought mine through for five that father gave him for the expense on it if he had tried.

I suppose that Bub has got able to go out sleigh riding by this time. It is rather singular about him but I think that if he knew the reports he would not want them to follow him home, but there is one thing that I don’t want you to do and that is not to get yourself into trouble about him.

You said that you hoped that I might be sick if we would have to go into another battle. I think that is very wrong in you for which would be the worse of the two.

I would have liked to have been at the wedding to have seen Solomon but I suppose that he done his nicest. You said that you did not think much of my mess mates Dentler and [William] Stitzel are rather bad, but there is not a quieter boy in the whole company than Ellis Irwin. But I do know that there are enough that are worse.

We were all very sorry to hear of the death of Mr. Hutchison and pity the boys very much. Rob[ert] has gone home. I hope that he may have time to recruit up before he will have to come back for he has not looked as well for a few days as he might.

The reason that i did not write sooner after the battle is that I was about worn out and as the rest was writing, I thought you would find out through them that I was still among the living. I judge from the way that you speak of the singing that you do not attend. The tick[ ] must be fancy and I would judge the tend and alto was also.

The company are out on review but I am not along. I told Captain [David Bly] that I wanted to write so he excused me. The boys are all well except Volintine Truckenmiller. He has been sick for a few days but is some better this morning.

As I have given you all the news that I know, I will close hoping this may find you all well and enjoying yourselves. Give my love to the family and all enquiring friends and relatives. From your brother, — Jas

Letter 2

Camp near Falmouth, Virginia
February 24th 1863

Dear Sister,

Your letter of January 28th came to hand last evening which was gladly received as I thought you had forgotten me altogether. I am well at present and enjoying myself as usual. We have had very stormy weather for the last week and the snow is nearly a foot deep here at the present time so you may judge for yourself whether we have a pleasant time or not.

You want to know what has become of Ben [Troup]. He is still with the living but gets sick sometimes as well as the rest of us. Dan C. flourishes finely and is liked by all the company for he is lively.

As for Ambrose [Lamm], I think that he gets along very well but he is sick a good part of his time. But I like him better than when he was at home. He said the reason that he gave Annie up was because the people had begun to take it in earnest and he thought that it was time to stop.

As for getting a furlough, I suppose that I might get one, but then the trouble of getting it would cost as much labor as I would have pleasure by getting it. You are mistaken about the Alie Jinn being one of the prisoners at Murfreesboro. It was his brother for Alie is in our company. I was to see the boys last evening. They were all well and enjoying the snow as well as can be expected under present circumstances.

I will now close as news is scarce and I want to write to Jane and send it with this. Give my love to all enquiring friends and acquaintances—especially your friend Solomon. Your brother, — Jas

[to} Mary C. McKee

P. S. You can have the pleasure of knowing that Aunt’s box reached me before your letter and that I am living on the things that were in it.

Letter 3

Camp near Falmouth
February 28th 1863

Dear Sister,

As I received your letter a few days ago and, having some leisure time, I thought I would divert my thoughts in writing to you. I am well and hope this may find you the same. We have had very stormy weather this weeks and it looks is if it would not be much better for some time to come. I hope that you may succeed in catching John if you try for I do not think that you would prefer any of the boys that I mess with now although they are very fine fellows. As Cooner is not much better yet, I hope that he will be before we get home if ever we do for he will have to open his saloon if Tommy has to close his. I think that Wash will soon get through if he attends so regular but I would pity him if the draft should happen to catch him as his wedding is coming so near.

The regiment appear to have plenty of work to do now. They are on picket almost every week which is not very pleasant this stormy weather. There is a picture shop here now so that I will try and send my picture home before long and if I had knew that the Captain would have got home, I would have sent it with him. Heckie and the Watsontown boys are all well and send their best respects to you and the rest of the family. I have not answered the preacher’s letter yet but think that I will next week if nothing happens. I think whoever told you that we do not care anything for one another was very much mistaken for they all appear ot be kind enough to me yet and some of them more so that [when] we were at home.

As for the Emeline that you spoke of, you will have to be plainer for I do not know that I have one. But one thing is sure and that is I do not receive many letters but what comes from home. But I am beginning to think that there will be no need of me bringing a beau home with me for you as long as you have Solomon. So handy, I will now have to close as I am on guard and my relief goes on at one o’clock and my time is nearly up. Give my love to all enquiring friends and acquaintances, saving a good portion for yourself. I am as ever your brother, — James

To Mary

Early American Trade

1806: Jeremiah Winslow to Thomas Rotch

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The following letter was written by Jeremiah Winslow (1781-1858), an American shipowner and industrialist. He was seduced by the French Government’s encouragement of the whaling industry to establish himself in Le Havre in 1817, becoming a citizen there in 1821, and promoting the trade in sperm whale oil. In a short biographical presentation, Winslow claimed that he had already “made 46 voyages since 1817 and brought back to Le Havre the product of 1144 whales.”

Jeremiah wrote the letter to Thomas Rotch (1767-1823) with whom he had had a long relationship. One source claims that Jeremiah went to live with the Rotch family in New Bedford, Massachusetts, when he was only 14 years old. Thomas Rotch, a Quaker (Society of Friends), was the son of William Rotch, Sr. (1734-1828) and Elizabeth Barney (1735-1824) of New Bedford, Massachusetts. Thomas was married to Charity Rodman (1766-1824). In Hartford, Thomas owned a store, a linseed oil pressing mill, a rolling and slitting mill, and a woolen mill. In 1812, Thomas purchased land in Kendal, Stark county, Ohio. It’s reported that they moved to Ohio upon the advice of Dr. Benjamin Rush of Philadelphia and Dr. Eli Todd of Hartford, due to Charity’s chronic illness. The modest home they built, called Spring Hill farm, was an early day station on the Underground Railroad. It’s now restored and open to the public.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

On board the Brig Thomas
at quarantine near Island of Pomégues [off coast of Marseille, France]
10 Month, 24, 1806

My dear friends, Thomas & Charité Rotch,

I wrote to you on the 5th ultimo from Malaga [Spain] giving you an account of the voyage so far. We sailed from Malaga on the 6th and after beating about the Mediterranean for 34 days & having been some time on a short allowance of water, we found ourselves near the Port of Cette [now spelled Séte] and as the wind was directly ahead to go to Marseilles, we entered the Port of Cette which was a very fortunate circumstance for soon after our arrival there, the wind blew extremely heavy & there was one of the hardest storms that had been known for a long time and I doubt not we should have been cast away if we had remained at sea. 1

We were detained at Cette 9 days by contrary winds and then sailed for Marseilles where we arrived after a boisterous passage of 26 hours. But owing to our having been boarded by a Moorish Frigate and having no bill of health from the French consul in America, we were obliged to come to this place to perform quarantine an we shall have the liberty to return to Marseille (which is about six miles from here) in six days. You may readily conclude that my situation is an unpleasant one. I have not put my foot on land since I left America, but here I am allowed to go every day onto what they call an island which is composed entirely of stone and is very uneven so that there cannot be much pleasure even in that. All letters passing from vessels at quarantine must be put in vinegar. Therefore you must not think it strange if the paper should be colored.

We have a French pilot & a guard on board whom we shall be obliged to keep until we are released ourselves, and I shall rejoice when the time comes for I am in haste to dispose of my cargo. And whether I may return to America in the Brig or remain in France until spring is uncertain. But I have suffered so much in a summers passage that I dread going upon the American coast in the winter. The voyage has been long and very different from what I expected and I have many times wished I never had undertaken it. But on the whole, I hope it may be of use to me, and teach me to put my confidence in him whose care is over all His works.

I suppose we have had one of the most boisterous passages ever known at this season of the year, and several times we were very apprehensive of being drove on shore. The power of man was vain and nothing but the interposition of providence could have preserved us, and I think I have felt very thankful for it. If I should remain in France a few months, I hope to be preserved from anything inconsistent with the profession I make but among a volatile people. You know the many temptations to which we are exposed and in your petitions to Him whom you serve, I hope you will remember one whose greatest satisfaction will be to do nothing but what shall meet your approbation.

During my voyage, I have been surprised that seafaring peoples are so generally profane & void of the principles of religion. Some writer observes that “an undevout astronomer must be mad” and it appears to me that an undevout seaman must be likewise, the interposition of Providence is so often to be perceived. But our company are less profane than any I ever knew. I have heard some of them swear a few ties and have not neglected to give them a lecture on the subject and likewise some of the cards which you furnished me with, which I think have had a good effect. My captain was several voyages in the Barclay and since has sailed from New York where he left off the Quaker not only in appearance but I can perceive since we have been out there has been a change in him for the better & I have often heard him regret that he had so deviated from his profession, but I believe he may yet be a religious man.

If I should ever be favored to arrive in my native land, I think I shall not be tempted again to cross the mighty ocean except from necessity for it is impossible for a person not accustomed to the sea to know the anxiety experienced, but times of the greatest danger I have felt more calmness than I could have experienced on the most high was my only refuge, and it is my sincere prayer than nothing may ever erase the remembrance of it from my mind. My best love to you all & to my friend, R. Jordan.

Yours most sincerely, — Jeremiah Winslow

Marseille
11th month, 3rd, 1806

I have yet ten days to remain in quarantine and as we are near several American vessels, the times passes more agreeably than at sea. This port is one of the finest in France & the country round appears to be very pleasant and I hope soon to have the pleasure of observing it more particularly.

I am afraid to go to th Health Office every day, where, I can converse with people through a grate, and what little French I know has been of great use to me. I have several times seen Jn. Mollet who resides here & was well acquainted with your Father’s family in England. He is a very agreeable man—a Quaker in principle and very plain in his appearance for a French man, and I anticipate spending a few agreeable hours in his company when I get ashore.

1 The October 1806 storm in the Mediterranean was a massive, severe gale with high winds and heavy surf that sank several vessels including the HMS Athenienne on the night of October 20, 1806. She was en route from Gibraltar to Malta as was navigating the Strait of Sicily when she was run aground near modern-day Tunisia by the violent storm. Three hundred forty-seven lives were lost.

Aurora, Illinois, Illinois Homefront

1863: Abbie Rosalie (Hall) Brundage to John Emerson Anderson

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The following Aurora, Illinois home front letter was written by 19 year-old Abbie Rosalie (Hall) Brundage (1844-1926), the wife of Charles F. Brundage (1842-1903). The couple were newly married and had no children. County records indicate they were united in marriage on 13 April 1863 in Kane county, Illinois. Abbie was born in Worcester, Massachusetts, the daughter of John Sidney Hall (1818-1901) and Abigail Hasting (1818-1923) who also resided in Aurora, Illinois, where her father was employed as a carpenter/carriage maker. Abbie’s husband had served in Co. I, 11th Illinois Infantry early in the war as a 3-month volunteer.

Abbie wrote the letter to her cousin, John “Emerson” Anderson (1833-1896), the son of John May and Parney (Hastings) Anderson of Oakdale, Worcester county, Massachusetts. Emerson enlisted on 25 May 1861 as a private in Co. D, 2nd Massachusetts Infantry. He was taken prisoner on 24 May 1862 during the battle of Winchester but was paroled in June 1862 and promoted to sergeant, mustering out of the regiment in mid-July 1865. The 2nd Mass Vols. participated in the battles of Cedar Mountain, Antietam, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, Resaca, Kennesaw Mountain, Siege of Atlanta, March to the Sea, Savannah, and others.

The letter was penned just three days after President Lincoln delivered his Gettysburg Address.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Aurora [Kane county, Illinois]
November 22d 1863

It has been some time since you got a letter from me and now I will try in my poor way to write you a few lines. I supposed the reason why I did not get a letter was that you had gone to help Rosecrans and I believe I was right. I cannot write anything that will be interesting to you that I know of.

I had a letter from cousin Lewis [Marble Hastings]. 1 He was married to a young lady whose given name is Phebe [Arnold] the 15th day of August. I have both his and his wife’s photograph. She is not handsome nor even what is styled good-looking, but I should judge her to be a good amiable girl. She is a school teacher and Lewis has taken charge of the Seminary at Osceola, Iowa, and she is an assistant. I had begun to think he never would see anybody that he thought was good enough, and his marriage took me very much by surprise. Uncle Lewis 2 is in the army but in what capacity, I do not know. I thought he is rather old for army service.

I suppose if you live until the war is over, there will be no need of your traveling for you have done considerable of that since you have been in the army. Your health seems to be good and to keep so, and I suppose you have no fears now but what your health will be good as you have stood it for so long a time.

I have not heard from your mother yet and Sarah Bigelow does not write—only about two letters a year. It seems to me as if she might get more time to write than I do but does not have near as much I know. I have as many as 8 or 10 to write to all the time and sometimes find myself with lots of penning to do and sometimes I get almost discouraged before I get them all answered. I really would like to know how the folks East are getting along. Sometimes it seems as if they did not care for us. I have not seen the folks at Batavia & Geneva [Illinois] for some time but presume they are well.

I have another letter to write this evening and my side aches so badly I shall have to make both letters short. I do not know how all the poor are going to get along this long cold winter but I presume something will be done for them. Things are very high and it takes all one can earn to get along comfortable.

Direct to Care of C. F. Brundage, Box 18, Aurora

Write soon and tell me how the soldiers fare this winter. Love from all and a good share from your loving cousin, — Abbie Brundage

1 Lewis Marble Hastings, Jr. was born 18 April 1837 at West Boyleston, Mass. He came to Iowa in 1858 where he began public school teaching. In 1863 he was married to Phoebe Arnold of Garden Grove, Decatur county, Iowa. He was a pioneer in the development of the public school system of Iowa. In 1864 he organized the public schools of the city of Otumwa, which were previoulsly ungraded. He remained there until 1873 when he became President of the Iowa State Teacher’s Association. From 1873 to 1882 he was engaged in public schools in Illinois (West Aurora). He then returned to Iowa in 1882, moving to Iowa City in 1888.

2 Lewis Marble Hastings, Sr, (1813-1901) of Decatur county, Iowa. He was married to Margaret Green (1811-1878). During the Civil War, Lewis served in Co. C, 9th Iowa Cavalry but was discharged with injury in 1865.

63rd Ohio Infantry, Sherman Carolina Campaign

1865: John Augustus to Jane Augustus Anderson

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I believe this letter was written by John Augustus (b. 1839) of Ross county, Ohio, who served in Co. K, 63rd Ohio Veteran Volunteer Infantry. His muster records indicate he was discharged for disability in November 1862 but I think he may have reenlisted after recovering his health. He wrote the letter to his sister, Jane (Augustus) Anderson of Ross county.

Over the years I have transcribed several letters by soldiers in this regiment. They include (to date):

John W. Scott, Co. B, 63rd Ohio (1 Letter)
Mahlon VanDyne, Co. F, 63rd Ohio (1 Letter)
Francis H. Emley, Co. G, 63rd Ohio (1 Letter)
Alfred A. Laughlin, Co. G, 63rd Ohio (1 Letter)
Mahlon Pitney Davis, Co. K, 63rd Ohio (2 Letters)

T R A N S C R I P T I ON

Addressed to Mrs. Jane Augustus Anderson, Ross county, Ohio; annotated envelop, “Soldier’s Letter attested by W[illiam] C. Thomas, Adjt. 63rd OVVI (Ohio Veteran Volunteer Infantry)

Pocotoligo, South Carolina
January 23d 1865

Sister Jane,

It’s been a long time since I have heard from you or anyone else from home. I have almost come to the conclusion that John is forgotten amid the rejoicings over the returned soldiers of the 18th [OVI, C. A from Ross county]. Can’t blame anyone under such circumstances. They are entitled to all the respect that can be shown them.

We are having awful times in the line of rain and mud. Has been raining for several days and all South Carolina is afloat. We have to wade to our waists to get to the picket line and then build pens and lay across to keep out of the water. The entire state, far as I have seen, is flat as a pancake. I would not give your farm for the whole state [and] all its rice and sweet potatoes. Poor South Carolina—she is gone up.

I have almost come ot the conclusion that friends are like shadows seen only in sunshine. Then I think the matter over of home, tho hearts first rest the seat of warm affections and of childhood’s hopes and the tired spirits rest, Oh what comforts, what joys are derived from the thoughts of home and fireside. Jane, pray that your brother John may be spared to again enjoy the old fireside—the hoe circle of Mother, sisters & brothers. Oft do I think of the good advice I have received, the prayers in my behalf, and wonder if any pray for the wandering soldier. Now Jane, remember me at a throne of grace.

My health is good. Pres[ley] is well and sends his regards to all. My love to the family and don’t, sis, excuse this short note. Do better soon. Your brother, — Johnnnnnn

7th Wisconsin Infantry

1864: Charles Egbert Weeks to “Friend Brown”

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Charles Egbert Weeks (1839-1923)

The following letter was written by Lt. Charles Egbert Weeks (1839-1923) of Co. B, 7th Wisconsin Infantry (part of the Iron Brigade). Charles enlisted on 11 May 1861 and was wounded on 2 June 1864 at Bethesda Church, Virginia. He mustered out of the regiment on 3 December 1864. At the time of his enlistment, Charles was residing in York, Dane county, Wisconsin. He was married in 1864 to Harriet Marshall Mortram (1840-1870).

The 7th Wisconsin fought at Bethesda Church (part of the Battle of Totopoyomoy Creek) during the Union’s Overland Campaign. Throughout May and June, 1864, the regiment suffered numerous officer and enlisted casualties, including the loss of First Lieutenant Burns Newman and other company commanders. The intense tempo of operations was so exhausting that their commander, Colonel William Robinson, resigned the following month due to being worn out and harassed by wounds.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Columbus, Columbus County, Wisconsin
October 8, 1864

Friend Brown,

Dear sir, with respect I write you a line. Your father and sister was to see me today. They say you are about to be placed in the Invalid Corps which I was sorry to learn. I started to go to Regt. yesterday but when I got to Columbus, the Dr. stopped me [and] said that I could not go just yet. However, I shall be with you in course of two or three weeks. I don’t think you are obliged to go into the Invalid Corps unless you are a mind to. I think you can have a better position than you have if the will let you go back to the Regt. If you don’t, you can then go into the Invalid Corps. I will give you a sergeant’s berth if you have to be assigned to the [ ].

Enclosed you will find a letter from the Colonel to me which please read or show, if necessary, &c.

I will write the regiment on the subject if that will help you. Also I will call and see you if possible on my return.

Respectfully yours, — C. E. Weeks, 1st Lt., Co. B, 7th Regt, Wisconsin Vet, Vols.

114th Ohio Infantry, 120th Ohio Infantry, Fort Blakely, Mobile, Alabama

1865: John Melville Crabb to John W. Cleland

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I could not find an image of Sgt. Crabb but here is one of Corp. Michael A. Sweetman who served him in Co. C, 114th OVI.

The following letter was written by John Melville (“Mellie”) Crabb (1842-1910), the orphaned son of John M. Crabb 91804-1859) and Amanda R. Root (1818-1848). John enlisted Co. C, 120th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI) which was later consolidated with the 114th OVI. John was a sergeant in Co. C of the 114th OVI when he wrote this letter of the fall of Fort Blakely in Alabama in April 1865.

As described in the letter, the 114th OVI made the march from Pensacola to Mobile Bay where they participated in the 9 April 1865 assault on Fort Blakely—the last major assault in the Civil War. Following the capture of Mobile, the regiment was assigned duty in Alabama and Texas before mustering out in July 1865.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to John W. Cleland, Co. F, 111th Regt. OVI, 20th Army Corps, Kinston, N. C.

Blakely, Alabama
April 17th 1865

Friend John,

Your kind letter of the 16th ult, was received yesterday with much pleasure. Since I last wrote you we have been on the move pretty much all the time. We left Pensacola, Florida, the 20th of March. After a very wearisome march through swamps and marshes and through a barren country, being compelled to live on half rations a good portion of the time, we arrived in front of Fort Blakely [on] April 2nd. General [Frederick] Steele, in command of the expedition, immediately laid siege to the fort and opened communications with Gen. Canby’s forces in front of Fort Spanish, a few miles below.

On the night of the 8th, the Johnnies evacuated the Spanish fort. Sabbath evening the 9th, we charged the enemy’s works at Blakely and carried them, capturing several thousand prisoners and 40 or 50 pieces of artillery, a large amount of ammunition and other stores. Our loss was very small. Soon after the capture of Blakely and Fort Spanish, the rebels evacuated Mobile. I think our work is about done now.

We have received the news of the capture of Richmond and the surrender of Gen. Lee and his army and other very important news. I think that the time is not far distant when we will be permitted to return home, there to enjoy the blessing of a lasting peace.

I received a letter from Charles a few days ago. Also one from his wife yesterday. He was in good health and did not complain of anything. I think that going to the army has done him a great deal of good in a political point of view.

I must close for this time. We have had no sutler with us since we left Pensacola and therefore no opportunity of procuring paper which makes it very scarce. I remain your truly, — Jno. M. Crabb

148th Pennsylvania Infantry

1864: Mathias Shumaker to Henry Martz

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The following letter was written by Mathias Shumaker (identified as “Dias Shoemaker” on the company roster) of Co. G, 148th Pennsylvania Infantry. Mathias was drafted on 1 September 1863 in the 16th District, Chambersburg. He joined Co. G on 19 November 1863, was wounded and captured at Spotsylvania Court House on 12 May 1864,. He “died of diarrhea while in prison at Andersonville, Ga., July 10 (or 20th), 1864” according to pension records, though his wife did not learn his fate until sometime in September 1864. He was described as “a brave soldier” in the regimental history.

Mathias was married to Sophia Hosseliode (b. 1840) on 28 May 1862 in the German Reformed Church at Wellersburg, Somerset county, Pennsylvania, and they had one child, Charles Milton Shoemaker, born 6 September 1863. After Mathias’ death, Sophia took Frederick Pardike (or Pardick) as her second husband. It should be noted that there are a number of Ancestry.com entries for Mathias, most of which are incorrect. This is primarily due to the fact that there was another soldier from Pennsylvania by the name of Mathias Shoemaker (1843-1864) who served in the 13th Pennsylvania Cavalry, Co. H, though an unmarried sergeant, who was also taken prisoner in 1864 and starved to death at Andersonville in June 1864.

Mathias wrote the letter to his friend, Henry Martz of Wellersburg, Pennsylvania, most likely a relative of Sergt. John Martz who served in same company.

Over the years I have transcribed a number of letters by members of the 148th Pennsylvania. They include (to date) the following:

Abraham Fink, Co. C, 148th Pennsylvania (1 Letter)
Francis Stevenson, Co. C, 148th Pennsylvania (1 Letter)
Daniel H. Harter, Co. D, 148th Pennsylvania (1 Letter)
John B. Holloway, Jr., Co. D, 148th Pennsylvania (2 Letters)
Samuel H. Holloway, Co. D, 148th Pennsylvania (2 Letters)
Simon Shuman, Co. D, 148th Pennsylvania (1 Letter)
Staci C. Jones, Co. E, 148th Pennsylvania Infantry (1 Letter)
Shelumiel Swineford, Co. I, 148th Pennsylvania (1 Letter)
Henry B. Hillegass, Co. K, 148th Pennsylvania ( Letter)

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Camp near Brandy Station, Virginia
April 22, 1864

Dear Friend Henry Martz,

I take the pleasure of writing a few lines to you for to let you know that I am well at present, hoping you still enjoy the same. The weather is very nice here at present and we are packing up our over plus of clothing for to send to Washington.

Yesterday Old Grant reviewed our corps and now I think it will be a move before long. Day before yesterday General Hancock reviewed our division and we made a nice appearance. There is nothing going on here at present but getting ready for moving today. We are going to practice at targets.

I will let you know that I am a going to send you ten dollars in this letter and let me know whether you get it or not. If my wife needs any money, why you may give her just as much as she wants. I want you to let me know how my friends are getting along at home there. I want you to give me all the news you can and answer this as soon as you can as I have wrote to you 4 letters already and received no answer yet. Jacob Sturtz is well and hearty and Dennis Hutzel is well and hearty too.

We still hold the Johnnies on the other side of the Rapidan and we are not much afraid of them yet. I like it better here than at home. We have more fun here than at home. No more at present. Your friend, — Mathias Shumaker

Direct to Mathias Shumaker, Co. G, 148th Pa. Vols., 2nd Corps. via Washington

I will send you a present in this letter. The peach trees are in full blossom here. I looks like summer.