I could not find an image of Fassett but here is Capt. Jonathan Prince Cilley of Co. B, 1st Maine Cavalry, who was seriously wounded at Middleton, Va., on 24 May 1862. (Andrew German Collection)
This letter was written by George Llewellyn Fassett (1844-1915) of Abbott, Maine, who enlisted on 31 October 1861 to serve in Co. M, 1st Maine Cavalry. He enlisted as a private and rose in rank to at least a corporal in 1863. George was taken prisoner on 24 May 1862 at Middletown, Virginia, and was presumably exchanged shortly after this letter was penned in late October 1862. He mustered out of the regiment on 20 June 1865 with the rank of sergeant. After his discharge, he returned to Piscataquis county where he earned his living as a carriage maker.
As stated previously, George was taken prisoner on 24 May 1862 in what has come to be known as the “Middletown Disaster.” The loss to Companies A, E, and M was severe, a large number of men being wounded or taken prisoner. The events of the battle are best summarized by the National Park Service in an article entitled, “The Running Fight/The Battle of Middletown—May 24, 1862.”
Transcription
Camp of Paroled Prisoners Camp Banks Alexandria, Virginia October 19, [1862] Sabbath morn.
Dear Brother,
I was very glad to learn yesterday where you was and should be happier still if I could only see you.
I was at Washington a few days ago but I could not find where you was. H. T. Whitaker and myself went over to get our ration money. It took us three days to find where things were, &c., but we at last got it.
We received 18 cents per day and we were prisoners 112 days which amounted to $20.16 and I am sorry that it is all gone. Ha ha. Why it is so? I owed a good deal to the boys and I paid them and bought me a nice pair of boots which I paid a $5 bill for.
I have not received a single line from home since I was released nor from any one else, save one from Susan and one from John. He was at home then but expected to go to his regiment in a few days and I have wrote as much as three times a week. I’ll bet I have wrote more than 50 letters since I was released and have not got but two letters and there was no answer for any that I had wrote.
We were all mustered for pay a few days ago and expect to get paid off in a few days. If we are paid off before we are exchanged, I shall try my best to go home—take a French furlough. There is nine out of ten that has gone home since we came to Alexandria. I would like to go home and see the folks once more.
I suppose you have heard the death of little Freddie. Poor little fellow is no more. He died quite a spell ago. “May he rest with [ ].” And I heard by Sull Hall that Alton was very sick with the fever. I should like awful well to hear from home.
I will not write any more this time but look with anxious eye for an answer. I remain your dear brother, — George L. Fassett
Camp of Paroled Prisoners, Camp Banks, Alexandria, Va.
“Born in Smith County, TN, Archibald Debow Norris was the son of a prominent farmer. After graduating in 1860 as the valedictorian of his class at Allegheny College in Meadville, PA, Norris returned to his hometown of Rome, TN where he worked as headmaster of a local college.
Archibald Debow Norris, 1860 Allegheny College Archives
As the country moved closer to war and Tennessee inched closer to secession, Norris maintained a pro-Union stance. Ultimately, once Tennessee seceded Norris would determine that he must maintain his allegiance to his own state over that of the Union. Records indicate that a twenty-one year old Norris enlisted on 5/15/1861 and was commissioned into Co. K, 7th Tennessee Infantry. He attained the rank of captain in 1862, fought with his regiment at Gettysburg on July 1st and 3rd, was captured at Petersburg, VA on 2 April 1865, and was released from Johnson’s Island Prison, 19 June 1865.” [Cowan’s Auction]
At Gettysburg, Norris fought with the regiment where he displayed conspicuous bravery despite the chaos of combat. Another soldier would later remember…
“I can recall Capt. A. Norris… when the right was being enveloped and hope gone, tearing the flag from the staff, and retreating with a fragment of his company under a fire so destructive that his escape seemed miraculous. There was no better officer in the Seventh or in any other regiment”
“Norris married Sarah Melissa Baird on 25 December 1866, and subsequently went on to serve in a variety of civic roles including superintendent of public instruction for Wilson County, TN from 1873-1874; county surveyor, 1878-1882 and again 1896-1899; and TN state representative, 1887-1899. Norris was a Mason, a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and was active in farming, banking, and the insurance business.” [Cowan’s Auction]
Richland Station Sumner county [Tennessee] May 22, [1861]
Dear Father,
We arrived here last night about two o’clock and having nothing particular to do today, I avail myself of this opportunity to write you a few lines to give you an idea of the times and circumstances by which we are surrounded.
An immense concourse of people were assembled in Lebanon on Monday morning to witness the departure of the troops. A great deal of feeling was manifested by the citizens, there being but few dry eyes in the place. We left about eight o’clock, took dinner at Mr. Sister’s at Green Hill, and arrived in Nashville about three. The buggies, carriages and wagons conveying the troops and their friends numbered one hundred and fifty-eight. The handkerchiefs and waving hats with which we were greeted all along the route had a tendency to dispel the gloomy depression incident to the parting of friends and relatives.
The procession proceeded around the Square and through the principal streets of Nashville and then repaired to the fairground where we were “mustered into service” by taking an oath to office, our services in defense of the state for twelve months.
I then went to see Grandma Lyons, stayed a short time, slept at the Commercial Hotel with Wilson Phillips who went down with the procession. I was quite unwell during the night in consequence of having eaten too heartily of preserved soft peaches at dinner and adding thereunto a hearty supper. Was all right yesterday morning.
We were drilled a little yesterday morning after which I called on Mr. Rosser’s friends to whom I had letters of introduction. Had a very pleasant visit and received a letter of introduction to Captain Craighead of Company B of the Rock City Guards which I will soon present to him.
Yesterday evening we marched from the fairground to the depot, a distance the way we went of about three miles. We got on the cars before seven but it was after ten before we left Edgefield. We had a dort of “rough and tumble” ride to this place, one or two of the cars becoming detached and causing delay. We pitched our tents and some time after three o’clock lay down and slept till about five. I do not feel near the fatigue that I expected to from exposure and loss of sleep. Last night was my first in the “tented field.” I like it very well just from the novelty. At present my health is good and spirits cheerful.
We will probably remain here a day or two and then go to the general encampment a few miles from this place. Beyond this, nothing certain is known or conjectured.
I must close. I will write again when I get to a place where I think we will remain long enough to get an answer. Your affectionate son, — Archie
This poignant 1868 letter was written by 42 year-old Louisiana, or “Lou”, (Wilson) Nunn (1826-1910), the widow of Sgt. Daniel Lafayette Nunn (1827-1862) who died of typhoid fever in the hospital at Cairo while serving in Co. G, 63rd Illinois Infantry. In her letter to Alexander Turney Stewart (1803-1873)—the American textile merchant whose dry-goods store grew in to a giant wholesale and retail business in New York City—Lou shares the saga of her efforts to provide herself with a livelihood for herself and two daughters, Harriet N. (b. 17 Oct 1849) and Ida M. G. (b. 18 July 1854) since her widow’s pension of $8/month had proven woefully inadequate. Military records reveal that Sgt. Nunn entered the service on 1 December 1861 at Robinson, Crawford county, Illinois, and that he was mustered in on 10 April 1862 only to die some ten weeks later on 21 June 1862. See letter 1 in Pension File pertaining to Daniel’s cause of death written by Lou Nunn.
“I have worked almost day and night, saved and economized every way in the world, sometimes I give up in dispair but ralley again.”— Louisiana Nunn
From the pension file we learn that Louisiana and Daniel were married on 3 January 1849 in London, Laurel county, Kentucky. Daniel was a carpenter by trade and just prior to the Civil War, had his own wagon and carriage shop in Somerset. Kentucky.
In March 1879, Louisiana married a harness maker named Cornelius Holden (1806-1898) and took up residence in Humbolt, Coles county, Illinois. The couple later purchased land in Whitley county, Kentucky, where they farmed on 200 acres. After Cornelius died in 1898, Lou was able to reinstate her monthly widow’s pension which she had lost upon her 2nd marriage. Her monthly pension of $20 was finally terminated in 1910 when she died.
To his credit, the wealthy Alexander T. Stewart gave handsomely to benevolent causes but his public notoriety most likely made made him a target for thousands of letters of this nature.
Transcription
Champaign County, Illinois October 10th 1868
Mr. Alexander Turney Stewart Sir,
You will be very surprised to receive a letter from a total stranger on such business as this in on. But I hope that you will have patience to read it over carefully.
In the first place, I will tell you who I am and what I am. Then if you look favorably on my wishes, I can give you the best references our place affords. I am the widow of Daniel L. Nunn of the 63rd Regiment Illinois Volunteers who died at Cairo June 21st 1862. We come from Somerset, Kentucky October 1st 1861, forsook home, property, friends, and every comphert for our Country & its cause. My husbon had a wagon and carriage shop, and a grocery store all in full operation. He had ben raised a farmer but he had the head and ability for a business man. He was also raised a Democrat but I had no trouble turning him to the right side. I never dared argue a point with him but I would argue with others in his presence—in that way kept him all right, for a good woman can always have a good influence over a man.
But I have aggressed from my object. When the Union men of Kentucky was forbiden to drill on Kentucky soil by Governor McGloflin, my husbon was among th first to go over the line to Indiana to Camp Joe Holt. He drilled there three months. The day that they was sworn in to Government service, his captain gave him a discharge on account of bad health so as soon as he come home, he was elected captain od a company of home gardes. They was talking of organizeing a camp at our place (which they did in a few days after I left. I left the day before the Wild cat Battle was fought; Zolocougher fought his next battle with Hoskins across the Comberlain river, right over my house). Judge Bromlet—afterwards Governor Bromlet—had organized Camp Dick Robinson in opposition to Governor McGloflin’s orders. Then next they was talking of organizing one at our place, a little town (Waitsborough) on the river, which they afterwards did.
They designede giveing Mr. Nunn a Loutenant’s place in the company to be raisede there. Some advised me to leave there but others to remain. Our Sherif was a strait out Reble. Mr. Nunn & him had always been good friends. So he sent me word not to let any one perswaid me to remain for we would have as hot times their as any where: so we did, and that, I had taken too decided a stand not to be made a target for some villion. I knew that it was so. We had the Post Office, and while Mr. Nunn was gone, I had the full charge of it. I would allow no man to speek a word of treason in the office and had made some 3-4 men leve the office. So I left. Mr. Nunn remained under promise that if he got sick before he was sworn into government servis that he would come to this state; then go from here if he was needed. He did so. The result was that he died in the Illinois servis. We sacrafisede or left every thing that he had in Kentucky and by the time that my hunbon died, I was out of money.
Mr. Nunn volunteered in the Southern parte of the State but he was not willing for me to live there. So to plea him, I movede to the northern parte of the State. I failed to receive the sympathy of the people as I would have done had he volunteered here. They acted as if they thought us a Humbug because we come from the South.
I studyed money plans to try to make a living for myself and children. I finaley seteled on keeping a millinary store but I had no capital to invest and it made it slow work, having to depend almost entirely on doing repairing work and never failed when the season was at its hight to give out, and be down sick the balance of the season. So I worked for three years trying all the while to find someone to let me have seven or eight hundred dollars to build me a neat little house. I wanted to get the money and give a mortgage on the house until it was paid for. But no. I went to a Mr. Harris, the welthaest man in Champaign County, said to be worth between two and three hundred thousand dollars. I told him that I wanted to find someone that was willing to let me have the money without interest if I could and give them a mortgage on the house and obligate myself to pay it as fast as I drew my pention for that was my only chance. My pention was not anough to pay my house rent but I knew that if I once got it into a home, I then could begin to enjoy the good of my pention which is the price of the life of my dear husbon. But he would not tuch, unless he knew that the whole world could have known of it. Then he would have let me had it.
I then went to the different lumber yards to see if they would let me have lumber and pay for it as I drew my pention. But no. I then got a friend to write to a lumber merchant at Chicago stating my case and see if he would let me have lumber on them terms. So I sent a bill for lumber. The very next day I was taken sick and lay sick for nine months; not able to earn anything and no one helping me. But I never suffered for there was a poor grocer keeper that knew me and let me have everything that I wanted on a credit. There their was a pay day comeing some day. The next thing was where was the money to come from. The lumber was only a small item. I sent for one of our hardeware merchants, told him how the matter was, and what I wanted of him. He let me have all I wanted from his establishment on time. I then sent for a glasier with the same success. Next came lime sand and workmen. After I had tried several other places, I thought of a Mr. [Frank] Finch that owns a flower mill in Champaign—a man worth 40-50 thousand dollars, a bachelor supporting a widowed mother , a widowed sister and two children. I sent for him, stated the case to him. He said that one of the mill hands was building a house and had been disapointed about money. He had told him to go ahead. He should have money untill his house was ready to live in. Now he said to me, go ahead, I should have money untill my house was ready to live in and I did. But when the house was so that a familey could live in the lower parte of it, I was not able to be movede to it. So it was rented for 4 months. But I never got my rent.
I am in the outskirts of the town where I can raise my chickens, pigs, and garden which brings its own labor for I found myself nearly 1 thousand dollars in debt—grocery bill, doctor bills, and all. In the last three years I have worked almost day and night, saved and economized every way in the world, sometimes I give up in dispair but ralley again. I have heard so much of your generosity that I have been tempted a number of times to apply to you for help in the way of a few hundred dollars. Then I would get afraid that you would not help me. (Then [I thought that] I would ask your wife for a few of her cast off garments for myself and children, for I have cut over everything for the children until I have nothing hardly left for myself—garments thrown to one side, worked over here would look quite nice) for I would suffer, even perish before I would ask alms, or even hint that I needed, to those that are bound to know how I have to struggle to live. Fer I have a proud, high-minded, enterprising spirit.
“I am 5 feet high, waying 100-106 lbs., so you see that I have not got an iron constitution. But I have got an iron will—a determination to conker every difficulty and ride triumphant over every foe. The neglect that I feel on account of my poverty seems like an iron heel crushing out my soul.”
—Lou Nunn, 10 October 1868
I am 5 feet high, waying 100-106 lbs., so you see that I have not got an iron constitution. But I have got an iron will—a determination to conker every difficulty and ride triumphant over every foe. The neglect that I feel on account of my poverty seems like an iron heel crushing out my soul. But I am determined with God’s goodness and will to ride triumphant over every slight.
I have two children—girls, both emerging into womanhood. The oldest one is in her eighteenth year with misserable health for 4 years past. She is the image of her Father, tall and a beautiful round form and full face that sickness does not affict much only by taking away the colar. She has a natural tallant for music and ough to go to a Musical Colloge. I have given her two terms of lessons on the piana. She can compose beautiful tunes. She has composede two this week. I think one of them as prety a thing as I ever herd. She calls in Grant’s Victory Waltze. Both are good. If I had the means of educating her, she could soon support herself.
The other is 14 years old with little or no education. The education of both is quite limited for I have had to keep them at home sometimes to help me. But most comonley for the want of proper clothing and books. We are a spirited high-minded set. If they can’t feel that what they have on is half way deacent, they won’t go. By that means they don’t often get out. A strainger to see my girls out would take them to be highley accomplished and educated for the ability is there, I asshure you, if it is never cultivated. They will soon be too old. I have been trying for the last two years to go South and see if I can’t gather up something of our lost estate. But I can never command the money for my honor is out for my pention to go on my debts and I lack about three hundred dollars of being out of debt.
Now I have got a plan for a big speckulation in my head. There is a thirty acre track of land that my house is on joining the town plot. I think that it can be bought for ten thousand dollars. The new rail road runs close too it. Now if I could borrow the money of you and give you a lean on it to secure you, then throw it out in too town lots and sold immediately out, which I think could be done right away, it would rase me above want the ballance of my days. I have been on the point of writing to you to see if you would not fit me up with a dry good store on commishion. I have got to strike some kind of a breese so that I can get along without so much harde labor. People tell me that I look 20 years older than I did six years ago. I can realise it myself. But I have had to go through hardships anough in that time to make anyone look old, much less a frail being like myself. Therefore I should love o get something that I could find rest for my poor wearied boddy and brain.
Now I have given you a small sketch of myself or history so that you can form an ideah of woman that applies to you with perfect confidence for help, beliving that she will get it in some form or other. I wish you to bair in mind that I feel that it is no desgrace to work at any kind of labor that is honest if I am onley able to doo it. In short, I think it an honor for people to know that poor people to work for what they get for they have to have a living—honest or dishonest one.
If I could be contented to live like a hethan, I could get along. But I can’t. I would have went raving mad if I had not succeeded in geting me a home. I had always ben uste to a good home.
My mother was killed when I was 4 years old. My first step mother was an amicablem good woman. The second was as mean as the Old Nick would have her. Se married my Father for his money, then led him a miserable life. He went security for a man that took the benefit of the bankrupt lone and then left my Father the debt to pay. In the heat of it, my Father died and by rascality his property all passed from us. The property is now worth over one million of dollars. That is harde to bare. Still we must bare it.
Please to answer this immediately if you possabley can and let me know in what way you are willing to help me. I would rather have the money to buy the land if agreeable. If your wife has cast off garments, they would any and [all] be acceptable as we have got almost out of everything that is to ware or keep us comphertable. Hopeing to hear from you soon, I am very respectfulley, — Mrs. Lou Nunn
1 The following letter was found in the Pension File, written by Lou Nunn at the time she was attempting to prove her claim in August 1863.
Campaign Cty, Ill. August 17, 1863 Mr. [Joseph H.] Barrett, [Commissioner of Pension Office] Sir,
It is impossible for me to send you a Certificate from any of the surgeons in the hospital for Capt. Stanford wrote me tat all the surgeons and physicians that was connected with the regiment at the time of his death have all left the regiment long ago. And I know not where to find them.
As to the disease he died with, if you will take the trouble to go to the hospital as I did, and see the poor boys brought their, emaciated from a diarrhea, brought on by drinking all kinds of miserable stuff at Cairo (and the whole city under water except the barracks and grade) then brought to the hospital, and stuff Quinine down them until they loose their hearing, turn people, have a burning fever, and suffer a great agony for a few days and die. I should like to see the doctor that could five it a name. And still such is the disease that 5 tenths of our poor boys die with. I could find none in the hospital of a different cast to that and I have seen a great many set home, all with the same disease, far away from those that love them, and would take care of them to be neglected by those that have the care of them them. Such is the poor soldiers’ lot. Still our Government must stumble over such trifling points and let the widdows and orphants suffer and starve for their just rights now the Husband and Father can no longer assist them.
I lay sick last winter for a long fever and lingered a long time. I had to borrow money on my government prospects to live on so that when I got my money from the auditor which was $128.90, it was all gone in 36 hours to lift notes and it will take 50 dollars out of the pention that is due me to clear me of debt. (Their, I have added it up—it is 70 dollars). So you see my [ ] will be small, but it is better to have it in my hand than to pay interest on borrowed money.
As to the marriage certificate, it answered the auditor’s purpose. I can’t see why it won’t yours. It ust be an over sight in the new clirk, not to attack the county seal. I will send back to Kentucky for another copy. It is doubtful a bout my getting it soon as the Rebbles are in that parte of the State almoste constant. It frets me constant to think here, I am so dependant on others. When I had a comphertable little home in Kentucky it it is not destroyed. But the Union Army, or the Rebble Army are one or the other their almost constant around it. I fear that their is not much of it left being right on the ferry where the cross the river. Excuse my long preamble.
This letter was written in mid-March 1840 by Henry Owen from New Orleans, Louisiana, who we learn has just lost his inventory in a fire that took place at No. 24 Chartres Street where he had it stored. A newspaper advertisement placed by Henry Owen appearing in The Daily Picayune of Thursday, March 5, 1840—just 8 days before the fire started—indicates that he was an agent selling Joseph Gillott’s Patent Steel Pens. The advertisement states that he had “a large assortment of the well known pens for sale wholesale…at 24 Chartres street, upstairs.”
According to a newspaper article appearing in the New York Daily Express on Monday, 30 March 1840, the fire that “broke out on the night of the 13th inst., [was in] the bookstore and stationery warehouse of D. Felt & Co., No. 24 Chartres street. The flames rapidly extended to other houses on either sides; viz., to Armistead & Spring’s foreign & domestic dry goods store, No. 22, and to L. Chittenden’s importing silk and fancy store, No. 26. Notwithstanding the indefatigable exertions of the firemen, the flames took a northerly direction and rapidly consumed the clothing store of Paul Tulane & Co., No. 23, and the saddlery and harness warehouse of Smith, Cantzon, & Co., No. 30, corner of Chartres and Custom House streets.
It does not appear that Henry operated as an agent selling Gillott’s Patent Steel Pens for more than just a few months in the winter of 1839-40. From newspaper advertisements we learn that he was selling Gillott pens in New York City at 109 Beekman Street in the summer of 1837 and in 1838. He apparently returned to New York City following his loss (albeit insured) at New Orleans. There is a notice of his selling these same pens as the “sole agent” at 91 John Street in New York City in 1847 and even as late as 1864.
Henry wrote the letter to Henry Jessop (1808-1849), the son of William Jessop (1772-1835) and Rebecca Taylor (1770-1859). Henry took over his father’s firm William Jessop & Sons after his father’s death in 1835. The firm produced high quality steel in its Sheffield, England, factory, but shipped to agents in America.
Henry’s connection to the Jessop’s of Sheffield, England, convinces me he was the same Henry Owen who was born in Sheffield, England, on 10 May 1811 who was described as being 5’10” inches tall, with blue eyes and light brown hair, and 53 years old when he applied for a passport in 1864 giving 26 West 25th Street on NYC as his address.
Transcription
Stampless cover addressed to Messers. William Jessop & Sons, New York
New Orleans [ Louisiana] 3 a.m., March 14, 1840
Mr. Hy. Jessop My dear sir,
Late as it is, I must write you, as were I to trust to writing early in the morning, I should probably fail. The fact is, I am burnt out, not as a rap saved, but fully insured, my book is burnt, for fortunately, I yesterday added up the sales, and can most unequivocally swear to the amount within a trifle.
Now for particulars. I was engaged in conversation with a stationer, when the cry of “Fire” arose. We ran out of the verandah & learnt the fire was at No. 24 Chartres Street. I hurried to the spot and running into the lower store for the key, asked some gentleman to lend a hand. On opening the side door leading upstairs, I found the top of the stairs on fire. Of course I could not go through them. I got to the street and that moment every iron window shutter was burst open by the force of the flames. The fire burnt the store on the South and Four on fire on the North to Custom House St. Luckily for the neighboring [buildings], the walls fell almost as the fire reaching them. But for this, I should probably have been burned out of house as well, to make sure I did not pack up. Whiting & Stark, narrowly escaped. All I regret the loss of is the prices you sent & the power of attorney of he firm.
My friend, Mr. Montgomery of the House of Slocomb, Richards & Co., says the company I insured in are good. If their losses are heavy, we may have to wait a short while—still it is good. They will render me all the advice and assistance I require. I have Mr. Stark too, if needed. Be not afraid but I will secure the amount.
How the fire originated, I cannot learn. All I know is I left at 5 o’clock to see Crookes off to sea. There was not the semblance of a fire then. Mr. Stetson who conducts [David] Felt’s [stationery] business tells me his bookbinder was at work at 9 o’clock in the 4th story. He heard a kind of explosion [and] on looking, he found the story below all on fire. He had to escape by the spout. Therefore the fire did not originate in the story I was in—thanks be praised for that.
I proposed leaving on Sunday [but] this will keep me longer. And as all my goods are gone, show bills too, when I settle with the insurance, I do not know but I shall return by sea.
While the fire was going, I could not help wishing Phill Meaks’ [Weak’s?] goods had been there. I keep this open till breakfast time. I may, if not burnt up in the meantime, have something more to say. Very tired and sleepy, I am yours. Very respectfully, — Henry Owen
8 o’clock. No further damages. I find my [ ] of stock is lost. Expect to hear again from me soon. If you write. Address Care of Messer Slocomb, Richards, & Co. I may to be sure get this and leave before I can hear from you.
Three decades later, Jeff Davis is depicted with an “Arkansas Toothpick” under his garments as he flees capture at war’s end.
This letter was written by 22 year-old Edward Rice (1814-1850), the son of Levi Rice (1775-1853) and Annie Hayes (1777-1845) of Granby, Hartford county, Connecticut. He wrote the letter some weeks (possibly months) after his arrival in Helena, Phillips county, Arkansas—some six months after it had become the 25th state to join the Union. According to the 1850 Mortality Schedules, Edward Rice died in Helena from “congestion of the lungs” in May 1850. I have not been able to ascertain whether Edward remained in the dry goods business at Helena for the entire thirteen years period he remained in Helena until his death.
Edward wrote the letter to his boyhood friend, Stillman Allen Clemens (1816-1875), the son of Allen Clemons (1793-1868) and Catherine Helen Stillman (1796-1856) of North Granby, Hartford county, Connecticut. At the time this letter was written, Stillman was attending Yale University. After graduation, he was employed as a teacher.
Not only is the letter a good “travel” letter but Edward shares his impressions of Helena, Arkansas, and its inhabitants—an early statehood glimpse of the Mississippi river port town.
I note that the Clemens name is sometimes spelled Clemons and it appears to have been written that way by Edward.
Transcription
Addressed to Stillman Clemons, Esq., New Haven, Connecticut
Helena, Arkansas January 31, 1837
Friend Stillman,
It was a day or two since that after a visit to the P. O. as usual unsuccessful, I sat thinking of my friends in Connecticut, blaming them one moment for neglect and the next denouncing the whole Post Office Department from the backwoodsman who officiated as postmaster at Crowtown up to old Amos [Kendall] himself, that I called to mind the old adage, “reformation should begin at home” and amongst the balance of broken promises recollected one of writing to you. And having an opportunity to send to the North in a few days by Mr. Cossitt, I conclude—although at the eleventh hour—to redeem my pledge and send you a short epistle hoping that you will receive it sooner than we get letters from Connecticut, which is commonly something less than six months from the time of their being mailed.
I had as pleasant a journey to this place from home as I could have expected in my feeble state of health. The route from New York to Philadelphia and thence by railroad and canal to Pittsburgh, crossing the Allegheny Mountains, was very pleasant affording a fine view of scenery, beautiful and sublime.
I spent one day in Philadelphia very pleasantly, being detained by business, and in company with an acquaintance about the city and its environs until I was heartily tired and yet was not satisfied with seeing. It is a splendid city. I have never seen its equal. We spent a morning in the Navy Yard where the far famed ship Pennsylvania is being built. She is a splendid specimen of naval architecture and well-calculated to make an American feel proud of his country.
The USS Pennsylvania warship (large ship left center) was launched in the summer of 1837
The voyage from Pittsburgh to Louisville and then to this place was very lengthy owing to the low state of the river. I was nearly two weeks from Pittsburgh to Helena. It was nevertheless a pleasant trip—very much so—and I enjoyed it much. The Ohio is a beautiful river and runs through strikingly beautiful and fertile country.
A person meets with a great variety of character on board the steamers in the Western waters. Gambling in abundance, backwoodsmen & hunters, the rich planter of the South, and the Yankee of wooden nutmeg and horn gunflint notoriety, with various others too numerous to mention.
I have been in tolerable health since leaving home and have been able to attend to business without loss of time. I obtained a situation as clerk in a dry goods store immediately on my arrival.
Helena is improving very fast at this time. There are now ten stores in the place and several more will be started in the spring. Society here is not like that of New England, you may suppose. It is yet a new country and I was surprised to find the morals of the place so low. Almost every man here carries his Bowie knife, pistols, Arkansas Toothpick, one and all. 1 And there are men daily walking the streets—men of respectability too—who have buried the knife more than once in the heart of a fellow being. Gambling & drunkenness &c. are so common that they are almost unnoticed and will you believe it, I have not been in church since I left home—because there is none here!
But a change is taking place in Arkansas for the better and good and wholesome laws will soon be adopted and these frontier scenes will soon pass away before the march of civilization and improvement. I have scribbled over most of my paper and must close though I have not written half as much as I wish, but enough to try your patience I suspect.
I have not heard a word from home since I left and my patience is almost exhausted. I wish you to write immediately on getting this and give me a sketch of college life in the City of Gardens.
Your sincere friend, — Edward Rice
[to] S. Clemons.
1 There is some debate over whether or not an Arkansas toothpick is technically a Bowie knife. The Arkansas toothpick is a type of large dagger with a straight blade that is used for thrusting. It is named after the American frontier state of Arkansas where it was supposedly created. Bowie knives, on the other hand, are typically larger knives with a curved blade that is good for both slicing and thrusting. Some people argue that the Arkansas toothpick is simply a smaller version of a Bowie knife and thus can be classified as such. Others maintain that the two knife types are distinct enough to warrant their own separate classification. Since Edward mentions both types of knives in this letter, they must have had a different meaning at the time. As near as I can tell, the term “Arkansas Toothpick” came into popular usage about 1835.
These letters were written by Norton William Campbell (1835-1868), a carpenter from Duquoin, Perry county, Illinois, who entered the service as a sergeant on 20 April 1861 at DuQuoin, Illinois, to serve three month in Co. G, 12th Illinois Infantry. After this brief stint, he reenlisted on 1 August 1861 to serve three years in the same company and regiment (the “1st Scotch Regiment”). At the time of his enlistment, he was described as 26 years old, standing 5 feet 7 inches tall, with brown hair, blue eyes, and a dark complexion—a native of New York State. In the 1850 US Census, 16 year-old Norton was enumerated in the farm household of William Campbell (1806-1874) and Catharine Wilson (1808-1886) of Pinckney, Lewis county, New York. I can’t find a biographical sketch or obituary for Norton to confirm if these were his parents or not; his war letters mention only his mother and state that she was living in Sauk county, Wisconsin, in 1861. By the time of the 1860 US Census, Norton had relocated to Perry county, Illinois, where he was enumerated in a boarding house and working as a carpenter.
Of Norton’s service in the 12th Illinois, I have been unable to find very little information save what we learn from the letters themselves. The Chicago Daily Tribune of 17 April 1862 lists Sergt. Norton Campbell as one of fifteen members of Co. G being wounded in the Battle of Shiloh. In that same newspaper article, Joel Grant (1816-1873), the chaplain of the 12th Illinois reported that, “Most of the losses [to the regiment] occurred the first day. The first attack upon us was made by a large force of rebels, whom, as we viewed them through the timber, we thought might be our own troops. While we were endeavoring to satisfy ourselves on this point, they poured a deadly volley upon us, that dispelled our delusion, and brought us at once into the realities of war.”
Indeed, Norton’s Letter 16 informs us that he was wounded wounded at Shiloh but it must have been a mere flesh wound: “The wound I got at Pittsburg has got well but it leaves a nice scar.” He also informs us in that same letters that following the Battle of Shiloh, he was in command of his company because all of the commissioned officers were either wounded or sick.
Norton wrote the letters to his friend, Sarah Ann Rinehart (1843-1879), the daughter of Samuel Rinehart (1820-1899) and Harriet Eunice Reed (1823-1849) of Louisville, Clay county, Illinois. We learn from Norton’s letters that four years previous to the war, he and Sarah—who would have only been about 14 at the time—had a relationship but that it grew distant when he moved away. Clearly he was attempting to rekindle that relationship when he began to write her while in the service. We don’t have any of Sarah’s letter to Norton so we can only surmise from the content of Norton’s letters that she doubted his sincerity from the beginning of their war-time correspondence and only grew more and more convinced that he was either not the love of her life, or that she was unwilling to wait longer for the war to end before taking a husband. Though subsequent letters were probably exchanged between them, Sarah Ann chose to marry John Wesley Young (1845-1879) in Clay county, Illinois, on 22 February 1863. The Youngs lived in Clay County, Illinois, where John labored as a farmer until 1870 when they moved to Independence county, Arkansas. They had several children all of whom (at least five) died as infants. Sarah died on 16 February 1879 giving birth to her sixth child, Thomas Jefferson Young (1879-1946). Two days later, Sarah’s husband died and the orphaned child was raised by his uncle Joseph Henry Young. I could not find an account of Thomas’s death but the timing suggests he died of a broken heart or suicide.
This CDV was found in the Library of Congress (what a stroke of luck!). It shows Norton wearing the Tam o’Shanter style cap of the 12th Illinois Infantry. He has signed the verso indicating his rank as Captain in the 110th USCT. He was discharged from the 12th Illinois to accept a commission as Captain of Co. F, 110th USCT (formerly the 2nd Alabama Colored Infantry) late in 1863.
Addressed to Miss Sarah Reinhart, Indianapolis, Indiana
Camp Defiance, Cairo, Illinois June 20, 1861
My Dear Friend Sarah,
I received your welcome letter. I was glad to hear from you yet i did not know whether you would write to me or not as I had neglected writing to you for so long. But Sarah I am well and hope this will find you the same. I am one of Uncle Sam’s boys now and we see some rough times in camp life and some pleasant times but the time will be soon when we will be called into battle and we are all ready and anxious to get at the traitors that have dishonored our country and caused all this trouble and many of us no doubt will die on the battlefield. But if it should be my lot, I know it will be in a good cause. I love the stars and stripes and I will help to protect it. I love Liberty and Union and I want it just as our forefathers handed it down to us and we will have it so. And Sarah, if this war last three years or 10 years, I will be in it all the time if I am alive and able for I love my country.
But Sarah, I should love to see you but I cannot get away now. If I could see you but one hour, it would be some satisfaction to me. I could explain all the reasons that I have not seen you for nearly four years. It was not because I did not want to see you nor because I had forgotten you but I have not. No, Sarah, if I am not with you my heart is, and I shall live in hopes of seeing you yet once more. We was happy in each others company, for we loved each other. It is so still. I can say my heart in not changed. The beautiful face I love so stand up on it and will ever be my guiding start in the hours of peril and danger.
And Sarah, if I should never be permitted to see you again, may God bless you is my prayer. But I know you have plenty of friends to keep you like a lady as you are and had I thought that I could [have] taken care of you as I ought, I should’ve been with you long ago. But I have done well in the last two years and may yet live to see peace and enjoy it once more.
We are under marching orders now but we don’t know where we will go to and we will probably stay here six or seven days yet. We think we will be sent to Missouri near St. Louis. When I wrote to you, I was in Camp Bissell, Caseyville, Illinois, but we left the next day. After I wrote you, we went down to the Missouri River on the steamer Louisiana to Cairo where we are now. Cairo is well fortified & the whole southern Confederacy could not hardly take it. But I must close.
I will get my likeness taken and I will send it to you soon. I will write often and hope to hear from you often and let me be where I may, I shall always remember you with kindness. I remember all the past. They are as yesterday to me. God bless you. My respects to your friends. Write soon. From your long absent lover or friend, — Norton W. Cambell
Camp Defiance, Cairo, Illinois, 12th Regiment, Company G, In care of Capt. Brookings
Letter 2
Camp Defiance Cairo, Illinois June 28, 1861
Dear Sarah,
I am pleased to hear from you and that you was well. I am well and hope this will find you the same. I was of a company of three hundred that was out on a pleasure excursion yesterday up the Mississippi River and at Birds Point. There are two thousand of our troops at Birds Point in Missouri opposite of Cairo. We had a pleasant trip and enjoyed our ride very much.
Col. John McArthur, 12th Illinois Infantry—“as fine a man as lives.”
We expect an attack on Cairo soon now from the traitors. I am in the 12th Regiment under Colonel John McArthur—as fine a man as lives. This regiment will son be sworn in for the war or three years and then we will get a furlough home for a week or ten days and I shall try and come to Indianapolis if possible and go to Clinton too if possible. I shall be in Cairo till after the Fourth of July. There will be a Grand Ball here on the Fourth and we expect to have a good time in general on that day.
Sarah, I will send you my likeness in this letter and you will please keep it in remembrance of me for if I do not see you in the next three weeks to come, I may never see you. My likeness looks black but it is because I am sunburnt and tanned very bad but it is part of a soldier’s life. You must excuse this letter for I have to sit down on the ground and any way to get down to write and it is blotted up so that I am ashamed of it but you can read it maybe. If you can’t—if I ever see you down here—I will read it for you.
Sarah, you appear to think that since we parted in Clinton, I have found someone that I loved and had forgotten you. You say you have a god chance to marry. Now I say, if you love anyone and want to marry them, do so. I could not blame you and I would love to know that you was happy with someone. There is no knowing where I will be when this war is over but God bless you. My best wishes are with you. I hope to hear from you often. We will not have much fighting to do till after Congress on the Fourth of July.
I will close. Hoping to hear from you soon and Sarah, let me go where I may, I shall always remember you with pleasure and I hope I can see you before we start South. But no more. Give my respects to your friends and please write soon.
This from your long absent, — Nort
— Norton W. Campbell, Camp Defiance, Cairo, Illinois, 12th Regiment, Company G in care of Capt. C. H. Brookings.
Goodbye
Letter 3
Camp Defiance Cairo, Illinois July 6, 1861
My Dear Sarah,
I received your ever welcome letter and was glad to hear from you. I am well and hope you are enjoying the same blessing. The 12th Regiment has not been sworn in for three years yet but I think we will be tomorrow. The Fourth passed off very pleasantly here and general good order through the whole camp and the celebration of the Fourth will long be remembered in Cairo. In the morning at sunrise they fired a salute of 36 guns from the six different batteries and noon and at sunset the same. In the afternoon, there was a brigade review of all the troops.
We marched through the main streets of the city and then took to the parade ground in the evening. They had some splendid fireworks and speeches and everything went off quiet and nice. And if we had of been in Virginia and had the chance, we could of done some of the best fighting on that day that was ever done. The troops here are anxious to get a chance at the traitors and if we ever do get at them, we will conquer or die. And Sarah, every time I put a cartridge in my gun, I will think of you for if you are making cartridges, make them of good powder and lead and we will make good use of them if we ever get the chance—and I hope we wll.
I read the President’s Message this morning and I suppose you have saw it before this and it suits me to a hair and I think he will soon put us where we will have some work to do. But I think Jeff Davis is trembling in his boots now and would give all he ever had if he never had spoke of secession. But that do us. We want to torture him to death before we quit. we want to show them that breaking up this government is not as easy as they imagined it would be. The stars and stripes shall be my banner as long as I live and I will help to maintain it.
And Sarah, God bless you. You are a lady and cannot fight but I am glad to hear that you love the Union enough to make cartridges for the soldiers and while you are doing so, remember that there is none in the army that loves you whose heart is with you and his country, and I would love to see you now but whether I shall ever have that pleasure or not, I cannot say now. But if I live to see this war settled, and peace once more, then I will see you. I can only say God bless you wherever you are and if I ever done wrong by you, I hope to live to make all right with you again.
My mother lives in Wisconsin, Sauk county, in White Mound. She was well the last I heard from her. She seemed proud to know she had a son that loved his country and was not afraid to fight for his rights. She bid me go and do my duty like a man. God bless my mother. I will fight for my liberty and hers and do my duty.
Sarah, I am sitting in the woods in a beautiful shade and writing this letter on a log. I got out of the camp so that I could be all alone for awhile to write to you and while I am sitting here, the past hours that I have passed with you years ago are fresh in my mind. Not a word has been forgotten by me and if I have not wrote to you as often as I should nor have not come to see you as I said I would, still I have not forgotten you. I have always thought of you and remembered you. You have been near my heart and I have always been in hopes that [I could someday] take care of one so worthy as you are of a good and kind husband. I have tried hard to lay up something to take care of you with so that I might be worthy of you but I have had a good deal of bad luck in the last four years. But still I am now pretty well to do in this work. I have laid up about two thousand dollars and when I volunteered, I had me a nice house about half finished and everything comfortable and was in hopes that I should see better days. But I shall have no pleasure till we have peace once more. Only in serving my country to put down this rebellion and that I will do with pleasure. And I will take pleasure in writing to you often as I can and hope that I shall still live to see you again.
If you think I care nothing for you, I can’t help it now. I can only speak for myself and you can judge for yourself. If I should fall on the battlefield, you shall know it. If I live, you shall see me. I am prepared for whatever my fate may be. God will protect the right. The star spangled banner—long may it wave o’er the land of the free and the home of the brave.
But I must close and hope you will excuse this pencil writing. It is better than none. You say you got my likeness. Keep it in remembrance of me. I have yours yet but it is at home locked up in my trunk. You will please give my best wishes to Mr. and Mrs. Hebble 1 and I hope to hear from you soon.
The health of the men here is generally good. There has been but very little sickness in the camp yet the weather is very warm here. But no more. May God bless you is all that I can say. Whether I can come and see you when I get a furlough home or not, I cannot promise now but if possible, I will. So goodbye. I remain yours truly, — Norton Wm. Campbell
Camp Defiance, Cairo, Illinois. 12th Regiment, Company G
1 In the 1860 US Census, 16 year-old Sarah Ann Reinhart (1843-1879) was enumerated as a servant in the household of John W. Hebble (1823-1871) and Hannah Hagan (1829-1911) who were innkeepers in Indianapolis. The Hebbles were married in 1846 and came to Indianapolis from Pennsylvania in 1855 and engaged in the hotel business near the Union Station Depot. They later were the proprietors of the Germania Hotel (still standing today and called the Slippery Noodle Inn) at South and Meridian Streets. The Hebble’s had two boys, Benjamin Mursa Hebble (1854-1902) and George M. Hebble (1860-1932)—the latter known as the “blind musician.”
The Germania Hotel (later called the Tremont House), and now called the Slippery Noodle Inn in Indianapolis. The Hebbles were once proprietors of the Germania Hotel.
Letter 4
Camp Defiance Cairo, Illinois July 29, 1861
Dear Sarah R.,
I arrived in camp the 26th and everything was exciting for they look every day for an attack on Cairo and Birds Point. There is fifteen thousand secessionists within 15 miles of Birds Point and there is only five thousand troops in Cairo at this time but we are ready and willing to try them. They may not make the attack just now but we have good reason to believe they will soon. There will be more troops here in a few days.
We had quite an accident on the Illinois Central Railroad the day I came to Cairo. Two passenger trains run off the track. One tipped over and was torn all to pieces. The other was not broke up so bad. There was about 60 of our men in the one that was broke up the worst. I had just stepped out of the car on the platform of the other car not more than a minute before the car upset but there was no one killed but some badly bruised. It was the greatest wonder in the world that half of them was not killed. It was about 60 miles from Cairo.
Sarah, I received your letter and your likeness and I thank you a thousand times for it. I have it on my bosom and will wear it there for your sake. Whether we shall ever see each other again or not, I cannot tell. When I was there with you, I could not think of half I wanted to say to you and I was sorry that I could not stay longer with you but I was happy while I was there but I can’t say that I am now. But I will try and enjoy myself the nest I can and if I am spared till this war is over, I will see you again and make a longer visit.
Please give my respects to Mr. & Mrs. Hebble and those other folks—I forget their names, and try to enjoy yourself the best you can. You have got such a good place to stay at that you can’t help but be contented. I think Mrs. Hebble is such a good, pleasant woman. It seemed like home to me. You must be good to her for I know she is good to you.
But I must close for this time. I can’t hardly write here, the boys make so much fuss in the camp. But I will write soon again and hope to hear from you soon. So God bless you. No more this time. From your own, — Norti W. Campbell
Camp Defiance, Cairo, Ill., 12th Regt., Company G, in care of Capt, C. H. Brookings
Letter 5
Camp McArthur Cairo, Illinois August 11th 1861
Dear Sarah R.,
I received your letter this morning and was very sorry to hear that you was sick but I hope by the time this reaches you, by the help of the kind hand of Providence, that you will be restored to health again. I would be glad to be with you and comfort you in your hours of trouble and afflictions but if I cannot be with you, my whole heart is and my best wishes are for your good and God bless you, Sarah. I wish I could say that I was well but I cannot. I have been sick with the typhoid fever for two days and it is all that I can do to sit up to write to you. I thought I would not tell you that I was sick, I could not help but write to you, The doctor thinks I am better today and I hope I shall soon be up again and in fighting order.
A few days ago we were ordered to go to Cape Girardeau in Missouri as soon as possible. We heard that the town was attacked and was in danger and we started with one thousand men and got there that evening at 4 o’clock and was all disappointed for everything was quiet, There is three thousand of our troops stationed at that place now and it is considered safe. We stayed till the next day at 11 o’clock when we got on the boat and returned to Cairo again. We all enjoyed our trip very much and would of felt better if we had of had chance of a fight, but I think we will have one before long and I hope I shall be able to be with them.
Cairo is safe now and we have no fears of an attack now. With the fortifications and breastworks that we have now, we can hold the place against forty thousand rebels.
But I must close. Give my respects to all of the friends. I know Mrs. Hebble will take good care of you while you are sick. Please write soon ad may God bless you, Sarah, and protect you and restore you to health. No more. Write soon. This from your ever affectionate, — Nort
Norton W. Campbell, Camp McArthur, Cairo, Ill 12th Regiment, Company G. in care of Capt. Guy C. Ward
Letter 6
When Grant took occupancy of Paducah, Kentucky in September, he placed the 12th Illinois in garrison of the Marine Hospital (depicted above) and commenced the construction of earthen fortifications around it.
[Note: This letter was written by Pvt. William J. Dingle of Sullivan, Moultrie county, Illinois, who enlisted at the age of 28 at Decatur on 6 August 1861 to serve three years in Co. B, 41st Illinois Infantry. He was described as a a 5′ 8″ tall, dark haired, blue-eyed carpenter.]
Paducah, Kentucky September 30, 1861
Miss Reinhart,
Yours of a recent date is received. Norton W. Campbell is stationed at Smithland in this state. I saw him some eight days since in this place. He was quite well.
Yours respectfully, — W[illiam] J. Dingle
Letter 7
Addressed to Miss Sarah Reinhart, Indianapolis, Indiana; forwarded to Martinsville
Camp Smith 1 Smithland, Kentucky October 27, 1861
Dear Sarah R.,
I received your letter of the 14th and was glad to hear from you and I answer it with pleasure. I am well and hope this will find you enjoying the same good blessing and hope you will excuse this pencil writing for I had no pen handy.
Sarah, the last time I wrote to you I was sick at Birds Point. I was pretty sick for a short time and I got a furlough to go home. I went home and stayed till I got well and then returned to Birds Point. Since that time I have been moved around considerably though I have never been in any battle yet. I am now in Smithland, Kentucky. We have a beautiful camp, are getting the place well fortified, and we are in hopes that we may yet have a chance at the rebels.
We are getting tired of this kind of soldiering. There was a small fight 25 miles above here on the Cumberland River at a place called Eddyville day before yesterday. The gunboat Conestoga and three company of infantry went up from Paducah and surrounded the rebels, killed 15, and took about 50 prisoners and captured many horses and mules and quite a number of guns and routed them without the loss of one man. [See Federal Expedition to Eddyville and skirmish at Saratoga, Kentucky]
But Sarah, it will come our turn to have a battle some of these days and then you shall hear from us. But Sarah, I have no reason for not writing to you—only my own carelessness and shiftlessness. I have not wrote to anyone for a long time and I am ashamed of it for it was not because I did not want to hear from you or because I do not love you for Sarah, you are the idol of my heart. I wear your likeness on my bosom everyday and wherever I go, it shall go. And if I fall on the battlefield, your likeness shall be with me to the last moment.
Mr. J. B. Clintner was here yesterday from Clinton. His folks were well. He saw your likeness on my breast and said you looked as natural as life and I would like to see you this day to tell you all, but I have to wait and hoe for the best. We are all pretty hearty here now and I feel better than I have for several years. We have plenty to eat and plenty to wear and plenty of money and when mine gives out, I have got more to home and hope to live through this war and be permitted to see you again.
Sarah, please give my love to all the Hebble family. I often think of them. If I ever come across any of your Indiana friends, I shall be glad to make their acquaintance. I hope to hear from you son. May God bless you, Sarah, and watch over you for my sake. Mr. [William J.] Dingle is here in Smithland in the 41st Regt. Illinois. He is well and sends his love to you. No more. Please write soon. This from your affectionate, — Nort
Norton W. Campbell
Direct to Camp Smith, Smithland, Kentucky, 12th Regt. of Illinois Volunteers, Company G, in care of Capt. Guy C. Ward
1 Camp Smith was located at Smithland, twelve miles above Paducah at the junction of the Cumberland and Ohio Rivers.
Letter 8
Addressed to Miss Sarah Reinhart, Martinsville, Morgan county, IndianaPostmarked Dead Letter Office, Postage Not Paid
Camp Smith 1 Smithland, Kentucky November 19, 1861
Dear Sarah,
I have just received your welcome letter and I hasten to answer it and I am glad to hear that you are well and I am glad that I can say that I am enjoying good health and we have everything to make us comfortable for this time of the year. We have got a beautiful place for a camp and the best fortifications in the West. The troops here are very healthy and look as well as any that I have ever seen.
We have never been in a battle yet but don’t know how soon we will have to try our courage for there is fifteen hundred rebels only fifteen miles from here and we look for an attack now every hour. We have only seven hundred troops here but we can whip ten times our number with the fortifications we have got here and I would be glad to see them come for we have got some Yankee pills here that don’t set will on a secessionist’s stomach and we will give them such a dose that they will be sorry they ever rebelled.
But Sarah, though I am in the army where everything is exciting and hundreds of friends around me, yet I have never forgot you nor the happy hours and months that we passed so sweet and lovingly together. I often think how happy I should be if I could be with you and our country in peace once more but as long as there is rebellion, I must be separated from you though I love you and your very name is sweet to me.
But I also love my country and can you blame me for if we can’t have peace, how can we be happy? But things will not always be so. I look forward for better and happier days. God bless you Sarah. I would love to see you but it is impossible to get a furlough now. If I could, I would come and see you if I could not stay more than one hour. If I can, I will come and see you at Christmas but I will not make any promises for I don’t know where we may be by that time. But let me be where I may, I will always love you and I believe I shall be spared through this war to return to my friends and see many happy days with those I love.
Please give my respects to Mrs. Hebble and all of the family and I will be glad to hear from you often. And may God’s best blessing and kind hand watch over you and protect and comfort you in all your hours of trouble through life and may He yet make you happy with the one you love. So God bless you. No more. Write soon. This from your affectionate — Nort
Norton W. Campbell
To Miss Sarah Reinhart
1 Camp Smith was named after Union General Charles F. Smith under whom the earthworks were built at Paducah.
Letter 9
Addressed to Miss Sarah Reinhart, Martinsville, Morgan county, Indiana
Camp Chetlain 1 Paducah, Kentucky December 6, 1861
Dear Sarah R.,
I am well at present and hope you are enjoying the same God’s blessing. I am in Paducah now where I shall probably stay till the fleet is ready to go down the Mississippi River. Then I hope I shall be able to go with them and make them such a visit as they deserve in Dixie land and let them know that the stars and stripes cannot be trampled upon as easy as they imagine nor this government broken up as easily as they thought for our boys here are in good health, and when they get among the secessiers they will make them think that so many tigers have been let loose among them to do the will of God and slaughter and rid the world of those black-hearted rebels that have and are still trying to break up the best government that the world ever knew.
Uncle Sam has got the boys to do the work and before they quit, the stars and stripes will wave over all these United States as they have in days gone by and no man will dare to pull it down or molest it. But Sarah, I may not live to see this war ended, nor live to see you again. But I can trust in God and hope for the best and if I fall on the field of battle, it will be an honorable death and you can say that Nort lost his life like a soldier in defense of American liberties and rights.
I would love to come and see you now but I cannot. The commander of the Western Division has given orders that no more furloughs nor leave of absence be given to neither soldiers nor officers so you see that it is impossible for me to get away but if I cannot see you, I can write to you and hear from you and let me be where I may, I will always remember you as one that I love and respect and as one that I have passed many happy days with and hope to be happy with you again. But if we never meet again on earth, I hope we may meet in heaven where parting is no more. I would love to be with you at Christmas. You say you are going to have a party. If I could be there to dance with you, I know we would enjoy ourselves. But as I can’t be, I hope you will enjoy yourself and whilst you are dancing, think how many hours we have enjoyed ourselves in the same way and with such company as Mrs. Hebble, you can’t help but be happy for she is such a good woman. And please give my respects to Mr. and Mrs. Hebble and all of the family. I hope to hear from you soon.
I have not seen your friend in the Indiana 11th yet but will go and see him in a few days. Everything is quiet around here at present. But i must close. The weather is rather cold here just now but we are pretty well prepared for it. Please write soon.
— Norton W. Campbell
To Miss Sarah Reinhart
Direct to Paducah, Kentucky. Camp Chetlain, Co. G, in care of Capt. G. C. Ward
1 Camp Chetlain was named after Augustus L. Chetlain, the Lt. Colonel of the 12th Illinois.
Letter 10
Camp Payne Paducah, Kentucky December 15, 1861
Dear Sarah,
I received your letter and was truly glad to hear from you and that you was well. I am well at present and hope this will find you the same. You said you had not heard from me yet. I am rather surprised at that for I have written you two letters before this and you say you have not received none from me yet. I am sorry for that this has been so, but I hope you will get this. You need not think that I do not write for I will write as often as I can. I love to write to you and I love to hear from you and I would love to see you but I am deprived of that pleasure and probably shall be for a long tome yet.
You said if we was here next spring, you would come down and see me. Sarah, I would be glad to see you at any time and you shall find me a gentleman wherever you meet me. I will not write much this time for I don’t know whether you will get this or not, but if you do, I will write more next time.
Please gibe my respects to Mr. and Mrs. Hebble and all of the family.
We expect a fight here within 48 hours. Our pickets were run in last night but we are ready and will give them the best we have got in the shop. I will send you the Union Picket Guard every week with pleasure and hope you will get this. So, hoping that I shall live to see you again, I will close. Please write soon. No more. This from your own, — Nort
Norton W. Campbell
to Miss Sarah Reinhart
Camp Payne, Paducah, Kentucky Co. G, 12th Illinois Vols. in care of Capt. Guy C. Ward
Letter 11
Camp Payne Paducah, Kentucky December 23, 1861
Dear Sarah,
I received your letter and was glad to hear from you and that you was well. I am well and hope this will find you enjoying the same good blessing.
The troops here are all pretty healthy and feel pretty well and are all anxious to move on Columbus [Kentucky]. We all feel confident that we can give them a good thrashing. When I wrote last, I thought we would soon have a fight but the rebels got word and left their camp where they were resting so quietly and it was well for them they did. But everything is quiet here now. Our troops were reviewed here last week and made a fine appearance. They are pretty well drilled and will fight like tigers if they ever get a chance.
Sarah, I should love to spend New Years with you for I know I should enjoy myself, but as I can’t be with you, I hope you will enjoy yourself. I shall not have much of a New Years here. I don’t think there will be anything doing here more than any other day but I live in hopes of seeing better days after the war is over. But till then, I shall be obliged to put up with whatever may happen me and do my duty as a soldier,
There is nothing new to write. Please give my respects to Mr. and Mrs. Hebble and to your friend Miss Ellen. As it is late, I will close hoping to hear from you soon. And may God bless you and protect you for my sake. This from your soldier boy, — Norton W. Campbell
Letter 12
Paducah, Kentucky January 9, 1862
Dear Sarah,
We have just received orders to march at three o’clock this day and I think we are going to Columbus [Kentucky] but I don’t know for certain. I received your letters from Indianapolis and Germantown. I am well and ready for the fight. How it will turn out, we can’t say but hoping all for the best, I will close for I am in a hurry.
My love to all. I will write as soon as I can again. So God bless you. No more from — Nort
Letter 13
Addressed to Miss Sarah Reinhart, Martinsville, Morgan county, Indiana
Camp Payne Paducah, Kentucky February 3, 1862
Dear Sarah,
The last time I wrote to you I told you we was expecting to fight. We started from Paducah on the 15th of last month—six regiments of infantry and two batteries of light artillery, and nearly one thousand cavalry. The whole force was about eight thousand commanded by General Smith. Our expedition, I think, was to keep reinforcements from Columbus [Kentucky] going to help Zollicoffer at Mill Springs.
We marched 30 miles to Mayfield and then nearly last through Murray and Farmington and to the Tennessee River, 14 miles from Fort McHenry where the rebels have an army of about twelve thousand and well fortified and we all thought that we was a going to attack that fort, but we was disappointed. Nearly every house that we passed was deserted for they were all secesh through that part of the country and as soon as they heard we was coming, they left as fast as possible.
We was seven days in marching to the Tennessee River and on the 8th day we started back towards Paducah and when we found we was not a going to get a fight, you could of heard the boys curse and swear for two miles. But we could not help it and we came back. We marched 125 miles and worse roads and a muddier time, I never saw. We had to march in mud ankle deep for two days and waded a great many places in mud and water up to our waist, In fact, it was as hard a march as has been made in this war. We was gone just eleven days and we rested two days of the time. We had to burn some wagons and a good many tents. The roads was so bad they could haul them and had some horses and mules drowned.
I stood the march well till the last two days when I got so lame that I could not walk. I sprained my ankles and then by marching, they swelled and pained me very bad. They are not hardly well yet, I am well excepting that we have to start on another expedition tomorrow and there will be a large force start this time. There has nine regiments came here today and there is still more coming. There is 8 gunboats here going with the expedition and this time we will get a fight.
Look out for good news soon. We will start tomorrow morning, I think certain. The river has been very high here and our camp has been nearly under water for a week which makes it very disagreeable. The water is falling now.
But I must close for this time. I can only say God bless you, Sarah, till I see you and I hope to live to see you again. Please give my love to Mr. and Mrs. Hebble and all of the family and write soon, Send to Paducah.
I got a letter from Mother. She is well and sends her love to you. I would of wrote sooner but we have been so busy that I could not. But no more. I will write again as soon as I can. Do God bless you, Sarah. No more this time. Write soon. Pleasant dreams to you from N. W. Campbell
To Susan Reinhart
Letter 14
Nashville, Tennessee February 28, 1862
My dear friend Sarah,
I received your letter yesterday and was pleased o hear from you. I am well and still amongst the living. Our regiment has been kept moving for the last two weeks. We left Paducah on the 5th of this month and took Fort Henry and Fort Heiman on the 6th, and on the 12th day we started for Fort Donelson where we arrived at 12 o’clock that night.
On the morning of the 13th, the battle commenced and lasted till the morning of the 16th when the rebels surrendered unconditionally and we marched into the fort at 10 o’clock a.m. I need not write all the particulars of the fight for you no doubt have had it through the papers before now. Our regiment was in the hottest of the battle on Saturday, the 15th, and 31 of our brave men of the 12th Regiment were killed and one hundred wounded. I did not get hurt at all but my comrades were shot by my side. But God bless them—they fought like men though they were nearly worn our for sleep and food.
“February 15th. This is the day I long shall remember. This morning at day break, a high discharge of musketry was heard. For a moment it ceased. When it again was heard, it was heavier and still heavier it growed as we formed in line. It was a steady crackling when we marched as reserve back of the Illinois 9th and 41st. As the 41st gave way, we—or a part of our regiment—had to take their places. Companies A and B were thrown out as skirmishers to the extreme right to receive the fire and to test the strength of the enemy. We soon found the enemy as thick as Juniper berries concealed in the bushes, and in the act to growl upon us. We then opened the fire on them but soon their fire proved to be too heavy for us (for as we now hear, there were two regiments concealed there) and a retreat was ordered by Capt. Fisher of Co. A. A little before, our captain [Hale] said, “Boys, let us show the cowards that we are 9 months in service.” A few seconds after, he fell motionless to the ground. Seven more of Co. B followed him, I could hear Capt. Fisher’s command and consequently retreated with them. The next on my left was shot in the leg (since amputated), the second was shot in the arm, the third was killed. The three next to my right escaped as I—unhurt.” From the Diary of Frederick Hammerly, Co. B, 12th Illinois Infantry
We were four nights without sleep or tents, and two days and nights without anything to eat and part of the time the ground was covered with snow and it was very cold and we were not allowed to have a bit of fire so you may know that we suffered some but we would of stood it for weeks, or whipped them out of Donelson.
We took 17 thousand prisoners and their arms, and two generals—Buckner and Johnson. Pillows and Floyd was there but they got away and took away several regiments of rebels. They went through Clarksville running for life and telling the people to burn their houses and property and run for the damn Yankees were coming and they run in every direction. But we will give them a bigger scare than that before long.
On the 20th and 21st, there was a great many people at Donelson to see the battleground. Governor [Oliver P.] Morton was there and Governor Yates of Illinois was there. On the 22nd, we went to Clarksville, the town nearly deserted. The rebels had built a nice fort there but it done them no good. Clarksville is a beautiful place. On the 27th we started for Nashville and got here at 12 o’clock at night and we are still on the boat. I don’t know whether we will get off today here or not. The rebels are about thirty-five miles from here fortifying and they are said to have one hundred thousand troops and more coming from Columbus [Kentucky]. They have evacuated Columbus.
I got off from the boat today and went round and took a look at the city of Nashville and it is a beautiful place. I was at the State House—it is a beautiful building—and I was at President James Polk’s house—or his widow’s house. I was at his grave—it is a beautiful place—but still Nashville [is] dead. Every building nearly is shut up and it seems like Sunday. The railroad bridge and the suspension bridge are both burnt and destroyed by the rebels. Coffee is worth one dollar and fifty cents a pound here, and flour twelve dollars a barrel, and boots 18 to 20 dollars a pair, and everything else according. So you can judge whether the southern people have long faces or not. But I tell them they are the ones that caused it and they must stand it and I wish they would all starve and if they don’t, we’ll run them into some corner and shove them into the Gulf. And they begin to wish too that they had not got up this row. The people around here think that the war will be over in less than eight weeks and I think a few more Fort Donelson battles and it will soon be over too.
“Just tell that gal that don’t want to wait for a soldier that she should not be in a hurry—that soldiers will be in good demand after this war [even] if they are crippled.”
Sgt. Norton W. Campbell, Co. G, 12th Illinois Infantry, 28 February 1862
You said you drank a glass of beer and made a speech for me when you heard we had taken Fort Henry and I think Donelson is worth two glasses. And if I could be with you, I would make you a speech but I still think I shall live till this mess is over and then I will have a good time. And you just tell that gal that don’t want to wait for a soldier that she should not be in a hurry—that soldiers will be in good demand after this war [even] if they are crippled. But that is all right, Sarah. I hope you will excuse me for not writing sooner for we have been moving so I could not write. I shall be glad to hear from you soon and often.
“I have wore your likeness on my breast all the time and shall wear it till this war is over, if I live…”
Please give my love to Mr. and Mrs. Hebble and to all. You said you let the printer have my letter to publish but I don’t know what I wrote that he wanted to print. I got no relics that I can send you but a sprig of cedar that I got on the spot where our company fought. I sent a piece of it home and a piece o my brother. I got a nice sword from a secesh captain and I shall keep it to recollect Fort Donelson.
You spoke of a ring you wanted to send me to wear in honor of Fort Henry. I have wore your likeness on my breast all the time and shall wear it till this war is over, if I live, but if you wish to send a ring in a letter, it will be safe. And if I live, I will bring it to you again. But I must close. We have just received orders to start back down the river again. Please write soon. Direct to Paducah. I will write again as soon as I can. So no more. God bless you. Write soon. Yours now and forever. From your soldier boy, — Nort W. Campbell
Letter 15
Addressed to Miss Sarah Reinhart, Martinsville, Morgan county, Indiana Postmarked Cairo, Illinois on 5 April 1862
Pittsburg [Landing], Tennessee March 30th 186
My dear Sarah R.,
I am well and hope this may find you the same. Sarah, I wrote you a short time ago that we would leave here in two days and that I would not get a chance to write to you for some time again but for some reason unknown to me, we are here yet and I understand that we will not leave here for some 8 or 10 days and I hope to hear from you before I leave here. 1
The weather is very pleasant and warm here and the troops begin to feel like going into another battle and I think our next battle will be at Corinth, Mississippi—only twenty-five miles from here. I hear that the rebels has over eighty thousand troops at Corinth now but such little squads as that had better leave before we get there and I think they will for they are about played out in this country and our troops have got Island No. 10 on the Mississippi River and I think that the war is nearly on its last legs and we will soon be home.
Everything is quiet around here and Sarah, I would love to be with you now. It seems like an age since I saw you. But whilst I have been away from you, I have been doing my country service. But often have I thought of you and I often think of the happy hours we passed in Clinton. Nothing has clipped my memory from the first hour that I saw you till now, but circumstances known only to myself has kept us from being happily connected together. But hoping there will yet be time to make amends for the past, I will still live in hopes and hope our last days may be our happiest and that we may forget the past and look only to the future.
So God bless you, Sarah. I hope to hear from you soon. Please give my move to Mr. and Mrs. Hebble and all the family. I will close by saying God protect you. Please write soon. Direct to Paducah. No more. Yours with respect. Your soldier boy, — Nort Wm. Campbell
to Miss Sarah Reinhart
1 According to Lt. Col. Augustus L. Chetlain, “During the three weeks we were in camp [at Pittsburgh Landing prior to the Battle of Shiloh], our men suffered from diarrhea and dysentery, caused by having to use surface water taken from shallow wells.” Chetlain himself was taken with dysentery and sent to Paducah on 5 April 1862—the day before the battle—leaving senior Captain J. R. Hugunin in command of the 12th Illinois (Major Ducat already sick in Paducah). Upon hearing of the battle, Lt. Col. Chetlain attempted to return to the battlefield only to have his horse shot out from under him and then left on foot to lead the regiment for four hours. See “The Recollections of Seventy Years.”
Letter 16
Monterey, Tennessee May 7, 1862
[Dear Sarah,]
I just received your letter of the 22nd and was glad to hear from you and your friend, Mrs. Hebble.
We are 8 miles from Corinth now. The whole army here is moving on to Corinth and Beauregard has a large force there and making preparations to receive us but it will be a death stroke to the rebels. We go to conquer certain. We move slow but sure. General Halleck is here in command and the troops have confidence in him. And Sarah, before this reaches you, we will probably have another hard and bloody battle and be in possession of Corinth.
We have had several skirmishes with the rebels since we started but we drive them wherever we find them. Part of our force is within five miles of Corinth now.
The late Battle of Pittsburg [Landing] was a hard battle and such sights as I saw on the field I never want to see again. But I take things as they come in this war. I run a narrow escape myself for my life but it is alright. I shall be in this fight at Corinth though I am not well nor have not been since the first of April. I am pretty weak but I am better than I was and hope I shall feel well when the battle comes off.
Our company has not got a commissioned officer with it. They are wounded and sick and I shall have to lead the company in the fight. Whether I shall fall or not, I do not know but think I shall come out safe. This will not be as hard a fight as the Pittsburg [Landing] fight for the infantry. It will be more of an artillery fight. The woods and roads are completely strewn with rebel knapsacks and tents and clothing and a great many other things that the rebels threw away on their retreat from Pittsburg showing that they were in a hurry and we will soon give them another big scare.
Fear not for me, Sarah. God will protect me in the fight. The wound I got at Pittsburg has got well but it leaves a nice scar. But that is alright. I would love to see you and talk to you now. God bless you. It seems an age since I saw you. But Sarah, I often think of you and in the hour of battle, you are not forgotten, but were consolation to me. I think that Yorktown and Corinth will soon be in our hands and then I think the war will soon close and then I will come and see you and till then, God bless you and your friends.
My love and best regards to Mr. and Mrs. Hebble and all of the family. I will write as soon after the battle as possible. It is almost impossible to get a letter here for some reason. This is the first letter from you since the battle. But I must close and Sarah, if I never meet you on earth, I hope to meet you in heaven. God bless you. Fear not for me. Write soon. I suppose you will soon be in Indianapolis. That is a beautiful place. No more from your soldier boy, — Norton W. Campbell
Letter 17
Camp near Corinth, Mississippi June 21, 1862
Dear Friend Sarah R.,
I received your letter and was glad to hear from you. Well, I will say that Corinth was evacuated on the 29th of May and we followed the rebels till we could see nor hear nothing more of them. We returned to Corinth where we are now and from all appearances we will stay here for two or three months.
We had a hard march through Mississippi and suffered considerable for water. The roads were awful dusty and the weather very warm but our men kept up good spirits and done well. we will probably not have any more trouble in this part of the country with the rebels.
We have a very pretty place for our camp and the troops are in good health and glad to have a chance to have a little rest.
You say I do not write often. Well I wrote to you the 27th of May and again after the evacuation of Corinth but I suppose you did not get them. Sometimes I don’t get your letters till they are nearly a month on the way. But I suppose it was because we was moving around so much. You don’t think the war will be over soon but I guess you are getting downhearted. You must cheer up; hope for the best. I don’t think it will last much longer and God knows I wish it would not. But if the war lasts two years longer, I shall stay if I am alive and needed. I love to fight these butternuts. I want revenge. They have killed some of my best friends and came near getting me. And whenever I get a chance to fight them, here’s at them as long as I live if needed.
But still I would love to see you and many others. I would love to be with you the Fourth of July but it is not so that I can. But my heart is with you if I am not and God bless. Keep up good spirits and if McClellan does a good job at Richmond, I think the war is about done. Give my love and best respects to Mrs. Hebble and all the family and please write soon. God bless you all. No more.
From your friend, — Norton W. Campbell, command of Co. G
These letters were written by Hugh Sleight Walsh (1810-1877), a native of New Windsor, New York, who “spent his entire childhood and much of his early adulthood in New York, but also lived for a time in Alabama before coming to Kansas Territory in 1857. In Kansas, Walsh worked as a private secretary, first to Frederick P. Stanton and later to James W. Denver, with whom he appears to have cultivated a close political relationship. On May 12, 1858, Walsh became the territorial secretary, replacing Denver, who had vacated the position to become territorial governor. As territorial secretary, Walsh had the job of serving as acting governor when necessary. This occurred four times total.
Kansas Territorial Secretary Hugh Sleight Walsh
Walsh’s first stint as acting governor lasted from July 3 to July 30 in 1858 during the temporary absence of Governor Denver. Little of note occurred during this time.
He next became acting governor on October 10, 1858, upon the resignation of Governor Denver. Walsh remained in close contact with Denver, however. He confided to the outgoing governor that he entertained some hopes of securing an appointment to the office himself, although he was also amenable to the idea of having a Kentucky man as the next territorial governor. When word came that Samuel Medary was the president’s selection, Walsh was disappointed, but admitted to Denver that he respected the future governor’s tact. Meanwhile, Walsh occupied the rest of his time as acting governor petitioning for federal money to offer as a reward for the capture of John Brown and dispatching Missouri guerrilla fighters to stamp out an opposing abolitionist band under James Montgomery known as the Jayhawkers.”
Tensions and distrust grew between Walsh and Medary “until the governor asked to have Walsh removed from office claiming ‘incompatibility of temper’ as a pretext. Walsh resigned in June 1860 and took up a more congenial life of farming near Grantville in Jefferson county, Kansas.” [See Homestead on the Range]
Most free-staters held a relatively low opinion of Walsh, believing him to hold “the interests of liberty and freedom in Kansas” as only a “secondary concern” and was preoccupied with keeping Montgomery and Brown’s “Jayhawkers” in check. To be fair, however, Montgomery & Brown did foment continued violence on the border and performed unlawful acts.
Abolitionist Kansas Jayhawkers returning from a raid on slaveowner’s camp in 1858. (Kansas Historical Society)
Letter 1
Lecompton, Kansas Territory July 6, 1858
Dear General,
In looking for a paper in the safe yesterday I found the missing cash which so much bothered me previous to your departure. It was in silver in the drawer next the gold, and where I also found your gold pencil. What could make me so stupid? I wonder that it did not occur to me when I examined the paper showing the balance I made up while you were at Fort Scott. That stupidity cost me two hard days labor and kept me in a fright from the time I discovered by the accounts that it would come short.
I divided the western district for the distribution of the Poll Book this morning giving Mr. Davis appointee only a part of it. I shall send word to Lowman & Reynolds tomorrow morning and give the appointment either to the young man they recommended or to one of Babcock’s friends; the first if he will have it.
I send you with this a complete copy of the papers sent out with the English bill enclosing to the judges of the election in the different precincts; also a copy of Judge Williams’ letter with the hand bill of Sheriff Roberts upon which you can draw up a report to the department at Washington should you desire it.
Sheriff [Samuel] Walker 1 was here yesterday and from his talk I am satisfied that he knew that this expedition—or something similar to it—was set on foot. 2 I will be on the lookout for a successor for his office so that on your return you may decapitate him if it is possible to find a man to put in his place. I would not hesitate to do it myself if the man to fill his office could be found, but it would seem like casting a reflection on you, and these scoundrels you know will say anything. I will therefore wait until your return although I thereby deprive myself of the luxury of their cursings.
Everything seems quiet, the weather being too warm for exertion by those who are not energetic, and [James] Lane keeps himself to himself; as the part of prudence, I presume. 3
I send today to each of the sheriffs of Johnson, Lykins [now Miami], Linn, Douglas, Franklin, and Anderson a slip from the paper, being a copy of the handbill sent you, as also to Captain Weaver to be on the look for the parties advertised by Sheriff Roberts. I will send one to the sheriff of Doniphan also.
I will await further dispatches for Judge Williams before answering his letter. The judge might be nervous if he thought the Big Indian [Gov. Denver] was out of the Territory and get fidgety in consequence of your absence.
[Judge] Cato has resigned his office and states so publicly. He returned from Kansas City the day after you left and said he would have liked to have seen you before you went to Washington.
Is there not some law of Congress which authorizes the transfer of the surplus of funds from one appropriation to provide for delinquencies in a similar one? For instance, what can be saved from the Election fund might be transferred to the contingent fund of this Territory—all being for Territorial purposes. By using that money for rewards, &c. for such men as Preacher Horse thief Stewart and Charley Lenhart and others, their operations might be put a stop to in the Territory. As it now is, the Territorial Taxes are not collectible until December next and there is no money to pay for anything.
I have not the least doubt but a little money could be used to great advantage & men easily be found who would apprehend them and deliver them over to the civil authorities for a reward or run them out of the country.
Since writing the above, Dr. C[harles] Robinson called at the office and appeared much pleased with the appearance of matters about Fort Scott and said that Stewart and Lenhart—being Lane’s own peculiar strikers, he had no doubt that Lane had a hand in these matters.
Very truly your friend & obedient servant, — Hugh S. Walsh
To James W. Denver, Governor, Kansas Territory
The 12 gauge muzzle loading shotgun carried to Kansas Territory by Samuel Walker (Kansas Historical Society)
1 Samuel Walker (1822-1893) came to Kansas Territory in 1855 and organized the free-state local militia known as the Bloomington guards. He became the Sheriff of Douglas County, Kansas in October, 1857 and served in this capacity until January, 1862.
2 My assumption is that Walsh is referring to the raid of Fort Scott conducted on 5 June 1858 by free-stater James Montgomery and his followers in which they attempted to burn down the (pro-slavery) Western Hotel. Several shots were fired but no one killed and the hotel was saved from destruction. The raid on the Hotel was in retaliation for the murder of 11 free-staters in the Marais des Cygnes Massacre the previous month. Of course this massacre was in retaliation for free-staters driving pro-slavery families out of Linn county the month before that. In an attempt to break the cycle of violence, Governor Denver traveled to Fort Scott in mid-June 1858 to hold a meeting at the Western Hotel to try to settle the political unrest. It worked—for at least five more months.
3 This mention of “everything being quiet” and “Lane keeping to himself” is probably a reference to the free-state and pro-slavery hostilities as well as the recent (3 June 1858) killing of Gaius Jenkins by Jim Lane over a land dispute in Douglas county. Lane had yet to be brought to trial for the murder.[See—Man of Douglas, Man of Lincoln: The Political Odyssey of James Henry Lane, by Ian Michael Spurgeon, p. 154]
Letter 2
Addressed to HIs Excellency, J. W. Denver, Governor Kansas Territory, Washington D. C.
Executive Office, K. T. Lecompton July 11, 1858
Dear Governor,
At the close of my last communication, Major Sherman arrived and wanted some expression of opinion from me to govern his action respecting the troops at Fort Scott. I informed him that I would do nothing to interfere with your arrangement and if he wanted information from me, to address me a communication to which I would reply. He remarked that it was not worth while as he could very easily anticipate what the reply would be. We had a good deal of conversation, pro and con, and I remarked that everything appeared going on finely, that I understood they were organizing their townships and that more definite information would be received from Judge Williams who would be here on the 12th to attend the Supreme Court. He said that he would take no steps without giving me information. Since then I have heard nothing from him.
Captain Weaver made a report which was received yesterday. It is informal and Mr. Jones will go to the Fort tomorrow for blanks, forms, &c. to be forwarded to him. He made a request for tents which also Mr. Jones will attend to. I have no idea that he can get them although it would be desirable for the company to have them and still more desirable to shew a disposition to put them in a state for efficient action.
The Territory appears quiet and your resignation is deprecated by all parties. [John] Calhoun 1 still withholds the certificates of election and it is now too late for their issuance to do any good. The Free State men cannot be made to believe in his integrity and his authorizing the Wyandotte paper to publish his intention of so doing has only added another shade to the infamy which already attaches to his character. No explanation can be made and I cannot endorse a scoundrel who needlessly betrays his friends into a false position and where every act belies every apology that can be made for him. I hope—but I won’t say what I hope; there must be some state necessity for keeping such a man in position that is unknown to me and I am willing to wait the course of events as even here we cannot do always as we wish and have to wait proper time for action.
R. S. Stephens is at home. I have him now looking out for a successor for [Samuel] Walker, the sheriff, and hope to have all things ready on your return for your decision.
I am maturing a plan to lay before you on your return which, if it can be effected, and which in any other country would be feasible, for a complete police organization throughout the Territory. If this can be accomplished, Kansas Territory can be governed without a soldier or any military expense to the general government. To effect it, however, money will be required for traveling expenses to the different sections of the Territory. Without means, it will be a tedious operation and the whole plan be disconcerted by delay.
[U. S.] Marshall [William P.] Fain’s bond was issued a day or two since with directions to forward it to him. The commission was sent to Judge LeCompte and I have written to him to know if he can give me information of his location so that I may inform him his presence is needed. I hope he will not come at all as from the best information I can obtain, there is not an officer of any efficiency who will serve under him. They will not risk their reputation in so doing. Sheriff Walker is the only one whom I have heard speak or of speaking a word in his favor and that is the best evidence of his unfitness. I presume Walker thinks he can use him as his tool. Ashton of Leavenworth, Berry of Kickapoo, Forsyth of Wyandotte—all announce that they will not serve under him, having an utter want of confidence in his efficiency & capacity. They all know him and have all been efficient deputies.
[Alson C.] Davis 2 is here—the district attorney, and he appears to apprehend that he will not be aided to any extent by Fain, and the moral effect upon the opposite party would be extremely bad if a crime should be committed by one of our own party and Fain should make a faux pas in the arrest. Davis has already arrested two men in Wyandotte—or rather prosecuted them since their arrest, before the magistrate, one of who’s bound over and the other committed to close custody. Both are killings or attempts to kill and both are free-state men.
[Thomas W.] Maires, 3 the Sheriff of Shawnee you appointed was here yesterday. He has the mail contract for Topeka to Fort Riley and requested me to ask you to get him the privilege of a mail station or stage stand on the Potawatomies’ reserve. He says he has to travel too far the first day without stopping. I referred him to agent Murphy but he insisted that I should write you and ask you to have Murphy instructed to that effect.
[Ex-Governor Frederick Perry] Stanton is setting up his man of straw and knocking him down regularly every day or two for the amusement of the Black Republicans with whom he appears to be in close affiliation. He pitches into the administration right and left and hob nobs with them (the Black Republicans) when the game is over. In two months from today, he will be a dead cock in the pit and political vitality will have left him.
Perhaps like Uncle Toby 4 in his old age, he will be the hero of his own exploits to his grandchildren, shouldering his crutch and fighting his battles over again.
Truly yours friend & obedient servant, — Hugh S. Walsh
to J. W. Denver, Governor K. T., Washington City
1 John Calhoun (b. 1806) was a pro-slavery Democrat who used the influence of his friend Stephen A. Douglas to help him secure the appointment as surveyor general of Kansas and Nebraska Territory in 1854. “During frequent absences of the territorial governor, the surveyor general exercised gubernatorial powers, and also served as a liaison between federal and territorial officials. As Kansas’s most prominent Democrat, Calhoun sought to secure a majority for his party in the territory and promoted the popular sovereignty solution to the slavery issue. In 1857 he attended the Lecompton Constitutional Convention as a delegate and was made president of that organized body. The radical proslavery delegates attending the convention were determined to adopt a proslavery constitution and send it directly to the U.S. Congress without a popular vote. Calhoun and the moderate delegates urged submission of the constitution to the populace of the territory to win ratification and then submittal to the U.S. Congress for final adoption. A struggle ensued between the two rival factions of the convention, and in the end a compromise solution was reached whereby article seven legalizing slavery in the constitution would be submitted to a popular vote, thus assuring the survival of the remainder of the constitution, regardless of outcome of the referendum. The vote of December 21, 1857, became an election centering on inclusion or exclusion of the slavery article in the constitution. The free-state majority in the territory refused to vote, and the “constitution with slavery” won by a large margin. The Lecompton Constitution was rejected in a second vote on January 4, 1858, in which free-staters participated. Final rejection by the voters of this constitution came on August 2,1858. By 1858 control of the Kansas territorial legislature had passed firmly into free-state hands. The legislature initiated an investigation into the alleged fraudulent practices of the December 1857 election. This action prompted Calhoun to leave Kansas for the safety of Missouri. His unpopularity within Kansas eventually led President James Buchanan to relocate the surveyor general’s office from Lecompton to Nebraska City. On October 13, 1859, Calhoun’s career and personal involvement in the politics of Kansas came to an abrupt ended with his unexpected death at St. Joseph, Missouri.” [Kansapedia]
2 Alson C. Davis served as the third Attorney General of Kansas Territory from 5 June 1858 to 9 February 1861.
3 Thomas W. Maires was from Tecumseh, Kansas Territory, which was a few miles east of Topeka. He was appointed to the post of Shawnee County Sheriff by Gov. James Denver in March 1858 after his predecessor resigned. He drew criticism from the residents of the county when he in turn appointed three deputies to assist him—a Republican, a Democrat, and a Conservative. Too many deputies, they argued, adding that he only picked them to increase his chances to get elected in the next election.
4 This is a reference to the “Uncle Toby” who was a character in The Life and Opinions of Tristam Shandy by Laurence Sterne. It was a popular novel in mid-19th Century.He was a harmless old fool who was obsessed with war games.
Letter 3
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Rob Morgan and is published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Lawrence, Kansas Territory January 11, 1859
Dear Governor,
Governor [Samuel] Medary last night received the instructions of Secretary Thompson with regard to offering a reward for Brown and Montgomery and also the orders to Capt. Walker, U. S. A. , to return to his post from his march to Linn County. The Governor immediately dispatched the document to Capt. Walker and also the instructions to Marshall [William P.] Fain who with Samuel Walker, his deputy, was with Capt. Walker. The troops had got no further than Ottawa [John Tecumseh] Jones’ [house near Ottawa, KT] and are now on their return.
Since Governor Medary’s coming into the territory, these things have been growing worse and worse and what at the time of my communications to the State Department in November was only a band of some 28 to 40 men, from the want of means and energy at the first outbreak in those counties, has swelled to some 200 men, and with the expressed determination of resisting all civil authority.
Having disarmed the peaceable citizens, they have held meetings and attempted to dictate terms to the authorities and unless an absolute pardon was granted to Montgomery and all his men for all past and present offenses, have asserted the determination to fight to the last. Deputations of citizens from both Bourbon and Linn counties waited upon the Governor and assured him that the civil power was entirely overthrown and nothing short of military assistance—and that immediate—would save the lifes of many of the citizens.
A change in the tone of public sentiment has taken place, and a disposition to have Montgomery punished by any adequate power, is now in the ascendant and the troops even necessary, or considered so by the most intelligent citizens in order to safely organize the posse and arm it for the protection of the people. What effect these orders will have upon these counties who were looking to the Governor for aid cannot now be told but must be disastrous.
I am sorry but what use is sorrow in such a case as this. In haste. Yours truly, — Hugh S. Walsh
Letter 4
Addressed to Honorable James W. Denver, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington City, D C.
Lawrence, Kansas Territory February 2, 1859
Dear General,
I have been putting off writing from time to time from various causes but mostly from the snarl things got into just upon the arrival of the Governor. What between the fuss in Linn & Bourbon [counties] and giving Governor [Samuel] Medary information and the preparation for holding the session of the Legislature and then fight with me respecting printing and exenses, I have been kept fully busy until within a day or two.
The Democrats in Doniphan & Leavenworth counties never appeared to claim their seats although I kept everything open until the last minute and all my plans went for nothing for the want of cooperation—never being able to bring the contestants or our friends to the scratch. And as they did not appear at all, it was not worth while to make myself ridiculous by attempting an impossibility.
The moving to this place might have been prevented possibly or the session might have been closed there for the effect of their joint resolution was an adjournment sine die. But the Governor required the cooperation of the Legislature if possible in the situation of the Territory and by the Journals which I send you, you will be able to see that he has effected something and he has been able to check their most ultra measures so far by working on their private interests—the only touchstone known to the set who now have the control of the Legislature.
In making the contract with Joel R. Gordon for the printing, I subserved two ends—I kept it out of their hands first, and second the profits will be used to furnish the material for another democratic press at Centropolis this summer. [S. W.] Driggs could not have done the printing if it had remained at Lecompton. As it is, he has made arrangements with Brown to print the Governor’s Message at this stage of the session when it was ordered the 1st day. He is inattentive as ever and his habits are not good.
Dr. Samuel Kress Huson (1828-1875)was appointed a US Postmaster in Lawrence on 1 March 1859
With regard to the Post Office here, I have somewhat changed my views. I have now been three weeks occupying the old room at the Johnson House where we were quartered last winter. [Samuel Kress] Huson keeps the house and his interests are entirely diverse from Eldridge and there can be no community of interest between them. He is decidedly the man of the two and is a capital worker and has much more influence than a half dozen of H [E]. They are both good democrats, both good businessmen, but if particular interest is to be subserved, Huson is the man and we ought to make every edge cut to build up the party in the Territory.
I wish Currier would come home immediately and make a tour through the Territory and have someone with him to help organize the party in the different counties. Can not he obtain some funds from the National Committee for the purpose of bearing his expenses for that purpose? I have written him respecting it.
They have organized the Republican party and it is necessary for us to be at work. We held a caucus a few evenings since to endeavor to unite on some plan of operations for conducting the campaign. The Bill for the convention will pass over the Governor’s veto. if at all. I will get it for you & forward it by mail.
I have had a pretty hot time with this legislative assembly which has served to drain off their attention from the Governor and have beat them at their own game so far as I am concerned.
Since matters have got settled, I am becoming quite popular and the fawning, cringing, sycophants attempt by flattery what they could not obtain by force. So I let them lay it on thick. I with the help of a basket of champaign ha the most radical of the party under the table and on the floor and in any and every position that I wished.
This letter appears to have written by a “F. F. Mayo” of Bonsacks Depot, Roanoke county, Virginia, but I have not been able to find anyone by that name. The letter was addressed to Col. Joel McPherson (1807-1888) of Lewisburg, Greenbrier County, Virginia. In 1835, Joel received a commission from Governor Tazewell as Colonel of the State militia.
The letter pertains to the sale or use of two Negroes, man and wife, who were the property of Mr. Cabell. The author of the letter appears to be making the arrangements for a Capt. Beard, possibly in the Confederate service.
Transcription
Addressed to Col. Joel McPherson, Lewisburg, Greenbrier County, Va.
Bonsacks Depot [Roanoke county, Virginia] January 24th 1863
Col. Joel McPherson, Lewisburg, Virginia My dear valued friend,
As you seem the only real friend that I can ever get any satisfaction from in your country is my apology for troubling you again with a letter concerning my business.
In the first place I wrote to you, in that letter is contained an order from Mr. Cabell for his Black man Archy & his woman Any. It is important that I should have had an answer & it is now so as I am compelled to have an answer without any delay. If Mr. Beard intends to take them & deliver my little John over to some one that will bring him to me, he must do so without any further delay. He must say yes or no. My business matters are come now quickly. The man and his wife are valuable hands & will do Capt. Beard more service than a dozen little fellows like little John. The man is a fair cooper, good enough carpenter, can make ploughs and other farming instruments, besides he has worked at the Blacksmith trade. In fact, he is one of the most useful hands on a farm that can be had. The woman—a large strong woman, good cook, or field hand, either. But if he does not intend to let the boy after all these offers which is doubtless to his interest, as to value, it is my wish then forthwith of not sooner to get the two—Archy and his wife—brought over here as I must send a hand for them immediately.
You may think that I have gone into negro trading. Far from it. This is something that I never should engage in. These two negroes, I thought would be so much value & render so much service to Mr. Beard is the only reason why that I obtained an order for them, although they please and answer Mr. Beard’s purpose so well. In order to get my little John on friendly terms will cost me 5 times more than Mr. Beard should ever have the conscience to have exacted from me under the circumstances.
I wrote to my friend Charles W. Browning calling upon him to get these two negroes of Mr. Cabell’s sent to me about a month ago and just today at last he did conclude to answer, after writing a second letter. It would have always been my pride and pleasure to lend a hand & attend to his interest at all times, but when I call on a friend in the hour of need & as urgent as I did on him, & he knowing my liberality of soul where money is concerned, and then receive an answer after a month’s delay, and then get an answer from him, using his own words, “If I can make it a consideration to him, he would bring them himself.” What he means by a consideration to him, I do not understand. It might be the value of the two negroes, or more. If the two negroes are brought in to Lewisburg & there is any expenses, I will forward the amount, or my fried Jesper Bright will advance for me.
Now if my friend, Charles Browning had have drawn upon me for 100 or $500 even with giving me notice, I should have honored his draft, but on the other hand, I call upon him for a favor that would not cost him probably 20 dollars outlay and probably not one fourth of that. He answers when I told him it was important to me to know quickly, “If I can make it a consideration to him, &c.” You will please show him this letter. I also in my letter to him told him to call upon Mr. Jno. W. Dunn and in his answer he says nothing about it. I have always been very friendly with Mr. Browning & shall still remain so. I wish him well yet, but did not expect so severe and unkind a cut. You will please see him and ask of him what is Mr. Dunn’s determination about Jordan and write to me & if the two negroes can be bought by anyone, I will pay a fair price. Your friend, — F. F. Mayo
If Beard is to retain the two negroes Archy & his wife, & Let John come, he can come with Jordan. I will trust to Jordan bringing him safe & if money is needed, inform me & I will remit to you forthwith.
Lucien M. Royce (at left) enlisted in the 25th Connecticut in August 1862. In November 1863, he joined the US Navy serving as ships steward on the USS Acacia. (Buck Zaidel Collection)
This letter was penned by Sarah Elizabeth (Atwater) Royce (1807-1887), the wife of shoemaker Enos Royce (1803-1874) of Bristol, Hartford county, Connecticut. She wrote the letter to her son Lucien Merriam Royce (1838-1907).
In her letter, Sarah despairs that her son Hubert Dana Royce (1842-1914) has stated his intention of enlisting in the army despite her repeated attempts to talk him out of it, feeling that war is against the teachings of her religion. She even goes so far as to warn him that if he carries through with his determination to enlist, it will most certainly send her to a lunatic asylum or the grave. Sarah mentions a neighbor family named Yale who had a son named Frank already in the service. This would have been Orlando Franklin (“Frank”) Yale who enlisted in the 9th Connecticut Infantry. Frank’s father William Yale was a machinist and his older brother Henry was a carpenter. The Yale family lived immediately next door to the Royce family.
Sarah’s letter was datelined on 1 December 1861 from “Brookside” which I suspect is the name given the family homestead rather than a city or town. According to state military records, Hubert did indeed enlist, as he threatened, on 3 December 1861 in the 12th Connecticut Infantry. Fortunately he survived the war (as did his mother), mustering out of the service on a disability on 24 August 1863. Hubert’s older brother Lucien also enlisted, joining the 25th Connecticut Infantry in August 1862.
It should be noted when Hubert enlisted, he did so under the alias name of Hubert D. Rice, not Royce.
[This letter is from the private collection of Richard Weiner and is published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Brookside December 1st 1861
Dear Lucien,
As Hubert proposes to visit you tomorrow, I devote a few moments to writing to you. Your Uncle and Aunt left us yesterday afternoon and we already begin to feel the loneliness which must shortly be more complete if Hubert carries into effect his determination. Ella 1 weeps incessantly and will not eat and we are a sad house. My own feelings I will not attempt to describe further than to say that as memory goes back over the darker passages of a life where such passages have not been “few or far between,” I find nothing to compare with the present.
Your Father saw Henry Yale [Gale?] yesterday. He is better but unable to work. He told your Father that Frank said he had no idea of the hardships of the “Service” that no one could from any adequate idea of them till experienced and that although long enlisted, he meant to carry it through, yet if he were well out, he would not do it again. He is so stout and strong and hardly yet feels the galling of the chain of the war demon, and longs un vain for freedom. And how shall your young brother endure? “Oh that my head were waters and mine eyes a fountain of tears that I might weep day and night” for the miseries of my countrymen, “for the slain of the daughter of my people,” for the young lives that are daily offered upon the altar of this Moloch.
If I am bereaved of my children, I am bereaved, but Oh! in such a way. Can I bear it? I think not. I tell Hubert if he persists in going, he may expect to hear from me either as occupying a Lunatic Asylum or the grave. And your sisters; it will fall with terrible force upon them. John, I learn from William’s letter is not well nor will she if she hears that two of her brothers instead of one has gone. True, we have yourself left, but
“A doting parent lives in many lives Though many a nerve she feels From child to child the quick affections spread, Forever wondering yet forever fixed, Nor does division weaken, nor the force Of constant operation e’er exhaust Parental love. All other passions change With changing circumstances: rise or fall, Dependant on their object; claim returns; Live on reciprocation and expire Unfed by hope. A Mother’s fondness reigns What a rival and without an end.” [Lines from the Drama of Moses in the Bullrushes]
Another image of Lucien M. Royce of the 25th Connecticut Infantry, taken in September 1862. (Connecticut Historical Society)
But I will yet hope as long as I may. I will not believe that this terrible affliction will be permitted to overtake us and yet, “what am I or what is my house” that I should escape. Could I take the popular view of this subject, I might endure, but the nearer it comes to me personally, the more false appears this view. Rest assured “the things which are highly esteemed among men are abomination in the sight of God.” He the fountain of goodness and of blessing wills the happiness of his creatures commanding, entreating, exhorting us in His holy word to love one another and live in peace and by the thousand voices of Nature, beseeches us saying, “Oh, do not this abominable thing which I hate.” Yes men presumes to set aside this divine, this heavenly and beautiful teaching and with savage ferocity hastens to imbue his hands in his brother’s blood. Was not a mark set upon Cain, the first murderer? And now were a black mark set upon each individual who carries murder in his heart, what a spectacle would this “free and enlightened nation” present.
I judge not those who deem it their duty thus to mix slaughter and bloodshed with the religion of Him who came with song of angels. “Peace on earth, good will to men,” but I cannot reconcile Him.
Yours truly, — Mother
1 I assumed Ella was short for Ellen when I initially searched for this family but it turns out her name was Elmira Elizabeth Royce (1844-1927) and they called her “Ella” for short.
This letter was written by Samuel (“Sam”) Vance Fulkerson (1822-1862), the son of Abram Fulkerson, Sr. (1789-1859) and Margaret Laughlin Vance (1794-1864) of Abingdon, Washington county, Virginia. He wrote the December 1861 letter to his 29 year-old sister, Catherine (“Kate”) Elizabeth Fulkerson (1832-1903).
Col. Samuel Vance Fulkerson, 37th Virginia
Samuel was born on his father’s farm in the southern part of Washington County, Virginia, but he was principally raised in Grainger county, Tennessee. He enlisted as a private in Colonel McClelland’s regiment during the Mexican war, and served throughout the war. He studied law and began a law practice in Estillville (Gate City) and Jonesville in the southwestern Virginia counties of Scott and Lee. In 1846, Samuel was elected to the Constitutional Convention of 1850, and then elected judge in 1856. He served as judge until the spring of 1861, when he was elected and commissioned colonel of the 37th Virginia Regiment of Infantry, and commanded that regiment until June 27, 1862, when he was mortally wounded while leading the 3rd Brigade in a charge against a strong Northern position on the Chickahominy. He died the following day, and was interred in the Sinking Spring Cemetery, Abingdon, Virginia.
This early-war letter is significant for revealing the emerging conflict between Major General “Stonewall” Jackson, commanding the newly created Valley District headquartered in Winchester, and General William (“Old Billy’) Loring, in charge of a Division under Jackson’s command. The quarrel was initiated when Jackson accused Loring of not moving his troops quickly enough to Winchester in order to launch an expedition to wrestle Romney away from Union troops garrisoned there. Jackson was not tolerant of Loring’s excuses for the delays in moving his troops despite the winter weather. The quarrel intensified after Romney was captured and occupied, with Loring complaining that Jackson had abused his men and was continuing to do so. The fact that Loring’s men were forced to weather the cold and wet conditions at Romney while Jackson’s men quartered in better conditions in Winchester almost resulted in a mutiny. [See Loring-Jackson Incident]
Taking the lead among Loring’s command to complain of his men’s treatment under Jackson was Col. Fulkerson of the 37th Virginia who wrote letters to former political associates of his, including Confederate Congressmen. Perhaps Fulkerson felt emboldened to criticize Jackson due to the previous encounter in December at Monterey that is mentioned in the third paragraph of the following letter. Of course Sam Fulkerson and Stonewall Jackson barely knew each other at this stage of the war. Most likely as the war progressed and the fighting qualities of each man became better known to each other, a mutual respect evolved. Once Colonel Fulkerson gained recognition for his bravery in leading his regiment and the 23rd Virginia in a desperate, but costly, attack on the Pritchard’s Hill at Kernstown in March 1862, and again in the Battle of Gaines’s Mill where he was killed, Stonewall Jackson wrote of him: “Col. S. V. Fulkerson was an officer of distinguished worth. I deeply felt his death. He rendered valuable service to his country, and had he lived, would probably have been recommended by me before this time for a brigadier generalcy. So far as my knowledge extends, he enjoyed the confidence of his regiment and all who knew him. I am, Sir, your obdt. servt, T. J. Jackson”
John Paul Strain’s depiction of Stonewall Jackson leading his men on the January 1862 Expedition through the West Virginia high country to capture Romney. The expedition is romanticized today but proved a hard lesson to Jackson in command. This letter was written in the days just before the expedition against Romney was launched.
Transcription
Addressed to Miss Kate E. Fulkerson, Abingdon, Virginia
Winchester, [Virginia] 9 December 1861
Dear Kate,
I arrived at this place night before last having left Staunton three days before. I come down on my horse and had a pleasant ride of it, the weather being dry and fine.
The Valley is one of the best and most beautiful portions of Virginia. The road is macadamized and dotted all along with pretty towns and villages. I enjoyed the leisure of the trip very much though I did not find the public houses very well kept. I could not get to houses in the country where I would have preferred stopping, but had to stop in the towns.
I was kept at Monterey about a week when General [William Wing] Loring ordered me to go to Staunton and to report to him there personally. He kept me there about a week. He and General [Thomas J. (Stonewall)] Jackson did not agree about my case. General Loring taking my side and General Jackson the other. General Loring referred the matter to the authorities at Richmond and kept me waiting for a decision. After a week’s delay and hearing nothing from Richmond, General Loring released me from arrest and ordered me to join my regiment. Whether anything further will be done with the case, I do not know but I am of the opinion that it will not be noticed again.
I found the regiment in very good health and sprits having suffered less from the march than I expected. For several days they had snow and rain and very cold, but the balance of the time the weather was good. They marched some one hundred and fifty miles and being on a stone road a part of the way, their feet became very sore. My regiment has the name of the “Foot Cavalry.” We have marched over six hundred miles, having crossed the Alleghany Mountains six times, the distance across being eighteen miles. Besides all this we have made divers little marches of from ten to twenty miles.
We are in camp about two miles from Winchester on the Romney Road. Col. [Arthur C.] Cummings [of the 33rd Virginia] is also near Winchester. His wife is in town but I have not seen her. She was in camp a time or two before I got here. I do not know how long we will remain here, nor what will be our destination when we leave. The weather is not near so cold here as it was in the mountains. Capt. Vance is very well and also Will [H.] Ropp.
I sent a check to Col. Gibson for some money to be placed to my credit in Bank and also for $100 to be placed to your credit. Ask him if he got the check and write to me about it. I hope that you will be able to get supplies. When you write, tell me what you have procured and what prospect there is of getting all you will need. You must try and get at least one hundred and fifty bushels of corn and hope that you can get 1500 or 2000 pounds of pork, and also beef enough to do.
When Lee is not otherwise employed, I want him to cut wood. Tell him to see to it that the young apple trees in the orchard are not destroyed by the cattle.
I had a letter from Mary the other day. Where are Abe and Ike? I am interrupted so often that I can’t write more now.
Write immediately and tell Mother to write. Your brother, — Samuel V. Fulkerson
Spared & Shared 23 