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21st New York Infantry, Battle of 1st Bull Run

1861: William Elmer Thorp to his Parents

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The following letters were written by William Elmer Thorp (1841-1912), the son of Alfred Thorp (1815-1895) and Frances Relf (1817-1903) of Sherman, Chautauqua, New York. According to muster rolls, William enlisted in May 1861 at Elmira in Co. D, 21st New York Infantry. He was wounded in action at the Battle of Antietam on 17 September 1862 but survived and mustered out with his company in May 1863 after two years service.

[Note: These letters are housed in the Special Collection of the University of Iowa Library and have been digitized but have not been transcribed and made available on the internet.]

To read other letters by members of the 21st New York Infantry that have been transcribed and published on Spared & Shared, see:
William Fox, Co. C, 21st New York (1 Letter)
Peter Cozzens Doyle, Co. H, 21st New York (13 Letters)
Ansel W. Dumphrey, Co. H, 21st New York (2 Letters)

Letter 1

Addressed to A. Thorp, Mina, New York

Elmira, New York
May 12th 1861

Dear Parents,

You are no doubt expecting a letter from me and I take this opportunity of writing to you. I am now in Elmira as you see by the heading of this letter. The morning after I left you, I went to Mr. Sheldon’s and found were gone to Buffalo to enlist and that George Patterson was giving passes to volunteers so I went down to Westfield, got a pass, went to Buffalo & found the boys there. We looked all around town and looked at all the companies and finally joined Co. D—called so at present, but the name will probably be changed. We call it so because almost all the men are what used to form Co. D, 74th Regiment. It is called one of the best companies in Buffalo.

We had orders to march yesterday and started about 5 o’clock p.m. The whole of the old military companies and Fire Department of Buffalo turned out to escort us down to the depot but you will see the account in the Express probably. I will only say Main Street was decorated in splendid style, flags flying from every window, handkerchiefs waving, cannon roaring, bells ringing, and bands playing, making one of the grandest sights I ever beheld.

We arrived at Elmira at about 7 o’clock this morning and were greeted at every station and house along the road with tremendous cheers and waving flags or handkerchiefs and sometimes with cannon. People were in crowds at every place along the roads where we stopped. We are quartered for the present at a hall in this place and the other companies in different parts of the town.

I must not forget to tell you that Ira J. Sheldon and myself went down to the [Niagara] Falls one day and had a very pleasant trip. We went under the Falls on both sides and up to Lundy’s Lane Battleground. There is a large observatory there now and an old soldier who was in the fight went up with us and gave us a full description of the battle. Send this sheet of music over to Emma Pelton and tell her she must learn to play it for it is all the go now-a-days. I don’t think of any more news to write at present. Direct here to care of Capt. Wm. C. Alberger. He is my captain and a first rate one too.

Your son, — Wm. E. Thorp

Tell Jim and Billy and all the rest of the Boys to write to me and not wait for me to write first.

Letter 2

Camp Kalorama
Washington D. C.
July 12, 1861

Dear Parents,

As you wished me to write often, I am now seated to drop a few lines to you although I do not know as there is any more news in particular for me to tell you and I write this time with ink although it is sometimes very hard to get it when we are on the march. But as we have now been in camp here some time, we can get it but do not know whether we can fix it so that we can carry it but we shall try to do so.

Lewis wrote home the other day (he is one of the boys from Sherman) that we were going to march into Virginia last Wednesday and I did not know but you had heard of it. We had such orders but they were countermanded I suppose on account of our guns as the guns we then had were poor ones being old flint locks altered. But yesterday we marched down to the Arsenal and changed them for guns made at Harpers Ferry in 1852 and are very good guns but I don’t know now as we shall be able to get off as E. G. Spalding and some others are trying to get us for the National Guards and if they do, we shall have to stay here around the cuty. But us boys do not like that.

You know I wrote to you about what I should do at the end of the three months. Well some say we are in for two years anyway—that the state can turn us over to the United States for the whole time. We were sworn into the state service and some say they cannot so I don’t know how it will be (nor do not care much).

Felix [Mayburn] has been sick and the Captain is making out his discharge today so I presume he will be at home before a great while. He talks some of going by water to New York City and then home and I shall probably send some letters by him.

You wanted to know whether I wanted anything you could send me. There is nothing I now think of unless it is stamps which are rather hard to get hold of here now as we are not allowed to go out of camp and the franked ones we cannot get only once and a while. But if I can get out of camp, I am going to try to get R. E. Fenton to frank some for me.

The othre day I met a classmate from Oberlin who was in my class three. He is now a clerk in the patent office and we had a very good visit. He invited me to call on him when I come down to the city again and see him. I wrote a quite a number of letters to Mina the other day and suppose you have got them and answered them before this.

The Sheldon boys are all well and both on guard today. I suppose I shall be on tomorrow unless there are a quite a number absent from roll call. If there are, they will be put on as extra duty. We have now 12 men on guard from each company making 120 on guard every day. I am quite well at presemt and hope you are all the same.

You will excuse poor writing as my knee has to serve as a desk and I am in a hurry for supper is nearly ready. With best respects and love to all. I remain your affectionate son, — Wm. E. Thorp

A. Thorp
F. Thorp

Letter 3

Fort Runyon
Washington D. C.
July 15th 1861

Dear Parents,

I wrote a letter to you day before yesterday but forgot to put it in the post office so of course it has not gone but I will write this and put it in with it and send it now. Since writing the other there has been a little change in our camp. Yesterday we got orders to start and come to this fort which is just at the end of the Long Bridge and is nothing but an earthwork but it is a good one and well laid out.

I think we shall probably stay here until our time is up to guard this fort and finish the rest of it as it is not yet quite finished on the side next to the river. We have a fine view of the Potomac from our camp and the canal runs about a quarter of a mile from our camp on the other side and we can see any quantity of camps from the breastworks and Fort Corcoran on the higher hill beyond us.

Some of the boys like the plan of stopping here but the most of them are for going on and get where we can do some of the fighting. Felix starts for home today. I believe he did not come across the river with us.

I received the paper Uncle George sent and was glad to get it. Please send one as often as you can as we all like to read it as it keeps us posted on what is going on at home.

You may direct the same as before. Yours on, — W. E. Thorp

Letter 4

Addressed to James M. Coveny, Mima, New York

Fort Runyon, Virginia
24th July 1861

Dear Cousin,

I received your kind letter on the 21st and should have answered it before but the truth of the business is I have been out on picket guard about six or seven miles out towards Fairfax Court House and as it may be interesting to you, I will give you a brief account of it. On Monday morning our troops came pouring into this fort after our defeat at Manassas Junction as thick as they could come. We did the best we could for them, giving them all of our rations both of bread and of coffee and I can tell you, Jim, it was a bad defeat—a perfect rout.

I will give you a short account of the battle as near as I can learn from those who were engaged in it. About two o’clock on last Sunday morning, our troops were called up and fell into ranks and formed their line of battle when they advanced on the enemy at Bulls Run about four miles this side of Manassas Junction. The rebels retreated and our troops followed on when the rebels opened on them with masked batteries, before this unknown to our men, and cut them up badly when some of them run when the New York Zouaves (Ellsworth’s) were charged upon by the Black Horse Cavalry but they stood the charge nobly, drove them back, and killed about two-thirds of them and forced them to retreat. Some of the southern regiments would march out amidst the smoke with the American flag flying, then our men would think they were firing into their own friends, would stop firing, when the rebels would open fire on them and all such tricks as that. But I must hurry along.

We took three of their batteries twice but were driven back by other batteries in the rear. At length, after fighting five hours, our men were obliged to retreat. Some of the regiments behaved nobly and fought well amongst which were the New York Fire Zouaves (Ellsworth’s), New York 69th which is the Irish regiment, the 79th which is the Scotch Highlander Regiment, and the 27th—all from New York. Also the Maine 2nd, I believe, and some of the Massachusetts & Wisconsin regiments and one regiment from Michigan. The New York 12th, they say, run like the devil.

But I have now told you about all I can about the battle from the accounts given me by the soldiers who came back to here. They came in very irregular, every man for himself without regard to any company or regiment and indeed a great many did not know where their officers were and some said their officers did not go in with them at all. And Jim, to express my candid opinion, it was all owing to our men having poor officers that we got licked so bad although we only had 45,000 men according to the best accounts I can get while the enemy had about 80,000 at the least.

But I will return to my going out on the picket guard. About 8 o’clock on Monday it commenced to rain and it kept raining until about midnight on Monday night, but about 11 or half past eleven, we got orders for our regiment to send out two companies of picket guards and companies C and D were chosen by the colonel for that purpose. So we got ready, each man taking his overcoat, blanket, haversack, canteen, two days rations, &c. of course his gun, cartridge box, &c. and started although the rain kept coming down and went over to the camp of the New Jersey 4th regiment and were joined by a couple of companies from there and marched out towards Fairfax about 6 or 7 miles to Bailey’s Crossroads where we stoped, throwed out pickets and our company took quarters in an old blacksmith shop for the night, some 60 of us in all. But by putting some boards up overhead and part of us sleeping up there, we got along very comfortable.

In the morning after taking our breakfast which was simply a few hard sea biscuits and a cup of coffee, we had orders to march back about a mile and a half to where we crossed the railroad and guard the railroad from the road to Roaches Mill-a distance of a mile and a half. So we were placed along six in a place to keep watch, two to watch and the others to relieve them once in two hours so that each two stood guard two hours and rested four—the same as in camp. The six I was in was Dan and Ira J. Sheldon, F. C. Lewis, and Wm. Porter, all Sherman boys (and Porter is the fellow who stood on the swivel at Sherman the day you soldiered it there) and Jas. Howson, a Fredonia boy. We built us a bower to keep out the weather, watched the track, and picked blackberries which were very thick and the largest I ever saw (if Virginia can beat us on anything, it must be blackberries).

Well, about five we got word that the enemy were within ten miles of us and that their cavalry were coming towards us so we rallied those who were outside of us and all had to stay together that last night. This morning we went down to where the captain and the rest of them staid and found them with one section of a battery of field pieces (which is two cannon). The battery was covered with bushes right side of the road and put so as to rake the road for some distance. We then went to work and fell trees and made a breastwork to defend us against cavalry and then the New York 24th Regiment came up and our two companies were ordered back to camp while they took our place. So here we are all sound.

But my sheet is nearly full so I will close with best respects and love to all. Your cousin, — W. E. Thorp

to J. M. Coveny

1st new York Light artillery

1861: Nelson A. Daines to Becky & Emery

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Nelson Daines

The following letter was written by Nelson A. Daines [or Danes] who enlisted as an artificer in Battery E, 1st New York Light Artillery on 12 September 1861. He reenlisted on 28 December 1863 and transferred to Battery L. He mustered out of the battery on 17 June 1865 at Elmira, New York.

According to on-line genealogical records, Nelson was the son of Simeon Daines and Catherine Boulongee. He was married to Rebecca Torrence. He died in Towlesville, Steuben county, New York in 1875.

According to his enlistment record, Nelson was born in Yates county, New York, and was a 42 year-old blacksmith when he entered the service in 1861. He had dark eyes, dark hair, a dark complexion, and stood 6 foot 2 inches.

Nelson’s service record indicates that he was present with his battery at the following engagements: Lee’s Mills, Yorktown, Williamsburg, Fair Oaks, Seven Days, 2nd Bull Run, South Mountain, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, Thoroughfare Gap, Mine Run, Wilderness, Laurel Hill, Spottsylvania, North Anna, Cold Harbor, Petersburg, Weldon Railroad. He claimed he “was never sick one hour” and that he never spent any time in a hospital unless it was “to look after sick & wounded boys.”

See also—1862: Nelson A. Daines to Rebecca Daines posted in 2017 on Spared & Shared 10.

Transcription

Washington D. C.
December 16, 1861

Becky & Emery,

I was waiting very patiently to get your letter. I received it last week—your letter dated the 9th—and was very [glad] to hear from you. The most of the camp sent by express the 1st of January. I shall send more. It relieves my mind very much. It would be the great pleasure to me to see you & Emery. My health is very good. We have enough to eat. You wanted to know my business. We have 94 horses. I am artificer in our battery. I boss blacksmith & boss of the battery wagon. Charles [B.] Mills is my helper in sharing. My first helper [Simeon] Kring died. 1 Charles’ health is good & Richard Williams is good. It would please me very much to be at Towlesville.

I don’t think we shall move from here very soon. We have some fighting but our arms are successful. Some of our regiment has moved. My shop is outdoors. We drawed with teams over brush [ ] feet high [and ] made a shop one and a half mile east of the hospital. I have no one to order me but I have a right to order. I am my own boss.

Direct your letters as before. I did not get your letter in time to write last week. When you get this, write immediately. In January I shall send more money than I did before but keep it & use as you want. I feel sorry for Mrs. Bauter but she don’t stand so high with me as she once did. She is now left a widow and that is bad. If she had been to home about her own business, I would probably have been to home about mine. I may yet see home & I may not. War is dangerous to all that’s in it. But remember if I fall, I shall sell my life as dear as possible. I will stand by the old flag. She shall not trail in the dust though Devils try to do it.

No more at present. Goodbye. Your husband, — Nelson Daines

Give my respects to my friends.

1 Simeon Kring was 24 years old when he enlisted at Bath, New York, to served in Battery E, 1st New York Light Artillery. He died of disease on 22 November 1861 at United States General Hospital in Elmira, New York.

79th New York Infantry

1862: George Menzies to Burritt Keeler Lawlin

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An unknown soldier in the 7th Company, 79th New York Highlanders

The following letter is from a cache of letters found in an antique store by Cianna Lee who made them available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent. This particular letter was written by George Menzies (1841-1862) to his friend Burritt K. Lawlin of New York City. George wrote the letter from Beaufort, South Carolina, in January 1862 while serving in Co. C (“Third Co.”), 79th New York Highlanders. George enlisted on 27 May 1861 but died on 1 September 1862 from wounds received in action at Chantilly, Virginia.

George’s parents were John Menzies (103-1870) and Jane Ferris (1807-1884), natives of Scotland, who emigrated to the United States aboard the vessel Glasgow in October 1856. The “Alex” referred to in this letter was most likely George’s older brother, Alexander Menzies (1830-1886) who was a druggist in New York City.

George wrote the letter to his friend, Burritt Keeler Lawlin (1843-1916), the son of sea captain Richard Edmonston Lawlin (1808-1861) and Maria Keeler (1816-1896) of New York City. He graduated in 1858 from the New York City Free Academy. It appears that Burritt lived with his widowed mother at their home at 180 W. 21st Street in New York City at the time these letters were addressed to him. Burritt was married in January 1864 to Louise Johnson Orrell (1843-1931). In the 1880 US Census, Burritt was enumerated in Brooklyn where he superintended a chemical works.

Transcription

Beaufort, South Carolina
January 30th 1862

Friend Burritt,

It is with feelings of pleasure I take my pencil in hand to write you a few lines in answer to your last which I received on the 28th of the month and which afforded me a great deal of pleasure, I can assure you. You speak of my promotion which does not amount to much. When I was elected corporal on board of the Vanderbelt, I was cheated out of it by a certain gang of men in my company who were not in my favor and they being great friends of my Lieutenant, of course I was done out of my rights immediately and again I was appointed to do duty in the Brigade Quartermaster’s Department and was there about one month. And on account of the Quarter Master being superseded, of course I was removed to my company once more. But I am in hopes of something before a great while. As the old saying goes, “there’s a good time coming boys, wait a Little longer.”

I was completely taken by surprise when I heard of John F. Craft belonging to Sickles’ Excelsior Brigade and am sure he was the last one on this Earth who I thought of hearing of in the united states army. However, give my compliments to him and tell him I hope to see his name in the papers among those of our noble Generals who are fighting for their country’s flag. And tell him I hope to see him in South Carolina before long.

I am aware of the fact of Geo. Gunn’s and Thomas Johnston’s joining the army some time ago. I supposed as you mentioned that you did not spend a very nice time on New Years and Christmas on account of so many of the boys being away but then you did not spend it as mean as I did away down south in Dixie land where I expect I will end my days in a short time. I am happy to hear of you spending your time so well at Alex’s on Christmas day. Christmas here brought me in mind of Christmas one year ago. You remember we were up to Beekman’s Pond skating and I had such good luck in getting into that mure (?) and got my head cut. I am glad you spent a better New Years than you did on Christmas. I expect you and John F. Craft give my compliments to Miss Charity Sloate and Mary. Also all the girls of my acquaintance including Misses Craft and Tuthill. Charles Rapp, Robert Armour, John Monroe, [and] David Tennett all send their compliments to you and all acquaintances. Give my love to Alex and tell him I was sad when I heard of his losing his last born child. With my love to all my folks, friends, and acquaintances, I now conclude and remain your friend,  Geo. Menzier

3rd Co., 79th Regiment
New York State Militia

7th Wisconsin Infantry, Arlington House

1862: Robert M. Work to friend Susan

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An unidentified member of the 7th Wisconsin (Marc & Beth Storch Collection)

The following letter was written by Robert M. Work (1836-1914), who moved from Crawford county, Pennsylvania, to Centralia, Wood county, Wisconsin prior to the 1860 US Census where he worked as a day laborer in the Edwards & Clinton’s Mill. He was married to Margaret F. Morgan on 3 January 1865 in Wood county.

According to the 1890 Veterans Schedule, Robert enlisted in Co. G, 7th Wisconsin Infantry on 29 August 1861 and was mustered out of the regiment three years later on 29 August 1864. Suffering from chronic diarrhea, the latter part of his time in the service was in Co. A, 23rd Veteran Reserve Corps.

The 7th Wisconsin reached Washington on the 26th of September 1861 and joined King’s Brigade, at Camp Lyon, on the 2nd of October. They were brigaded with the Second and Sixth Wisconsin and the Nineteenth Indiana Regiments—four regiments that would earn the nickname “the Iron Brigade” in August 1862. They marched from Camp Lyon by way of the Georgetown Aqueduct on 5 October to a new camp at Fort Tillinghast near the Arlington House where they remained until March 10, 1862. It was from this location that Robert wrote his letter.

Gen. Irvin McDowell and staff, Arlington House 1862.

Transcription

Camp Arlington
February 23, 1862

Absent friend Susan,

I embrace the present opportunity this Sunday morning to converse with you a short time on paper as circumstances prevents us from being together to converse other ways.

I received a very pretty little envelope or rather a couple of them three days since. One was a letter from you and the other was a piece of paper wit ha very nice picture and flower and some very sweet verses written on it but no name signed to it. But it was sent about Valentine’s Day which I suppose accounts for it. I think that it was some pretty girl that sent it and I guess one about your size. I would of answered your letter sooner but I sent one to you the same day that I received yours. I sent one in the morning and received yours in the evening. Your letter found me enjoying good health and I hope that this may find you enjoying the same blessing as it leaves me at present.

I sent you two more papers last week and will send you one of Harpers with this. I sent you my likeness in the letter that I sent to you and John which I suppose that you have received it before this time. I would like to get yours but I suppose that you can’t get it taken but I hope that this war will soon be over so that I can get back and see the original. Sometimes I think that it will soon be ended and other times that it is going to take longer to put down this rebellion that we think for but our troops are doing great execution in Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri which according to the statement of the papers, they have the rebels pretty much drove out of those states.

Well, one thing is that we are getting them pretty well surrounded and another that our troops come out victoriously every attack that is made so that it is considerable encouragement. I think that we will get a chance at them if ever this infernal mud dries up. But it don’t look much like drying up very soon for it has rained more or less every day for a week and there is no end to the mud.

Yesterday was a great day here. It was General Washington’s birthday. They made everything shake here all forenoon firing their big cannons in the forts. We are camped in between two forts and there is several other forts not over a half or three quarters of a mile of [us] and they kept up a perfect roar all forenoon. We was called out at half past ten o’clock and we marched down to the Arlington House about a half a mile from here. It is the house where Washington was married. It is used now for General King’s Headquarters, our Brigadier General. The man that owns the house now, his name is Lee. He is a general in the rebel army. I guess that Uncle Sam holds a claim on it now. It is a very pretty house and a nice place. One can see all over Washington and Georgetown and up and down the Potomac for a good ways. It is located on the bank of the Potomac and on a high piece of land.

Well we went down there and they read Washington’s farewell address and delivered a couple of speeches and the bands played a while and then the whole brigade (four regiments) deployed out and fired ten rounds of blank cartridges. We made considerable noise for a while. One of the boys in our regiment got shot through the leg with a ramrod. The Second Wisconsin regiment was in line behind us up on the hill and one of the boys left his ramrod in his gun and shot it off and it went through his leg. It did not break any bones.

About them taxes, Frank asked me if I wanted him to pay them and I wrote to him that I did if he had enough of my money. He has never answered my letter. John might ask him if he paid it if he sees him and it won’t make a great deal of difference if it ain’t paid.

Well, I send my respects to your Mother and all the rest of the family. So you must keep up good spirits and be a good girl and live in hopes to see somebody soon that is a soldier now. Write soon to your friend for it is a great pleasure to sit down and read a letter from you. So goodbye from your affectionate friend, — R. M. Work

I have not had any letter since I wrote to you last. Since I have been writing those few words, the mail has come and I heard them call my name. I must see what they have for me. Well, I fid that I have a letter from Father and one from Margaret. Father is well and I will write a few lines and send with this to Margaret.

1st Michigan Light Artillery, USS Santee

Thomas Robert Harvey, alias Samuel Hanning, Proves Service Record in Civil War

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The following affidavits were written by Thomas Robert Harvey (1840-1926), a native of Upper Clapton—a suburb of London—England, who came to the United States prior to the American Civil War and while living in the States, volunteered for the US Navy and served as an Ordinary Seaman from 27 May 1861 to 12 September 1862. Following his discharge from the Navy, he then voluntarily accepted payment from a draftee and went as a substitute into Co. A, 1st Michigan Light Artillery where he served as a private (later corporal) from 27 February 1863 to 28 July 1865 under the alias, Samuel Hanning.

The two affidavits transcribed below summarize Thomas Harvey’s war experience rather extensively as he was required to provide ample evidence of his service to qualify for a pension—particularly since he had served under two names. The process of filing for a pension was compounded by the fact that he returned to London sometime after the war and did not begin the process of seeking a disability pension until the turn of the century. He worked as a mariner for a long time until cataracts—a common affliction in career mariners—caused him to give up the sea as a profession. He married a semi-crippled woman named Mary Sharp in 1914 who managed to take care of him late in life but lived in relative poverty in his final years.

I was requested to transcribe these documents by my friend Gina Denham of the United Kingdom who is compiling material on the 137 members of the London Branch of the US Civil War Veterans. Through her efforts, much has been learned of the service of these members and she hopes to publish a book on the subject which promises to be quite interesting.

A record from Thomas R. Harvey’s Pension File (as are the other documents) although these are not available on Fold 3.

London, 17/5/1903

Messrs. Longshaw and Ballard
Dear Sirs,

Maj. Gen. James Blair Steadman and Major S. B. Moe

Yours of April 5th [came] to hand for which I thank you very much. I appeared before U S. Consulate gents to London. As my business brings me here at present. He questioned me for about an hour. During our conversation, I told him I was Dispatch Orderly for Gen. James B[lair] Steadman of Ohio. When he asked me who was A. A. Gen’l. for Steadman, I told him Maj. S. B. Moe. He told me he was a particular friend of his and advised me to write to him which I have done mentioning several things which transpired while serving as Orderly under him so he ought to know my statements are true and that I am what I represent myself to be—Thomas R. Harvey and Samuel Hanning.

Council General asked me about our battery as to position we were in at Battle of Chickamauga and I told him we were ambushed and lost the guns. He told me my statement was correct and that he was close to Battery A, 1st Michigan Artillery at the time. I also told him that Gen’l Starkweather charged with his Brigade and saved four of our guns. We got one more gun back after the Battle of Missionary Ridge. The other one we heard was thrown in Chickamauga Creek, but however we never saw it again. When we got the guns back, most of the prolongs were lost so me, being a sailor previous to this, I told Capt. Edward Hale if I could get rope, I could make the prolongs which he did so as we could handle the guns and I made them. This was during the siege of Chattanooga. We were then stationed at the foot of Cameron Hill near the Tennessee River but as most of our horses were killed at Chickamauga, we were finally stationed at Fort Creighton [on the high ground east of Chattanooga] facing Missionary Ridge which Rebels still held at this time and also Lookout Mountain on our right. From this fort we fired minute guns for Abraham Lincoln after he was assassinated. 1

Shortly after joining Battery A, 1st Michigan Lt. Artillery, then well known as the famous Loomis’ Battery as they were a full battery of rifled guns, I was taken down with typhoid fever which terminated in the chronic diarrhea. When the army moved from Murfreesboro, Tennessee, I was sent back to Nashville, Tennessee., where I remained in hospital some time but did not get much better. So one morning the doctor asked me how I felt so I told him I felt like going to my Battery as I was quite satisfied if I stayed in hospital, I should have been dead years ago. He said I could go to Convalescent Camp but was not well enough to go to the front but however, hearing my Battery was at Tullahoma, Tenn., I took french leave of hospital, jumped a freight train going to Tullahoma, but when I got there, I found the Battery had shifted to Manchester so to Manchester I went to find they had gone on to Anderson Station, Tennessee. So the road to Manchester, only being a branch road from the main line, I had to come back to Tullahoma and take the main road which is the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad to Anderson Station, about 25 miles north of Bridgeport, Alabama.

Some of the boys was at the Station when the train arrived so I had little trouble in finding the Battery. When I reported myself to Capt. Van Pelt who commanded the battery, he said, “You are not looking very strong,” so he brought me to Doctor Powers, then Dr. for Battery A, who told me I was far from being well and to be very careful of what I ate. But I was proper hungry so some of the boys went and got me some fresh pork and green corn which makes my mouth water to think of. I had a good square meal and from that day got hearty and well.

Dear Sirs, I have asked Major S. B. Moe, A.A.G. for Gen. Steadman if he would kindly write you and let you know the statements I made to him were true. If not, would he kindly write to me. There is a fact I did not mention to Maj. S. B. Moe which I thought better not to mention but I know had I have mentioned same he would recognize me right away, and that is this. Once every week I came on Orderly for the General. On this occasion, you acted as body guard for him and rode four paces in rear of him no matter where he went. You were not supposed to carry any dispatches when you were orderly for the General unless there was an engagement on somewhere near and then if he saw fit, he could send the dispatch with his Orderly. It so happened I was Orderly for the General this day. The General J. B. Steadman and Capt. Kirk, Capt. of Commissary Department, rode over to Lookout Mountain together. Capt, Kirk’s Orderly was with him so we and him rode four paces in rear of the General & Capt. Kirk. As we were coming home from Lookout Mountain it came on to rain very heavy. We tried to find shelter but as we got wet through before we could find any, we let the horses walk but the first camp we struck the General and Capt. Kirk went into the sutler’s and invited myself and Kirl’s Orderly in to have some bread and cheese and a bottle of beer. While there, I heard the General tell Capt. Kirk he would go home and put on dry clothes and would not go out anymore that day. Well you see me being Orderly for him this day, as long as he did not go out, I was not supposed to go. So I put my horse up and then changed myself. Having the colored woman that cooked for the Orderlies ask me if I wished and dinner, I told her no. All the rest of the Orderlies out when I turned in for a sleep, it appears they got a wore shortly after. There was trouble. Only a short distance away I think it was at Lafayette, Georgia, but however the House Orderly brought a dispatch to me and said I was to carry same. I told him I was Orderly for the General this particular day and was exempt from carrying dispatches so he took the dispatch back to Maj. S. B. Moe, A. A. G. who sent it back to me. I was just going back to sleep again when the House Orderly came back with the dispatch again. I asked him said I was to carry same. He said Maj. S. B. Moe, A. A. G., do I said without thinking what I was doing, and not knowing there was trouble going on at the time, told the Orderly to tell Maj. S. B. Moe to put the dispatch where Paddy put the dollar. Of course you know where that was, never dreaming he would do so, which however he did.

The 29th Indiana Infantry were acting as Headquarters Guard. Maj. S. B. Moe, A. A. G., called one of them and sent in to arrest me and put me in the guard house. Gen’l Steadman brought me out again the next morning. I was at Headquarters for about two weeks after coming out of the guard house but not put on actual duty—simply keeping my horse and accoutrements clean. Sargeant Peet, Sargeant of Escorts, asked me to say I was stubborn and would not submit so he went me back to my battery again. This is the only trouble I got into all the time I was in the army. Had the Orderly told me they were fighting only a short distance away, and the rest of the Orderlies were out with dispatches, then I should have understood what was wrong and carried the dispatch.

Mr. Longshaw, I think if you would drop him a line—address Maj. S. B. Moe, Chattanooga, Tenn.—he is well known there. I am giving a description of myself when a soldier as near as I can. Hazel eyes, dark hair, height 5 feet 6.6 or 7 inches. Complexion dark. [Tattoo of American, English, &French Flags on right arm. Also bracelets in wrists.]

I have a sister living here in London. If I can find her, I will send a photograph of myself while in the army. I think she has it yet if you think it will doo any good. P. S. Write soon with good news.

I remain your humble servant, — Thos. R. Henry, alias Samuel Hanning, O. T. 1282648

Kindly address all letters for me to Mr. William Vert, Margaret Road off Stuart Road, Liverpool. They will forward same on to me.

1 Battle of Chickamauga September 19-21; 5 pieces captured after 27 Officers and men and 50 horses had been killed and disabled; one with 3 caissons was recaptured on September 19, and two more on the 20th, but all were unfit for duty and the Battery was ordered to Chattanooga; one gun was recaptured at Mission Ridge and the last at Atlanta. Siege of Chattanooga, Tenn., September 24-November 23. Battles of Chattanooga November 23-25. Battery stationed at Chattanooga as garrison till July, 1865. 

Affidavit of Service, dated 2 February 1904

Joined the navy on or about May 1861 at Peck Slip, New York, and was discharged at Boston, Mass., on or about September 1862. When I went by way of Fall River to New York and thence to Buffalo where sailed on the Inland Lakes until the the vessels laid up for winter. When went to work in Chicago at V. A. Turpin’s Packing House, corner of Grove and 22 Streets, Chicago, Ills. and afterwards worked for A. B. Meeker & Co., corner of Archer Road and Ogden Slip, Chicago, Ills. until coming on spring when went to Detroit in the State of Michigan. Thinking I might get an early chance to ship as I was then below the Sea in the Straits of Mackinaw, alsi in Michigan, but come to the conclusion I would enlist.

I did go as a substitute but the man I went for—I don’t know his name. He said as long as I intended going in the army, I might go in his place. I rather think he gave me 150 dollars. I think he belonged to Cassopolis in State of Michigan. My reason for assuming an alias was simply because my parents while I was serving in the Navy wished me to come home to England as soon as my time was up in the Navy which I promised them I would do, but instead of doing so, I enlisted in Battery A, 1st Michigan Light Artillery on or about February 1863. C[yrus] O. Loomis was in Detroit at this particular time recruiting for the Battery. He had a talk with and finally enlisted him in Battery A, 1st Michigan Lt. Art. Was sent from Fort Wayne, Detroit, to Murfreesboro, Tennessee, to join the battery shortly after the Battle of Stone River.

Shortly after joining Battery A, 1st Mich. Art., was taken down with typhoid fever which finally ended in the chronic diarrhea when I was sent from the hospital at Murfreesboro, Tennessee—forget whether it was No. 1 or No. 2 Hospital I was in at this time but remember it was near Stone River. When the army moved from Stone River, I was sent back to Nashville, Tenn. I rather think the Hospital I was in here was the Zollicoffer Building.

After being there about two months I should think, the doctor wanted me to go into the Convalescent Camp but I returned to Battery A, 1st Michigan Lt. Artillery [instead], then at Anderson Station, Tennessee, and remained with them until Gen. James B. Steadman took command at Chattanooga of the army when I was detailed as Orderly for J. B. Steadman for about 6 months, when I was sent back to my battery again, then stationed at Fort Creighton and camped close to Chattanooga & Knoxville Railway where remained in the Artillery Reserve until the war was finished and the battery ordered to Jackson, Michigan, where was discharged on the 28th day of July by mustering out of battery.

Battles

Chickamauga, Siege of Chattanooga. Held a position on Chattanooga Flats near the creek the time General Hooker stormed Lookout Mountain and was in the reserve camped at foot of Cameron Hill during the Battle of Missionary Ridge. At Chickamauga, we lost our guns for a while, being led into an ambush. Van Pelt was captain commanding us at this time. He lost his life in the battle. After the Battle of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge, his wife sent to Capt. Ed. Hale, then commanding the battery, requesting Captain Hale to get his remains if possible which we finally did and sent them to her to Coldwater, Michigan, where Mrs. Van Pelt lived at the time. Sergeant George Jack was severely wounded in the same battle. Myself, F. Upton, S. Griffin, J. Johnson, carried him into our lines after dark the same night. I have had the pleasure of seeing him once since. I have merely mentioned the facts so as you can ask any of my comrades if these statements are true or not. If you find they are not, then I can’t be the man I represent myself to be.

List of Comrades in Battery A, 1st Michigan Lt. Artillery

A cdv of Samuel W. Finton who served in Battery A, 1st Michigan Light Artillery. Lookout Mountain 1864. (David Daily Collection)

Captain C. O. Loomis
Captain Van Pelt
Capt. Edward Hale
Capt. Wilbur
—-Sergeants—-
Ed. Vanderhoff
George Jack
William Peet
Bruce Hawley
—-Corporals—-
Solomon Mann
Fritz Upton
Davis
—-Lieutenants—-
Gus. Bauchman
Mitchel
Roerdon
Doctor Powers
—-Privates—-
H. Bluff
J[ames] Johnson
S. Griffin
Jack
F[ranklin] Hyde
P[eter] Montavaun
Starr
Munger
Searles
S. Lawrence
T. Mott
H. Vorhees
T. Robinson
A. Patterson
A[ndrew] Hanna
Murry
D[aniel] Warren
J[ames] McCarty
C[harles] Lee
Garrison

Navy

Capt. Henry Eagle of the USS Frigate Santee

When I first joined the Navy in New York, was sent on Board the Receiving Ship North Carolina, then laying off the Battery in New York Harbor, when was transferred to the U. S. Frigate [Santee] then laying at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, Mass. From Portsmouth we sailed for Pensacola, Florida. As we had some cases on board for Billy Wilson’s Zouaves, then stationed at Fort Pickens which we took on shore in our boats, pulling up the river to land them at Fort Pickens past Fort Brancas and Fort McCrea—two of the Rebel forts. We were armed with a cutlass and revolver so as to defend ourselves in case they sent a boat or boats to try and capture us. Captain Henry Eagle telling us as we pulled from the ship we might have to fight for it but he did not think they would be mean enough to fire on our boats from the forts, however they did not bother us so we landed the cases and the soldiers showed us around the fort. Poor fellows. I little thought at the time I should hear afterward that the fort had been taken and the men all massacred. If this statement is not true, I was misinformed as I heard there was not one left to tell the tale. [See Battle of Santa Rosa]

USS Frigate Santee

We went from Pensacola to Hampton Roads, Virginia, and left there for Galveston just before the Rebel Frigate Merrimac came down the river and sunk the U. S. Frigate Cumberland and think they burnt the Congress and run the Minnesota aground at Sewell’s Point when the Monitor arrived just in time to save her and send the Merrimac back with four feet of water in her hold.

During [our] stay at Galveston, most of the men had scurvy. Farragut sent a gunboat down with several doctors on board to examine the crew. They made their report and we were ordered home but first to Ship Island to get a new rudder before going to Boston to be discharged. At this time, my time was up in the Navy but Commodore Farragut saw fit to hold us longer. Think there were 75 of us that had joined for one year. The rest of the crew were enlisted for three years. However, for the 3 or 4 months, was detained, I received wither one htird or one fourth more pay than I had been getting. Was Ordinary Seaman [OS] on board. Service rendered in Navy Blockading [at] Galveston. Capture of the Privateer Royal Yacht at Galveston [7 November 1861] which we finally set fire to although she sunk before she was properly burnt up. We brought 13 prisoners out of 35 which composed the crew alive, and I think four of them were wounded. Commander Chubb, I think, was the name of her commander.

We also captured a schooner named the C. P. Knapp [27 October 1861] but we captured him before we reached Galveston. He had the English Ensign flying so Captain Henry Eagle ordered the French Ensign to be hoisted at our peak in place of the Stars and Stripes. It worked all right for as soon as the captain of the schooner made us out a French Man-of-War, he hauled down the English flag and run up the Stars and Bars. He was getting well under our guns at this time—too close to get away—when the French flag come down and to his astonishment, the glorious Old Stars and Stripes took its place so we captured him.

We also captured the Delta of Liverpool loaded with saltpeter. She was trying to get into Galveston at night when a gun from the frigate brought him to. We boarded her [and] made prisoners of the crew. Put a prize crew on board and sent her home, I think, to New York, but I am not quite sure whether it was New York or Boston.

Was also for a time in a pilot boat mounting two guns cruising around the coast of Texas. We captured a schooner loaded with tobacco trying to get out of Galveston. The captain’s name was Anthony Frietas. I knew him before the war started as I boarded with him when he kept a sailor’s boarding house on Front Levee in New Orleans. A good few of our boys knew him. He introduced a bucket full of liquor to the boys and they were silly enough to drink too much of it. The consequence was he was trying to get away with us in the place of us running away with him, but the officers kept sober so we made a prize of her.

The Santee was a sailing frigate so we often run short of water as we had no way of condensing it without steam so we had two tenders to supply us—one a schooner called The Rachel Seaman, the other the barque Arthur mounting seven guns. They also cruised around the coast looking for blockade runners. One morning the captain of the barque Arthur reported to Captain Henry Eagle, commanding the U. S. Frigate Santee, that he had been fired upon from a fort down the coast. Think it was at Brazos. Captain Eagle asked him if he returned the fire. He said no. So he told him to go back and return the fire. He also sent the schooner Rachel Seaman mounting two guns with him and 10 men of a crew with orders to silence the fort and then for the Rachel Seaman to enter the river and fill some empty water casks she had on board and bring back for the Santee’s crew as they were suffering very much at the time for both food and water. Was one of the men on board the Rachel Seaman at this time. We first went to Madagorda and fired away for a while but as they did not respond, we sailed for Brazos. The fort [Fort Velasco] opened on us so we returned the fire but we did not silence the fort although it was rumored our officers in charge of the expedition told Captain Henry Eagle they had done so, or I fully believe he would have left the blockade and soon have silenced the fort. However, he mustered the Rachel Seaman‘s crew aft and much to our surprise he gave us great credit for what we had done in silencing the fort when in reality we had established nothing.

I now finish up my affidavit by respectfully requesting that the Pension Office will put me in communication with any survivors in the two services so that I may be able to correspond with them and thus establish my identity as the man I claim to be and who actually rendered the services alleged.

P. S. I have also sent a photograph of my myself to my solicitor taken while I was in Battery A, 1st Michigan Lt. Artillery taken at Murfreesboro, Tenn., and also two letters written by me while serving under my alias name of Samuel Hanning signed in my real name Thos. R. Harvey.

— Thomas R. Harvey

List of officers and comrades in U. S. Frigate Santee in 1861 and 1862 while blockading Galveston, Texas post.

Capt. Henry Eagle
—Lieutenants—-
Harold Jewett
Mitchell
—Midshipman—-
Rogers
Brown
—-Petty Officers—
Boatswain’s Mate Couners
Capt. of Forecaste Murray
Capt. Fore Top Murray
—-Seamen—
George Beacher
Peter Winter
Billy Shine
J. Murphy
Brown
Garsha
C. Hawkins
Master’s mate Lambert

London, February 2, 1904. Thomas R. Harvey, alias Samuel Hanning, O. T. No. 1282648

Indiana Homefront, New York Draft Riot

1862-63: Will Johnston Jr. to Burritt Keeler Lawlin

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Calhoun Street in Fort Wayne, Indiana, circa 1852

The following are from a collection of letters found in an antique store by Cianna Lee who made them available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent. They were written by Will Johnston, Jr. of Fort Wayne, Indiana to his friend Burritt K. Lawlin of New York City, both written during the American Civil War. The main topics pertain to recruiting and the drafts—a frequent topic among civilian males of military age. The content suggests that Will and Burritt were warm friends and grew up together in New York City.

Root & Co. in Fort Wayne, Indiana

I could not confirm Will’s parentage but I did find evidence of him in Fort Wayne, Indiana, where he appears to have remained for some time. It appears that he was a junior partner in Root & Company—a wholesale and Retail Dealer in Dry Goods, Notions &c. located at 90 Columbia Street. In 1864, he was boarding at the Hamilton House. In 1866, he was boarding at the Aveline House. I also found a 28 year-old William Johnston, a native of New York, working as a clerk and insurance agent in Fort Wayne in the 1870 US Census.

Will wrote the letters to his friend, Burritt Keeler Lawlin (1843-1916), the son of sea captain Richard Edmonston Lawlin (1808-1861) and Maria Keeler (1816-1896) of New York City. He graduated in 1858 from the New York City Free Academy. It appears that Burritt lived with his widowed mother at their home at 180 W. 21st Street in New York City at the time these letters were addressed to him. Burritt was married in January 1864 to Louise Johnson Orrell (1843-1931). In the 1880 US Census, Burritt was enumerated in Brooklyn where he superintended a chemical works.

A stern-faced Burritt Keeler Lawlin stands between his sitting father and mother surrounded by his younger and old sisters. Circa 1850.

Letter 1

Fort Wayne, Indiana
July 25, 1862

Old friend Burritt,

Your very interesting & lengthy letter of the 19th inst. came to hand on the 23rd and although considerable time has elapsed since I wrote you (May 7) and as I had commenced to entertain the opinion pretty freely that you were a bad egg in the way of corresponding, yet your reasons for the delay are quite acceptable & I excuse you freely, and exonerate you entirely for I know that you must have suffered considerably by the accident that occurred to you in the way of smashing your finger & I can assure you that I sympathize with you deeply in the loss of part of your hand, but at the same time I congratulate you that the same thing did not happen to your right hand, which would have been considerably worse, for then I would not have received a letter, for an awful long time. I would have had to wait until you had become proficient in left hand writing which I think would have been quite some time. But I am very, very happy to receive one from you at this late hour and hope that by the time you write again your left hand will be entirely healed.

Your description of the dissolution of the partnership heretofore existing between Coutant & Lawlin is very graphic as is also the selling out of your remaining interest in the concern. But I suppose you made it pay or else you would not have sold out. But Burritt, I think the smoking arrangement was a pretty good joke on the person that was so generous as to buy you out. I suppose you told him all about the smoking arrangements & the defect in the flue previous to the purchase—ahem. Yes, I guess so. But Burritt, you done well I think by selling out if that was your fix. So both you and John T had withdrawn from business & returned to your Country seats? John T did sent me a paper & there was an article in it that stated the object of his withdrawal from the firm was in consequence of business in Europe that required his services but that while gone and on the other side of the water, he would bear in mind the happy hours he had spent in the business and would work while there in whatever way he could for the interest of the paper—ahem—when decidedly good. So he has retired. He has gone to Europe to engross his mind in business & lo and behold, he is rusticating in a sweet little town in the centre of the state—Tuthill, Ulster Co. by name. Why Europe must have been condensed to a considerable extent since I last heard it spoken of. But so the world goes & my best wishes for John T wherever he is or wherever he goes—Europe or Tuthill.

But I suppose now he will be going to war in consequence of the late call for 300,000 volunteers. I think the Government are going to get all the men they want without any trouble for recruits are coming in from all parts. Indiana’s quota I think will be raised very easily. It is eleven regiments of Infantry and 6 batteries of artillery. I believe the New York quota is 56,000—I mean the state. But that grand Union Meeting must have been a big thing. I would like to have been in New York at the time. I expect the meeting was as large as the one last April—if not larger, was it not? The papers state the number at 50,000. Quite a crowd.

There is to be two regiments raised in the county and I guess they will get them very easily for recruiting is very brisk. They raised 30 or 40 men in this town alone the other day—Tuesday I think. It seems small to the eyes of New York folks but 30 or 40 men from this little place in one day is considered big. I expect those men authorized by the Governor to go around to the different houses and ascertain the names of all able bodied men have got all the boys down so that in case of emergency they can call on them.

Do any of the boys talk of enlisting? If so, who? I suppose there will be some out of that vast crowd of bummers around 577 Eighth Avenue or do you ever get up that far now as I see you are away downtown as it were. But by the way, our big friend John P. Gunn went and came back again. How is that, eh? All right I suppose. Has Bill Wallace got back yet? But I guess Bill will stand it a little longer than Johnny Gunn—at least I think so. Jack Yannett I hear is nurse in the hospital on Lexington Avenue at a big salary and I hope he may get along for Jack is a good-natured boy and I think a great deal of him. I suppose you know very little about things that transpired around 42nd Street and thereabouts, but I expect you get up there occasionally as you are not altogether down town. Just a nice little walk up there

I heard about Geo. Menzies being wounded at that Battle on James Island but did not know the nature of his wound until I heard it from you. But I must say, take the thing all through, he met with several very narrow escapes and he must feel quite thankful to think that that button was in the way of that bullet that flattened and also that musket stopped several other bullets that might otherwise have injured him for life. But I think, take it all in all, he came out quite lucky and I suppose by this time he has entirely recovered from his wound so that he is able to resume active duties.

I had a letter from brother Tom last week and he underwent considerable hardship during those six days battles on the Peninsula. He does not mention any narrow escapes from the fact that he was not in the humor for writing but he may tell me something about it in another letter—if he is spared to write another, which is hard to tell but I sincerely hope and trust he may and also that he may be spared to return home again. But it is left with God to do as He thinks best of course. It is impossible for us weak creatures to overrule His actions and must therefore yield to His kind
Providence and abide by them.

Things around here are brisk. The farms are getting over harvest time and now are coming in to dispose of their wheat and convert the proceeds into Dry Goods &c. Consequently it makes trade brisk. Burrett, this is the greatest, biggest, littlest town for business I ever saw. Our sales amount on an average to about $400 a day which is pretty steep and we do the second best trade in town—if not the first. And what helps trade, aside from the farmers, is this. There are machine shops in the town belonging to the Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne and Chicago Railroad and there is about
$30,000 paid out every month by the R.R. in this town alone which also helps trade to a considerable extent. And I think, take it on the whole, Fort Wayne is about the most flourishing town anywhere. You can judge for yourself. Take New York for instance & I doubt if there was much trade done there as there is here at the present time—that is retail. I am not speaking of wholesale because the wholesale houses supply us.

But so much for Fort Wayne. There are 14 church, 1 great big court house, two large hotels, and several smaller ones. So you can form some idea of the town. It is very compact which I suppose accounts for the trade done here. As to gals, there are lots of them but the biggest lot of old maids ever was & the pretty young girls are few and between. But the rising generation seem to be the pretty part of the congregations, if I am not mistaken.

Burrett, the junior partner of our firm left for New York one week ago today to see the place & also his brother whom he has not seen since he left Germany eight years ago. He has become quite civilized since being out west and can talk very good English & puts on a good many airs for a German. But he left for New York & I gave him a letter of introduction to Alec. He said he would go there. Also one to Sam Houghton. But I suppose he has seen them both ‘ere this & made their acquaintance.

But Burritt, I must close & as I think I have granted your request in writing a long letter & hoping that you will not be so long in answering this as you were my last, II will finish up. Present my kind regards to Misses Tuthill & Craft & hope they are salubrious. Also remember me to Alec & all the boys & all the gals. In fact, remember [me] to all enquiring friends—also your folks, & I will write to John T as soon as I can make it convenient & as I have scribbled you off quite a long letter, I will close, hoping it may be satisfactory by subscribing myself your true friend & brother in the Lord, —
Will Johnston Jr.

Letter 2

Fort Wayne, Indiana
September 5, 1862

Friend Burritt,

Your esteemed favor of the 30th ult. reached me on the 3rd inst. & I now hasten in the most delicate manner possible to answer. In commencing, I will state that my headache has passed away and I am now all right with the exception of a cold in my head which makes me snuff and snort rather more than necessary but I guess that will soon pass away & I will be all right again. I hope this may find you enjoying that good health which is the greatest of all blessings.

There seems to be nothing else but war now-a-days and there is scarcely anything else to talk about. But war news just about now is getting exciting for between the big fight at Bull Run & Manassas, papers reported marching on Baltimore with 40,000 men. Our army falling back to Washington and I am afraid badly whipped, with the loss of some of the best generals—Stevens among the rest—and the defeat of our troops in Kentucky & the arrival of the rebels on Cincinnati all tend to make the thing look bad. Burritt, what’s the world coming to? I think that the North ought to get a good thrashing for their drowsiness in the last year’s action for we have been doing all with gloves on. Oh Burritt, I think it is time to have our eyes open and to be up and doing for the Rebels have taken advantage of our carelessness and now playing Old Ned with us on all sides. But it is not too late yet to make amends. We can go at it with a will yet. But we have got to do it at once. All they think about in this town is business. War don’t seem to trouble them much whereas they ought to suspend business every day at a certain hour and drill the men into a state of efficiency and then if they were called out, the would be all right. But no, they don’t think of that. But Burritt, they will get their eyes opened when it’s a little too late. But it’s all right, I suppose. I am getting to be so that I don’t care one snap and I don’t care how soon that draft comes for I want to know my situation. If I am to be drafted, all right; and if I ain’t, it’s all right. That’s whats the matter.

Burritt, the third regiment from this place is nearly full and is ordered off tomorrow for Kentucky. We have sent over two regiments away already and still they are going to draft. I expect the 79th [New York] Regiment was in the battles in Virginia as I see Gen. Stevens was killed and I know they will avenge his death. I am very anxious to hear from the boys in that regiment and I guess you are too. But I suppose you will know by the time you write your next. I expect that you will also see brother Tom before you write again & may have some good news for me.

I have not as yet received that answer from John T. yet but I expect it every day—it being three weeks today since I wrote him. But I expect he is having suc a nice time with those young ladies that he has no time to write to his friends. Well, it’s all ok. I don’t blame him. Burritt, there are very few pretty women here to have fun with—very few and far between. But they’re good enough for the place. The softest lot of individuals you ever saw and regular saps. But I don’t care, Burritt, as long as I don’t claim any of them. I have one at home—that’s good enough.

Letter 3

Addressed to Mr. Burritt K. Lawlin, 180 W. 21st Street, New York City

New York Store
Fort Wayne, Indiana
July 29, 1863

Friend B.K.,

Your valued favor of the 18th came to hand in due time & contents noted & appreciated. The Riot of which you give such interesting particulars must have indeed thrown the City into a state of extraordinary excitement as it was a new thing & particularly such a magnanimous affair. The atrocities committed by this pack of thieves & murderers seems to be unparalleled and innocents seemed to have shared alike the fate of the guilty and it is a great wonder to me that more lives were not lost for it was indeed fearful. Would that every one of these cutthroats had shared the fate of some of those inoffensive Blacks who were allowed neither time nor space to prepare but were hurled into eternity. That row—or riot rather—carried with it a stigma which shall hang on New York for years to come.

It was a sad day for Col. [Henry F.] O’Brien 1 when he opened on the rioters with blank cartridges for he paid dear for his foolish acts. Why didn’t he charge on them with grape & canister in the first place? The idea of trying to subdue a crowd by reasoning—perfectly ridiculous. But they saw the folly of it after it was too late. I am glad however to know that through the influence of the police & military, the riot has been [s]quelched. I hope the Draft will be enforced and right away too and I would like as you say to see every one of these tarriers drafted for they deserve to be drafted half a dozen times.

I noticed on the list of drafted men in the 22nd Ward the names of J. R. Frith & Sam Cornish and I could not but laugh and say Bully for them and thats so. I think the City Fathers has been doing a very sweet thing in appropriating such an enormous amount of money to buy these tarriers off. But I hope it won’t pass. It has already been vetoed by the Mayor, but it seems likely that the council will pass it over his veto—the contemptible Red months. But it’s all you can expect from such a set of Demagogues as compose that Board and the sooner they get kicked out the better. I do not think that the row is going to help the Democratic Party—so called, but will decrease it considerably.

The Draft has not yet taken place in Indiana. Neither can we tell when it will but the enrollment has been completed some time and they are awaiting orders from Washington. I expect to see a little row when it does come and will feel disappointed if we don’t have it, altho the squelch in New York may teach them a thing or two.

Your [New York] Herald came to hand this morning for which accept my thanks. I noticed by pencil mark that Alec has lost his wife which is indeed a severe blow to him as death seems to have been sent to his thresh hold in rapid succession. I sympathize with him and trust that he may be sustained through all these dispensations of Divine mercy. My health is good and am doing as well as can be expected. Hope you are well. Trade is moderate & a fair chance for increase.

My Kind regards to all hands and my love to you, sweet one—ahem, and that’s whats the matter. Tell my enquirers that I am O.K. & still remember them altho’ in a Hoosier country & amidst new scenes. As time is short, I will close hoping to hear from you soon & believe me, your true friend—
Will Johnston Jr.

1 As the Draft Riots in Manhattan spiraled into their second day of violence, Colonel Henry F O’Brien of the 11th New York Infantry, the Fire Zouaves, found himself in the sights of the rioters. O’Brien, an Irish immigrant, had been a captain in the 155th New York part of Corcoran’s Irish Legion. He had resigned in February of 1863 and at the time of the riot he and his family lived on Second Avenue between 33rd and 34th Streets. In the spring of 1863, O’Brien had been named colonel of the 11th and charged with rebuilding the decimated regiment by recruiting in Manhattan. Early in the day on the 14th, O’Brien’s home was targeted by the mob because of his support for the draft and recruiting efforts. After harassing the family, the rioters spared the house from being burned and moved on. In response, O’Brien led his truncated regiment to the relief of a group of NYPD officers who had been assailed and beaten by the mob on Second Avenue and 23rd Street. During the clash, a number of shots were fired and rioters and civilians killed including a child. After the mob ran away, O’Brien set off alone to find his family and ensure their safety. A group of rioters recognized the tall strong O’Brien in his army uniform and attacked him at 34th Street and Second Avenue. Initially able to drive several men away, he stumbled into a drug store just three doors down from his house. The mob returned in greater numbers clamoring to get at O’Brien. As the mob broke the store’s glass, the colonel strode out into the July sun and was pummeled by the mob. Beaten with clubs and kicked, he was burnt, dragged by his hair and feet over the cobblestones and half lynched. O’Brien, beaten and bloody, survived the mobs torture for hours. In the evening, someone summoned a priest to give the last rites. After they were concluded, the priest was chased off and O’Brien’s torture continued. At 8pm, having been dragged into his own backyard and stripped of his uniform, his torment came to an end as his body finally gave out. Two priests bore his broken body in a wheelbarrow to the morgue at Bellevue Hospital. Colonel O’Brien’s hours long torture was a testament to the fury of the mob. He was buried in a paupers grave and eventually moved to a plot in Cavalry Cemetery that remains unmarked to this day.

Brutal Murder of Col. Henry F. O’Brien

Letter 4

New York Store
Fort Wayne, Indiana
August 12, 1863

Friend B.K.,

I received your letter of Aug 3 in due time & as a few leisure moments present themselves, I thought I would seize the favored opportunity & make an attempt (at least) to answer your document of interested matter pertaining both to home & foreign relations.

In regard to the [New York City Draft] Riot & the consequences, I will say that I see by the papers that some of them are coming in control with a just reward which they really deserve. One has been sentenced to 15 years
imprisonment which is too good a sentence. It should have been, as you say, a coming in contact with a hemp rope which is far more appropriate, but it is as it is & I don’t see how I can make their sentence any more severe although I wish it lay in my power for if they wouldn’t swing higher
than the poor black man they hung in Clarkson Street, then I don’t know anything. I hope not one of them will escape a sentence for they are alike as far as intentions are concerned & would have committed more atrocious crimes if it lay in their power. But I will pass on merely wishing them “Bad Luck” meted out to them in a legal manner for District Attorney Smith is a brick & will do the thing right.

One of the first victims to the insane fury of the rioters was a negro cartman residing in Carmine Street. A mob of men and boys seized this unfortunate man on Monday evening, and having beaten him until he was in a state of insensibility, dragged him to Clarkson Street, and hung him from a branch of one of the trees that shade the sidewalk by St. John’s Cemetery. The fiends did not stop here, however. Procuring long sticks, they tied rags and straw to the ends of them, and with these torches they danced round their victim, setting fire to his clothes, and burning him almost to a cinder. The remains of the wretched negro hung there till near daylight on Tuesday morning, when they were removed by the police. Harpers Weekly, 1 August 1863

I do not apprehend a renewal of these crimes in New York for they will be laboring under too great fear to attempt a renewal & the draft will take place & be put through in reality & inasmuch as Mayor [George] Opdyke has vetoed the Appropriation Bill, I hope the draft will take every one of them—old & young. But I can afford to wait a while in patience to see this thing transpire.

The draft in Indiana has not as yet been announced but we are looking for it every day & everything is in preparation to begin. I did think we would have a row here in case the draft took place, but I do not believe we will for these Copperheads are beginning to realize that this “Damned Abolition Administration”—as they call it—has got the screws turned on them and they must either yield or perish, the former of which they will most probably do and it is altogether likely that no grumbling will come out of their mouths. But if they do feel disposed to so act—all right. We’ll show them how it’s done and that’s whats the matter. We have a Governor who is a wholesome man & who understands the wants of the people & he is the soldiers friend if there ever was one & he is bound that the rights of the soldier shall be protected and that the law shall be enforced in the entire state for his name is [Oliver P.] Morton, who is ever on the alert for Copperheads & D[emocrat] uprisings which have for their object the overthrow of law & order.

I grieve to learn of Alec’s misfortune which has come this time with a terrible blow for he has been deprived of his bosom companion who has ever been his joy & portion. The news to me was unexpected for it had never been intimated to me by anyone that she was sick & of course her demise coming as it did grieved me as I said before but these afflictions are the all wise dispensations of God & although they are terrible bereavements to the afflicted ones, yet we must abide by them as all wise & powerful for we are not our own keepers. “The Lord gave & the Lord hath taken away.” Blessed be the name of the Lord.

One other thing troubles me and which you make the subject of your special remarks & that is Mr. Rankin’s intended departure from his congregation after a stay of a dozen years but my curiosity is excited as regards his destination for you say he would like to come West & I would
like very well to have him too for he is one I would dearly long to see and hope if he does come West I may be thus privileged. I rather estimate that he is going to Illinois if at all but of course do not know for certain. Please ascertain if possible & report for I am anxious to know.

Trade is picking up and we expect that by the 1st of September we will be in the midst of a busy season for it promises to be very busy. Weather good. The boy is well and flourishing & if he could only have some New York friends & acquaintances and his little—-you know, he would be all right. My compliments to your lady love when you write for presume she
is still rusticating & my regards to all enquirers. Don’t forget to remember me to Sam & tell him “his time is up” & I am getting [im]patient. Am glad to hear your Mission School is flourishing & that your concerts are so interesting. I wish I could drop in for an evening and listen to familiar voices for I would relish it so much. Nothing more “just now” but remain as ever your true friend, — Will Johnson, Jr.

The Hoosier girls are bricks. I wish you could get a glimpse at some of them. It would make your mouth & eyes water, but I cannot do justice to them through this medium & will therefore desist hoping that you
may one day see for yourself. — Will

A later vintage envelope with the Root & Company emblem
105th Ohio Infantry

1862: Ferdinand Fitch Fobes to Catherine (Fitch) Fobes

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The following letter was written by Pvt. Ferdinand Fitch Fobes (1842-1863) of Co. I, 105th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). Ferdinand was the son of Simon Perkins Fobes (1815-1891) and Catherine A. Fitch (1815-1901) of Wayne, Ashtabula county, Ohio. He died of disease while in the service on 4 September 1863 at Murfreesboro, Tennessee. He is buried in the Stones River National Cemetery.

Ferdinand wrote his letter in late November 1862, several weeks after the Battle of Perryville where they had their baptism of fire. Of the men from the regiment who were engaged in the battle, one-third were killed or wounded. Following the battle, the regiment moved to Danville and then to Munfordville where they garrisoned the town and guarded the bridges.

Transcription

Camp near Munfordville, Kentucky
November 29th 1862

Mother Fobes,

I received your letter just about one hour ago that was written the 22nd of November. I am well.

Yesterday the 105th Regiment got orders to pack everything by two o’clock so to take the cars for Nashville. We was marched down to the depot and put up the tents supposing we would take the cars in the morning but here we are. Company I [was] detailed for the controlling guard. We put up a tent a few rods from the camp so as we can see that everything will go on straight and good order. The order [came] a few minutes ago to have our guns in a clean and good order for general inspection tomorrow morning if we don’t move. I suppose the whole Brigade will leave this place soon and the Kentucky regiments will be left to guard this place and the bridge just as sure as the railroad bridge be left in the hands of the Kentuckians just as sure the bridge will be burnt. The bridges will be as safe without any guard as with the Kentucky troops. That is the general opinion of the regiment.

Jesse’s health is good now. Hip has got well. My back and hips has not troubled me since i was in Danville. My health is good and my appetite never was better. I never had a pair of boots suit me better. I sold my shoes that I [had] drawn a short time before I got my bboots. I have got four pair of stockings. I think they will do me this winter. I have not worn the stockings you sent me while in Louisville. The army socks wear like iron. I have darned them once. My mittens will last me this winter. I am going to draw some undershirts and the drawers will last me this winter. If you have a chance to send me anything by Rod or someone else, you may send me a small light quilt if you are a mind to. I can have it to lay on. It will make the cold side of the ground a little warmer. And send me what eatables you think best. If you send me any butter, don’t send just enough for an aggravation. If you have lots of dried apples and berries, send me some. If you have got apple butter, send me. I can off it and some loaf sugar.

If we leave here, I think it will be safe to send a box by Rod, or someone. A little cheese for the soldiers is the best thing they can eat. I had what I called an extra Thanksgiving supper. I was guarding a barn [that] had corn and oats in about a mile from camp. A cow came along [and] I thought to myself, if she was not milk[ed], her bag might cake before she got. I got a quart of milk from her. I took some of the hard tack, shaved them up fine, had a fine, good supper. I have not any more time and space to write tonight so goodbye from your son, — F. F. Fobes

2nd Battle of Cabin Creek, Gano's Brigade

1864: John M. Davis to J. S. Beers

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Jacket Cover of Steven L. Warren’s book, “The Second Battle of Cabin Creek.”

The following rare letter was penned by John M. Davis while serving in Gano’s Brigade in the fall of 1864. He datelined his letter from their encampment near Boggy Depot following a raid north of the Arkansas River to capture a federal supply train from Fort Scott. The combined Confederate force of Texans and Native Americans found and captured the train after a pitched night battle at Cabin Creek, Cherokee Nation on Sept. 19, 1864.

“Watie’s mounted infantry and cavalry excelled at conducting raids on Federal supply lines and outposts. As time went on, Watie’s command included pro southern members of other tribes along with Cherokees. On September 19th, 1864, Watie’s command, along with some white Texas cavalry units under Brigadier General Richard Gano, teamed up to carry out an attack on a large Federal supply train and haying operation that was gathering forage for horses. The train consisted of 205 wagons, and left Fort Scott, Kansas on September 12th, bound for Fort Gibson, Indian Territory, and Fort Smith, Arkansas. It was escorted by both white cavalrymen from Kansas cavalry units as well as Union Cherokee cavalry. This successful and destructive raid occurred near Cabin Creek in the Indian Territory, and is often referred to as the Second Battle of Cabin Creek.” [Source: Iron Brigadier]

The letter was written on scraps of CSA Provision Forms, further evidence of the scarcity of paper. In his letter, Davis claims that “The boys are [now] dressed in Federal uniforms which saves our women a good deal of hard labor,” after raiding the federal stores.

Transcription

Near Boggy Depot, Choctaw Nation 1
October 6th 1864

Dear sir, I received your favor of the 1st September and I hasten to respond grateful for the blessings of Almighty God in being able so to do.

In relation to your inquiries, I am sorry that I am not situated to answer your questions satisfactory. Mr. Huddleston made a crop on the place this year. It produced good wheat every year it has been sown and made a good corn crop this year I am told by a neighbor that came from there a few days ago.

I went into the war the spring of ’62 and served one year and was discharged and last November I joined this command—Gano’s Brigade 2—and have had but little opportunity of seeing anything about your timber, but my impression is that it has been but little disturbed as there is but little improvement going on in the country.

This Brigade is moving toward Red River now, their horses being worn down by hard service. When we get to Red River I may get to go home. Then I will take a pleasure in giving you any information I can. Excuse this scribble. I am writing you on my mess box with a bad pen and am tired having marched 12 miles today. This Brigade is just off a heavy tour north of Arkansas River where we broke up two Federal stations, killing about 100 Indians and Federals, wounding a good many, taking 111 prisoners, destroying and bring off two million and a half of property wagons, mules, and supplies generally. The boys are dressed in Federal uniforms which saves our women a good deal of hard labor.

I would give you a full detail but duty calls me. I will frank this as I have no stamps. Yours, — John M. Davis

P. S. I use your old envelope as they are scarce in camp. Two million and a half dollars worth of property was destroyed and brought off taking in hay to the account. — J. M. Davis

Richard Montgomery Gano (1830-1917)

1 Boggy Depot was the location of the first Chickasaw agency in the West and served sometimes as the capital of the Choctaw Nation from 1858 to 1860. During the Civil War it housed the principal Confederate supply depot in Indian Territory. After the war a flour mill and a cotton gin operated northeast of town, and a salt works was established along nearby Salt Creek.

2 Gano’s Brigade existed from its formation in the summer of 1863 to its reassignment under Gen. Hamilton Bee in early 1865. Though the units that composed the brigade changed throughout its existence, they were the Twenty-ninth Texas Cavalry Regiment, the Thirtieth Texas Cavalry Regiment, the First Regiment Arizona Brigade, the Fifth Texas Partisan Rangers, the Thirty-third Texas Cavalry Regiment, Welch’s Texas Cavalry Company, Wells’s Texas Battalion, the Eleventh Texas Field Artillery Battery, and the Seventeenth Texas Field Artillery Battery. Throughout its history Gano’s Brigade fought alongside Confederate Indians, led by Gen. Stand Watie. The brigade’s actions mainly consisted of raids on Union supply trains and troops maneuvering in Arkansas and the Indian Territory.

97th New York Infantry, Battle of Hatcher's Run

1865: Unidentified “Henry” to his sister Mary

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I had hoped to be able to identify the author of this letter, known only as “Henry,” who wrote to his sister Mary and his mother from the camp of the 97th New York Infantry near Hatcher’s Run, Virginia, in mid-February 1865. Unfortunately I was not able to do so. The only clue in the letter was a reference to some hometown boys from the Construction Corps named “Padson” but I suspect the surname was misspelled. It may have been Pattison or Patterson instead.

In any event, the letter contains a description of the fight at Hatcher’s Run (aka Dabney’s Mill) where the two sides fought back and forth for three days, ending in a tactical draw. The Union advance was stopped, but would not be forced back. The Federals dug in, having moved three miles closer to the vital railroad that kept Petersburg and Richmond alive. Grant was unable to permanently cut the Boydton Plank Road but found that the Confederates were already barely using it due to the threat of being raided. There had been almost no traffic on the road to sweep up. The fighting extended the Union siege lines another three miles and forced the Confederates to do the same, even though they were already dangerously near the breaking point.

The 97th New York regiment, Col. Charles Wheelock, was organized at Boonville, and there mustered in the service of the United States for three years February 18, 1862. In May, 1863, it received by transfer the three years’ men of the 26th Infantry; June 7, 1864, the men of the Sad Infantry, not mustered out with their regiment, and August 10, 1864, 103 men of the 94th Infantry. At the expiration of its term of enlistment, the men entitled thereto were discharged, and the regiment retained in service. The companies were recruited principally: A and C at Boonville; B in Lewis county; D and F at Salisbury; E at Prospect and vicinity; G in Herkimer county; H at Utica and Lowville; I at Little Falls; and K at Rome

Transcription

Camp of the 97th N. Y. State Volunteer.
Near Hatcher’s Run, Virginia
February 21st 1865

Dear Sister,

I now seat myself to write a few lines homeward to let you know that I am well and I can thank the Lord for it. We had a pretty hard time on this last raid on the left of the line. We had 10 killed and 20 wounded. That is a good many for one regiment. Mary, I saw the Padson boys last night. You know that they are in the Construction Corps. They was surprised to see me. We had a good old chat together. They are about half of a mile from our camp and so you see that I see them often now.

There is good news in camp now. The news came to our regiment last night that Charleston is evacuated. If it is true, it is a glorious victory. We have got them fenced in now and I hope that we may drive them out of Richmond next summer. I guess that Old Grant will try and flank them as he did last summer. Well Mary, a few words to mother. — Henry

Dear Mother, I must not neglect in writing a few words to you. I received your letter just before we started on the last raid and had hardly time to read it. We had a very hard time of it. I will tell you as near as I can about the raid and you can judge for yourself. We started on the morning of the 5th, crossed Hatcher’s Run and laid in line of battle all night and in the morning we fell back over the run again and laid in most in the forenoon and at one o’clock we attacked the enemy. We succeeded finely at first. We drove them about one mile as I thought into their works and then they received reinforcements and drove us back at a double quick. And when we was falling back, one division of the 6th Corps fired upon us.

Well the morning of the 7th we tried them in another place and there we lost a good many of our regiment. I could not see what the whole thing amounted to. It did not amount to shop [?] I don’t think.

Mother, we are putting up new shanties and when we get them finished, I will write a good long letter to you. Give my love to all. — Henry

New York Homefront

1863: Mary Henrietta Miller to Peter Henry Hulst

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How Henrietta might have looked in 1863 (Megan Kemble Collection)

What a pleasure it is to read the words that spill from the glib tongue of an intelligent young woman. What follows is a letter composed in the midst of the American Civil War by 24 year-old Mary “Henrietta” Miller (1839-1912) of Claverack, Columbia county, New York, the daughter of William Albertson Miller (1813-1872) and Mary Hulst (1816-1883). Henrietta was an 1860 graduate of the Hudson Valley River School in Claverack (later renamed Claverack College).

Henrietta wrote the letter to her cousin, Peter Henry Hulst (1841-1926). Peter “spent his earlier years in Fishkill-on-the-Hudson and at Carthage Landing. He later moved to Jonesville in Saratoga county where he taught school and began the study of medicine (Homeopathy), graduating from the Albany Medical College in 1866. He then practiced medicine in Schuylerville for a short time, moving to Greenwich in 1869.” [Obituary, Glens Falls, The Post Star, 28 October 1926]

In her letter, Henrietta suggests that she and her younger sister Adriana (“Addie”) Miller (1846-1905) had intended to relocate to Kentucky to teach school but decided against it when Addie fell ill. She did eventually move to Kentucky where she met James Solomon Crumbaugh in Scott county and after their marriage in December 1866, they settled in Old Crossing, Kentucky, where James ran a mill and Henrietta taught European Literature. In 1900 they moved to Kaufman county, Texas with their two children.

Henrietta’s letter dares to express her thoughts on politics, a subject rarely broached by women except in private conversation in mid 19th Century. She observes the political nature and consequences of the Conscription Act of 1863 and refers to President Lincoln as the “Republican Autocrat”—a sentiment shared by a great many Americans, particularly New Yorkers.

Transcription

Addressed to Mr. Peter H. Hulet, Jonesville, Saratoga county, New York

Clarverack, Columbia county, New York
September 17th 1863

My dear cousin,

I imagine you are “wondering” why you do not receive a more prompt reply to your last—especially as it was principally in answer to our plan of “going South.” Well, Cousin Peter, as you can perceive at a glance, we are still in old Claverack and the reason why we gave up our idea of going to Kentucky was mainly on account of Addie’s health. She had taken a severe cold and her old trouble—a bad cough—is again with her. It would have been impossible for her to teach anywhere then and the season was too far advanced for them to wait. They had to have a final answer immediately. She is getting better we think though she is not looking much better yet.

I am now engaged in teaching the school in this village. They give twenty dollars and I board myself. I have been teaching two weeks and have nearly forty pupils; consequently am very busy. I don’t know, I am sure, when Addie’s debt can be discharged. She and Ma are very much discouraged about it. Indeed, it is making mother almost sick, and I sometimes feel, cousin, as if my own courage would forever fail me when I look at the silver threads in my mother’s hair and mark the careworn lines on her face growing deeper and deeper every day. I wish she wouldn’t worry so much about it and I do try to be as hopeful as I can on her account.

Thank you for your suggestions and kind promises of assistance to Addie. If we had gone to Kentucky, we should have been very glad to avail ourselves of them. However, you must not defer your visit to Claverack because there will be no necessity for you to see Mr. M[iller] now; but do come and stay a few weeks, can’t you? I always think with feelings of the utmost pleasure of our visit to Aunty’s last autumn and Addie and I talk it over very often and mark it as a bright era in the past.

I am very glad that you have escaped the draft. Indeed, I must congratulate you upon being within the charmed circle of the Republican Party just now as recent developments have proven fully, the potent as well as “honest” measures pursued by the “Republican Autocrat” for shielding those who will have a voice at the polls next fall and turning the conscription upon the worthless democracy. However, coz., it is a subject of intense gratification to me that notwithstanding the undue share of conscripts that fall to the part of the Democrats, they are abundantly able to hire “substitutes” and I reckon they’ll get some of them from the opposite party as there are yet a few of Uncle Abe’s admirers and most obedient servants who have not more of the “green” currency than they know what to do with. But perhaps you are like some of the gentlemen that I know; “you do not like to hear a lady talk politics.” If no, pardon me and I will change the subject. Nonetheless, “them’s my sentiments.”

Ma has been up to see Grandma this fall. Went a few weeks ago. She made a very short visit as she was expecting us to go to Kentucky. The weather here has been very warm and pleasant. Now it is cloudy and cold. I have to walk about a mile to my schoolroom and I should like it to be pleasant weather all the time if it could be so, but I anticipate many a cold, wet walk this winter. School has just opened at the Seminary and I dare say Mr. [Alonzo] Flack 1 has begin again upon his well beaten track of—I guess I won’t say it after all, for I could not say any good of him so it is better to leave the sentence unfinished.

I am glad your health is improved. Are you taking vocal or instrumental music, or both? Pa and Ella have the whooping cough. They have been very bad but seem to be getting over it now somewhat. Dear cousin, I must beg your kind indulgence for this disconnected and ill written missive. I am not very well nor very much in the mood for writing tonight so I will close. Please write me soon and accept the love & best wishes of your affectionate cousin, — Henrietta

1 Alonzo Flack was born in Argyle, New York on September 19, 1823. While attending Union College (1845-1849), Flack joined the Methodist Episcopal Church and received a license as a preacher. He subsequently studied theology at the Concord Biblical Institute in New Hampshire and was recrutied by Bishop Osman C. Baker in 1854 to serve as principal for a new school at Charlotte. In 1855, Flack became principal of the Claverack College and Hudson River Institute. He later assumed the presidency of Claverack College in 1869. Flack was noted for his deep belief in the reform movements of the period, including temperance reform, the enfranchisment of women and ecclesiastical reform. He was granted a Doctor in Philosophy degree by the University of the State of New York in 1875. Much esteemed by his students, Flack served for thirty years as a teacher and administrator at the school, until his death in 1885. He was succeeded by his son, Rev. Arthur H. Flack, who occupied the position until 1900. The College, located in Claverack, New York, offered academic and classical studies to ladies and gentlemen and was very highly regarded. Alumni included author Stephen Crane, feminist Margaret Sanger, and President Martin van Buren. [sources consulted: Minutes of the annual conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church: Spring conferences of 1885. (p. 97)]

In 2011 I transcribed a letter by Alonzo Flack and posted it on Spared & Shared 1. See—1842: Alonzo Flack to Nathan Henry Bitely.