This letter was written by Assistant Surgeon Edwin Ruthven Brush (1836-1908), the son of Dr. Salmon Mortimer Brush (1804-1887) and Seviah Lovegroove (1817-1890) of Cambridge, Lamoille county, Vermont. Edwin married Amy R. Fletcher in 1860 and had 3 children.
Edwin R. Brush was drafted and entered the service on 17 July 1863 as a Private in Co. H, 2nd Vermont. An 1858 graduate of the University of Vermont and a practicing physician prior to his service, Dr. Brush was elevated to Asst. Surgeon in his company on 15 October 1863. He was mustered out on 15 July 1865 at Washington, D. C.
In this letter, Edwin provides his wife with some details of the Second Battle of Rappahannock Station during the Bristoe Campaign—a glorious Union victory. On November 7, the Union army forced passage of the Rappahannock River at two places. A dusk attack overran the Confederate bridgehead at Rappahannock Station, capturing more than 1,600 men of Jubal Early’s Division. Fighting at Kelly’s Ford was less severe with about 430 casualties, but the Confederates retreated allowing the Federals across in force. On the verge of going into winter quarters around Culpeper, Lee’s army retired instead into Orange County south of the Rapidan River. The Army of the Potomac occupied the vicinity of Brandy Station and Culpeper County.
For a great description of this battle, published in 2013, see Edward Alexander’s post entitled, “The Federal Charge at Rappahannock Station, 150 Years Ago.” Edward’s article explains more fully what Edwin meant when he wrote in his letter, “The manner in which our men commenced the attack was about as cool as anything as I ever heard of.”
A number of Edwin’s letters have come to me for transcription from multiple sources, his letters to Amy having been sold off separately to different buyers in the last couple of years. Previously I have transcribed five of his letters which may be found here:
Edwin R. Brush, Co. H, 2nd Vermont (3 Letters)
Edwin R. Brush, Co. H, 2nd Vermont (2 Letters)
[Note: This previously unpublished letter was graciously made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared expressly by the Sic Parvis Magna, Gratias Lesu Collection.]
Transcription
Camp at Brandy Station
November 9, 1863
Dear wife,
I received yours of November 3rd yesterday while we were on the march to this place. It made me feel very happy to get it. We left Warrenton on the morning of the 7th and arrived at Rappahannock Station at noon when we found ourselves near the Rebels and gave them fight which resulted in their total defeat. Our regiment was in the reserve and did not have any fighting to do but we were in range of the Rebs artillery a few minutes but no one was hurt although one fellow had a narrow escape, a shell having struck the ground right under his feet which knocked him down. We did not stay in that place a great while but moved up the road and got under cover of an embankment where they could not get at us but the shells flew over our heads, striking on a knoll beyond. They were twenty-pound shells.
We took from the rebels about 1,800 prisoners, 7 pieces of artillery, and their pontoon bridges. The 6th Maine, which numbers about six hundred men took 1,600 men at one battle and there were about 200 taken afterwards. Our loss was about 300 in all. How many rebels were killed, I do not know. The same day the 3rd Corps had a fight at Kelly’s Ford where they took quite a lot of prisoners. The manner in which our men commenced the attack was about as cool as anything as I ever heard of. We stopped in an open field in sight of the rebel sharpshooters, we built up some fires, got our dinner just as though we were in camp. After dinner, we started in line of battle with our skirmish line in front. Our line of skirmishers marched up within a short distance of the rebs when they were fired upon by the rebs and they returned the fire along the whole line when the Johnnies run. Our men then went up to the top of a knoll when the artillery opened upon them but the shot did not do much harm. We soon got our artillery in position and played upon them pretty smartly for awhile. They kept up the firing until about dark when the boys made the charge on the fortifications which the rebs had thrown up and took the prisoners which I spoke of. 2
When they made the charge, they were ordered to uncap their gun and go in which they did in good shape. In coming over the field, I saw in one place where the battery was taken, eleven rebels laying side by side dead. It looked rather rough I can tell you. I did not care to look after any more dead rebs although there were more near there and they were burying them. In one corner there was a place that was pretty bloody and our men took seven stand of colors which was the cause of it. There was one fellow that had a bayonet wound through him, another one—a lieutenant—was killed by a blow with a musket. One of the Maine boys did it after ordering him to surrender which he refused to do saying that he would die first. Upon that, the other fellow hit him with the breach of his gun, breaking his skull in.
That night our regiment were out on picket and I slept on the ground without any tent over me. Two of us slept together with a half tent and a rubber blanket under us and two blankets over us, it being a pretty cold night and as we could not have any fire, I did not sleep any too warm. Last night we did a little better. We cut down a tree and built up a good fire which lassted till morning but after all, it was not like being with you to make up a good feather bed for me to sleep in. But after all, I cannot say that I am dissatisfied with the service. I am so much better off than some poor, sick fellows that I know.
I wish you would send me a piece of buckskin gloves. I do not want a very heavy pair. I want them so that I can drive in them and not have them bungling. I am sorry I wrote what I did about your [not] writing as I got a letter from you the same day that I mailed mine and another yesterday, but hope you will not feel bad about it.
About those shirts, the surgeons wear fancy colors a good deal. I do not care if you make mine the same. I was glad to hear that you had got some fine [things] because I think you deserve them, and Amy, you know I want you should have everything you wish for. Amy, I shall try and not get any bad habits in the army and hope you can trust me. When I think of you, how can I get any bad habits after all of your kindness to me when I know how bad it will make you feel. Amy, how I do miss your company. It seems as though I could not wait for the time to come when I shall see you.
Give my love to all and kiss our little darling for me. This from your dearest, — Edwin
1 “The Sixth Maine’s cheer sounded like a ‘terrible panther-like yell’ according to its adjutant. ‘So small a number of men never before made such an uproar… Men were seized with the wildest transports of rage and frenzy. We seemed to be marching against a blind, inscrutable force, which defied all of our efforts to reach it or grapple with it. The only relief seemed our continuous yell, which every man kept up until the fortifications in front of us were reached.’ Once the Union soldiers reached the works, Anderson recalled that now ‘the air was filled with a medley of shouts, shrieks and groans, calls to surrender, yells of defiance, imprecations and curses and through and above all other sounds the increasing crash of musketry.’…”A normally pious and reserved officer in the Sixth Maine known as the ‘praying sergeant’ entered the earthworks ‘with an infuriated yell, and with profanity which was fierce and appalling, he aided with bayonet and clubbed musket in speedily dispersing the enemy around us.’ So ferocious was the fighting that William J. Seymour of Hays’ Brigade believed the Union soldiers were “stimulated by the free use of whiskey,” a claim that reveals a mindset of the defenders but one that is not supported by evidence. ‘The enemy poured in yelling like so many demons, many of them being in a state of beastly drunkeness.’ A Confederate prisoner later told his captors: ‘We all allowed that the whole Army of the Potomac were coming, you’uns kept up such a wicked yelling.’” [Source: “The Federal Charge at Rappahannock Station, 150 Years Ago.”]
2 In all, 1,670 Confederates were killed, wounded, or captured in the brief struggle, more than eighty percent of those engaged. Union casualty figures, by contrast, were small: 419 in all. For the North the battle had been “a complete and glorious victory,” an engagement “as short as it was decisive,” reflecting “infinite credit upon all concerned.” Maj. Gen. Horatio G. Wright noted that it was the first instance in which Union troops had carried a strongly entrenched Confederate position in the first assault. Brig. Gen. Harry Hays claimed to have been attacked by no less than 20,000 to 25,000 Union soldiers—a figure ten times the actual number. The battle had been as humiliating for the South as it had been glorious for the North. Two of the Confederacy’s finest brigades, sheltered behind entrenchments and well supported by artillery, had been routed and captured by an enemy force of equal size. Col. Walter H. Taylor of Lee’s staff called it, “the saddest chapter in the history of this army,” the result of “miserable, miserable management.” An enlisted soldier put it more plainly. “I don’t know much about it,” he said, “but it seems to be that our army was surprised.”
Spared & Shared 23 