My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
Thomas and Madlain (McCullough) DeWitt, circa 1880
The following letter was written by Thomas Buffington Dewitt (1832-1891) of the Missouri Home Guard Infantry who had just been sworn in that day. The letter discusses the current state of the war in Missouri and a growing sense of alarm. John C. Porter’s band of Guerrilla’s had organized in northern Missouri in the early summer and had been raiding trains, stealing horses, and food from the citizens, occasionally skirmishing with state troops, leading to concern about their farms and livelihood. He states that they are able to stay at home most of the time.
Thomas wrote the letter from Milan, some twenty miles due west of Kirksville in northern Missouri. He was married to Madlain McCullough (1841-1927) after his first wife, Frances Carney (1833-1859) died in 1859. His parents were Thomas DeWitt (1791-1879) and Mary Magdalene Buffington (1797-1886) of Wheeling, West Virginia. By 1880, DeWitt had relocated to Polk, Adair county, Missouri. By 1886 they were living in Fresno county, California.
Transcription
Milan, [Sullivan county, Missouri] August 10, 1862
Dear Mother and Father,
I take this opportunity of informing you that I am well at present and hope these few lines may find you in good health. I have just read a letter from Henry to Beck which informed me of your being well, which I was glad to hear.
We are all in the [Missouri] State [Militia]Service here. I was sworn in this day. The secesh is gathering up in companies all over the state and stealing horses, doing devilment generally. We are going to stop them. The people is more alarmed about the war now than they ever have been. For my part, I think it has just commenced. Madlane is taking on about me going into the militia, but can’t help it. I was bound to go. They say we can stay at home the most of the time.
Henry wants to know what is the least money I will take for my place. Tell him to sell it for the most he can get. I will be satisfied with a low price. Take five hundred if you can’t get no more. If I had the money, I could double it every year. I have just sold forty-five head of steers for $22 per head that cost me $10 last fall. I have a lot of two-year-olds on hand now and going to buy more this week. I. Larkins wants me to pick him out a situation. I don’t know what kind of place he wants— for to sell goods, or [to] farm. If he wants either, he can find them here. Pork is selling good. They sell goods very high, and [it’s a] good place for farming.
Tell John that I would like to have him come out here. Any man can do well here that will try. I have talked of coming home this fall but now the Union Army belongs to me and I expect I can’t come home. I have got but one letter this summer from home. I must close. Give my [respects] to all my friends. Write soon. Tell me all about what is doing there. No more at present, but remain your affectionate son, T. B. DeWitt
The following letter was written by Benjamin Lewis Hall (1838-1931), the son of Pardon Bowen Hall (1793-1872) and Abby Billings (1802-1895) of Providence, Rhode Island. Benjamin was married to Emeline Carr in 1860.
In April 1861, Benjamin was working as a jeweler in Providence when he enlisted as a drummer boy in Co. A, 1st Rhode Island Regiment, and mustered out as a sergeant on 2 August 1861. He reenlisted on 13 December 1861 as a sergeant in Co. E, 5th Rhode Island and resigned his commission as Captain of Co. I on 5 May 1863.
In his letter, Benjamin informs his brother that he has survived the battle that resulted in the capture of New Bern, North Carolina, in March 1862. Though the 5th Rhode Island was not in the vanguard of the attacking column, he gives a lively portrayal of the march to and capture of the city.
[This letter is from the private collection of Rob Grandchamp and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Union troops landing to begin their march on New Bern in March 1862
Transcription
Camp Pierce near Newbern, North Carolina March 18th 1862
Dear Brother,
I received a letter from you yesterday and one from Emma the day before. Your letter wsa mailed March 10th and hers March 1st. I was very glad to hear from you as I had just passed through another battle. Come out all right and it made me feel happy to hear from home so soon after so much fatigue and danger. You don’t know how it makes a man feel when he gets out of a fight where his comrades are falling around him and when it may be his turn to fall in the next minute. It makes him think of home and friends and all that is dear to him, and his first thought after the battle is whether they think him among the poor fellows that have fallen, and he sits down to write “home” to let them know that he is safe and waits oh how anxiously for an answer, and is worried until he gets it. And then the thoughts of his messmates who are gone come back to him and for 3 or 4 days after a battle a soldier’s life is a sorry one. But soon the constant change which we have in this Expedition gradually changes his thoughts and he is soon busy thinking of what is going on around him and only when the roll is called and the names of the unfortunate ones are omitted does he for a moment recall the scenes of “the fight” and the many “good times” where the missing ones took part.
But enough of the melancholy. Our fleet (with a few exceptions) left Roanoke on the 11th and sailed to Hatteras where they lay all night. Next day we started up the sound in the direction of Newbern and came to anchor on the night of the 12th. Next day landed in boats, or rather ran up as far as we could and jumped out and waded ashore, formed in line and started for the Rebels wherever we could find them. We landed 16 miles below Newbern and it commenced raining as soon as we touched shore—“our usual luck.” Had to march through mud up to our knees all day, lay down in the woods all night, the rain coming down in torrents. 1
The next morning were up early in line. Pretty soon—pop, pop—went our pickets, then a roll of musketry, and soon the “band whooooo” of the big guns and shell told us that we had treed the varmint. Pretty soon orders came along, “Forward, double quick!” and engage the enemy. Up we go through swamp and woods, wet through to the skin, never mind boys, we have got a chance to pay the villains for making us march through the mud, “Give it to ’em lively boys!” over the batteries, rifle pits, breastworks, “Hurrah! There they go boys! There they run” and tell the old story, “Ribbils Licked.”
The Battle of New Bern, March 1862
They left as fast as they could on the railroad to Newbern, burning the bridge as they crossed over, some taking another road had to strip and swim the river, and I visited the city yesterday and the old “mokes” 2 say they went through the town like sheep, some without any clothes at all on their back, in such a hurry to get away from the “Damn Yankees” as the old “dark” said. Two or three days before these same fellows had been swaggering about town telling that we could shy around with our boats but wait till they caught us on land and they would teach us a lesson.
I was talking with an old Nig about his “massa.” He said that “Massa” told him he would whip us like dogs, but when he come running back, the “nig” said “Massa. where am de Yankees?” And “Massa” said, “Twant no use, if we get them blood hounds after us we might as well give up. It is said that some of the prisoners which were let go at Roanoke are here but I don’t know how true it is. I do not know how many men we have lost. You will probably learn by the papers. We took a large number of guns—some of them very pretty brass pieces.
The Rebels set the town on fire when they passed through but our troops were following so close behind them that they put it out before much damage was done. Some of our troops are quartered in houses in the town but there is not a great many white people there of the inhabitants. “Dead heaps” of niggers loafing around. It is just like June here—peach trees in bloom, grass all green, and roses and lilies all in bloom. I will send some roses which I got in the city of Newbern. Give some to Emeline, one to Mother. I sent Emeline’s letter 3 days ago by the boat that took dispatches. Tell her to write soon as she gets it and don’t forget to do the same yourself. Give my respects to all hands. Tell them I am all “right side up with care” and oblige your loving brother, — Benjamin
P. S. I write this letter not knowing when I shall get a chance to send it. I am told that we shall go to Beaufort, North Carolina, tomorrow and if we do, make up your mind that Beaufort is ours. Write soon and tell all the rest to do the same. This paper is some that I got in the Rebel camp. Flies bother us a little. — Ben
1 The regimental history informs us that, “Here, as at Roanoke Island, the water along shore was very shallow, and many of the men were compelled to leave the boats and wade to firm land; and, here as there, no sooner had the debarkation fairly commenced than rain began to fall again. Wet as the men were not time was lost at the landing, but as fast as they came ashore the line of march was at once taken up, with a skirmish line from the 24th Massachusetts well in advance. Under the effect of the marching men in front, the roads soon became almost impassable for those who followed, the sticky mud adhering to their feet and lower clothing at every step until they often became so heavy that the tired men could scarcely lift them. The time spent in landing and a march of about twelve miles over such terrible roads used up the whole day, and a half-rain, half-drizzle of the most aggravating character fell nearly all of the time. [p. 31]
2 Mokes (or Mooks) is a racial slur for negro, in common use in the 19th Century.
The shell jacket of William D. Thompson of Co. I, 3rd Missouri Cavalry. William ran away from home at the age of 16 and joined the 3rd Missouri in Palmyra in December 1861. He fought to defend Springfield on January 8, 1863, and was one of 180 men from the 3rd Missouri Cavalry involved in the Battle of Hartville. He was wounded in the groin at Hartville on January 11, 1863, and spent time in the post hospital at Lebanon, Missouri.
The following letter was written by James A. Humphres (1839-1863) began his service in Co. B, 3rd Missouri Cavalry, as a private but was later promoted to Commissary Sergeant of Co. H. According to the company rolls, James died on January 31, 1863 from a gunshot wound received during the Battle of Hartville on January 11, 1863. James was taken to the hospital at Lebanon, Missouri, where he died and was initially buried.
Though James served the State of Missouri in the war, he was actually a resident of Ashmore, Coles county, Illinois. James was the son of John Humphres (1803-1867) and Sarah Mitchell (1814-1849) of Ashmore. In the 1860 US Census, he was enumerated as a 21 year-old laborer in the household of Peter Conkler in Ashmore.
The letter was addressed to James’ cousins, Sarah Ellen Mitchell (1842-1879) and Phoebe Ann Mitchell (1844-1909), the daughters of John Bruce Mitchell (1817-1849) and Martha Cutler (1818-1882) of Ashmore township, Coles county, Illinois. For those who are unfamiliar with Ashmore, it is located just a few miles north of where Thomas Lincoln, the President’s father, had his farm when he died in 1851. Abe’s step-mother, Sarah Bush Lincoln, still lived in Coles county throughout the Civil War and died there in 1869.
It is with pleasure that I seat myself to write you a few lines to let you know that I am well at the present time, hoping these few lines may find you all well. I received your letter the other day & was glad to hear from you & to hear that you was all well.
Col. Albert Sigel, 13th MO State Militia Cavalry
There was a skirmish near here yesterday. [Joseph Chrisman] Porter‘s force started from northeast, Missouri, with one thousand men. He still had a thousand when he crossed the Missouri River. He was attacked four times before he got down here. We’d heard of him & started 200 men after him. Before we got there, he was gone. He had so far the start of us [that] we could not overtake him. Colonel [Albert] Sigel’s Cavalry had attacked him when he got down here. He had only two hundred men. Sigel’s Cavalry killed 50 of them. They are still in pursuit of them. Our boys all returned to camp this evening. Sigel’s got three men wounded and nearly one killed. The rebels loss was 50 killed. I don’t know how many wounded. That is the last account of them.
The 13th Missouri Cavalry—that is Sigel’s Cavalry—captured a very large silk flag. It was about 5 feet in length. The colors was red, white, and red, & quite a number of horses [captured]. 1 No more at present. I will tell you more about it the next time.
Give my respects to all. Yours truly. Goodbye. Hoping to hear from you soon. — J. A. Humphries
to Miss Sarah E. & Poebe Ann Mitchell
Please excuse this big ugly writing for it was done in a hurry & the boys was bothering me so I couldn’t write.
1 The action described by Humphreys is verified in a report by Colonel Albert Sigel, colonel of the 13th Missouri state militia cavalry, which appears in the Official Records of the War of the Rebellion, Series 1, Volume 13, (skirmish at California house). Albert Sigel (1827-1884) was the brother of Gen. Franz Sigel (1824-1902).
The following letter was written by William W. Moore of Randolph, Cattaraugus county, New York, who enlisted on 17 August 1861 as a private in Co. F, 64th New York Infantry. He was promoted a corporal in April 1863 and wounded in action at the Battle of Gettysburg on 2 July 1863. He mustered out at Petersburg, Virginia, on 9 September 1864.
William wrote the letter to his cousin, Dwight Moore (1841-1864) who enlisted August 1862 in Co. H, 154th New York Infantry, was taken prisoner at Gettysburg on 1 July 1863, and who died in Libby Prison.
Transcription
The patriotic header on Moore’s stationery
Headquarters 64th [New York] Regiment Camp at Fair Oaks June 15th 1862
Cousin Dwight,
Sir, I received your letter today and proceed at once to answer it. You wanted me to give my experience in the late fight. Being a poor hand at writing anything, I will write a few lines hoping you will excuse my mistakes.
A Union soldier holding an Austrian Lorenz Rifle
Our regiment was ordered in at seven in the morning where we were engaged two and a half hours. Our regiment fought well and was highly complimented by General [Oliver O.] Howard who I am sorry to say lost his arm in the engagement after having his horse killed under him. Our brigade fought nobly with the exception of the 61st [New York] commanded by Colonel [Francis C.] Barlow. His men broke and run some, clear back across the Chickahominy. There was only two killed in our company.
There was not one of us that expected that morning to go in any fight until the balls began to whistle. The fight was entirely in the woods. We crept along until we could see them. Then we sent in the balls so thick that they had to retreat. The 64th has the best rifles in the field. They are the Austrian Rifles—a very short gun but good.
Our regiment lost 180 men killed and wounded. The 5th New Hampshire Volunteers fired a whole volley into us doing more damage than all the rebs done. 1
Write soon. We are ordered to fall in. — W. Moore
[to] D. M.
1On page 84 of Pride and Travis’s book, “My Brave Boys, to War with Colonel Cross & the Fighting Fifth,” the authors describe the attack made by the Fifth New Hampshire and the trouble that Captain Barton was having to keep his company in line as they tried to maneuver through “a dense swamp, mud, vines, and underbrush.” When they did fire a volley, “its target proved to be not the enemy but members of the 64th New York, another regiment in the brigade.”
The following letters were written by Pvt. Richard Whitfield Jones (1839-1916) who enlisted in April 1861 to serve in Co. D, 1st Virginia Artillery (“Richmond Howitzers”). Later in the war he was a commissary sergeant. Richard brought his enslaved servant Grandison with him to the front and often used him, when not far from Richmond, to hand carry his letters home. In one letter that he penned to his mother shortly after the victory at Gaines Mill, Richard wrote that, “If my boy Grandison delivers this this evening, you will please give him something to eat, and let him stay all night. He is a good boy and has been with me for the last 5 months.”
Letter 1
Darbytown Road July 3rd 1862
My dear mother,
I have an opportunity of again dropping you a few lines by my old friend Plummer Payard. By him I send you a piece of oil cloth from which I wish you to make me a haversack as soon as you can. Enclosed you will find some pieces of poetry taken by me from the haversack of a Yankee officer on Monday. I send more to show you the fine hand writing than anything else.
Everything is very quiet today. We have only 29 cannoneers for duty, most of the men being sick, brought on by the want of something to eat. You can see a great change in all of the men—likewise in me—having been so long with nothing to eat but hard crackers. However, I am by no means sick—only weak.
Your bundle and note came to hand last night. I was very much obliged to you for the eatables. They were certainly enjoyed by the mess for supper last night, that being all we had. We drew rations of bread and shoulder today, and will I hope get along a little better now.
As Plummer is ready to go, I must now close. Have you heard anything from Dick? I understand the loss in the 12th Regiment was pretty heavy. I hope he got out all safe. Major John S. Walker 1 is reported killed. I only hope tis not so. If it is, his loss will be deeply felt both by his command, the church, and the community at large.
Give my best love to all. In haste, Your devoted son, — Richard
Major John Stewart Walker
1 Major John Stewart Walker (1827-1862) was the son of David and Amanda Norvell Walker. His father was a Scottish immigrant of the Brook Hill Stewarts. John was educated at Washington College and Harvard. His twenty-first birthday extravaganza at Harvard was so costly, that when his Uncle-guardian received the bill, he pulled John from school and brought him home. John was employed in the family tobacco business, married his second cousin, Lucy, and bought a place in Richmond. He developed his own brand of tobacco, the award winning Queen Bee. The Virginia Life Guard was organized in the City of Richmond in January of 1861. On May 14, 1861 it became Company B of the 15th Virginia Infantry under then Captain, John Stewart Walker. At the Battle of Malvern Hill, Colonel Thomas August, was severely wounded. The command of the Regiment was assumed by Major Walker. He led the command in an advance against “murderous and withering fire of grape, canister musket balls.” It decimated the ranks. Pinned to ground, with light fading, Major Walker stood and commanded “Forward charge!” He was immediately struck down and dragged back into a little creek. He soon died in the arms of his brother.
Letter 2
Frederick City, Maryland Sept. 9th, 1862
My Dear Mother,
You will see from heading that I have at last reached the state of “My Maryland.” I wrote you a letter on last Saturday when I stated that we expected to leave Sunday at 1 o’clock, but we did not get off until 5. I and one other was detailed from our company to form an advance guard together with two men from each of the other companies—making the party 8 men and a lieutenant. We moved on some distance in the head of the column, mounted, & with sabre & pistol, proceeded to see that the way was clear as we had neither infantry or cavalry with us. We reached the Potomac at 8 ½ o’clock and I was the first of the party to put foot on the soil of Maryland.
We forded the river at Cheek’s Ford. 1 Having reached the Maryland side, we proceeded along the tow path of the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal about a mile when we crossed and took the road to the above place. After moving on this road about 3 ½ miles, we went back to report to Col. Brown that the way so far was clear. Here we met couriers from General [Stonewall] Jackson who informed us there was no danger ahead. After reporting, we were again ordered to the front to keep well ahead and a good look out. So we again led the way. Reached a small village of about 800 inhabitants called Buckeystown at day break on Monday, arriving after traveling all night. Here we again halted, waiting for the batteries to close up, when the command halted and went into camp for the purpose of feeding and resting the horses which by this time were pretty well worn out.
Again, at 11 o’clock, we moved on after a rest of 4 hours (this time without an advance, having infantry along) halting about 2 ½ miles from Frederick where it is likely we will remain for 2 or 3 days to rest the horses. This county (Frederick) is a very fine one, said to be the finest in the State—inhabited principally as far as we have gone, by Dutch, who seem to be a very kind and nice people, generally wealthy with fine farms, large and fine crops. The country is a rolling one, the sod very rich and heavy. The farmers live in small houses generally built of stone—neat, but plain and small, while their barns are large, fancy, and very fine. Their stock is good.
The city of Frederick is larger than Petersburg, the houses generally very fine. In this place two companies of cavalry and a regiment of infantry have been raised since [General] Jackson reached it last Friday, though only about half of the population are loyal to the South. Here we can buy—and have bought—coffee at 25 cents, sugar at 90, and other things at moderate prices. I wish there was some way that I could send you a supply, also some dry goods which are very cheap. How long it will be so, I cannot say. The citizens of Baltimore on last Friday formed themselves, took up arms, and on Saturday drove the Federal soldiers there out of the place, telegraphing to [General] Jackson to hurry on as soon as possible.
Last night it was reported that our cavalry at Poolesville, 10 miles from here, had a fight and been driven out of the place. No one was killed on our side—only 2 or 3 wounded [and] several horses killed. This is only rumor and no faith is put in it. What point our Generals intend making for, it is not known, but Channing Price, 2 who staid with us last night, said he thought from what he heard that we would move down to the Relay House, though it is not known. As there is no railroad communication to this point, I expect it will be difficult for a letter to reach you or me, though hope if you have a way to send one you will drop me a line or so. I send this through the Provost Marshal who has opportunities of sending them by couriers to points where they can be delivered. Give my love to all at home, and believe me, your devoted son, — Richard
I could not find an image of Park but here is one of John K. Messmore of Co. D, 99th OVI
The following letters were written by Park Henry Fryer (1840-1864) who enlisted in August 1862 in Co. B, 99th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). The first two letters were written while convalescing in Hospital No. 2 in New Albany, Indiana.
He was a sergeant by the time he sat down to write his brother later from the rifle pits outside of Chattanooga, Tennessee, in October 1863—some three weeks after the Battle of Chickamauga. In the aforementioned battle, the 99th engaged the enemy both days and had five men, including two officers, killed, twenty-eight men wounded, and an additional twenty-four men captured. Following this Union defeat, the 99th retreated to Chattanooga with the rest of the Northern army. At Chattanooga, the 99th became part of the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, 4th Corps.
Park did not survive the war. He died in a Chattanooga hospital from wounds received in the Atlanta Campaign. His date of death was given as 3 July 1864. It should be noted that his surname is given in the company roster as “Fryar.”
Park wrote the letters to his younger brother Samuel Lewis Fryer (1842-1920) of Spencerville, Allen county, Ohio. When Park and Samuel were quite young, they came to Allen county, Ohio, from Chester county, Pennsylvania, with their parents, Isaac H. Fryer (1813-1867) and Mary Brown (1815-1893).
The first two letters were sent to me by Patrick Leary after seeing what is now Letter 3 that I posted on Spared & Shared earlier. In sending them to me, he wrote the following:
“Forty-odd years ago, when I was working at a secondhand bookshop in Houston, the bookshop owner bought a batch of Civil War soldier letters that included several letters by Park Henry Fryer, Jerry Downs, and others. The owner was going to put all of the soldier letters out for individual sale (at $10 apiece!), but she agreed to let me first do a brief catalog of some of them, for which I transcribed excerpts and did background research among the regimental histories at Rice University’s Fondren Library. Ultimately all but two of the letters sold as a lot to the same collector and I have no idea what became of them afterward. Those two letters I was allowed to keep as “payment” for doing the catalog, and they’ve moved house with me ever since. I went on to become a historian in a small way (now retired, but keeping my hand in) but have never thought much more about this old letter project until I was going through some files this weekend and realized that I needed to share them with a specialist like you. For more than one reason I am grateful to have stumbled upon Spared & Shared. I’m attaching the Fryer portion of that little catalog. As you’ll see from the intro and these excerpts, what was unusual about these letters was that most of them were from, and between, members of his family, which of course yields an important perspective on his experience. I’m also including a photocopy of the letter dated July 6, 1863 and my transcription of it. I don’t remember why I copied only this one letter (it is not one of the two originals I retained) except that it is particularly interesting; too bad it isn’t a scan, but there were no scanners or iPhones in those days. Of course you’ll want to do your own much more expert transcription than my fledgling effort from 1981, but I include that for whatever it might be worth.”— Patrick Leary, 29 April 2024
Following the three letters, I have posted the extracts of pertinent details lifted from the Fryer collection of letters that Patrick Leary alluded to above. I have not transcribed his notes but anyone searching for information of Park Henry Fryer will undoubtedly find these worthwhile notes if they find his letters.
Letter 1
[Note: A scan of the following letter was provided to me for transcription and publication on Spared Shared by express consent courtesy of Patrick Leary.]
Hospital No. 2 1 New Albany, Indiana April 5th 1863
My most esteemed Brother,
This bright Sabbath evening finds me well and hearty and enjoying myself hugely. I was to church this morning and heard a good sermon after which they repaired to the water where four willing converts were buried in Christ by Baptism. This meeting has been in progress for the last 6 weeks and is not broke up yet. During this time, I have heard some most splendid sermons.
The letter you wrote for Henry Rider came to hand last night. I was glad to hear that you were all well save Hank who seems to be complaining but I have no reason to believe he is very dangerous. You will give him my best respects when you see him again and tell him I am all right on the Sleigh question but most likely we will wait a couple of years yet. Say to him for me that he had better take himself a fair damsel and settle down as he will have no company know you are left. Besides, if he waits till the soldiers come home, there will be no sight for him for we all intend to take ourselves our once loved maids without we make some new discourses down in Dixie. As for that fandango at the tavern, I hope they will have a good time but you can tell Hank that I wish to receive my commission in that line of amusements as I have come to the conclusion that it don’t pay very big hereafter.
Lewis, I had like to forgot to tell you about our Easter. We did not take it till night. Four of us then eat three dozen of eggs. They are only 12 per dozen here. Well, I’ve been to church again this evening and I must say that we have the best meetings I ever attended. It holds another week longer. I witnessed the scene of four sisters, one father and son, unite with the church last night making 6 out of the one family. There was truly a happy meeting with them such as I never before witnessed. [The] meeting held till 10 o’clock. I finished my task of reading the Bible through on Saturday. This is what you can’t say nor it isn’t likely I could of said it if I would of been at home so you see soldiering ain’t so bad after all.
Well, Lewis, I have drawn my rations of greenbacks which was $98.60, $60 of which I expressed to Father, which I expect will be at hand before Uncle Sam’s Boys can afford $5.50. I used to could write with a 75 cents pen but once Uncle Sam’s Boys can afford a $2.00 one. I also bought me a military vest which cost me $3.75, [and] other little traps to tedious to mention. You would smile to see the citizens look down their noses since the boys have drawn their greenbacks. You see, they can’t put on the style so we carry the day amongst the fair set. Who wouldn’t be a soldier and with the ladies dwell?
Well. Lewis, I made some new discoveries last week. I found three of the Brave 99th Boys and one of them belongs to the Gallant Co. B. His name is Peter Charpier [or Charpin], 2 if you remember him. He was wounded at Murfreesboro in the jaw but is now well. He can’t open his mouth much further than Jany Rider. He will get a discharge, I think. The other two belongs to Co. A, one of which was with me all the time at Bowling Green. His name is Benjamin Casteel. 3 Father will know him. He is well and hearty. The other is Sergeant Thomas J. King from Vanwort. He is got a lame back and he’s lost the 1st Lieutenancy by being absent.
Franklin Hickock, 15th Indiana Infantry—“wounded in the Murfreesboro Battle” (Ancestry.com)
Well, Lewis, I got a picture taken on Saturday and spoke for 5 photographs out of which I shall send to you the picture I sent to Ann. I put it in the office yesterday and if you don’t recognize it as Park H. Fryer, you have forgot how he looked. I shall also send you another photograph which we term Hospital Scene No. 2. The first on the left you will recognize as Franklin Hickock, a 15th Indiana boy and one of my roommates. 4 He was wounded in the Murfreesboro Battle. This white spot in his shoulder and [ ] is to represent the bullet holes. He is now able to go without his crutches and I and him are having grand times. The next one to him with his bones you will recognize as a convalescent church member. Mr. Skinner and Ohio men enlisted at Toledo. The next you will recognize as assistant cook, Richard Harpeth, a 36th Ohio boy. The next with his violin you will recognize as assistant nurse Mr. Brady, a Michigan boy. The next you will recognize as nurse Charles Webb, a 15th Indiana boy. He is the one that nursed me through the erysipelas, His instrument you will see is a crutch and cane. He is struck with surprise and has gone o keep time. The next standing behind him you will recognize as boss cook Albert Benton, a 15th Ohio boy who wouldn’t be a soldier. This I want you to show to Mr. Welch and ask him if he can recognize any of them. They were all here when he was to see me. I want you to take it to town with you and show it to all my friends there—especially to [ ]. Also to Stickey’s folks. I want you to take good care of it.
Father has been requesting me to give him the preacher’s name. I will send him a slip taken from the paper which has his name and his [re]marks of last Sabbath week which I received from one of the prominent members of the church.
Well. Lewis, I have got them photographs and will send you one in this letter. I have 4 more which I will send to various others—one goes to Hark and another to Sarah Nugent. The weather here is fine and times stirring in town. I should be glad if you could spend a week in such a place as this as you have always been deprived of seeing much city style. I, for my part, am all right. I weighed myself yesterday again and I drew 144. I expect I will [weight] 200 if they don’t quit feeding so well. Give my respects to all enquirers and remember me as your affectionate brother, — Sargeant Fryer
This is finished on the 7th.
1 There were as many as 12 hospitals in New Albany, Indiana, during the Civil War. Fryer identifies the one he was in as “Hospital No. 2” which was in the “Lower City School” located on Market Street between West 5th and 6th Streets.
2 Peter F. Charpier (1840-1918) was born in France. He served in Co. B of the 99th OVI from 16 July 1862 to 31 December 1864. The 1890 Veterans Schedule says he was transferred to the Invalid Corps before he was discharged. He gave his residence as Cynthian, Shelby county, Ohio.
3 Benjamin Casteel (1837-1864) served in Co. A, 99th OVI. He was from York, Van Wert county, Ohio. He was killed in action at the Battle of Kenessaw Mountain on 21 June 1864.
[Note: The transcript of the following letter was provided to me for publication on Spared Shared by Patrick Leary. There is no scan of the original available for me o verify the accuracy of the transcript.]
New Albany, Indiana July 6, 1863
Kind Brother,
Your welcome favor of the 2nd came to hand this evening and found me in good health and fine spirits. I believe I never felt as well in my life as I have the last month. [We have] good times—nothing to do and less to think about, and well paid for that. Take it lazy while you can for there is hardships coming but here is what is prepared for it in any shake for as long as he can stand it. I have been packed for the last two weeks, ready to start but have been mustered [for pay] during the time and will not leave till we are paid. The pay rolls came over tonight. We will sign them tonight and tomorrow morning so that we will be apt to get paid this week. Then here is going to report to headquarters for transportation to his regiment. There is two more of the 99th boys in town now. One of them is Isaac Crawford of Co B if you remember him—the one that could not eat but such a little at camp. (He left Dixie because they failed to keep him in Apple Jack for he was drunk the first time I saw him and the last and still holds his own.) The other is a fifer out of Co I. They are both able to run around and celebrated the Fourth [of July] with us.
The [99th] Regiment is now in the fortifications at Murfreesboro and expect to stay there all summer. They are in good health and fine spirits and enjoying themselves well. They write for me to join them as soon as possible.
Well, about the Fourth. We had a soldier celebration. There were about 1,000 of us. We formed into companies and marched round the streets with the band in front and two pieces of artillery with a large band wagon loaded with young ladies, namely the glee club as we term them here. In other words the, singing Club. Having finished our march, we stopped at No 5 Hospital 1 where we raised a Flag after which the Declaration of Independence was read after which we had several very appropriate speeches suitable for the occasion from some of the honorable gentlemen of New Albany—one from Doctor Fry, after which we partook of a dinner got up partly by citizens and partly by soldiers. This being over, we were marched up on the corner of Bank and Main, dressed up and broke ranks for our respective Hospitals. There were several other celebrations but on account of our own, I did not attend any of them. There was a smart shower of rain in the afternoon which made it quite disagreeable for the Sabbath school celebrations but from what I could learn, they had a good time in general. But how different was the scene to me to what it was last Fourth. Then I was at home and celebrating it with my friends and relations up by Davises, if you remember, in the Grove. We had the swiveling swing there too and Hank and George and myself run it.
Well, all there is about is this, I did not ride beside quite as many ladies this time. Neither did I take Harriet Dickey to the ball this time and liten Rod if you chose. Well instead of going to a Ball, I spent my evening in an Ice Cream Saloon and tried to keep it from spoiling. Well this is easy Soldering but still we must look out for no one or no one else will for him. So who blames me for having good times when I have the chance.
The war news here is favorable tonight and I have the expectation of seeing something soon. Health in New Albany is good. The Hospitals are all filled up here in the last week but they are generally convalescent. You stated in your letter that you would of liked to of seen me on my pony. I guess I would of just as leave of seen you as not and it wouldn’t of been long till you would of had those. You said that pressing business looked hard. It looks hard to see men march too and plenty of horses in the country and us to protect them and their owners. Why not ride when you can got the chance? All you want is the spunk to step up to them and tell them to dismount and it is all right.
Welch tells me friend Yucky(?) is arrested as a deserter and sent to Columbus and that Marion Williams is discharged. All right. Every dog is to have his day and I’ll have mine yet but I would not choose Yackeys. Them Copperheads will do something else besides swear and look down there noses before the thing is over. I am afraid the sweat will run down their backs and legs from packing knapsacks and guns yet, and tears stand in there eyes from the thought of lying down in the rain to go to sleep and in the mud at that, and all together likely without a blanket. That is what will bring them to there milk is pasture is poor and I won’t insure them fried ham and eggs for supper neither. But if they get hardtacks, they will fare better than I have at all times for I was down to parched corn two or three times and was glad to get that. Let them who has not tried it live and learn. I have not graduated myself yet.
My best respects to all at home expecting to be remembered as an absent Brother and Son. I shall write to you when I leave here. You can write as often as you please. They will all follow me if I should leave. As I have nothing more of importance, I will come to a close by sending you my best respects. Lewis, take care of the fair sex and speak a word for your absent brother occasionally. [Yours] absent brother, Park H. Fryer
I here send you a [ ] Song. If you can get the tune, it will be nice to [ ] send you any of the late songs if you want them there is a great variety of them here. I don’t suppose you hear as many as myself. So goodbye for this time.
1 Number 5 Hospital in Albany, Indiana, was located in Anderson’s College between West 3rd and 4th Streets.
Letter 3
Chattanooga, Tennessee October 15, 1863
Dear Brother,
This afternoon finds me seated in order to pen a reply to yours of the first which came to hand on yesterday and was glad to hear from you and to learn that you were getting in better health. It found me well though I had had a very severe spell a few days before.
It has been raining here for the last 4 days and is not through yet which makes it very disagreeable for us as we have nothing but our small tents. I suppose we will get the others tomorrow. We are still encamped along the rifle pits but expect to leave as soon as it clears up. We will move across the river to our brigade we are now consolidated with and other Corps. Our brigade is also consolidated with another. We now belong to the 4th Army Corps, 2nd Division, 2nd Brigade. Our Colonel [Peter T. Swain] is also taken from us. He was ordered to Cincinnati for some purpose. We mourn his loss but must put up with it till he returns as it is only on detached duty. Kephart is here with us and able for duty.
We now draw full rations again and the boys are in better spirits if they are a little wet at present. The sun is out now. Well, when a man wants nice comfortable times, let him be in the army when it rains for two or three days right ahead and then he can give some idea what a soldier’s life is.
Well, about our [Ohio Gubernatorial] election. It went off fine in our regiment. We put in 211 for [John] Brough & 26 for [Clement] Vallandigham. I went a Brough ticket with the exception of one man—that was Dorsey. I scratched him.
As for news, it just stands here as it was two weeks ago anymore than we are still getting better fortified. There is a few [rebels] comes in and gives themselves up but we can’t put any dependence in anything. They say [they may as] well as we have rations to draw and divide.
I must cut my remarks short. I expect to go on picket tomorrow and if it quits raining, I would just as leave. Well, Bill Hariff has just made a tin of coffee and divided with me so I guess I can stand it. I want to know if Frank Rider is amongst the living yet and if so, give him my best respects. I am perfectly ignorant of news at to town as there is no one writes to me anymore so you will have to keep me posted. As for my hat, it is gone up Shit Creek and I was very well satisfied to get off with a whole head minus a hat. But perhaps I will have the fun of seeing some of them lose theirs yet as several did that day.
The Battle Flag of the 99th OVI
As for standing up to the old colors, you need not be alarmed though they had like to of shot ours all away. Allen County ought to furnish us with another and we will warrant it to come out on the right side every time.
Well, hoping this will find you all well, I will close. My best respects to all enquirers. This leaves me well hoping to hear from you more often. Your absent brother, — Park H. Fryer
P. S. Chattanooga, Tennessee
Co. B. 99th OVI.
NOTES
Notes prepared by Patrick Leary along with extracts from the letters he catalogued back in 1980.
The following letters were written by Samuel Dill Cole (1819-1903), who enlisted as a private in Co. I, 72nd Illinois Infantry in mid-August 1862. At the time of his enlistment, Samuel was described as a 5’7″ tall, brown-haired, married, 44 year-old farmer residing in Prairie City, McDonough county, Illinois. When he wrote these letters in 1864, Samuel was in the Fifth Veteran Reserve Corps (VRC), having been transferred in August 1863 after only one year of service in the 72nd. We learn from these letters that Samuel had been wounded in his right arm on 22 May 1863 in the fighting before Vicksburg. The Fifth VRC was garrisoned in Burnside’s Barracks in Indianapolis where their regular duty was to guard Confederate prisoners in nearby Camp Morton.
Samuel was the son of Alva Cole (1774-1846) and Rosamond Freeman (1787-1847) of Cattaraugus county, New York. He was married to Myrna Miriam Brenenstall (1820-1887) and had at least three children, Martha Lovina (1854-1939), Rufus Rozel Cole (1858-1861), and Alva Abram Cole (1861-1925). He wrote these letters to his sister, Ruba Eloise (Cole) Merrill (1816-1887) who lost both her husband, Barzilla Merrill and her son, Alva Merrill, in the Battle of Chancellorsville in May 1863. Both were serving in Co. K, 154th New York Infantry.
Letter 1
Co. D, 5th Veteran Reserve Corps Burnsides Barracks 1 Indianapolis, Indiana May 7th 1864
Well sister Ruba, when you was out in Illinois, I promised to write to you. I will try after so long a time to write a few lines. My health is good at present and has been the most of the time since last September, for one year before that it was very poor.
I left home the 13th of August 1862 and went to Chicago and was sworn into the service the 14th, got to Cairo the last of August, taken sick two days after, and was not fit for duty until the middle of January. From that until the 22nd of May I was on duty most of the time. Was in the fight at Vicksburg the 22nd of May five hours and got four holes through the hide in my right arm and was sent to the hospital at Memphis, Tennessee. From there to St. Louis, Mo. In the hospital there until the 1st of August 1863 [when I] was put in the Invalid Corps and have been guarding rebels at Indianapolis since the first of October.
I have been home on furlough of 10 days in 21 months. Went home the 15th and came back the 25th day of April, 1864. Found my family in tolerable health. Miriam and Philip had the measles in February and had not entirely got over the effects of them yet but are able to work part of the time. Lovina is not a very stout girl but Alva is a stout, fleshy little chunk and as mischievous as need be. I made Phebe Ann a visit when I was at home. David and Phebe Ann’s health is poor and their youngest girl was quite sick. Their oldest boy is to work for 13 dollars per month this summer. Elvira’s health is tolerable good.
Peter’s family all well. Your Aunt Ruba’s health is poor. She is grunting around and working most of the time. The rest of the relatives is well. I had quite a visit with Elisha Dye when I was at home. He and Faila had been to see their girl that is married and living in Dekalb, Illinois. She was very sick and got some better and Elisha come down to Fulton to see his aunt and cousins.
Our regiment is now under marching orders. We expect to go to the City of Washington soon. If we do or do not, I will let you know soon so that you will know where to write to. I would have mailed before writing now but I have got my picture taken to send to you and don’t want to take it with me.
I hope this will find you and your children in good health. I would be very glad ot hear about Milo. This from your unfortunate brother, — Samuel D. Cole
To Ruba C. Merrill
1 To accommodate the necessary prison-camp garrison, commanders constructed additional military facilities adjacent to Camp Morton. Burnside Barracks, named after Indiana native Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside, was located just south of the prison camp.
Letter 2
Co. D. 5th Regt. V. R. C. Burnsides Barracks Indianapolis, Indiana [May 1864]
Dear sister, I wrote you a letter a few days ago in which I sent my likeness not expecting to remain here long enough to receive an answer but the prospect is that we will remain here some time—maybe all summer. Colonel Stevens has received orders to prepare to receive 5,000 more prisoners. We have 3,000 now and looking for more every day. Two hundred came in last week.
I had a letter from home last week. My family was all well. Walter Giles died about the first of May of consumption. He has been sick a long time. Was not much loss to his family or the neighborhood or country.
Your Aunt Ruby had a letter from Ransom a short time ago. He was in good health. He belongs to Co. D, 2nd Illinois Artillery and was in Alabama when he wrote. Cyril Cooper was at Vicksburg the last we heard from him. He was nurse in the hospital.
There is a good deal of a stir here in military matters. They are making all the efforts they can to raise men for the 100 days service. There is troops arriving every day and being sent on to the front. There seems to be a sort of a feeling or expectations that if the country does its duty in the present crisis, that war will soon be brought to a successful termination. I expect you get the war news in the papers nearly as soon as I do.
My health is good at present and I hope this will find your family in good health. I would be glad to hear from you soon. I would be glad to hear from my old neighbors and relatives in Cattaraugus and from my boy in particular.
My duties occupy so much of my time that I have but little time to write or anything else. I must bid you goodbye for the present. — Samuel D. Cole
T his sister, Ruby C. Merrill
Letter 3
Co. D, Fifth Regt. V. R. C. Burnside’s Barracks Indianapolis, Indiana June 7th 1864
Dear Sister, I received your kind letter the first of this month and waited to get one from home before answering it. I received one yesterday.
My family was well except Lovina was having the mumps. Philip and Alva will be likely to have them soon. One of my horses died one night since I was at home and Miriam and Philip is quite discouraged. They corn come up good but the cut worms is like to destroy it and it is very dry. The crops does not look very promising so you may guess they have some cause to be somewhat discouraged. Last year it was extremely dry in parts of Illinois and some of my old neighbors said that there had never been so near a total failure of crops as there was last year. My family had to buy everything to live on except bread. I raised wheat enough before I enlisted to last them until after harvest but I guess there will be some way for them to get along. I have sent home $180 since I have been in the service and I guess they have nearly enough to buy a horse on hand now.
I was very glad to hear about so many of my old neighbors and much pleased to hear as good account of Milo as you wrote. I hope that he will not think of going into the army unless he is compelled to. It is a very hard place for anybody and more than a hard place for a young man. I think that our connections has done their full share in this war so far without anymore enlisting at present. It seems hard to have our nearest and dearest friends sacrificed in such a war as this. You may be sure that I feel to sympathize with you in your bereavement. Such is the fate of war. I should be glad as anyone living to have the time soon come when our country can be at peace again but I do not want the war to close until the rebellion is crushed to atoms and slavery wiped out.
You had something to say about your letter a kind of broken mess without comprehending much but I guess you will find this pretty much so, only a good deal more so. I would be glad to hear from you often. You promised to write about your affairs, I hope you will do so. I might say a little more about myself and family.
I did not expect when I enlisted but what it would take all that I had and my wages to support my family until I got out of the service but I guess I shall not regret it much if wife will profit by the lesson she will be apt to learn (you can guess). I did not tell my folks that. I was a going to send you my photograph and I expect Elvira will send you one. If she does, I hope you will give Milo one of them. My health is good. — Samuel D. Cole
Letter 4
Co. D, 5th Regiment V. R. C. Burnsides Barracks Indianapolis, Indiana June 28th 1864
Dear Sister, I have just received yours of June 23rd and am glad to hear that you and yours are in good health and hope that you will continue to enjoy the same. My health is good at present. I had a letter from home dated June 17th. My family was in good health and our relatives about there generally are well. [Brother] P[eter] B[urr] Cole [of Fulton county, IL] has 7 girls and one boy. The boy [Clarence] was born in May or June. They don’t say exactly when. I am very much pleased with your letter and would be glad if I could write one that would be as interesting to you as yours was to me.
29th. It is raining a little today. It has been rather too dry and hot so far this season for successful crop raising. Grain will be rather light. It has been very dry in Fulton county, Illinois. You wanted to know how or where my wound was. Well I will tell you as near as I can. Just as I fired my gun, before I had moved from the position my arm was then in, the ball struck struck just below my elbow on the under side of my arm and cut across and come one inch and a half below the elbow. Then went in about two inches above the elbow and come out one inch and a half from my body. It did not touch my body or shoulder at all. It cut off a nerve just below the elbow. That weakens my hand some and my little finger are numb and feel as though they was asleep all the time. When I use my hand a little too much or lift much with it. I have some pain in my hand and wrist, but no pain where the wound was.
At the time I was wounded I lost a great deal of blood. It was as much as I could do to walk one mile from where I was wounded to get to the ambulance. Then I had to ride two miles before I could get my arm dressed. The third morning after when they went to dress my arm, he said it was mortified. It was black and yellow from three inches below my elbow to my shoulder. He called the doctor to me and he looked two minutes before he said anything. Then he said it was not mortified yet. He had flaxseed poultice 1 put on it and had it changed three times a day for nine days before the inflammation got out. Two days after it got to aching severely and soon the pain began to run in my side and came very near throwing me into lockjaw. The doctor attended to me pretty close for a while and gave me some powerful doses of medicine and poulticed my arm or I should not be here. Well, I guess enough about that.
A piece of a cap struck in my right eye and cut through the film and the inflammation got in it and from that to the other and made me almost blind for 6 weeks and they was very weak until in the winter. They are pretty good now though not as good as before.
We have bakers bread and beef, pork and beans, and some new potatoes to eat & coffee 3 times a day to drink. Have tolerable good barracks, board bunks, straw bed, and one woolen blanket and overcoat for bed and bedding. The work is guard duty one day and night in three—sometimes oftener and sometimes not quite so often—drills and dress parade, and cleaning up our streets and quarters, and many other things that our benevolent officers can contrive to keep us out of mischief.
Confederate Prisoners in the “Bull Pen” of Camp Morton Prison Camp in Indianapolis
We are having a little easier time just now than we have had before since we have been here. The 28th Ohio Regiment is here helping guard the prisoners of which there is 4,500 now and more on the way here. The 28th Ohio brought 1,000 when they came here. The prisoners had as good grub as we did until 1 month ago [when] they cut down their rations about one half by order of the War Department in retaliation of their treatment of our men. Their quarters is nearly as good as ours. There is twenty acres in the prison yard (or bull pen as we call it). There [are] near 20 barracks 50 feet long, 20 wide, and one about 300 feet long besides a good many smaller buildings and about two or 300 tents. They have hospitals and doctors and nurses to take care of the sick.
Last winter was rather hard on the rebel prisoners. Some days there was 8 or ten died a day. Now they do not more than one die a day on an average. The burying ground where they bury the rebels we call Governor Morton’s Colony 2 and there is a great many in it all ready and I wish they was all there. I guess I have wrote enough about the rebs for this time.
Alva was born August 20, 1861. Lovina [was born] December 8th 1854. I would like to know Osman Markham’s Post Office address. Uncle Sam has got some land for me somewhere and I guess I shall try to find it when I get out of the service if I do not find it before. I hope you will write again soon. What of Old John H. Rice?
I remain your brother with respect and esteem, — Samuel D. Cole
To Ruby C. Merrill
Do not send any more stamps. I had 21 when I got your letter.
1 Flax has been described as the quintessential drawing herb in the herbal first-aid world. As a poultice, flaxseed drains wounds and draws out infection while killing pain, soothing inflammation, and healing the tissue. It was a commonly used treatment for gunshot wounds during the Civil War.
2 I could not find this term being used by others to describe the Confederate soldiers burial ground in Indianapolis. It is not known for certain, but it is estimated that approximately 1,700 prisoners died at Camp Morton between 1862 and 1865. Confederate prisoners were buried in wooden coffins in trenches on five lots purchased near the City Cemetery, which was later expanded and became known as Greenlawn Cemetery. The individual gravesites were marked with wooden boards bearing painted identification numbers that were worn away by the passage of time. Some of the Confederates buried in Indianapolis’s City Cemetery were exhumed and returned to their families; however, the remains of 1,616 Confederate prisoners were left at Greenlawn. In 1866 a fire ravaged the cemetery office, destroying the records that gave the precise location of the burials .
Letter 5
Co. D, 5th Regiment V. R. C. Burnsides Barracks Indianapolis, Indiana July 28, [1864]
Dear sister, I have but one excuse to make for not writing sooner. I have been waiting to get a letter from home. The last was dated July 8th. I have wrote home twice since then. Miriam was quite unwell. Philip was having the mumps pretty hard. Lovina was having a large boil on her arm and Alva had a swelling on his foot. They complain of its being very dry there. It is very dry here. The crops is suffering severely for the want of rain. It begins to look as though there was some danger of famine. 1
My health is not very good but I can do my duty. The guard duty comes pretty hard on us this hot weather. We are guard every third day, sometimes every other day. The 28th Ohio [Infantry] has left us so we have to do it all again. We expect to have more help soon. The country is quite level about here and we have first rate well water and a plenty of it. The general health of the 5th & 17th Regiment V. R. C. is good. There is now near 700 men in our two regiments for guard duty and near 200 on other duties and probably near 200 that is not fit for duty. There is about 300 men just arrived here to fill up our regiment. They are from Madison Hospital, Indiana. Uncle Sam is making good use of the condemned soldiers by putting them into the V. R. C. and making them do guard and garrison duty. It saves more than an equal number of men that is fit for field service.
I had been thinking of trying to get my discharge this fall but since U. S. has called for 500,000 more men, I guess I had better stay where I am. If I should get my discharge, they could raft Philip but they cannot do it while I am in the service. His health is so poor that I do not think he could stand the service three months.
There is 5,000 prisoners in Camp Morton now. 2 There has none been brought in in the last two weeks. I was on guard Monday and again Wednesday and too tired and sleepy to write more this time. There is no prospect of our leaving here at present. I would not be disappointed if we should stay here until my term of service expires.
Confederate POWs in the “Bull Pen” at Camp Morton Prison in Indianapolis
If you will continue to write, I will try and answer your letters. I remain your affectionate brother, — Samuel D. Cole
To Ruby C. Merrill
1 “In Springfield [Illinois] during the first week of August the heat peaked on the 2nd at 108 degrees, but on Wednesday and Thursday (August 3-4) The Republican [newspaper] made note that .97 inches of rain fell. “More than during the two full months previous.” It was the worst drought in 17 years.”
2 Samuel’s estimate of prisoners is consistent with that reported by the Indiana Historical Society. “In the summer of 1864 the prisoner population reached nearly 5,000.”According to the book by Winslow and Moore entitled “Camp Morton, 1861-1865, Indianapolis Prison Camp,” by the end of July 1864, the seven barracks housed from 436 to 484 inmates each, 554 men occupied the old cattle shed, and a fourth of the men were still sweltering in tents in cramped rows between the buildings.” Weary of fighting many took the oath of allegiance to the United States Constitution and to the Union according to Lincoln’s Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction of 8 December 1863. On 1 April 1865 1,408 prisoners were at the camp. In June 1865 the last of the Confederate prisoners were released.
The following letter was written by Wright Stanley Massey (1840-1879), the son of Susan Jane Ward (1822-1873) and John McKeogh Dwyer (of Tipperary, Ireland) who were married in Mobile, Alabama in 1838. After Wright’s father died, his mother remarried to Rev. Joshua Albert Massey (1818-1886) in April 1846 and Wright was officially adopted by the reverend in 1859 and Wright took the name Wright Stanly Massey.
Wright is carried in Confederate muster roll records as “W. S. Massey.” He served as a private in Co. E (“Washington Light Infantry”), 3rd Alabama Infantry. This regiment had a long history with Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, fighting in most of the major battles in the eastern theatre in Rode’s Division of Stonewall Jackson’s Corps. In 1863 and part of 1864, Wright was detached from the regiment and assigned to duty in Richmond with Major James S. Milligan’s Signal Corps. In the fall of 1864, Wright was still with the Signal Corps but reassigned to Mobile, Alabama. It’s not clear if Wright was still detached to the Signal Corps when he wrote his letter in January 1865 or whether he had been transferred to the 1st Alabama Artillery as the Lt. Colonel of that regiment indicated in February 1863 that he would gladly accept Wright into his command.
Wright wrote the letter to William W. Ward (1811-1881), his mother’s older brother, and the oldest child of William Ward (1784-1821) and Lydia Duncan Stanly (188-1839) of New Bern, Craven county, North Carolina. William was married to Elizabeth Massey. William and Elizabeth Ward had a child named Thomas Payne Ward (mentioned in this letter) who was born in Louisiana in March 1860. By 1870, the Ward’s were living in Tulare county, California and given the length of time this letter took to reach Wright, it was most likely sent to California. In 1900, Thomas Payne Ward was enumerated in San Francisco, still single, and working as a stenographer.
Readers are also referred to the Charles Wetmore Broadfoot Letters that I transcribed some years ago. Charles was a nephew of Gen. Theophilus H. Holmes and served as his aide-de-camp during the Civil War.
[Note: The following letter was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent of Danya Candis Lorimer who inherited the letter.]
Three unidentified members of the 3rd Alabama Infantry
Transcription
Mobile, [Alabama] January 17, 1865
Dear Uncle William,
I have just read your letter to Mother of June 24, 1864—almost seven months on the way, but the time has by no means lessened its welcome. It was eagerly read by every one.
Tom’s 1 photograph stands preeminent in our little collection of likenesses. When Mother handed it to me, I did not raise my eyes from it for half an hour, but studied every feature so closely that if I were an artist, I believe I could give you a faithful copy. He is a noble looking boy and is Uncle William all over. If you had him here, he would be the pet of the whole house. You must speak of me frequently in his presence, and teach him to love me, as I shall be all to him that I can, if I only survive this “Cruel War.”
I wrote you a long letter about three months ago but I am afraid you have not yet read it. Just before closing it, I added by way of post script that I had been ordered to rejoin my regiment in Virginia. I went in as far as Richmond, but when I arrived there, I found there had been a mistake in the application of Adjutant Gen. [Samuel] Cooper‘s order, and I was ordered to report back to Mobile. It was quite an agreeable surprise as I had seen but little of my home during the war, and was only glad to get back. I did not dread returning to more active service but I disliked my old company and the infantry service. I would most willingly make an effort to be transferred to some artillery command, if Mother were not anxious to have me near her, and I will not disregard her wishes as long as I can honorably remain in my present position.
On my way back, I stopped at Lincolnton where Dr. J[ohn] P. Beckwith 2 and his family are living as refugees from Petersburg. I saw only the younger members of the family, the Dr. and his wife being absent in the eastern portion of the state. In my last, I believe I told you that I had been the recipient of much kindness from them while in Virginia. They are truly kind-hearted people and proved valuable friends to me. Cousin Tom lost his oldest son, Julian [Ruffin Beckwith], at the Battle of Seven Pines near Richmond. He also lost his mother a few months since. She died of old age. Miss Carrie & Miss Nannie are living with some of their acquaintances in Warren county, North Carolina. I think the old Doctor is staying with Judge Badger in Raleigh.
While in Lincolnton, [North Carolina,] I met Cousin William [Robards] Wetmore. 3 He has charge of two parishes, is married, and has a fine boy to amuse himself with. He informed me of Mrs. Caroline [Stanly] Howard’s death. She died in New Bern last summer of yellow fever. Gen. [Theophilus Hunter] Holmes is Lt. General of the Provisional Army and has command of the Reserve forces of North Carolina. 4 His eldest son was also killed near Richmond. He was killed last summer while leading [paper torn]. The General was sent from Virginia to the Trans-Mississippi Department but owing to an unsuccessful defense of Arkansas Post was removed to North Carolina. I heard that the General intends making efforts to get into field service next spring.
Rev. William Robard Wetmore in later life
While in Lincolnton, I took a copy of Cousin William [Wetmore]’s family tree, making several additions to the genealogical column, one of which was “Tom Payne” [Ward] in broad, ineffaceable letters, as big as life. When Tom gets old enough to gratify a curiosity for looking into family bibles and family records, he may possibly stumble across this, and I know he will thank me for handing his name down to posterity.
North Carolina and Virginia are great places for family trees &c., and the best places in the world for finding out kin. If you don’t hunt them up, they’ll hunt you out, and, if the right stock, you become at once an object of interest and attachment. They all believe in “Blood” so strong as to have made my youthful love—first love, I should have said—turn a complete somersault. Like most who [paper torn] I left my heart behind.
My lady love’s Grandma happened to be living in Petersburg and during my first visit to Cousin Louis’ family, my Grandma in prospectus called on me. Of course every one in the house wanted to know why such an old lady would pay me such an attention. I tried to explain the matter satisfactorily to myself, but by degrees they discovered the truth, and I never heard the end of it for unfortunately, the young lady’s uncle in Petersburg happened to be a brick layer. They were continually after me to make contracts for bricks while washing &c. The cruel want of consideration gave a death blow to all my hopes, and Miss So and So, soon becoming a thing which “passeth away and is forgotten.” I had not committed myself by making a pledge of my love but everyone thought I had, and that it had been returned. I don’t know what I might have done but they threw so many “bricks” at me that I have ever since kept at a respectful distance.
Being at home now & near the young lady, I am placed in a very embarrassing situation, for she is continually sending me tobacco bags, woolen skull caps, &c. and is at present making a pair of gloves for me. What am I to do? I can’t throw “bricks” at her. I shall have to bombard her with a more delicate missile. This preference—I am not vain—troubles me very much. I wish you were here to advise me. The Miss Carters and I have never spoken since you left, and as for Mrs. Hayden, Hoiden 5 would be a more appropriate name. Understand she has been reconverted into a complete Yankee. Do you remember the budget of letters she returned me and the words of virtuous indignation which accompanied them? In thinking over that circumstance, I often have a hearty laugh over it. I would give anything in the world to be near you that I might tell you every little hting of interest—to myself as it occurs. How could you think for a moment that I was displeased with your lectures upon the use of tobacco. No, Uncle William, never! If I were with you, you might lecture me from morning till night, and I would willingly endure it, just to hear the sound of your voice. I am only waiting for an end of our troubles to join you, when, I hope, we may never again be separated.
Before this reaches you, you may have heard of reverses to our armies in Georgia but do not let it dishearten you. Sherman has been a successful leader for the Yankees, and is supposed to be making his way gradually to Richmond, but there he will meet our noble Lee and his victorious army, and his feathers will soon trail in the dust. The question of putting negroes into our army is being greatly agitated, and I think the strong probability is that before six months roll around, they will be placed in the ranks. The proposition is to put them in with the promise of freedom after the war, if they serve their time faithfully.
I have but little to say of Mobile. Everything is quiet here. A few of the Yankee vessels are riding the waves lazily in front of our water batteries at a respectable distance where [paper torn] been ever since the fall of Forts Morgan, Gaines, and Powell. No apprehensions are felt of an immediate attack upon the place, and everything is in readiness to receive them when they do make an advance.
I am stationed at Battery McIntosh 6 in the Bay, about three miles from the city. I am very comfortably situated, and have plenty of time for reading which I use to advantage.
John Julius Delchamps of Mobile
I see Mr. [John Julius] Delchamps occasionally. He is coroner for the city. He lost a son at Vicksburg. 7 Our little household has lately received an addition—Miss Minnie Friend. She is staying with us so as to attend school in the city. Sallie and Lou. are both very promising. Sallie is almost a young lady. You would be charmed with her. When you write, tell Aunt Lizzie she must contribute her mite. Give my best love to her with a kiss for Susan. All the servants are well and desire to be remembered. Mother is writing to you. I am sorry to close my letter as I could say [paper torn], but it is getting late and I am obliged to return to my Battery tomorrow morning at an early hour to relieve one of the men who is sick. Do write to me for I think of you frequently and a letter would be most welcome.
Your most affectionate nephew, — W. S. Massey
1 Thomas Payne Ward was born in April 1860 in Louisiana, the son of William W. Ward.
2Dr. John Beckwith(1785-1870)—a native of Connecticut—and his wife, Margaret Cogdell Stanly (1878-1864) of New Bern, North Carolina, lived in Petersburg, Virginia, where John earned his living as a physician. John began his practice of medicine in New London, Connecticut but went south for his health where he met and married Margaret in 1807 in New Bern. He served as a surgeon with the New York forces in the War of 1812. but returned to North Carolina where they lived in Newton, then Hillsborough, then Salisbury, the Fayetteville, and then in 1823 in Raleigh where he served as a commissioner for building the capitol in Raleigh which was completed in 1840. They finally settled during January, 1845 in Petersburg, Virginia. In the mid-1840s, John and his son, T. Stanly Beckwith (also a physician) fell out of acceptance in the medical community of Petersburg for promoting “Beckwith’s Antidyspeptic Pills” which were considered quackery and they were eventually driven out of business and when the family income collapsed, Kate Beckworth (their daughter, born in 1822) opened a school for young ladies. When Petersburg went under siege in 1864, the Beckworths were driven out by the shelling. The Beckwith’s cook had been killed, but the other slaves stayed on, scrounged for food, and helped make do in the hardscrabble conditions of the failing Confederacy. When peace came, the Beckwith slaves set off to claim their freedom, and for the first time, the white Beckwith women were confronted with cooking and the laundry. In 1865, Dr. Beckwith relocated to the Bronx, New York, to live with his daughter Kate, taking his daughters Cornelia and Nancy with him. Thomas “Stanly” Beckwith (1813-1884) married Agnes Ruffin (1816-1865), daughter of Edmund Ruffin (1794-1865) of Virginia. Stanly and Agnes’s son, Julian Ruffin Beckwith (1839-1862) served in Co. E, 12th Virginia Infantry and was killed by a shot to the forehead in the Battle of Seven Pines on 31 May 1862. Margaret Cogdell Stanly was the daughter of Ann Cogdell and John Wright Stanly. .
3 William Robards Wetmore (1834-1904) was rector of St. Luke’s Episcopal Church from 1862 until his death in 1904. He was married to Mary Bingham (1837-1904) in 1863. William’s parents were J. Ichabod Wetmore (1792-1851) and Elizabeth Ann Badger (1797-1865) of Fayetteville, North Carolina.Wright mentions William’s first born Lemuel Bingham Wetmore, born December 1864).
4 Theophilus Hunter Holmes (1804-1880) was married to Laura Jane Wetmore (1817-1860).
5 Hoiden means a wild boisterous girl; tomboy.
6 What remains of Battery McIntosh lies southeast of the USS Alabama at the north end of Mobile Bay. Battery McIntosh was meant to be a defensive battery, a small fort, to protect the Tensaw River and the City of Mobile during the American Civil War.
7 Joseph William Delchamps (1845-1863) was killed on 27 May 1863 at Vicksburg, Mississippi while serving in Co. F, 40th Alabama Infantry. He enlisted in May 1862 when he was only 17.His parents were John Julis Delchamps (1821-1906) and Sarah Elizabeth Bancroft (1826-1885).
I could not find an image of George but here is one of John G. Lee of Co. H, 18th Virginia Infantry (LOC)
The following letter was written by George M. Setszer (1843-1863) of Co. F (“the Farmville Guards”) of the 18th Virginia Infantry. He can be found in the Virginia muster rolls under the name “Setzer” or “Sitszer.” When 18 year-old George enlisted in Capt. Booker’s company in April 1861, his occupation was recorded as “carpenter.”
In March 1862, George was detached from the regiment to report “with his tools” to Lt. W. S. Maury, Indiantown, Fish Hall Station, Y. R. R. R. to work on gunboats. In April 1862 he was promoted from private to corporal. In June 1862 he was listed among the casualties in the engagement at Darbytown, Virginia on 30 June 1862. He was with his regiment at Gettysburg in July 1863 where he went missing on July 3rd. Subsequent muster records state that he was “killed at Gettysburg on July 3rd 1863.” No doubt he was cut down on the field in Pickett’s charge.
George was born in the Shenandoah Valley, the son of Daniel and Amelia (Fisher) Setszer. By 1860, the Setszer family had relocated to Farmville, Prince Edward county, Virginia, where George and his father made their living in the carpenter’s trade.
Transcription
Camp near Greenville Saturday, April 18th 1863
Dear Father & Mother,
I take this opportunity to drop you a few lines to let you know that I am well at present and hope this may find you all the same. I received your letter and answered it the day before we left Washington. It poured down rain in torrents all day last Wednesday. I never saw it rain harder in my life than it did and that night about ten o’clock we received orders to march and it was a hard night’s march. The rain has raised all the swamps and creeks and we had to march through them all. There was one about a mile wide and it was more than knee deep and we marched right through it without stopping.
We marched about twelve miles that night and camped next morning about day and rested Thursday, and Thursday night and yesterday we came to our old camp at this place. Washington is about 25 miles below here on Tar River. We did not intend to take Washington but all of us thought that we were a going to take it but all of our wagons was a hauling out bacon all the time we was down there. We stayed down there two weeks and D. H. Hill was doing the same thing on the other side of the river.
We got our knapsacks from Greenville yesterday. I don’t know how long we will stay here. Rumor says that we are coming back to Virginia but I don’t know whether it is so or not. We have been living on the country ever since we have been here. We haul the corn to the mill and have men detailed at the mill to grind it and then we have been getting bacon for the army. I expect that we will stay here till we get all the supplies out of this country.
I bought a nice pair of shoes from a citizen down at Washington. I will send them home the first chance I get. I want you to keep them for me till I come home. I paid him eight dollars for them. I don’t know when I will be home as I believe they have stopped giving furloughs but i will be home as soon as possible. There is no news here. I don’t need anything at present. Write soon and direct to me. G. M. Setszer, Company F, 18th Regiment, Greenville, Virginia Volunteers, Garnett’s Brigade, Greenville, North Carolina
P. S. Don’t forget to put the name of the brigade.
The following 13 letters were written by Alva Cole Merrill (1845-1863), the son of Barzilla Merrill (1818-1863) adn Ruby (“Ruba”) Eloise Cole (1816-1887) of Dayton, Cattaraugus county, New York.
Alva Cole Merrill killed at Chancellorsville
Alva was not old enough to enlist without his parent’s permission so when he signed up to serve in Co. K, 154th New York Infantry in August 1862, he either lied about his age or gained his parent’s permission. My hunch is that it was the latter. A couple of weeks later, his father, Barzilla, also joined the same company. They were both killed at the Battle of Chancellorsville in what was the regiment’s baptism of fire. Barzilla was killed near Dowdall’s Tavern where remnants of the 11th Army Corps put up a fight to hold off Stonewall Jackson’s flank attack. Alva was killed the following morning.
Other letters related to this same archive of letters include:
For more on the Battle of Chancellorsville and the 154th New York Infantry, I strongly urge readers to check out the article Mark H. Dunkelman wrote entitled, “Baptism of Fire” for the American Battlefield Trust in August 2022. Likewise, check out an Interview with Civil War Historian Mark H. Dunkelman.
Letter 1
Camp James M. Brown Jamestown, New York August 14, 1862
Dear Parents,
I am well as usual. We got to camp about 10 o’clock that night safe and sound. I have been examined & sworn in so you see I am elected to go to Dixie. There is talk that we are a going to get our uniforms tonight. If we do, I shall be at home tomorrow and if we do not get them, I shall come home as soon as we do get them.
The first night in bunk I like to froze to death. We did not have any blankets. But last night our company drawed 50 blankets so that we slept more comfortable. We have had good victuals and all we want of it and cooked good too. I don’t ask for any better living.
We are camped in a pine grove & a pretty place too. I don’t know as I have anymore to write this time. Give my love to all.
Yours, from your son, — Alva C. Merrill
Letter 2
August 29, 1862
Dear Father,
I send 20 dollars to you by Doctor Rugg. I should have sent a little more if I could have got a [ ] broke but I could not & I want some money. When you come out here, I guess I can let you have a little more. From your son, — Alva C. Merrill
Letter 3
October 22, 1862
Dear brother and sister,
I now sit down to write you a few lines. I am enjoying the greatest of earthly blessings called health adn Pa is well too. It is very windy here today. The wind is in the northwest but I am turned around here so that it seems to me as if it was in the southeast. Yesterday we marched up to Fairfax to let General Sigel see us drill a little. After that we were marched about three miles north of the village and were drawn up in line of battle. There were seven regiments of us and a battalion of artillery. We were reservers and had to lay back in the woods about half a mile from the main line.
Well, Irvin, & & Horace have been fixing over our house today. We went about half a mile from camp and paid 10 cents for two bundles of cornstalks to weave into the gable end of our dwelling. We wove them in so that we have quite a comfortable house now.
You wrote that you talked of having a husking bee. I wish the next time you write you would tell me whether you had one or not and if you did, tell me what kind of a time you had and the next one you have. Don’t forget to write Horace and me.
Well, Nancy, fow do you do today and what are you doing? Ma wrote that you sprained your ankle. Has it got better yet? I hope it has. I want to know how many bushels of potatoes you have got in the cellar and I want to know whether there has been any snow there yet. I expected when I got down in Dixie to find hot weather but there has not been any hotter weather here than I have seen up in Old Cattaraugus. the first week after we crossed the Potomac, it was just about as warm as it generally is up there in haying time. Since that we have had some of as cold nights as I want to see while I have to stay in these little nasty tents. Some nights when I go to bed, I put on my overcoat and button it up and put on my night cap and then my cape over my head, then put a blanket over me and then when I wake up, I am shaking as if I had the ague.
Now Mother, I guess I will write a little to you. Are you well today? I am afraid you work so hard that you will be sick. I want you to be careful. You had better hire some than to get sick. When Sunday comes, I think I can see the people gathering to the meeting house to hear the word of God preached and it seems just as though I should like to be there too but there is the same God to worship here that there is at home. You must pray for me and tell the people of God they must.
Well, Mother, I want you should get that money that Mr. Dooley owes me and send it to me in the next letter. I want it to get me a rubber blanket. Horace bought him one today and glad for it and I want you to send me some three cent stamps—say 5 cents worth or such a matter. They are a pretty scarce thing here. I suppose Pa has described our journey so that there will be no need of my describing it. One thing certain, it was a good long ride. Oh, one thing I liked to have forgotten, yesterday I attended the funeral of one of our fellow soldiers, His name was Myers, a member of Co. D. He died of congestion on the brain. I guess that I won’t write anymore this time. Write as soon as you get this and don’t forget the money and the stamps.
Yours, from your son, — Alva C. Merrill
Give my respects to all enquiring friends. Tell Mike he must write and tell him where to direct. You said Caroline was to our house. Did she say anything about getting a letter from me? I wrote to her a good while ago and have not had any answer yet.
Letter 4
Camp halfway between Warrenton & Haymarket November 8, 1862
My Dear Mother,
I now take my pen in hand to let you know that I am well and so is Pa. I suppose Pa has wrote to you since we left Fairfax. We left there Sunday, November 2nd, about noon and marched till about sundown. Then we camped for the night. In the morning we hitched up and started again. That afternoon our line of march was over the Bull Run battle ground. I saw some awful sights that afternoon. Shells and cannon balls were scattered all along the road, human hands and arms and skulls and men buried with their face out or their knees out and some that were not buried at all. But a man is not of much consequence here. We stopped 1 hour for dinner in the woods about two miles from the Bull Run creek. A good many of the treetops were cut off and some of them nearly a foot through.
Then we passed along through a camp where a regiment of rebel cavalry camped the night before. We passed through Gainesville and Haymarket. This village was pretty much deserted. It has since been burned by Gen. Sigel’s order. Then we camped three miles from Thoroughfare Gap. The rebs were trying to get through the gap. We could hear the cannons every minute. General Burnside came with his troops on the other side of the ridge and attacked them and drove them down past the gap. He has taken Warrenton. November 7th marched 7 miles towards Warrenton and camped. While we have had plenty of honey and apples here, Horace and I have apple sauce three times a day and have sugar to sweeten it with and it tastes first rate.
About them logs at the mill, Pa says that they are not divided & he cannot tell anything about them. I don’t see but what Pa is cheerful as any of them. I don’t think he grows poor any lately. He is not lame & does not cough anymore than he did at home.
About that one that deserted from our company, his name was John Whitney. He lived [at] George Y. Beebe’s. Horace likes it pretty well here, I think. He and I tents together now. Jate Hall and Theodore got so shiftless that we left them. Pa says that he wants Leonard to fix that fence that he spoke to him about before it freezes much. Nov. 7th it snowed half the day. I am tough as a bear and growing fat every day. Write soon. From your son, — A. C. Merrill
Letter 5
Camp near Fairfax, Virginia November 23, 1862
Dear Mother,
I now sit down to write you a few lines. I am alive and well yet but don’t know when my turn will come to be sick. Monday, November 19th, we got orders to pack up and start & in less than 1 hour we were on the road. We started about 6 o’clock at night from the gap & marched Haymarket that night, camped there till morning, then we started again. Pretty soon after we started, it began to rain and rained all day long. When we left Fairfax, they made us leave our knapsacks so you see our blankets got wet so that they were not very tight to carry and not very nice to sleep in.
We marched the 2nd day within two miles of Centerville, camped for the night on the same ground that we camped on when we went down. It rained all night that night. In the morning we started again and marched to within 2 miles of Fairfax. We got there about 1 o’clock. It still continued to rain—rained all that day and all that night, and the next day and night so that we got pretty well soaked up. I stood it well enough but it made Pa pretty near sick. He is getting well now. I guess if we stay here a day or two longer, he will be well again.
I don’t know how long we shall stay here for it is talked that we are a going into winter quarters but nobody knows anything here. I will tell you so that maybe you can tell something about what we are a going to do in General Sigel’s Corps & in the division under Brigadier General Von Steinweir. I wish you [would] write where the 44th and 64th [New York] is if you can find out. I heard that they passed us when we were at New Baltimore.
I hear that there is talk of settling this war. Does the papers talk any such thing? I suppose today is Sunday but it don’t seem much as Sundays used to in Cattaraugus. We have had a General Inspection today. Had our knapsacks & guns inspected. Stood about an hour in the cold. It is a pretty cold day. When they give me enough to eat, I like soldiering first rate—like it full as well as I thought I should. I am growing fleshy every day. I hope you are all well. Tell Irvin he must be a good boy and do the best he can. I think I shall be at home before long to help him. If I was in your place, I would tell Uncle Leonard to do his own work and ask no favors of him at all. I want you to get my rifle from there and have Irvin clean it up and oil it and hang it up and lend it to no man or boy for if I ever get home, I shall take a great deal of comfort hunting with it. When Irvin gets a little older, let [him] use it if he takes a notion to. I don’t know whether you know whether you know it or not, but Horace and I tent alone now. Jate and Theodore got so nasty that we could not stand it with them and not only nasty but lousy too. You need not tell anybody so but it is a fact.
Letter 6
Camp near Falmouth, Va. December 23, 1862
Dear mother,
I now sit down to pen you a few lines. I can’t say that I am well nor I am not exactly sick either. I have had a very bad cough now for about two weeks and my lungs are very sore but I think that I shall get over it without calling on the doctor. I guess that I will give you a little description of our last march. We left camp near Fairfax December 10th, marched all day, passed by Fairfax Station, then we marched a little each day for 8 days. December 12th we reached Dumfries. The rebel cavalry left there about three hours before we got there. December 14th we reached Stafford Court House. The next day we marched to within 8 miles of Fredericksburg. The next day we was called out about 8 o’clock in the evening and marched till 1 o’clock that night mud knee deep. Then we was ordered to stack arms and be ready to fall in at a minute’s warning. We laid there till 3 o’clock the next day. Then we marched about a mile and camped where we now are.
We are not in the reserve now. We are in the front and so near the rebs as any of them. I presume that you have got news that our men have taken Fredericksburg—another great Union victory. But the truth is our men got whipped there—pretty bad too. Burnside shelled the town in the first place and drove them out onto the hills in their breastworks. Then Halleck ordered him to cross the river which he did and tried to storm their batteries which they could not do and had to fall back with great loss on our side. Our men are all on this side of the river. Our pickets are on this side of the river and theirs on the other.
We are encamped within about a mile of the river [and] can see the rebel fortifications from our camp. How long we shall lay here, I do not know. Hope not long. I had rather march than to lay still. Last Sunday I went about 4 miles to the 44th and had a good visit with Wilber. I tell you, I was glad to see him. He has got to be a sergeant. He looks as natural as ever. He looks tough as bear. The rest of the boys that went from Dayton in that regiment that is left are all well.
I got a letter Monday from Mrs. Howlett with the stuff for ink in it. As soon as I can get a little time, I shall answer it. I have written one or two letters before this that I have not received any answer. I wish that you would write to me a little oftener than you do. Pa has got three now within a few days and no letter for me.
Tell Nancy & Irvin to write some too. I should like very much to hold Christmas & New Years at home but that is impossible. It seems hard to have Pa deprived of the comforts of life as he is. If he was only at home, I could stay and feel a great deal better about things than I do now—not but what I like to have him with me, but I feel as though his place is at home. And if he was there to see to things, I think it would be much better. If you see any of the Dawley’s folks, tell them that I saw Ed Ells and that he is well and he had heard from Wat a day or two before and he is well. I don’t know as I have anything more to write this time so goodbye. A Merry Christmas to you all. This from your son, — A. C. Merrill
About the stuff we got in that box, we got the bag of dried fruit and six pounds of butter and a flannel rag and Pa got about a pound of cheese by teasing hard for it. P. W. Hubbard used as much of the butter as anybody. I don’t want you should ever put anything in a box for me that is a going to be directed to him.
Letter 7
Camp near Falmouth December 26, 1862
Dear Mother,
Again I take my pen in hand to let you know that I am still living and I feel better that I did when I wrote before. I received a letter from you dated December 17th with $1 in money and 1 stamp. I was glad to get it. It came to me Christmas. I don’t know but you meant it for a Christmas present. At any rate, I called it so. Wilber is over here today and he and Pa has gone down to Co. B. They are about half a mile from here supporting a battery. Oh! I guess I will tell you what I had for dinner yesterday. Horace and I had some pork and some desiccated potatoes & apple sauce & plenty of sugar and some molasses candy after dinner. I went over onto the river bank & sat and looked at the rebel pickets. I was just a good rifle shot from them. It looked just like little boys play. I sat and thought of home and those I left behind me. But I suppose they are enjoying themselves. At any rate, I hope so. I tell you I thought of a good many things in the course of two hours but I can tell it to you better when I get home than I can write it.
I might write you a little about P. W. Hubbard but it is too mean to write with a pen. In fact, it is too mean to believe. I presume he will be at home in a short time and be as good a Christian as ever. I guess you have not had much experience in soldiering. If you had, you would not wonder at my going in with the rest. I tell you, it is astonishing to see folks steal here and folks that would not do it home no more than nothing in the world. Pa got about 2 lbs. of sugar of Mr. Hubbard and in the night one of his tent mates stole part of it. I will not call any names but it was one from our own town. I presume you remember the man that stayed to Mr. Garfield’s the night we stayed there just before we left Jamestown. He died a few minutes ago. He has been well and tough till a few days ago. I have not learned what was the matter with him. We have heard here that W. H. Seeker was dead and we have heard that he was getting better and I don’t know which to believe.
Our regiment has dwindled away considerable since we left Jamestown. We left there with 900 and 70 odd men and now we cannot muster quite 600. You have not written anything about my rifle yet. I wrote to you that I wanted it got home and cleaned and kept at home for when I get home. I shall want to use it. Please tell me about it in your next. I don’t think of any more to write this time. Pa is well and the rest of the folks too as far as I know.
Yours from your son, — Alva C. Merrill
to R. C. Merrill
Please send me a few stamps in your next and tell me what the brave boys that have got home have to say about the war. The most of us think they were homesick. Don’t let anybody see this letter.
Letter 8
Camp near Falmouth January 27, 1863
Dear Mother,
I am seated in my tent with my blister wrapped around my foot trying to write to you but I have got almost discouraged about writing to you anymore. I have written two letters before this and have not got any answer to any of them. I don’t know as you have got them but if you have, I don’t think you have done exactly right in not answering them. But I write this time in hopes that I shall get an answer. Pa is well and I am well and tough as a knot but I have got a boil on my left foot on the heel cord which is not very pleasant. But I think it will get well in a day or two.
Pa got two letters from you this morning (no. 23 & 24, no. 19, 20, and 22 he has not got). Probably they are lost. You said you heard we had crossed the river and had had a fight. It was another one of the Union victories. I will try and give you a little history of the fight.
January 14th pretty early in the day about 3 o’clock we started from camp and marched till daylight and made us some brush tents and then we went to work (our regiment and the 73rd Pennsylvania was there) fixing roads. We stayed there a couple of days and then went back to our old camp, stayed there two nights, and then we went back to the same place and went to work again. We were fixing roads for the army to cross the river. It was about nine miles from Falmouth up the river. Got everything ready and the whole Potomac Army was in motion calculating to cross the river.
But January 20th, just as dark, it began to rain. Rained all night and all the next day and all that night and the next day. You would have thought about Virginia mud if you had been here. It was just halfway to my knees. Every step that day the whole army was ordered back to their old camps. Our company was detailed to help the wagons through. They stopped about 3 o’clock in the afternoon to get something to eat. When they got ready to start, Horace and I was not quite ready so we got a little behind and we had to go just as fast as we could to overtake them. We catched up a little after dark and I could have kept up well enough but Horace tuckered out. He thought he could not go another step. But we got to the woods and made us a fire and went to bed, rested good, and the next day we was enquiring for the 154th New York but we found it without much difficulty.
Oh, you can’t begin to imagine anything about the mud. Here was a cannon stuck and there was a pontoon stuck and there a baggage wagon, and there a dead mule and here a tired out soldier and so it went. We got to camp the 23rd. We did not go to our old camp but stopped about 1 mile from it. Thus ends the great battle.
Mother, I wish you would send me a pamphlet of some kind to read. You can do it just as you would a paper. I don’t care much what it is but something interesting. Uncle Norman was here but he did not stay here long. I did not see him but a few minutes. I got the boots and was very glad of them. They fit first rate and I think they are a good pair. Only there is not nails enough in the bottom. It is a hard place for boots here. The gloves you sent by the Captain I have not got yet. The Captain had his satchel checked and when he got to Washington, it had not come and when he got ready to come away, it had not come so he came without it. It may be you will want to know how far I have read in my testament. I begin at the 16th Chapter of Acts. Horace has read his through.
The paymaster is here. He has paid the 29th New York and the 73rd Penn. Vols. We expect every day that he will call on us.
Well, it is six months yesterday since I enlisted. It don’t seem as though it was so I think my 3 years will be up pretty soon. I can stand anything I have seen yet but I suppose a bullet would kill me as quick as it would anybody. Mother, you can’t begin to think what a hard place for morals it is here. When I first got here, I was perfectly astonished at it but I tell you, when you have lived without bread for 2 or three days, you would get something if you could. I hope I shall not get to be a very big thief.
I suppose P. W. Hubbard is at home enjoying himself. BRAVE BOY. You spoke about his coming into the ranks. I hope he won’t anyway for I was glad to get rid of him and so was the whole company. I suppose he will enjoy just so much religion as he ever did but I shall not have to answer for what he does. I shall have enough to answer for without. I was very glad to hear that <ary had experienced religion & I hope she will live it. I will write to her as soon as I can get a stamp. Please tell me in your next of any more of the girls to the Summit have been converted and what their names be. And I want to know if you have got that money from Mr. Dawley’s yet. I think you would have a good visit to go there and stay all day. I think I should like to make two or three calls down that way. Give my love to Nancy and Irvin and to all the rest of the folks. I don’t think of anything more to write this time. Please write as soon as you get this.
This from your son, — Alva C. Merrill
Irvin, here is a ring that I made of laurel root. You can take some sand paper and make it smooth. And here is an old bosom stud that I found at Camp Seward.
Letter 9
Camp near Falmouth February 2, 1862 [should be 1863]
Dear Mother,
We received two months pay last Saturday. Enclosed please find a check for $18. You can set it down with the other that I sent home. I shall send a little more before great while. I don’t suppose you can read this at all. I have got a felon on my forefinger of my right hand that helps some about writing. I think I have killed it so that it will get well in a few days. Our surgeon is going home and I am going to send it by him. I wish you would write to me once in a while. When Pa gets a letter from you he has to read it three or four times over before he will let me see it at all and then likes as not, he won’t let me read it so I have concluded not to ask him to let me read any more of his letters.
No more at present. Write often. I remain as ever your ungrateful son, — A. C. Merrill
Letter 10
Camp near Stafford Court House February 14, 1863
Dear Mother,
Your most welcome letter of the 4th came to hand in due time—the first I had received from home since last Christmas. I had made up my mind you did not calculate to write to me again at all. I am in by my fireplace and lit a candle and you had better believe it done me good to read it. I almost forgot I was a soldier for a few minutes. Let that be one of the times that I forget it and I will tell you one of the times when I think of it.
We broke camp February the 5th about 9 o’clock in the morning. It commenced snowing about the time we started and snowed all the way. We camped about 3 o’clock. Soon after we got our tents pitched, it began to rain and rained all night—camped right in the open field, the snow about five inches deep. You can calculate it was anything but fun. The next morning they took us up into the woods and we pitched our tents again. We had not been there more than an hour when it was strike tents and fall in. Marched to within two miles of Stafford Court House and now we have got good winter quarters for the 3rd time. I expect every day when we shall have to dig out.
I am glad Irvin can take comfort in going to spelling schools. I notice I would like to hitch the colts to a spelling school myself. I reckon that I could raise Ned equal to the best of them. But I reckon I shall have to wait a while. You said you wanted me to write what I wanted sent. I should like a good wool hat and a pair of checkered shirts and a coffee pot that will hold about 3 pints. You can pack it full with butter or dried fruit so that it will not jam very easy and you may put in a paper of shoe nails and some waxed ends and a sewing [ ] and a pegging awl both with handles to them and two pair of sacks. Please send me by mail as soon as you get this about 50 cents worth of nice paper and envelopes. I want something nice and I can’t get it here. Do them up nice so that they will not get mussed up. It is mail time now and I must hurry up or it will not go till Monday. What you send, you had better send right away for as soon as the weather will do, we shall be pulling out of this.
The recipe for making in [is] 1 lb. of extract of logwood, 1 ounce of bichromate of potash, to 10 gallons of water. I have not got my papers you sent yet. Please write soon. Give my love to Nancy and Irvin. Please write as soon as you get this and don’t forget to send the paper and envelopes.
This from your son, — A. C. Merrill
Letter 11
Camp John Manly, Virginia March [1863]
Dear Mother,
I have just come in off from picket. Went out Saturday noon and came in Tuesday noon. Did not see ant rebels. Mr. Badgers brought me a letter from you and [I was glad] to hear you was enjoying such good health. It is a great blessing to enjoy good health at home or abroad. I have enjoyed good health so far and I hope I shall till I get home.
I will tell you what I know about 9-month’s men. We enlisted for 3 years unless sooner discharged and was mustered into the United States service for three years. But there was fraud used about it and they think that they can’t hold us. The Colonel of the 29th New York was at Washington and he said that our regiment was down on the record as 9 month’s men.
We got the [box] just two weeks after it started—everything all safe, and we was very glad to get it. The coffee pot and spider is just what we need and I like my shirts first rate. I hope Pa will get his discharge for I know he can’t stand the war, weather. If he could get home, I should feel a great deal better. It makes me feel bad to think he is off here where he can’t have no privileges at all. If he was at home to see to things there, I could stay my time out and feel a great deal better. But when I think about home and nobody there to take care of you, it makes me feel bad. But then I hope for the best.
I have not been homesick yet but Pa wants to get home on furlough the worst kind and I hope he will have a chance before long and I hope that we shall all come home before long.
About our captain’s name, I don’t exactly know who it will be. There has been talk that Lieutenant Hotchkiss of Company C is a going to be our captain but I don’t know whether he will or not. You said you had been to Mr. Dawley’s and he had paid you the balance of my wages. I wish you would tell me in your next whether he paid it willingly or not, and what they said about me. You did not write very particular about them. I tell you, I should like to go there and make a visit and there is one or two other places that I should like to call to very well but I think I will wait a little while. I don’t think of much to write this time. Write as soon as you get this and tell me all the news. I wish you would every Sunday. I like to hear from home.
This from your son, — A. C. Merrill
Letter 12
Camp near Stafford Court House, Va. Sunday, March 15th [1863]
Dear Mother,
I received your letter in due time and was very glad to hear from you and to hear that you was well. It finds me tough and fat. I think that I am fleshier than when I left Jamestown.
About the money matter that you spoke about, I don’t think I can spare any now. Some think we are a going to be paid 4 months pay in a few days. If they do, I shall send home pretty much all of it for a body can get along without paying out any or he can pay out all his wages.
Wilber [Merrill] was over here the other day. He is well and looks tough. He says he doubts Marvin Hull’s being dead. He said they had had no notice from the hospital of his death. They think maybe he has deserted.
The ambulance came just now and took Mr. William Wolf to the general hospital. They are dying off pretty fast. There is a funeral in the brigade nearly every day. I think every time, whose turn will it be next? It may be mine. But it does not make any difference if I am only prepared.
They say that when we was mustered into the United States service, we was not mustered for only 9 months and they all think that when the 9 months is up, we shall go home. But I think they will contrive some way to keep us longer.
When we go out on picket now, we have to stay three days. That makes it pretty tough. We have stayed here some over 5 weeks. I hardly know what to make of it. It is the longest we have stayed in one camp since we left Camp J. M. Brown. I think we shall have dig out pretty soon and maybe we shall have to see some fighting but I don’t care what they do with me as long as I am well. But when I get sick, they need not make much reckon on my coming back to the regiment again. But I hope I shall not get very sick.
I do wish Pa could go home. He wants to the worst kind but I am afraid he will not get a chance very soon. Please tell me in your next if there is any prospect of this war being settled. I heard some time ago that a committee was appointed to be sent to England to do something about war matters but I have not heard whether they went or not.
March 16. Well, Mother, I went a visiting last night. I went to Pa’s tent and got supper. We had potatoes and butter, and bread & honey, & apple sauce & cakes. It was a gay old supper for soldiers. This time goodbye from your affectionate son, — A. C. M.
Letter 13
Camp John Manly, Va. April 12, [1863]
Dear Mother,
Again I take my pen in hand to converse a short time with you. I received your letter in due time for which I was very thankful. I have not been very well for the past week. I took an awful cold the last I was on picket and the doctor says I will have a run of the fever unless I am very careful. Mr. Badgers is 2nd Lieutenant in Co. A. Our captain’s name is Hotchkiss—a lieutenant from Co. C. Our 1st Lieutenant is W. F. Chapman. Our 2nd Lieutenant is Salmon Beardsley. So you see we have a full set again. I like our captain first rate as far as I have got acquainted with him. I have kept a daily memorandum since I came into Virginia and at the end of this month, I will send it home. I don’t suppose it will be worth much to you but maybe it will be a pleasure to me when I get home to look it over.
Some are making calculations that they are going home in a short time but I don’t make any such calculations. You know I am one of the unbelieving kind. I shall count myself lucky if I get home when my three years is up.
We have got orders to march tomorrow morning at 5 o’clock. It is not certain whether we shall go or not. It is raining now. That is one thing that makes me think we shall go for if there is any bad storm, the 154th has to march or else go on picket. We shall not (if we march) have any mail or have any chance to mail any letters so you need not think it strange id you do not hear from us in quite a spell. You will have to excuse a short letter this time and I will try and write a longer one next time. So goodbye for this time. I remain as ever your son, — Alva C. Merrill
Spared & Shared 23 