My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
The following letter was written by Charles Lathrop Williams, SR. (1811-1886) of Nacoochee, White county, Georgia. Charles was married to Hannah B. Hollingsworth (1812-1887) in the mid-1830s. Charles mentions his son “Jimmie” being at home. This was James Hollingsworth Williams (1845-1909) who served in Co. C, 24th George Infantry. His headstone claims him to have been a captain but military records show him as a 1st Lieutenant and Adjutant, taken prisoner at Sailor’s Creek on 6 April 1865. He is buried in the Rock Creek Cemetery near Washington D. C.
The letter also mentions George H. Conley (b. 1841), the son of Henry Highland Conley (1798-1866) and Nancy Brown (1801-1881) of Sautee, White county, Georgia. George also served in the same company with Jimmie.
John Conley is also mentioned. This was presumably George Conley’s brother (1828-1890) who served in Co. D, 5th Georgia Infantry. George enlisted in August 1862 and was taken prisoner at Missionary Ridge on 25 November 1863. He was sent to Rock Island Prison in December 1863 but did not stay there long. He took the Oath of Allegiance to the US and joined the US Navy in January 1864. This explains why the family had not heard from him.
Finally, with respect to the slave sale mentioned at the end of the letter, this transaction was between Charle’s brother, Edwin Poore Williams (1814-1896) and Jerome England (1822-1890) who also served in the 24th Georgia Infantry, in Co. G—at least early in the war.
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Nacoochee, Georgia June 28, 1864
Isaac Harris, Esqr.
Dear Sir—Your kind letter was received. We are at all times pleased to hear from our old friend. Your friends in the Valley are all well. We are now having a nice time for working out our corn and potatoes—also to eat our small grain. Corn is small but looks promising. We got in the weeds during the wet weather but are now mowing them down.
My wife and Jimmie also is at home. Went up to Uncle Conley’s on yesterday. He and George Conley leaves for the army on Thursday. Cousin Mother Richardson is at her mother’s. Left John all behind. He is now in the Yankee line at Dalton. She has not heard from him in a long time. We heard from John Conley this week. He is at Rock Island. It is a prison. Osa is in the army. Prior Pitner and family are all well. Sam Gibby is his farmer and poor fellow sick—old complaint consumption.
Jerome England sold all his negroes to Bro. Edwin. His sister Mrs. Boyd is staying with him. Our rye and wheat is well filled but thin. My little lot beyond my house made [ ] doz. I cut my turnip patch lot today. Both lots are good wheat. Oats soon and we have the nicest sweet potatoes here you ever saw and clean at that. We have 7 acres in sweet and Irish potatoes.
All my family with all the old friends sends their love to you. Yours truly, — C. L. Williams
A self portrait of the author, Augustus B. Frazer. He has captioned it: “Ye party as he appeared on guard duty. Thinks he would a heap rather be with his frow [at] home living in quietude & repose. Hour two in the morning taken on the spot by our Special Artist.”
The following letter was written by a soldier named “Gus” from Cincinnati whom we learn was a member of the “Hundred Days Men” of Ohio. Who were these men? The following excerpt from an excellent article by Kyle Nappi explains:
By the Spring of 1864, the United States had suffered considerable strain in its effort to preserve the union and defeat the Confederacy. “There was scarcely a family in the North who did not suffer sorrow that cannot be described,” one Yankee veteran recalled in his twilight years. “Hardly a fireside that did not mourn for a husband or lover, brother or friend, who went forth with pride, never to return.” Ohio had already sent a tenth of its total population off to war. Nonetheless, Buckeye Governor John Brough drafted a bold proposal to encourage the recruitment of short-term soldiers from the Midwestern states in attempt to mount additional pressure upon the Confederacy.
On April 21, 1864, Governor Brough submitted the ambitious gambit to Secretary of War Edwin Stanton and President Abraham Lincoln. “The term of service to be one hundred days, reckoning from the date of muster into the service of the United States.”
“The foregoing proposition,” the President promptly replied, “is accepted…the Secretary of War is directed to carry it into execution. Thus, the Hundred Days Men were born. Ohio would furnish thirty thousand new recruits, Indiana and Illinois would enlist twenty thousand apiece, Iowa ten thousand, and Wisconsin five thousand. “The call was intended as a herald to the last great Union thrust that would topple the Confederacy like a sudden wind against a weakened tree.” In the span of two weeks, the Buckeye state recruited 35,982 volunteers and organized them into forty-one regiments. “This prompt and energetic action,” Secretary Stanton relayed to Governor Brough, “exhibit an unmatched effort of devoted patriotism and stern determination to spare no sacrifice to maintain the National Government and overthrow the rebellion.” [See When Johnny Comes Marching Home.]
Gus’s father, Hiram Frazer (1805-1891)
Among the Ohio units raised during the summer of 1864 was the 137th Ohio Vol. Infantry (OVI). They were mustered into the service on 6 May and mustered out on 21 August, 1864. It was designated under the militia law of Ohio as the 7th Ohio National Guard, composed of citizens of Cincinnati, and was organized for the 100 days’ service as the 137th Ohio volunteer infantry. A sketch in Gus’s letter depicting himself sitting on the ground with a rifle across his lap has the insignia “7 K” on the cap so searching the 70 man roster of that company turns up Augustus (“Gus”) B. Frazer (1834-1914) who was married to Kate (Katz”) R. Coates (1837-1905) on 10 September 1860 in Cincinnati, Hamilton county, Ohio. Though his name appears as Frazier in military and census records, his death certificate gives his name as Frazer and lists his parents names as Hiram Frazer (1805-1891) and Isabella Palmer. The Frazer’s made their home in Cincinnati in the 1860s at 117 John Street where Hiram earned his living in the insurance business and was an active, proud member of the Odd Fellows.
Gus was not the first member of the family to put on a military uniform. He had an older brother named Hiram who enlisted during the War with Mexico, serving in Co. E (the “Kenton Rangers”), 2nd Kentucky Infantry under the command of Capt. Cutter. Details of his service, his death on the battlefield at Buena Vista, and of his father’s traveling to Mexico to recover his son’s body are described in various newspaper clippings below.
Transcription
Fort McHenry [Baltimore, Maryland] Friday, July 22, 1864
Just as I sit down to dinner I received your very dear letter of the 19th. It’s unnecessary to say I was happy for it was [ ] express it. I immediately read it and after partaking of dinner, I settle myself down like one in the act of writing & to the dearest little creature on earth.
We had quite a good dinner today—kraut, corn beef, and bread was what Uncle Sam gave us but having a little money we concluded to treat ourselves to something better which was composed of blackberries, huckleberries, cucumbers, tomatoes, milk & pitted apples [illegible due to paper crease]. What do you think of that for soldier dinner.
I received a letter from Father yesterday in which was enclosed ten dollars & he said if I wanted any more to let him know. He arrived safe home without any difficulty & says all the folks in Cincinnati are getting along nicely & said when I wrote to give you his love. Katz, I believe there is one or two letters that I have written to you that you have never received as you made no mention of some things that I know would have interested you. One in particular—the arrest of Johnny R. Johnston who is now confined here in the fort. 1
Katz, I can’t tell when I will be in Cincinnati but will give you the report which is pretty generally believed here—that is, we are to leave here on the 28th of this month & go to Fortress Monroe & from there take a lot of prisoners to Camp Chase and then to remain until mustered out which of course I don’t know when but suppose at the expiration of our time which will be about the 19th of August, making our hundred days.
A self portrait of Gus with the caption: “Ye boy making preparation for to write, or in other words, a write boy.”
There is nothing new here of any importance. I gave you full particulars of the raid on this place. Did you get the letter? I came off guard this morning. Was on the provost [guard] and had the pleasure of promenading that fence you saw while here. But the day being quite pleasant, I had a nice time in comparison to what I had while [you were] here.
“There was about 100 Rebs taken away yesterday to be exchanged but a good many wouldn’t go and said they would take the oath and go into the navy (Union) before they would go back and fight for the South as that was played out with them.”
Pvt. Gus Frazer, Co. K, 7th ONG, Ft. McHenry, 22 July 1864
There was about 100 Rebs taken away yesterday to be exchanged but a good many wouldn’t go and said they would take the oath and go into the navy (Union) before they would go back and fight for the South as that was played out with them.
You ask me, Katz, what I think of the war. My opinion is it will last some time to come but the North eventually will conquer. But I am sorry to say, Katz, if all the North was like me, I am afraid that it would go under in short order as I am, I think, a very poor soldier—more particular in the position I now hold, but believe I could stand it better if I was colonel or even a captain. But a common solder is too much of a nobody to suit my style.
I think if Grant don’t take Richmond & has to fall back, the end will be as far off as at the beginning. But I hope I may be mistaken. But you know Katz, hoe I believe. It’s all for the best. Let it go one way or the other—there is one looking down on it that will bring it to a proper end, let that be which it will.
Eph 2 hasn’t made his appearance as yet & I suppose won’t if the above report is true about us going away. I would like to see [him], next to my dear little wife (on this earth), than anyone I can think of. Did he say anything to you, Katz, about his picture. He spoke of it in a letter I got from him before you came out and said he would do it some time.
Katz, I find it a grand nuisance to try to draw anything here as just as sure as I do, the whole company gather around me wanting to know who and what is that. It makes me awful made, I tell you. I have got so I just stop when anybody comes up. It’s not very pleasant to have one looking over one’s shoulder while they are writing. I wouldn’t care if I was just making a drawing, but there is always some writing on the same paper. That is the reason I have not drawn as much as I would have done.
Gus’s caption reads: “Ye Party concludes to take a bath & found that old pair of drawers he lost last winter.”
We have a very nice place to bathe here as you would think if here. About seven o’clock most any evening, men of all sizes, shapes, and colors go tumbling around in the water like so many porpoises. I was in one night & a crab, I suppose, caught me by the toe. You better believe I did some tall kicking. If he had caught me by someplace else (John-H), I don’t know what I would have done. It would have been pretty hard on it, wouldn’t it. I don’t know which. I don’t mind it being pinched but object to the claws.
Duke 3 is on guard today. He looks well & is well but all the time complains of something. What he don’t know ain’t worth knowing & what he can’t do ain’t worth doing. In fact, he thinks he knows it all & don’t know anything. He said the other night he was on guard in the reb prison someone of them threw a brick at him when he immediately cocked his gun & told them the first one that did that again was a dead man when they immediately quieted down & kept so during his watch. Don’t that make you mad (Ye-hoo). I have been in there and I think they are the most quiet of any in the fort. But you know him as well as I.
But I am hearty sick of this place. It has got to be such an old thing & think a change would be a relief [and] so all the rest of us think. As I said before, Katz, when I go soldiering again, it will be because there is no way of getting out of it.
I see by the paper they intend sending us home & over into Kentucky after the rebs but I think it all foolishness & don’t believe it but would like that first rate. So you see I don’t mind staying home to fight but don’t like to get so far from home. I say home but its not home how without my dear little wife. It’s only when I come from [here] and will be home when she returns which I hope will be when I do. I don’t care if its only an hour before [just] so you are there when I come for if I would go in that old house, it would seem awful dreary & lonesome. But to be greeted by that smiling face is all I ask.
Gus’s caption on this sketch reads: “The above Katz, is you, Mother, Sister, Father, and Husband as they appeared in Fort McHenry.”
Dear Katz, I must close this as I here fall in for dress parade and also want to get it into the mail so it will go out this evening. Goodbye Katz. God bless you in the fervent prayer of your affectionate husband, — Gus
Give my love to Elenor and Annie & all my relation.
1 Johnny R. Johnston (1826-1895) was an American portrait and landscape painter influenced by the Hudson River School. He moved to Baltimore in 1856 and early in the Civil War served as the Colonel of the 1st Maryland Regiment. He was arrested at the time that Gen. Early’s men threatened the city and charged with “endeavoring to persuade persons to join the Southern army.” He was kept in Fort McHenry until 1 August when he was made to take the Oath of Allegiance, post $10,000 bond, and (curiously) to cut his extremely long hair, which he complied with.
2 Ephram Frazer (1830-1869) was Gus’s older brother. In the 1860 US Census he was enumerated in his parents home in Cincinnati’s 6th Ward and was employed as an “engraver of wood.”
3 “Duke” was surely 28 year-old Marmaduke Shannon Anderson (1836-1894) who also served as a private in Co. K, 7th ONH (137th OVI). Marmaduke was the son of William Anderson (1801-1867) and Eliza Shannon (1807-18xx) of Cincinnati.
Clippings related to Gus’s older brother Hiram Frazer who was killed at the Battle of Buena Vista during the War with Mexico.
The following letter was written by George Weaver who mustered into Co. C (the “Hanna Guards”), 63rd Pennsylvania Infantry on 1 August 1861. He was promoted to 1st Sergeant on 2 March 1862 and then received a commission as 2nd Lieutenant on 16 June 1862. In February 1863 he was elevated to captain of his company.
Transcription
Camp near Yorktown, Va. April 13th, 1862
Lt. Col. A. S. M. Morgan
Sir, being on picket on April 11th after the skirmish, I was with part of Co. C along the fence until late in the evening, Capt. [Jason R.] Hanna called me to the road and told me that I was wanted to go along with a company of the 2d Michigan Regt. and assist them to post their pickets. Capt. Hanna then referred me to you for instructions which you gave me in this manner. You told me to “proceed up the road as far as the middle fence between the woods and peach orchard and file left and post the men along the fence until I come opposite to our old line of outposts and then incline to left so as to connect with our pickets on the left in some low cedars.”
I started with the company and done as I was told but the men run out before we reached the cedars and the captain and myself went on to the cedars. While we was walking over to cedars, we heard coughing and the captain asked me what that was. “Coughing,” I told him. It was our pickets on the left. We then started back and the captain told one of his officers to straighten up the line a little while he went back to the reserve after some more men.
The following 1779 letter may appear to be a simple letter from a “dutiful and affectionate” son to his father, but it is actually a significant historical document that may have provided the first indication that the Revolutionary War in America might yet result in American Independence. The letter was penned by William Vernon, Jr. in Bordeaux, France, to his father (and namesake) William Vernon, Sr. in Boston, where the elder Vernon was functioning, by appointment of the Continental Congress, as president of the Continental Naval Board (precursor the Dept. of the Navy). The letter conveys the all important intelligence that Spain had joined France in a war against Great Britain which ensured that the British would have to spread their resources even thinner than before. Though Spain could not be persuaded to encourage the Americans in their quest to free themselves from the imperial control of their motherland, the alliance with France in a war against Great Britain effectively and indirectly endorsed the revolt.
Vernon, Jr, who graduated from what is now Princeton University in 1776, was sent by his father to France in 1778 (travelling with John Adams). He served for a time as an assistant there to Benjamin Franklin (with whom he continued a relationship thereafter). Vernon, Jr. stayed in France after the Revolutionary war ended until 1795 when he reluctantly returned to Newport upon his father’s threat to disown him if he did not. When passing through Bordeau on his way to Spain to negotiate matters of commerce in 1780, John Adams visited William Vernon, Jr. where he found him “in perfect health” and “that he had pursued his studies to such a purpose as to speak French very well.” [Letter from John Adams to William Vernon, 16 March 1780]
Interestingly, Vernon, Sr, both before and after the Revolutionary War was notorious in his playing a major role in the importation of African slaves into the U. S. and West Indies as part of the Triangular Trade. It is estimated that he and his brother Samuel owned as many as eight slave trafficking vessels and in the course of over 60 years, the Vernons financed well over forty slave voyages to the coast of West Africa.
The William Vernon Family Residence in Newport, Rhode Island
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Richard Weiner and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Bordeaux, [France] July 12, 1779
Honored Sir,
The enclosed packet was intended by the Buckskin, Capt. [Aquila] Johns,1 who very unexpectedly left it upon my hands since which several events of consequence have taken place.
The Spanish Plenipotentiary at the Court of Britain gave in a Manifesto signifying his master’s displeasure at the proceedings of the British Ministry & his orders to withdraw. The 20th of June, Lord Grantham 2 withdrew from the Spanish Court & the 21st, war was declared against Great Britain. Two fleets have arrived at Brest from the West Indies consisting of upwards of 20 sail each under the convoy of three frigates. The British fleet consisting of 33 sail of the line under the command of Admiral [Thomas] Hardy has returned to port after remaining a few days in the Channel.
I have the pleasure to inform you that Mr. Bon.’d had obtained admittance for me into the House of Messrs. Freyer & Frerer; I shall enter the counting house next week. I have shipped by the General Mercer3 a cap containing articles to the amount of 9.4.10 [ ] addressed to Mr. Hews. The captain attending and crying at every moment in my ear forces me to conclude this abruptly.
Your very dutiful and affectionate son, — W. Vernon, Jun.
1 The 200-ton Maryland Privateer Ship Buckskin was commissioned on 9 January 1779 under Commander Aquila Johns of Baltimore, Maryland. Serving aboard the Buckskin as officers were First Mate or Lieutenant John Slemaker of Baltimore, Second Lieutenant George Duck, of Baltimore, and Third Lieutenant Ambrose Bartlett, probably from Baltimore. She was listed as having a battery of twenty-eight guns and a crew of 100 men. Her owners are listed as Samuel and Robert Purviance and John Crockett and others of Baltimore. Her $10000 bond was signed by Johns and John Davidson of Annapolis, Maryland.
Buckskin prepared to sail for Bordeaux, France in early 1779. About fifteen sail of merchant vessels collected to sail with the Buckskin acting as an escort. About early February 1779 the “convoy” sailed. Buckskin proceeded on her way, but ten of the others were captured. During her passage she captured a British privateer with a crew of sixty men. Johns paroled the sixty men and forwarded the parole to Benjamin Franklin, hoping it could be used in a prisoner exchange. Buckskin arrived in Bordeaux about the beginning of March 1779. A letter from an American merchant in Bordeaux, William MacCreery, to Benjamin Franklin, one of the American Commissioners in France, sought to obtain an exception to the French tariffs on exporting salt. MacCreery noted the Buckskin twenty-two 9-pounders, had a good crew, and “she Sails remarkably fast, having been constructed for Cruizing.” He also solicited the transportation of any American government goods going to Baltimore. Franklin replied on 18 March, stating that he would investigate the matter, but also pointing out that it was improper to request favors for private parties at a time when French financial aid was so frequently requested by the American government.
In April 1779 the Buckskin was still at Bordeaux, loading a cargo for Baltimore. MacCreery, on 17 April 1779, informed Franklin that he was going to sail to Baltimore in the Buckskin, and offered to take any dispatches that the American Commissioners in France wished to send to America. Buckskin sailed from Bordeaux on 21 June 1779, bound for Baltimore. She safely arrived in Baltimore and began preparing for another voyage to Bordeaux. In late December 1779 Buckskin lay in the Patuxent River, preparing to sail. She had taken on a cargo of tobacco and was again bound for Bordeaux. On 26 December one Thomas Ridout, embarked aboard the ship. He was going to France and was entrusted with certain dispatches for Franklin. A winter freeze set in and the Buckskin was held in the river for nearly two months, finally sailing about the end of February 1780. She arrived in Bordeaux on 3 April 1780.
Buckskin (or Buckskin Hero) was on her return voyage to Baltimore, when, on 9 November 1780, she was captured by HM Frigate Iris (Captain George Dawson), off Cape Henry, Virginia. She had a cargo of dry goods, clothing, liquors and general merchandise aboard. Buckskin’s crew was stated to be 128 men, and her battery to be twenty-eight guns. She was variously listed as 400 tons and 600 tons. Other sources indicate she had thirty-six guns in her battery. Buckskin was tried and condemned in the New York Vice Admiralty court in 1780-1781. She was listed as an American merchant vessel with a “cong,” a French pass, in these papers. On 27 January 1781, the Maryland Council approved a proposal to exchange Johns, then on parole at New York. [See Buckskin, Frigate]
2 Lord Grantham was the British Minister to Spain from 1771 to 1779.
3 General Hugh Mercer was killed while leading American troops at the Battle of Princeton on 3 January 1777. A privateer named the General Mercer was launched the following yearout of Massachusetts.The vessel was captured in 1780.
The following letters were written by Benjamin Franklin Roberts (b. 1835), the son of Morehouse (“Morris”) Roberts (1790-1847) and Susannah (“Susan”) Newman (1806-1898) of Sunbury, Delaware county, Ohio. Ben was 26 years old when he enlisted as a sergeant in Co. D, 20th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). He was with the regiment until the spring of 1862 when he became ill and had so much difficulty regaining his health that he was actually discharged from the regiment in July 1862.
In the first letter that follows, written from Sunbury, Ohio, in September 1862 to his older brother George Washington Roberts (1829-1900) of Ottawa, Illinois, Ben expresses some desire to return to his regiment though feels his health won’t allow it yet. In the second letter datelined from Helena, Arkansas, in mid-November 1863, we learn that Ben has regained his health and is serving as a Sergt. Major in the 15th Illinois Cavalry. He later served as Sergt. Major of the 4th Louisiana Colored Cavalry and left the service in October 1865.
In his letters, Ben mentions several brothers: Giles Hartley Roberts (1845-1908) who enlisted at the age of 18 in Co. G, 96th Ohio Vol. Infantry (OVI) in August 1862. He was transferred to Co. D of the 17th Veteran Reserve Corps in January 1864. He also mentions brothers Lord Byron Roberts (1827-1889), Edward Henry Roberts (1841-1912) who also served in the 20th OVI, and John L. Roberts (b. 1838) in the 18th Illinois Infantry, later the VRC.
After the war he eventually moved to Labette county, Kansas, where he lived out his days.
Letter 1
Home [Sunbury, Delaware county, Ohio] September 15, 1862
Dear Brother,
I thought I would try and answer your letter for Mother although I am in a dull mood for writing. I have been quite unwell for the last two weeks. I had the ague one week. Have got it broke but don’t feel any better.
[Brother] Edward is, I suppose, a prisoner if not released. He was taken at a battle near Bolivar. James Herring was killed. They are the only ones that met with any misfortune of our acquaintance. The word came by letter written by Lieut. Hill of Delaware to his wife. Lieut. Hill is a member of that company. He did not give the particulars of the battle. I think Edward will be home before long as they don’t hold prisoners long. Communication is cut off so we don’t hear from the boys often.
[Brother] Giles has enlisted. He went with Joe Kimball of Sunbury. I think Joe will make a good captain. We have not heard direct from him since the fifth. He was at Covington, Kentucky, at that time. I think they are there yet. There is quite a number gone from Sunbury & Gang Street in the same company. Some of them are writing nearly every day as we hear from them often. Giles wrote he was getting fat and liked camp life much better than he expected. Giles ought to of stayed at home with mother. He was not subject to a draft. Mother wanted him at home.
If I don’t hear from the boys soon, I will go to them providing I can & I think I can. I have not heard from [brother] John since I left. That was the last of July. I came by Clear Creek, stopped there two weeks, tried to sell out, but everything is dead in that country. Can’t sell a feed of corn there now. I did not think of staying here long when I came home but mother won’t listen to my going away this fall or winter. I don’t know how it will be yet. It is owing how my health gets. I shall try and see the boys before long anyhow. I sometimes think I am going to get well right away but as soon as I take cold, I am sick and I take cold so easy.
I will promise again to come and see you if I go west soon. I should of come that way home but I expected to go back that way soon & mother was so anxious as well as myself to get home. The excitement is pretty high here at present.
Mother is washing today. Her health is good. Burt is plowing for wheat. I was at Aunt Julie’s yesterday. Vance was at home. He saw [brother] Byron the night before. He is well. There is some southern sympathizers here—Searles, Cigs Drent, Squire Wilson, Old George Clark & his boys. Jim has had fits every day since they talked of drafting. There is an awful sight of invalids here at present. The Hartford Fair commences Wednesday. I had anticipated a good time there but I am afraid I shall not be able to keep up my end.
Tell me when you write what the chance will be there this fall and winter for light employment with indoors for I must do something this winter or I shall die with the blues. My love to you and yours. write son. — B. F. Roberts
Letter 2
Headquarters 15th Illinois Cavalry Helena, Arkansas November 15th 1863
Dear Brother,
Your letter has just come to hand but not until it went the rounds from Memphis. It was sent to Vicksburg & back here ere it reached me. My health has got quite good again. We have a good deal of duty to do of late—scouting and guard duty.
I forget whether I told you or not in my last letter I expected to go into an American Regiment of African Descent. The adjutant and I have positions offered us providing we will accept which we have. Maj. Wilson, formerly of this regiment, is Colonel with the privilege of choosing his own officers and has chosen the adjutant and myself from this regiment. It is a cavalry regiment. Col. Wilson is now in Texas with Banks. He expects to fill his regiment there.
I received a letter from [brother] Ed not long ago. He had got to his regiment. Said he was fat and in as good health as ever. The other boys was well. I hear from [brother] John quite often. He is well. Wants to go with me. The adjutant and I will do all we can to get him in. I suppose you have heard that John has a commission but can’t get mustered as the company is so reduced that they are not entitled to but two officers.
We are having beautiful weather here now—very warm and dry—but the citizens say when it begins to rain that it don’t quit until it rains out & the soil is such that when it gets muddy, there is no bottom.
We have some gay times running guerrillas around here of late & with pretty good success too. We have caught a good many lately. We are going out tomorrow or the next day with three rations. I anticipate a good time going where the bushwhackers are thick and lots of chickens, any amount of girls. Such scouts make a soldier fat. Write soon. My compliments to family. Yours, &c.
— B. F. Roberts, Sergt. Major, 15th Illinois Cavalry
These letters were written by Daniel N. Roberts (1836-1906), the son of Morehouse Roberts (1790-1847) and Susannah Newman (1806-1898) of Sunbury, Delaware county, Ohio. Daniel was 25 years old when he enlisted as a private in Co. D, 20th Ohio Infantry on 3 October 1861. He remained in the service for three years, mustering out on 17 October 1864.
In his first letter of 24 April 1861, Daniel recounts the significant events of the Battle of Shiloh, which occurred near Pittsburg Landing on April 6-7, 1862. The 20th Ohio Infantry was consolidated with other Ohio regiments within the 3rd Brigade of Maj. Gen. Lew Wallace’s 3rd Division within Grant’s Army of the Tennessee. Despite being within a reasonable distance to reach the battlefield by noon of the first day’s combat (just six miles), a tangle of confusing orders and miscommunications led to a tardy arrival, which only allowed them to engage in the fighting on the second day.
In his second letter of 7 September 1863, Dan writes considerably about his brother Giles Hartley Roberts (1845-1908). Giles enlisted at the age of 18 in Co. G, 96th Ohio Vol. Infantry (OVI) in August 1862. He was transferred to Co. D of the 17th Veteran Reserve Corps in January 1864. He also mentions brothers Lord Byron Roberts (1827-1889), Edward Henry Roberts (1841-1912) who also served in the 20th OVI, John L. Roberts (b. 1838) in the 18th Illinois Infantry, and Benjamin Franklin Roberts who served in the 18th Illinois Infantry and later in the 15th Illinois Cavalry.
After the war, Dan settled in Ottawa, LaSalle County, Illinois, and was married in 1870 to Julia Branin (1845-1923).
Letter 1
Pittsburg [Landing], Tennessee April 24th 1862
Dear Brother,
I received your welcome letter yesterday and was very glad to hear from you. We are all well at present. I have been sick ever since the battle here, My disease was mostly bowel complaint. I have gotten over that now and getting quite hearty again. Edward is as hearty as anyone in our company. He has been hearty most all the time. Ben and John is camped about two miles from us. Tip and me was down to see them last Monday. They was both well then. Benjamin came up from Cairo the same night the fight ended.
Our division was down the river about six miles from here when the fight commenced on Sunday. We was ordered to march Sunday after noon. We reached the battlefield that night and was out in line of battle that night for next morning. The ball opened about daylight. We was put on the right wing. The most of the fighting on that day was done on the left and center. We only had one killed and about fifteen wounded in our regiment. I don’t believe none hurt htat you was acquainted with.
George, it was [an] awful sight the next day on the battlefield to see the dead. I never want to see another such a battle. I expect we will have a big one to Corinth about 18 miles from here. I can’t tell when we will move. There [are] troops coming up the river every day now.
Well, George, we was badly whipped Sunday but the rebels got it worse Monday. I don’t see how our men let them come on them Sunday morning like they did. George, we wrote to mother right after the battle. Edward has done the writing since the battle for I have been sick. It was no wonder I was sick for we did not fetch our tents here when we came here. We laid out four nights and [it] rained every night. As quick as we got our tents here, it quit raining.
It has been very sickly in our regiment since that exposure. Two men died in our regiment yesterday. Well, I must close. I came very near forgetting about that money you spoke about. You can have it. I don’t expect I will want it that soon. Please write soon. Yours truly, — D. N. Roberts
Letter 2
Vicksburg [Mississippi] September 7, 1863
Dear Brother,
I received yours of the 14th and was very glad to hear from you once more but was sorry to hear that your children had such sore eyes. My health is very good now. Ed has gone home on a sick furlough. He left here the 23rd of August. He was getting better all the time. Most all the boys that had been sick or was not well got a sick furlough. I have not heard from him since he left here. Sanders and John Mayfield got a furlough too. Tip has not got back yet. He has been gone over a month.
I have not had a letter from home for a long time. I got one from Giles last night. His health is very poor yet. He has the chills yet. Giles is talking about going to his regiment. He says he can’t get his discharge. He thinks if he was to his regiment, he would get it. The 96th [Ohio Infantry] has gone to New Orleans. Giles is now at Schofield Barracks Hospital, Mo. I wish you or Byron would go and get him home. He would get his discharge. I think you had better write to him and see what he says about it. I do wish he had his discharge and at home for Mother worries the most of her time about him.
I heard from John about a month ago. He was at Helena then. He said they had marching orders then. He thought they would go up White River. John was not very well then. He had been quite sick but was getting a great deal better then.
I had a letter from Ben about the same time I got one from John. Ben was well. He was at Corinth, Mississippi, then.
Well, George, we just got back last Thursday night from a long march. We was gone fifteen days. We went to Monroe, Louisiana. We got on the boats here and went up the river sixty miles. We got off the boats then and it was 75 miles to Monroe. We had to walk. The weather being very warm, it made a very hard march. We suffered a great deal for water.
The rebs had quite a large force of cavalry at Oak Ridge, about fifty miles from the river. They heard it was Johnny A. Logan’s rats 1 that was after them [so] they pulled up stakes and the way they went for Monroe. We followed them [and] we expected to have a fight when we got there but they did not stop there. They left a good many sick there in the hospital. George, it was the lonesomest country that I was ever in—nothing but woods and swamps and any number of rattlesnakes. I saw one killed seven feet long. It had 13 rattlers on. There was a boy bit by one of them. He did not live one hour after he was bit.
Well, George, I must now close by asking you to write soon.
Your brother, — Dan
1 John Alexander Logan (1826-1886), nicknamed “Black Jack” was at the height of his popularity at the time this letter was written, having lead his division with distinction in campaign to capture Vicksburg, most notably in the assault following the explosion of a mine. I have not been able to find any other references to Logan’s men being called “rats.”
The following letter was written by Henry Israel Wilder (1840-1864), a 21 year-old farmer when he enlisted to serve as a private in Co. E, 1st Massachusetts Cavalry on 18 September 1861. He was wounded on 30 July 1864 in the small skirmish at Lee’s Mill, Virginia, and died the following day at City Point. The skirmish took place as Gregg’s 2nd Cavalry Division attempted to coordinate an attack on the rebel right as the Battle of the Crater took place.
Henry was the son of Israel and Mary (Childs) Wilder of Conway, Franklin county, Massachusetts. The loss to his parents would be sad enough but Henry was married while home on furlough to his hometown sweetheart Maria E. M. Graves on 7 March 1864—less than four months before his death.
I could not find an image of Henry but maybe this sketch by Stanton P. Allen of the 1st Massachusetts Cavalry depicts Henry wielding his saber for the camera or peeking around the corner of the backdrop.
Transcription
November 26, 1862
Dear Sister,
I got a letter from you last night (dated the 9th) and was glad to hear that you were well and I will write you a few lines to let you know that I am the same. I cannot tell you the name of the place that we are in camp at for I do not know myself but it is not far from Fredericksburg (perhaps three miles) and something like 10 miles from Aquia Creek where we first landed after we first came from Port Royal.
I suppose you would like to know if we have any hard times while on the march. I must say we do see some times which are not quite so agreeable. For instance, when we had a little snowstorm some two or three weeks ago, I was orderly fo the General and had to ride a large part of the time both night and day without any gloves or anything to wear on my hands which was rather cold riding. I was left an orderly until my horse failed up and now am with the company—out company being so small noew it makes the duty harder for the men that it would if they were all here. But we are expecting the new recruits and all the rest of them here today or in a day or two.
Yesterday we had to go off with Gen. Hooker to a review in Gen. Stoneman’s Corps and today they have gone out on another review but did not have to go as I am on other duty.
We have small shelter tents to cover us with. They do very well for a shelter and but little protection from the cold, although I have not suffered very much yet and hope that I shall not, and don’t think that I shall.
Our rations are very good such as they are, pork and hard tack, hard tack and pork, all the time with occasionally a little fresh beef and coffee for drink.
Perhaps you would like to know how I prepare my meals. We have these common tin plates which I take and fry my pork in over the fire and then I take my hard bread and soak them in water and then put them in the fat which I fry out of the meat with the water which I soak them in and then hold the mess (whatever you may call it) over the coals until I think it is stewed enough and makes me a comfortable meal, but what we want is a change of diet. We have had no potatoes or beans or rice or anything in the vegetable line for a long while and it does not agree with me very well. I have had a diarrhea for near two months but does not seem to affect my health very much. But I had by far be rid of it.
About our pay, I don’t know as we shall ever get any more. They owe us from the first of May. Frank sent me $3 in a letter some time ago and do not know but I had better have Sam send me $2 to get me a pair of gloves with for fear we shall not get paid.
Tomorrow I shall think of home a great many times as I suppose it will be Thanksgiving Day with you. But you must eat chicken pie and rice pudding for me this year and I hope that I shall be at home next year to help you eat Thanksgiving dinner. Mr. Lincoln has got his discharge and is a going home. He will be likely to come and see you. Tell little Charlie there are lots of hogs down here but they never bite me. But the naughty folks try to shoot me sometimes but they don’t make out much.
Yours with respect. Give my respects to all, — H. J. Wilder
Please write often as I will do the same as often as I can. I send you a lock of Charlie’s and my hair in the letter. Charlie says that his hair is so short that he don’t know as it will do you any good and mine is not much better.
The following letters were written by August Robert (“Gust”) Nebinger (1834-1884), the son of Dr. Robert Nebinger (1796-1867) and Elizabeth Prowell (1799-1864) of York county, Pennsylvania. In 1860, Gust was a doctor living with shoemaker David Howe in Warrington Township, York County, Pennsylvania, with a Lewisberry postal address.
Gust first enlisted and mustered into state service September 11, 1862, as assistant surgeon for the 12th Pennsylvania Militia, and honorably discharged with his company September 27, 1862. His name sometimes appears as “A. Rox Nebinger” as “Rox” must have been a nickname and that is how he signed both of these letters. He then enlisted—voluntarily—and mustered into federal service at Chambersburg December 1, 1862, as assistant surgeon for the 158th Pennsylvania Infantry (aka “Drafted Militia”), and honorably discharged with the regiment August 12, 1863. He last enlisted in the field July 1, 1864, mustered into federal service July 8 as assistant surgeon with the 11th Pennsylvania Cavalry (108th Pa), and honorably discharged with the regiment August 13, 1865.
Back in January 2020, I transcribed three other letters by Gust Nebinger, one after the failed Foster Expedition, another just before leaving New Bern in May 1863, and the 3rd from Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, where he was treating wounded from the Battle of Gettysburg in the “School House Hospital.” See: 1863: Augustus Robert Nebinger to Robert Nebinger.
Letter 1
New Bern, North Carolina January 4th 1863 Sunday night 10 o’clock
Dear father,
From this southern camp I shall try and give you a short journal of our move from Suffolk, Va., to New Bern, N. C., our present stopping place.
At 6 o’clock a.m. Sunday, December 28, 1862 we left Suffolk on foot for a long march and did not much fancy the trip. Go by the Somerton Road and follow it for ___ miles. Stopped Saturday noon and had dinner of hard bread and water, rest one hour, then commenced our march through a truly southern country—sandy soil and pine lumber. Very few houses. Country mostly forest pine, hemlock, &c. Roads very muddy this day. Kept moving till 10 o’clock at night when we bivouacked for two hours and started. Encamped at 2 a.m. of the 29th, supper hard bread and coffee which was our fare during all the march. First day’s march many of the men gave out, the 158th [Pennsylvania] having few stragglers as any of the brigade. As for myself, I felt very tired after walking nearly 20 miles. This night built large fires of rails which were very convenient, being dry and small. Done very well but got a little cold.
29th—on the march by daylight and continued so all day through the same dreary country, enlivened by our passing through a place called Galesville about dusk. Also by our advance guard passing us on their return to Suffolk being composed of three companies of the 11th Pennsylvania Cavalry. We learned from them that the river to which we were marching was but 3.5 miles distant, but the word soon passed along the lines that we were not on the shortest road to the river. This day we marched until 8 o’clock and was helped by General Spinola for fear of running into an ambush which he conjectured might exist, we were in the Reb’s country. The men were all ordered to load and then rest for the night.
This day about noon the column was halted and skirmishers sent forward as someone of the general’s orderlies had seen 10 to 15 reb cavalry and 40 to 50 infantry just half mile in advance of the column. The skirmishers could find nothing so we moved on. Today I thought I should have to succumb but as it would have looked badly, I Thomased it as I carried no load and the men did. On this second day also there were many stragglers as the march was quite as long with as few rests—three or four during the day.
30th at 5 o’clock found us on the march on empty stomachs as most all had eaten their provisions on the second day. Today the boys pressed everything they saw that was eatable—geese, chickens, sweet potatoes, one jackass to carry their loads, two horses (old) for the same purpose. At one house they found a large quantity of pork and it all appeared for the most of them ran their bayonet through the side or ham, or what it might be, and thus carried it for a short way when they divided with their mate and it disappeared in their haversacks. One of the men was running a goose in a field near the road when the adjutant & general came riding back, cursing him and ordered him to desist, but I suppose he did not hear—at least he did not heed—when the adjutant drew his revolver with the intention of shooting him, but somehow his horse stumbled and in the endeavor to get the horse right, the pistol went off and an act of justice (as far as the man was concerned) was performed, for the ball took effect in the neck of the horse, killing him instantly. I was just 20 feet from him when he fell and was almost tempted to cry out, “settled him right.” Indeed, that was the sentiment of all who saw the occurrence.
That was the great incident of this day’s march. Fording a small stream was another. Almost all the men got into water up to their hips—a very cold bath. Stopped for supper at 4 p.m., rested one hour, and continued our tramp until dark when all were made gladly to welcome the sight of the transports laying on the Chowan River, knowing that for the present, trampling was at an end. Many, very many, were the stragglers this afternoon, but strange as it may appear, I stood this days march the best though I was very tired and willing to exchange muscle for steam.
The loading of men commenced immediately & by midnight, all but the few stragglers who had not come up were loaded & our train was soon in the same way. The men got good hot coffee and hard bread for supper and a very cold & hard bed this night. Now at the end of three days are we very nearly 60 miles from our last regular camp, having walked all those dreary miles through a very dreary and desolate looking country. I saw but three or four white people in all our tramp but saw many negroes.
At all our camping places where we remained for any time, you could see hundreds of camp fires with groups of men round them seeking comfort both for the outer and inner man.
31st—at daylight this morning the boats were moving, some 8 or 10 in number, two being gunboats—the Chasseur of 4 guns on which was Col. McKibbin with the front wing of the 158th [Pennsylvania], and the Huzzar which carried the left wing with the Lt. Col. & Major. The river bank presented the same monotonous outline except that the town of Edenton was visible soon after we started. I think it must be about 5 to 10 miles below the landing at which we embarked, the name of which I forget. In fact, I do not know that I ever knew it positively.
We got along very well until some time during the night when there was quite a storm arose when the boat did some pretty fine rolling, making many of the men sick, and in fact, placing the boat in danger of being wrecked or swamped. As for me, I slept all the time except about 10 minutes when I got such a horrid bump that I waked, but soon again was asleep.
New Year found us just entering Neuse river and by 9 or 10 we lay gladly off New Bern, a right smart town, they tell me, but as I have just passed through it once, I am unable to judge and will defer a description of it until I have seen it. The night of the 1st, we built large fires and slept under what the boys call dog tents (shelter tents). Now we have the usual wall tent or Markee & this evening we have things quite comfortable, having received our stoves which were sent by way of Norfolk. So much for our second move.
I believe we (the Empire Brigade of General Spinola of New York, Commanding) shall stay here for some two or three months and if so, I should like to get from home, or sent from home by some of you, some few things which in my great and unexpectedly quick march, I was unable to get—viz: half to 1 dozen pairs cotton stockings, handkerchiefs—some silk (can’t bear linen). one pair woolen overshirts—something like those of Wills), pair buckskin gloves (gauntlets) and as tobacco is quite exalted in this part of the country, I would like say five lbs. Can be had for $1 to $1.25 lb. such as I prefer to chaw. Will knows where I bought in Harrisburg—called Mountain Dew. For smoking, any good brand, say 5 lbs. Then to fill up [the box] you might add some dried beef and bologna sausage as they are articles that will not spoil by keeping. I could get all these things here but I think it would be much the cheapest to have them sent to me. I shall as soon as possible remit what money I can do without (after I get it) to you to be used as you think best. I expect to get some $180 during the present month as that is the amount or very nearly so that is due me for services at Chambersburg. I find I will not many any more money here than I would have done at Chambersburg but I am now in the army and then I was not.
We have had but little sickness comparatively in our regiment. None of our men have died at present. We have in camp 7 that are reported sick, 2 in hospital (smallpox), 5 in quarters—mostly influenza and rheumatism.
Though I have had a very hard time of it ever since I left home, I must say I rather like it than otherwise. To be sure, my thoughts often wander homewards to all my dearest friends, yet I feel that they are as well off without as with me and so I gather some comfort. During our long march, when at night I would waken shivering with cold, I would imagine how very cozy you all were at home and then I would fill more wood on the fire, lie down and soon be asleep again, dreaming of home sometimes, at others of bloody battlefields, and so life goes in the tented field.
I like to read letters from home. I hope you all had a Merry Christmas & a Happy New Year. Love to all. If you send [a box], send quickly. Let the box be made strongly and well nailed with iron hoops on each end to be marked as you direct my letters, viz: 158th Regiment Pennsylvania Infantry, Col. D. B. McKibbin, Newbern, N. C., via New York.
So I will say goodbye for this time. Perhaps I may write some again to someone of you. Your affectionate son. — A. Rox Nebinger
Letter 2
Hospital 158th [Pennsylvania] Regiment Camp New Bern January 27, 1863
My dear Father,
Since writing to you we have changed our camp from the east of New Bern to the south crossing the Trent to the right side. We also crossed a small creek on the banks of which we are now encamped. We are now in a fortified camp having thrown up breastworks in front, crossing the railroad to Beaufort. We (Empire Brigade) have three regiments on this side and one on the other of the creek.
The expedition I spoke of some time ago has just started—the last leaving today (I hear). Where to, I cannot learn.
January 29th—Last night I received your nos. 2 & 3 and Beckie’s No. [ ] making four & dates 9, 12, 16 & 19. Now for one to answer your two and one to answer sister’s 3. I have received & answered your no. 1 giving a poor account of New Bern which I learn has but 6,000 inhabitants instead of 15 to 20. Tis a poor kind of a town having but few good houses.
You will see by this as also by my former one that we did move though the 166th did not. I gave a very full description of our march from Suffolk to the Chowan [River] in my letter to brother in which I enclose a slip to you. I have also written two or three times concerning some things I want you to send me by Express.
For fear you will not get my letter describing this country and railway, it is just like all the land I have seen since we landed at Norfolk—low, level, and sandy land producing pines of all descriptions & here a few cactus of a very thin leaf but I think a true cactus. There are some few gum and oak with hickory [trees] here.
As to what the productions might be, I cannot say, but this I do know—the present produce is composed of soldiers, forts, rifle pits, and land embankments, as also coughs, fevers, and graybacks [lice], with a few contrabands and high prices. That is certainly all I can say of the productions of this part of the Old North State, but suppose the usual southern productions are here raised such as sweet potatoes, corn and perhaps oats. I have noticed some cane growing but no large ones.
In the swamps the strange growing cypress is found in plenty now with bare branches except when the long gray moss covers them with its long hanging bunches. By the by, I forgot to say swamps were quite as plenty here as hills in our country.
As for vegetation, as yet I have seen nothing green but pine, cactus and cane. Everywhere sand, sand, sand.
Contrabands look like badly dressed niggers in their peculiar gray cloth. The fact is, I very seldom leave the regiment, preferring to stay near my own quarters though frequently visiting the officers & of course receiving visits from them.
I am happy to learn of Mother’s return to health and hope it may last for a very long time. I hope Stanley is well or at least getting well. Love to all.
As for emancipation or any other movement, I have heard nor can I say what is the feeling in this country as I have seen but a very few natives. I hope the militia Volunteers will get their pay box with the rest.
I am glad to learn that Robert has started up and hope he may come home with straps on his shoulders. Of course I am always anxious to get news from home but as yet I have received at least one letter with every mail that has come in and cannot nor do I think of blaming any of the folks at home. As for the number, I think the more the better.
I think that all of your letters will reach me if you continue to direct as you have. I shall enclose a rough draft of our position as also that of New Bern and the surrounding camps. Hoping you have received my letters as I have yours, I am your most affectionate son, — A. Rox Nebinger
Hand drawn sketch of Union positions at hospitals at New Bern, N. C. in January 1863
Noe if you can make out the hieroglyphics, you will know how we are situated. The Neuse river is full of vessels all the time. Love to all. Let all write if they have anything to write. Bob Wright, I want to hear from particularly. — Gust
I could not find an image of John but here is one of L. Smith Cogswell who also served as a sergeant in Co. E, 18th Illinois Infantry (Photo Sleuth)
The following letters were written by John L. Roberts (b. 1838), a native of Wyoming county, Pennsylvania, who was earning his living as a farmer in Clear Creek township, Alexander county, Illinois at the time the Civil War began. When he enlisted as a corporal in Co. E, 18th Illinois Infantry on 28 May 1861, he was described as a 5 foot 7 inch tall, brown-haired, blue-eyed, single, 23 year-old farmer. John had recently been promoted to a sergeant before the Battle of Shiloh which he describes in some detail in the first letter. In that two-day fight, the regiment lost 10 killed, 63 wounded and 2 missing—all on the first day. The 3 color bearers who carried the flag in the first day’s conflict were all killed while supporting the banner.
John Roberts’ actions in the battle no doubt earned him recognition and he was later commissioned a lieutenant by Captain Charles H. Reed. Also serving with him in the same company was his older brother, Sgt. Benjamin Franklin Roberts (b. 1835) who became seriously ill in the spring of 1862 and had to be discharged for disability in July 1862.
The 18th Illinois Infantry saw its first major action at Fort Donelson in February 1862 where it occupied the right of Oglesby’s brigade, on the right of the line of battle, and during the second day’s fight lost 200 men in killed and wounded, 50 dying upon the field and 10 soon afterward. The regiment during the battle bravely and persistently maintained the position to which it was assigned in the early morning, and not until its ammunition was spent was the order to retire given.
Letter 1
Pittsburg, Tennessee March 31st [1862]
Dear Brother & Sister,
As I have a little time this morning I will write you a few lines in answer to yours of the 27th. I have just received a letter from Benjamin. He is a Clear Creek [and] has been very sick but is now able to be around. He will stay there till he is able for duty.
I saw the boys of the Ohio 20th a week ago. Tip was not very well. Dan and Ed are both very fleshy. Ed is much larger than either of us. I received a letter from Giles the other [day]. They are well at home.
We have been here since the 22nd. We stopped two days at Savannah. Our Colonel who was wounded returned a few days ago. He leaves again this morning for home—is not able to take command yet. Our Major who has been under arrest so long has resigned. Our Lieut. Colonel is still under arrest. The boys that was wounded are all getting well. But one has died since I last wrote (that is, from our camp). We don’t have but very little sickness [in the] regiment. We have but one in our camp. He stays in my tent and is quite sick and there is but little attention paid to him by the doctors. We have no hospital tents with us.
We have orders to be ready to march at a moment’s warning. There is but three tents to go with the regiment so we will have to stem the weather without tents from this on.
You said you had sent us some papers. We did not get them. Our mail is very uncertain. The news here that the Rebels are fortifying Corinth about twenty miles from here. My opinion is that there will be a big fight or a big dud. I should rather think the latter as we have a large force here.
We have been having very fine weather here for a week past. The fields begin to look quite green with grass wild plums, and peach trees are in full bloom.
I will now close as it is impossible for me to write when there is from one to a half dozen talking to me which is the case this morning. I will write again as soon as convenient. Ben says he will probably sell out before he comes back. If he does, we will make you a visit as soon as we are discharged and spend a few weeks at home. I will enclose your letter in an envelope which was sent to me from a friend.
Direct to Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee
Respectfully yours, — J. L. Roberts
Letter 2
The Battle of Shiloh
Pittsburg [Landing], Tennessee April 10th 1862
Dear Brother,
As you have doubtless heard of the late battle here, would be anxious to know how we came out. I am happy to [say] Ben and I luckily came through without a scratch, although Benjamin was not in action as he did not get here from home till we had been thrown back in the rear as a reserve.
Our regiment did not suffer here as they did at Donelson—only 9 or 10 killed and 18 or 19 wounded which we thought very lucky as we was engaged a part of two days. We lost the most of our men the first day. We was ordered to retreat by our Major [Samuel Eaton] who was in command of the regiment—an order which he had no occasion for giving at that time although he was wounded. That through us in confusion and some of them retreated so far that they could not be found to rally again.
Mason Brayman (1813-1895) of Springfield, Illinois (Heritage Auctions)
After we had rallied the men that was left, the rebels came up again and undertook to charge a battery but failed in the attempt. We had a good position and just raked them from two [directions]. Major [Mason] Brayman took the flag and rode up and down our lines and cheered us on (Brayman is a staff officer of our division). 1
Monday we followed close in the rear of the forces that was engaged until late in the day [when] we was ordered to charge a battery which had been charged twice by our force but could not hold it. We charged it and held it and gave them about forty rounds of canister before they got out of range of the battery. Our Captain [Charles H. Reed] fired a gun three times before he could get a man to help him. He then was assisted by our 2nd Lieutenant [Daniel W. Flick] and Capt. [Henry S.] Wilson [of Co. B] and myself. The General 2 told our Captain he should have the battery so we hitched on and soon was ready for action again. 3
I cannot tell you but little about the battle—only what I saw myself [and] that was but a small portion. But one thing I know, that there was a perfect stampede of our forces on Sunday. They conducted themselves shamefully—both men and officers. They run and left but few braves to face the enemy who kept them from all being taken prisoners or brutally slaughtered. I will now close hoping to hear from you soon. I will write when I have time.
— John L. Roberts
1 Major Mason Brayman, an AAG on the staff of Gen. McClernand, is credited with helping to rally the troops of McClernand’s command to make a stand.For his bravery at Shiloh, Brayman was promoted to a Colonelon 15 April 1862 and given the command of the 29th Illinois Infantry.
2 Roberts does not identify the general by name but the first general in the Union chain of command of the Division in which the 18th Illinois was a part of would have been Major General John McClernand. The 18th Illinois was commanded by their Major Eaton). The 1st Brigade, of which they were a part, was commanded by a Colonel (Ware), and they were a part of McClernand’s 1st Division of Grant’s Army of the Tennessee.
3 One source describes this action as follows: “On the morning of the 7th the regiment fell in as a reserve to General Thomas L. Crittenden’s brigade. At about 2 PM they charged a Confederate battery, capturing two 6-pounder brass field pieces, one of which Captain Charles H. Reed, of Co. E loaded and brought to bear upon the retreating enemy, giving them three shots unassisted. He was then assisted by Captain Wilson and Lieutenants Daniel Flick and John Davis [could they mean John Roberts?], and fired 15 or 20 rounds into the retreating Confederate cavalry. [see Shiloh National Military Park]
Letter 3
Map of area between Pittsburg Landing on the Tennessee River at bottom right and the Confederate Stronghold at Corinth, Mississippi, at upper left. Roberts wrote the 2nd letter from near Monterey located at the center of the map.
Army in the field Camp near Monterey [Tennessee] May 26, 1862
Dear Brother,
I have not received any letters from you for a long time but as our mail is very uncertain, I account for it in that way. I went to the river with Benjamin the 14th of this month, but him aboard a hospital boat (or rather a receiving boat for the hospital). He had been quite sick but was better when I left him than he had been for several days before. I have been watching the papers daily to see him name among the list of sick arriving at the hospital. I have not heard from him yet. He took with him his Descriptive Roll so that he could get his discharge which he perhaps has got and gone home to Ohio.
I received a note from Ed yesterday. They are camped at Shiloh Church about 14 miles from here [and] 3 miles from the river landing. They are having considerable sickness in the regiment. Ed Perfect 1 died not long ago. Leroy [Perfect] and Henry Wilson has gone home. Henry was very sick when he left. They are camped on the battlefield. I expect the stench from the carnage is what causes them sickness. I camped at the church a few nights ago [and] the stench was very disagreeable then. I did not know that the boys was there at the time. I am in hopes they will soon be relieved as they are there guarding the road from the landing.
Our Division is one of the reserve divisions. We are on the right and rear of the extreme right. We have heavy duty to do here standing guard [and] building breastworks, but we are pretty healthy. We can hear skirmishing along the lines every day, sometimes pretty heavy.
This is our fifth camp since we commenced advancing. I saw Henry Case about five weeks ago. He is in the 34th Illinois Regiment and Sam Beaty is in the 9th Indiana. I have not heard from home lately. The last I heard they was well. I will now close. you will direct to Pittsburg Landing. Write soon. — John L. Roberts
1 Edwin R. Perfect (1839-1862) was the son of William Perfect (1797-1882) and Maria Stark (1804-1870) of Trenton, Delaware county, Ohio. Ed was a corporal in Co. D, 20th Ohio Volunteer Infantry. He died of disease on 3 May 1862 in Shiloh Church which had been converted into a hospital.Leroy Perfect (Edwin’s cousin) and Henry Wilson also served in the same company. They both contracted typhoid fever and were put on a steamer and taken to a hospital in Cincinnati.[See 20th Ohio Vol. Infantry]
Letter 4
Jackson, Tennessee September 16, 1862
Dear Brother,
As I have a little time this morning, I will improve it by writing. General R____ Division passed here yesterday on their way to Corinth. I saw Dan and Tip. They was engaged in the fight at Bolivar which you perhaps saw an account of (Aug. 31st). James Herron was killed. Ed was taken prisoner. He has not been heard from since. There was some prisoners paroled down on the River a few days ago. We are in hopes that Ed is among them. There was two companies taken of the 20th—K & G. Ed was at the spring about a half mile up when the alarm was given and did not get to camp in time to fall in with his company as they had been deployed in advance. He was with Company K when taken. Giles has enlisted in the 96th Ohio Regiment. Joseph Kimball is their Captain (Company G is their company). They are at Covington, Kentucky. Benjamin is at home. He has hte ague.
We have a great deal of duty to do here. We are on guard every other day. I think we do a great deal of guarding that is uncalled for.
There was quite an excitement here about ten days ago. We expected to be attacked. If we had have, the boys would have burned the town. As it was, there was several fires. I would have been glad to saw it burn. We then would have less guard duty to do.
George I am getting disgusted in the way this war is carried on. Men that we know to be the most rabid secesh are granted all the privilege they ask for. They are allowed to extortion on the soldiers in every way they can, [yet] we are not allowed to forage at all. Vegetables are sold so high that a private cannot afford to buy them. The soldiers here have but little confidence in our General. They doubt his loyalty.
I will now close hoping to hear from you soon, — J. L. Roberts
Letter 5
Patriotic stationery used by John L. Roberts in his letter of September 18, 1862
Jackson, Tennessee September 18, 1862
Dear Brother,
I have just received your letter of the 14th and now attempt to write a few lines in answer. Benjamin is at home. He has the ague. He will be back to Illinois again this fall.
I wrote to you a few days ago. I believe I told you that Ed was taken prisoner about the last of last month at Bolivar. He has not been heard from since. Rufus Davis [?] passed on here on the way to Corinth. I saw Dan and Tip when they passed. Giles [H. Roberts] is in the 96th Ohio, Co. G. Joseph Kimball is their captain.
You say you are out of business. Now if you will go to trading with the soldiers, I will insure you to make money. Anything that can be eaten will sell at high prices. I know men that are making fortunes trading with the soldiers. One man discharged from our camp told me that he made $72 clear in two weeks at Helena. I know he has but small capital. He was up here last week with a stock and sold out at wholesale. He has gone for another stock. I expect to help him sell out when he comes. He is going to buy tobacco, cigars, oysters, sardines, canned fruit, crackers, cheese, nuts, and stationery &c. He has to have everything shipped by express from Columbus up and pay $250 a hundred. So you see that takes off some of the profits. But keeps traders out and a few men here have the trade monopolized here. I should like to have you come down and try your luck. After the first trip, you can tell what you can do and what you can sell best. Butter sells here at 25 cents per lb. I don’t know where I could buy a pound at that. It is very scarce. I think you might bring a lot and sell at wholesale and pay the expense of a trip.
There is no danger of Jackson being evacuated as is reported. There is quite extensive fortifications going up here. I will now close hoping to hear from you soon. — John L. Roberts
The following letter was written by Alonzo S. Cushman (1843-1864), the son of Lemuel Cushman (1800-1866) and Polly Sisson (1802-1886) of New London county, Connecticut.
Alonzo enlisted as a private in Co. H, 11th Connecticut Infantry in December 1861 and by the time this letter was written in April 1864 he was a veteran of many battles and campaigns. Little could he have realized as he penned this letter on 21 April and fancied himself home “rolling lemons” with his friends Betsy and Mary that he would be dead a little more than two weeks—killed on the battlefield of Swift Creek in Powhatan county, Virginia, in what would be Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler’s last attempt to isolate Petersburg from Richmond on 9 May 1864. Union casualties that day were estimated at 128 killed, wounded or missing.
I believe the Mary J. McNeely to whom Alonzo addressed his letter was 18 year-old Irish-born daughter of the widow Nellie McNeely. Mary worked as a housekeeper and later in the woolen mills at Lisbon.
Transcription
Addressed to Miss Mary J. McNeely, Yantic, Connecticut
Camp 11th Regt. Connecticut Volunteers Williamsburg, Virginia April 21st 1864
Friend Mary,
I received your letter of April 11th last Friday and am sorry that I could not answer it before. I am on picket or camp guard every other day and I don’t have much time to write. But I think in a few days it will be easier for us. Our recruits are learning to drill fast. We have got about 1100 men in our regiment now. That is more than we had when we left the state first. We have had 7 [?] desert and go over to the rebs since we have been here.
A week ago last Friday there was 50 of us old vets went out on a scout and was gone two nights and 1 day. We left camp about 9 in the evening and marched until 3 in the morning. Then we went and camped in the woods until 10 Saturday morning [when] it began to rain and we had to find shelter in a nigger shanty until that evening. Then we started on again. We marched until 12 Saturday night. It began to rain in good earnest about 10 and we all got so wet that we could not fire them off.
Sunday morning we cleaned them [and] then started for camp. We was out hunting after a guerrilla captain but we did not get him. It was reported that there was one on the road with a small squad of his men but I guess it wasn’t so.
I hear that there is 40,000 troops landed at Yorktown lately. The 6th, 7th, and 8th Conn. Vol. with them. If it true, we may get marching orders in a few days but I hope not for we have got a very pleasant camp here.
I can’t think of any more news to write. I am getting awful lonesome here of late. I don’t go out of the company street, only when I am on duty.
Give my respects to Betsy and tell her that I have not rolled any lemons since that night but I should like to be in the same place and roll some more if you two could be there and I out of the army altogether. But I guess this will do for this time. Give my love to all the folks and kiss that baby of Fanny’s for me.
Spared & Shared 23 