All posts by Griff

My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.

1865: William Fraser to William J. Fraser

Most of these letters were written by William Fraser (1801-1877) of New Ephrata (renamed Lincoln), Lancaster county, Pennsylvania. He wrote the letters to his son, William Jackson Fraser (1835-1910) who was serving in Co. B, 195th Pennsylvania Infantry (1 Year Unit) that was not mustered out until June 1865.

A mourning ribbon for the assassinated President

There are three letters included here written by Wiliam’s boyhood friend, Samuel Musser Fry, Jr. (1845-1924), the son of Samuel Fry (1808-1887) and Nancy Ann Musser (1811-1886). In the 1860 US Census, Samuel Fry, Jr. was enumerated in his parents’ household in Warwick township where his occupation was given as “miller.” In 1862, either Samuel or his father took ownership of the three-story stone gristmill and sawmill previously owned and operated by Jacob Weis. According to the History of Lancaster County (Ellis and Evans), both Samuel and his younger brother Phares Fry (1845-1921) served as privates in Co. D, in the Fiftieth Regiment Emergency Troops of 1863.” These troops were organized into companies and placed along the river in Lancaster county with Emlen Franklin serving as their Colonel. This regiment went to Carlisle and Chambersburg, then to Hagerstown and Williamsport. They were stationed for a brief time at Dam No. 5 where they did picket duty until the middle of July, then returned to Harrisburg where they were discharged. Samuel and Phares subsequently served in the 195th Pennsylvania from 20 July 1864 to 4 November 1864 (a “hundred days” unit). Phares was a corporal in Co. G and Samuel was a private in Co. C.

This collection of home front letters were all penned from the Lancaster county hamlet of Lincoln during the final days of the Civil War and the assassination of President Lincoln.

See also

1863-5: William Jackson Fraser to Parents published on Spared & Shared 17.
1864-5: Samuel Musser Fry, Jr. to William Jackson Fraser on Spared & Shared 17.

Letter 1

Addressed to Mr. William J. Fraser, Co. B, Detached 195th Regiment, Martinsburg, W. Virginia

Lincoln [Pennsylvania]
March 11, 1865

Dear Son,

I received two letters from you—one dated February 22nd, the other March 7th. You may rest assured that we were pleased to hear from you—especially that you were enjoying that greatly needed gift of the soldier, “good health and spirits.” I requested George to answer your first letter immediately after receiving it but was answered that he would soon see you personally but as circumstances would not permit for him to leave at the expected time, the letter has been neglected.

You enquire in your last whether we received the photographs, package, paper, &c. The photograph came to hand a the proper time, 2 in number. I also received Baltimore papers several times. Your discharge of the 100 days service is received and will be kept until your return home (if Providence grants you the boon). The package that you alluded to containing papers, coffee, &c. has as yet not been received although it may yet arrive. George has been the recipient of the fifty dollars forwarded by you and has deposited them safely into “Uncle Sam’s” coffers according to request. Mary sent a pair of stockings & a pair of wrist bands or pulse warmers to you (by mail) about the 3rd February but you have kept silent in your letter in regards to them. We therefore came to the conclusion that you did not receive them. Is our supposition correct? Or have you merely forgotten to note them in your letters?

You ask for my opinion of the President’s Inaugural Address. I think it is very good, suitable for the times; as the old adage is “short but sweet.”

…I do not know what kind of weather you have had in the “Old Dominion” but here let me tell you we have had an old fashioned winter—nothing but snow, sleet, ice, and sleighing all the time. I can yet by looking out of the window see the snowbanks along most every fence, but by looking over the uncovered grain fields, no one can fail to notice that the grain appears to have been invigorated by the warm covering of snow. The grain fields have a spring-like appearance, promising a fair yield for the coming summer.

We doubt you have thought that our little town must be lonesome since so many of our neighbors have left to reinforce the armies of the Union. We do not feel the effect of this last call of the President but nevertheless we cheerfully submit so that this cursed rebellion will be crushed and our banner float victorious over sea and land. All these soldiers’ families appear to be in good health and spirits, no doubt taking the consolation that their friends and relatives have gone to fight the battles of the just.

Our family are all in better health than myself. I as a general thing being the invalid on account of rheumatism but still being able to be on my feet and work a little….

Your father, — Wm. Fraser


Letter 2

[Note: The following letter was written by Samuel Fry, Jr. of Lincoln, Pennsylvania.]

Lincoln, [Pennsylvania]
March 31, 1865

Friend William,

Yours of the 19th came to hand and was read with pleasure for I always like to receive letters from my comrades in the army. Everything is quiet here now about the officers. You don’t hear a word. There is a rumor here that the regiment left Martinsburg and went on as far as Charlestown [W. Va.] but how it is, I do not know. There are a good many rumors here same as in the army. Last Friday a week I cast my first vote down the Ephrata. I voted on my age. We had a ticket settled for our township officers. We elected them all but two that was one of the supervisors and the assessor. Ed Nagle was the supervisor and John W. Gross was the assessor that was elected on the Copperhead side but they had not such a very large majority.

Thhe people are busy settling up their old accounts as April is approaching very fast and are busy moving about. There will be some changes in Lincoln. Heiser is going to move to White Hall and Ernie Buck is going to move where Heiser lives. Mrs. Hershburger from Lebanon is going to move in the house where Reason lived in. A man by the name of Ander is going to move in Oberly’s house. Levi Shirk is Swilly’s house. Swilly is going to leave Lincoln next Tuesday for Naperville, Illinois. I believe them is all the changes here. Phares left for Chicago, Illinois, last Monday. He is going to try to get a situation in a store out there if he can.

The war news is good and the people around here think that the war can’t last very long anymore. Sherman has been victorious again and so has Grant and I think Richmond must fall before very long. Lieut. Henry Musser from Ohio is here. He is brother to Ed Musser. He is a lieutenant in a nigger regiment. He belonged to the Army of the James. He says the niggers fight very well and learn the drill very fast. Fry was home on a furlough of 2 days but I did not get to see him. They are at Philadelphia just now. They must have their ship repaired. They were in the fight at Fort Fisher. They helped to capture the fort.

I must come to a close. I am well and hope you are all enjoying the same blessing. Tell Jack I seen his sister this week and they are all well at home. No more.

From your friend, — Samuel Fry, Jr.


Letter 3

Lincoln, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania
April 9, 1865

W. J. Fraser, dear son,

Your letter of the 28th March has been received giving us the information that you are in good health. In reply I inform you that I am in a much better state of health than I have been in five months. I feel well and have more work that I want. In answer to your former letter, I mailed one with a five dollar note enclosed as by you directed on the 27th March one day before the date of your letter. On the same day I send one to George with postage stamps but have since received no answer from him. Also on the same day I mailed one to Anthony and I have since received an answer from him. I hope you may reach your enjoying health in your new quarters.

We have the glorious news that Richmond has fallen and is in possession of our Union troops and have the large flag waving across the street in the patriotic town of Lincoln. All the Union men look pleasant and feel to be in good humor with hopes that you all may be soon spared to return home from the army. The Copperheads say it is good news if true, but are not ready to believe it.

“That President Lincoln was in the possession of the reception room lately occupied by Jeff Davis in Richmond is very disagreeable to the Copperheads and that the Negro troops first entered Richmond is another bitter pill to them. I saw in some newspaper that General Grant had turned Leeward and that Gen. Lee had turned Hellward.”

William Fraser, Lincoln, Pennsylvania, 9 April 1865

That President Lincoln was in the possession of the reception room lately occupied by Jeff Davis in Richmond is very disagreeable to the Copperheads and that the Negro troops first entered Richmond is another bitter pill to them. I saw in some newspaper that General Grant had turned Leeward and that Gen. Lee had turned Hellward. It seems that the last fall election laid the way to victories of our armies under the command of Gen. Grant. It seems the right men have got to the right places. Gen. Sherman, Gen. Thomas, Gen. Sheridan, Gen. Terry, Gen. Meade, Gen. Burnside, with others who fill places of men who were either not fitted for their positions or were not with their heart in it. But it seems that Providence destined things how it should be at the proper time and our complete victories now will have its beneficial influences over the whole world—that the people can maintain themselves by their government and wipe out a set of the greatest villains that ever lived in any country without the aid of some of the colossal powers of Europe.

Mr. Noah Zooks wife died and will be buried today. All the rest of our family are well. I would like to hear from you soon whether you received my former letter with the five dollars enclosed and if anything else you want, let us know.

Your father affectionately, — William Fraser


Letter 4

[Note: The following letter was written by Samuel Fry, Jr. of Lincoln, Pennsylvania.]

Lincoln [Pennsylvania]
April 25, 1865

Friend William,

Your welcome letter came to hand and I should have answered it long before this but I was kept pretty busy. We have our stock of spring goods and the people are rushing in to buy like everything. It makes a person hop around behind the counter. Cotton goods are cheap towards they used to be. So are groceries. We sell muslins from 12.5 to 40 cents, calicoes 12.5 to 25 cents, sugar 12.5 to 25 cents, molasses 12. to 35 cents. Woolen goods have not come down much yet and I don’t think they will come down much.

The weather is nice and warm and everything is growing nice and green. Cherry trees and peach trees are in blossom.

I think one of the most outrageous murders ever committed was that of murdering the President and Secretary Seward. If I could catch a hold of the assassins, I would cut them up in small pieces. Hanging is too good for them. They ought to make a ring and put him in and then put some brush around him and then set it on fire and push it up to him closer and closer and would make him confess all. If he would not do it, I would burn him alive. I am glad President Lincoln lived so long as to see the end of this Great Rebellion which he has accomplished. I think the rebels have not gained anything by murdering the President. I think they have killed a friend—not an enemy. I always thought Lincoln was a little too lenient to the rebels but it might have been all for the best. President Johnson, I think, will be a little more severe on the rebels and make them come up to the mark some better.

General Sherman has made a botch of himself if it is true what is reported. The report is that him and Gen. Johnston made a treaty for peace without having orders from the War Department. The news as a general thing is scarce. People are nearly all mourning our late beloved President. Most of hte Copperheads are mourning but whether it is only a sham, I do not know.

I received a letter from Phares yesterday. He is out in Greentown, Stark county, Ohio. He is not in business yet but he expects to get a situation in Akron, Ohio, before very long. I must come to a close.

Tell Jack I was up at Benj. last Sunday and found them all well. I am well and hope you are all enjoying the same. No more from your friend, — Samuel Fry, Jr.

Write soon. Excuse all mistakes for I was in a hurry.


Letter 5

Lincoln, Pennsylvania
April 29, 1865

Mr. Wm. J. Fraser, dear son,

Your letter of the 17th mailed on the 20th was received on the 22nd and glad to hear from you being well and that you received the five dollar note. We are all enjoying good health and my health in particular is much better than I have had for many years. You mention that you have sent some clothing with others directed to Rev. E. H. Thomas and Ben. Dressler. We have received none of your clothing as yet.

We have received the news that Booth, the murderer of President Lincoln, was taken but is now dead. Yet he was taken alive mortally wounded. We have mysterious news from Gen. Sherman but that Gen. Grant will bring all right and that Jeff Davis is fleeing heavily loaded with specie to Texas and is presumed bound for Mexico after having sacrificed the lives of so many for Southern Rights which enabled him to lay up a large store of wealth when thousands were suffering for want of the needful subsistence. I think the time will come when it will become manifest to the people of the Southern States that President Lincoln was their true, honest friend and desired to give them protection when they were blinded by falsehood &c. which afforded Jeff Davis to rob them of lives and treasure. The day of reckoning has come and although the much lamented President has fallen by the hand of an assassin, our government survives the shock and will overcome the disgrace which has been inflicted for a time.

The sin of tolerating slavery for such a length of time has manifested itself more conclusively and President Lincoln’s lenient policy of mercy to the misguided men has not been appreciated by them in any reasonable manner whatever.

…As soon as I receive your clothing, I will let you know. I expect to see Ben Wissler today or this evening. He had received nothing on last Wednesday.

Your affectionate father, — William Fraser


Letter 6

Lincoln, Pennsylvania
May 23, 1865

Dear Son, William Fraser.

Your letter of the 12th was received on the morning when Mr. Faust left and always glad to hear of you being well and would have answered sooner but as Mr. Forest left with whom I sent the V. which George in his letter states you had received…

I expected you to be mustered out of the service soon, but I have no satisfactory information now to form any opinion when you may be discharged. The sooner you could be relieved, the better I would like it as work has been crowding in on me with that expectation that you might return before long but will have to do the best we can.

George in his letter states that he has received his uniform and is pleased with the fit. This morning the ministers and elders who attended the meeting of the Classes all left after having been in session since last Friday. It was quite an interesting affair and some very good sermons preached. On Sunday there was meeting in the forenoon, afternoon, and evening. Dr. Nevin preached in the english language and Rev. Eckert from the lower end of the county preached in the english language. In the whole, it was not only interesting but a very creditable meeting of the classes. It was an unfortunate thing that the bell on the church cracked a few weeks ago and has become entirely useless and could not have been replaced in time for the meeting of the classes…

Your clothing, the overcoats and boots with some papers, has arrived all in good order….

We are all well and hope to hear from you soon. Your affectionate father, — William Fraser


[Note: The following letter was written by Samuel Fry, Jr. of Lincoln, Pennsylvania.]

Letter 7

Lincoln [Pennsylvania]
May 24, 1865

Friend William,

…Last week we had quite a lively time here at Lincoln. They had a Synod here at church. There were some fifteen to eighteen ministers here. It commenced on last Friday and closed on Monday evening. On Sunday we would have had a great crowd of people here but it rained so there were not so many as we expected. But I am sorry to say most of these ministers were Copperheads. Peter Kurtz has left the store so I was alone for about a week but we have one again. Phares is here now. He came here last Tuesday. He came back from the West last Saturday a week. He could not get any employment out there so he thought he would come back again. He was gone 7 weeks. He was at Chicago and Naperville, Illinois, from there he went back to Greentown, Ohio, and New Berlin, Canton, and other places around there but he could get no situation, he came out so late. All the merchants had made their spring changes already. He liked it very well in Ohio but in Illinois he did not like it so very well.

On next Tuesday there will be a “Love Feast” at Samuel Fahnestock and on Thursday a week there will be one at Christian Wenger’s down toward Earlville somewheres. There will also be one at Jacob R. Keller’s but when that will be, I do not know.

The news is scarce. The war is over now so there is not much news. Thy have caught Old Jeff now. He tried to make his escape in female attire through the woods but he was kidnapped and is now on the way to Washington to have his trial. I think he is interested in the assassination of Lincoln. Yesterday, Henry B.. Martin S. Fry, and some more started for Washington to see the Grand Review which is to take place.

Isaac Fry is home on a furlough of 10 days. He is still stationed at Philadelphia. I also seen David Grant of your company a few weeks ago. He was here at Lincoln. He looks well and hearty. I think after the review is over, you will all be sent home in time of haymaking and harvest. There will be a heavy crop this summer. I have never seen the grass look so well before this time of the year.

On Thursday a week we are going to have the store closed. It is a “Fast Day.” Rev. Boyer is going to preach a Funeral Sermon for Lincoln in Reamstown. I guess he will have a great crowd there. The stores at Gravel Hill & at Rothsville are about being closed up….

— Samuel Fry, Jr.


1864: Benjamin Franklin Hoover to Zebulon Baird Vance

This 10 August 1864 Confederate stamped folded letter was written by 46 year-old Benjamin Franklin Hoover (1818-1884)—a circuit court clerk residing in Asheboro, Randolph county, North Carolina. His letter was addressed to North Carolina’s Governor, Zebulon Baird Vance, who did his best to uphold law and order in the state though it was populated by residents with sharply divided loyalties. Hoover’s purpose was to inform the Governor of the depredations being committed chiefly by Confederate deserters in his part of the state and pleading with the Gov. to do something about it though he could offer no suggestions.

Deaths were not confined to the battlefields

According to Hoover’s request for amnesty in July 1865, he claimed never to have been “a soldier nor officer at any time during the late rebellion nor participated in it in any way whatever.” He divulged that his only role during the war was to serve as a “Sub-Fitting Agent” in Randolph county under Capt. Lewis Hilliard which I believe were the Senior Reserves organized in 1864.

According to the US Army’s provost marshal general, it is estimated that 23,000 North Carolina troops deserted during the Civil War—nearly one quarter of the total for the entire Confederacy. This figure is disputed, however, and the causes for desertion in North Carolina are explored in a great little article published by NCPedia entitled “Civil War Desertion,” by Michael Thomas Smith. One of the reasons for desertion in the western counties of the state mentioned in this article was the breakdown of law and order in the Blue Ridge Mountains.

One of the best articles on the problems with deserters specifically in Randolph county can be found in a blog post by L. McKay Whatley (see Civilian Casualties of War, 1863) in which the author points out that since Asheboro had no local newspaper published during the war, “events were only known when residents wrote to other newspapers, in Fayetteville, Greensboro, or in Raleigh. Most events were never recorded in the news at the time they happened and many stories are virtually impossible to confirm. Such stories survived, if at all, as oral history.” This article contains a tale involving the Bray family who are also mentioned in the following letter.

The back of the stamped folded letter is powerfully initialed by Vance and the letter is franked by a Confederate 10 cent stamp (Scott #12) cancelled by an Asheboro handstamp.

[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Richard Weiner and is published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

Ashboro, North Carolina
August 10, 1864

To His Excellency, Z. B. Vance
Sir,

The state of affairs in this county is assuming a most deplorable aspect, and to give you some of the reasons that induce me to come to this conclusion, it will mention a few of the unlawful and outrageous acts committed by the deserters within the last few days. We have had any amount of stealing going on all the time—but for the last month or six weeks, armed parties of deserters have been going about even in the daytime compelling citizens to give up their arms and ammunition, and such other articles as they the deserters might want. The sheriff, while collecting his taxes was threatened to be waylaid and robbed—many good and quiet citizens are this time in great fear, not only of being robbed, but of being murdered or burnt up with all they have in the still and dead hour of the night.

On the day of the Election, a squad of the Home Guard was sent to an election precinct to prevent the deserters from voting. The voting was prevented by the officer saying to the man at whose house the election was held that he—this man—would prevent the deserters from coming to the election, and if he did not prevent them from coming up, that the Home Guard, upon the deserters coming in sight, would burn his house, it being well known that this man at whose house this election was held had a son who is a deserter, in the party who contemplated the attack—this man being understood to be a most cruel, blood-thirsty and savage man. During the day, 30 or more deserters, armed, were seen not more than 300 yards from this election—and the Home Guard, by having a man or two in it who had friends among the deserters got information that that the Home Guard would be attacked if it returned home by the usual road, had to avoid this and come in a very different direction.

On the day of the Election, H. McCain, Senior, an aged and crippled man was attacked in his own home and most rudely and abusively treated by 3 armed deserters and compelled to give up his gun, &c. On the next day these same 3 men, it is supposed, went to the house of a militia officer, knocked his wife down, tore up some of the officer’s property, stole his leather, and said to this officer’s wife that in 90 days she should be begging bread.

We have also just heard here of the killing of three of the Reserve Force just below Carthage—one of the men killed being from this neighborhood. And on last Saturday a large number of armed deserters were at the home of Bray—a reserve now on duty. They tore his clock from the wall, threw it on the floor and stamped it to pieces.

On yesterday a squad of the Home Guard, coming to this place for commissary stores from Franklinsville, was fired on from the rear, one of the Guard mortally wounded and three others wounded, shot through the arms, shoulders, &c.

We need more men and better men to manage our military affairs. We can never hope for better times here until we have more energetic and braver men at the head of our home forces. I have no suggestions to make, but I am satisfied that 3/4ths of the men who are now liable for duty in this county are well convinced that nothing can be done unless a change is made.

If the Home Guard officers lower than the field officers would suggest men to command and take charge of them, then we may hope that some good may be done and not until then. This desertion has been palliated and temporized with until it has such a hold and influence here that all good men fear that much blood will have to be shed before things are quieted here.

Exempts, details, &c., as a general thing, connive at, and cause desertion. If it be possible, send our folks help and that too, soon, as it is badly needed. I am sir, your obedient servant, — B. F. Hoover

1872: Gillis Munroe Parker to “Friend Wallace”

This letter was written by Gillis Munroe Parker (1849-Aft1920), the eldest son of Robert Gillis Parker (1818-1890) and Sarah Elizabeth Moffatt (1826-1901) of Mansfield, Bristol county, Massachusetts. From this letter we learn that Gillis has just left his “hometown” of Mansfield (though he was born on Cambridge), Massachusetts and arrived in the State Capitol of Topeka in Kansas where the “wind blows with all vengeance and [there is] no name for thunder storms.” Eight years later the US Census places him in Little River, Reno county, Kansas where he was employed as a “laborer.” By 1900 he had relocated with his wife Emily (Thomas) Parker and two children to Attleborough, Bristol county, Massachusetts.

Gillis claims in his letter that he wrote it from “on of the highest hills” near Topeka. This was most likely Burnett’s Mound—so named for the Potawatomie Chief Abram B. Burnett who had farmed and operated a horse and oxen business near the hill before he passed away in 1870. Unfortunately Gillis does not give us the name of the Potawatomie Chief that he claims to have overheard make the statement that he saw “no future” for his people.

Gillis asks his friend “Wallace” of Mansfield, Massachusetts, to write him in Topeka care of Valentine Tufts Starbird (1850-1880), the son of Asa tufts Starbird (1802-1884) and Emeline Tyler (1820-1876) of Charlestown, Massachusetts. Gillis and Valentine were about the same age and must have been boyhood acquaintances. In the 1870 US Census, Valentine was working as a store clerk in Somerville, Mass.

Topeka, Kansas, in the 1870s

Transcription

Topeka, Kansas
August 13, 1872

Friend Wallace,

A hearty clasp of your [hand]. I am now going to drop you a line. It is a rainy day and I am at leisure to speak to my old friend. I am 1700 miles from my old homestead, out on the plains of the great West where the wind “blows with all vengeance and [there is] no name for thunder storms.” The climate is of a mild temperature running from 80o to 95o. I am pleasantly located on one of the highest hills commanding scenery for 17 miles.

The occupation of the people is mostly stock raising and this is the place for it. Cattle can have a range of thousands of miles. The stock raisers turn their stock out in the morning and night have to go 2 or 3 miles for them—that is, those who do not keep a herder. Game is plenty—prairie chicken & quail being the most abundant but going farther west from us 40 miles we can find antelope &c.

Te Indian that the eastern gents are afraid of are not at all dangerous. I have seen a great many but they are mostly a civilized people. They are a little lazy but some of them own nice farms and can converse on considerable many subjects. I saw the Chief of the Pottawatomies and he told the gentleman in whose company I was that he could see no future for the Indian as regards their lazy habits. I have seen the Indian himself with a pack of buffalo skins on a little pony not weighing over 700 lbs., and the squaw walking behind. Oh! they are a lazy set.

I had a splendid ride through the central states where one could look and see the fields of corn & wheat as far as he could see. Things grow spontaneous our here, Wallace. Corn 25 cents a bushel, butter 12 & 15, eggs 10, meat 6 cents lb., pork 4 cents.

I will now close. I will next time give you more information after hearing from you. Write me all the particulars about Mansfield and what news you know in general.

Yours truly, — Gillis M. Parker

Direct to G. M. Parker, Topeka, Kansas, care of V[alentine] T[ufts] Starbird

Remember me to your family and tell your mother I am not homesick.

1864: Edmund Lockett Womack to Sallie (Elliott) Womack

These two letters were written by Edmond “Lockett” Womack (1834-1913), the son of William A. and March (Lockett) Womack of Prince Edward, Virginia He was married to Sallie Emmett Elliott (1827-1918) in May 1857 and had several children born before, during, and after the war.

Edmund Lockett Womack (ca 1895)

Lockett entered the Virginia Military Institute (VMI) in July 1853 but was dismissed in December of that year for neglect of duties and studies.

During the Civil War, Lockett enlisted in Co. D (the “Prospect Rifle Grays”), 18th Virginia Infantry as a private in early 1861 and was quickly made a corporal. At the time that Lockett wrote these letters in late 1864, the 18th Virginia Infantry was still serving in Pickett’s Division, 1st Corps, Army of Northern Virginia. Both letters were written from the encampment of the regiment near Chester Station on the line between Richmond and Petersburg.

By this late stage in the war, most picket lines were generally quiet at night—both Union and Confederate soldiers themselves having agreed to, and abided by, an understanding that they would not fire on one another. This gentleman’s agreement fell by the wayside, however, once the Union army started assigning Negro soldiers to picket duty. Lockett’s letter of 1 December 1864 gives yet another account of Rebels firing on Negro pickets. This increase in nighttime firing was not limited to musketry; segments of the Union lines known to be manned by USCT regiments were also targeted purposely by the Rebel artillery. [For other accounts of Confederate soldiers firing on USCT pickets, see “Confederate Soldiers in the Siege of Petersburg….” by Matthew R. Lempke]

Letter 1

Near Chester Station
October 24th 1864

My Dear Wife,

I am happy to acknowledge the receipt of one more of your most precious letters. It came yesterday and a long time I thought since one made me glad by its appearance. I have nothing to tell now that I am writing but the crowd of conscripts—they are filling up the army very fast but I don’t know whether I am glad or not. I think this about it. It’s very true that the army wil be very much strengthened, but the country is left in a very destitute condition—hardly anybody is left to make supplies to feed us on, and that I consider a very important item in the bill. If we can just feed them now, I think our independence [may come] pretty soon, but there is great fears entertained in respect to the negroes destroying what has already been made and then again of their not making much more as there are but very few men left and they old men. Though we can only hope for the best should the worst come.

My greatest hope is in the Presidential Election. I am very much in hopes that will end the thing in our favor. I just stopped a little while to see Mr. Wilbourne. He is in at last. Is now sitting down in my house and talking very much to our amusement. He thinks the army is a terrible place. He is in Rice’s Depot Company but very anxious to come to this regiment and get n our company but I don’t think there is much chance for that, for our company is about filled up now. I think we have about fifty men for duty in our company, some sick in hospitals, and William Hunt is one. You may tell Mr. Hunt’s folks when you see them he is slowly improving. I think he is a little low-spirited.

When you come down to Richmond, tell Pa to come with you. They have no right to interrupt him, and if I can, I will come to see you. But I don’t want you to come out here. It is no place for ladies. Pa can come but not you. If I didn’t love you, probably I might tell you to come, but under the circumstances I do not not. I want to see you the worst in the world and you can come as far as Chester but no farther, or rather I wouldn’t like to see you any farther this way. I can come up there any time and will. Should you come, I reckon we can procure a room there should you want to stay as long as a light or longer should you make it convenient to do so. But understand, I don’t tell you to do all this, but in the event should you be disposed. I want to see you very much, but I much rather see you at home than anywhere else in the world. You know my sentiments though as I have often unfolded them to you. One thing I neglected to ask you to send me that I want, and that is a little flour or corn meal when you send a box, but I reckon it will leave before you get this. I sent by Alpheus Scott for all such things and hope he will bring a good chance of things as this the place.

Please write a little oftener, soon and a long letter. Much love to all. Very fondly, your Edmund Lockett W[omack]


Letter 2

Near Chester [Station]
December 1st 1864

My Dearest Sallie,

Agreeably to promise, I hasten to comply though but little of importance has transpired since I saw you last. As soon as the cars left that day, I started for camp. hurried on and to my great surprise and mortification I was informed immediately after arriving at camp of the death of Charles Richardson & Thomas Weaver, both of the Farmville Company [18th Va., Co. F]. They both were killed by the fragments of the same shell while on the picket line, and I understood they were both asleep at the time—shot through the head. I saw Charley—brought him off myself. The ball or fragment entered the back of his head and came through the right jaw a little below the mouth, cutting the face frightfully. I didn’t see the other man atall, but he had just gotten back off furlough and I think that was the first time he had been on picket.

The cause of the shelling was from our men shooting at their negro pickets, but today has been remarkably quiet. They hollowed to our men this morning early not to shoot, that they had no negroes on them, called our men, “Johnny Reb,” and we call theirs, “Corporal Dick and Joe”—real negro names you know. I expect we will have hot times again tomorrow from the fact that a deserter came over to us tonight and said they had on negroes again, but I reckon they will take them off before light, which if they do, all will be quiet again as today has been.

I told Ed what you said and said that he though more of you than any of the rest of his sisters or brothers but as he had said that he wouldn’t come to see any female relative near the army, he thought he would be as good as his word. But I don’t think that was his best reason, though I am not able to say what it was. I am glad to say that John Womack received a box this evening with potatoes, apples, meat, and several other things [including] two spoilt chickens which we had to throw away of course. This I believe is all that has transpired of any note since I parted with you.

Now hoping that you will have a safe and pleasant trip home, I must close by asking you to remember me to the family by presenting my best love and kindest wishes to them all. Kiss all the little ones for me when you see them together. Write soon after arriving at home and be sure don’t forget to tell Pa to send a statement of what Scott got and what he paid as it will be of service to me.

I am devotedly yours, &c., — Lockett

P. S. Please send for my puppies at Uncle Cobbs.

[There is an attached document that I did not transcribe describing the skinning of squirrels. It ends with thee following; “Try to get the skins from squirrels that were not shot. Those caught in traps are far preferable for the simple reason that their skins are more perfect. You can get the negroes to save all the squirrels they catch and say to them to take them off as large as possible for at best they are small. Six of them will make an elegant pair of shoes such that cannot be bought in the Southern Confederacy.“]

1861-62: Cornelius Cunningham to Mary Cunningham

I could not find an image of Cornelius but here is a cdv of his captain, Harrison C. Vore

These letters were written by Cornelius Cunningham (1837-1862), the son of Horace Cunningham (1781-1882) and Caroline Elizabeth Tree (1810-1880) of Valparaiso, Porter county, Indiana. Cornelius died of disease on 25 August 1862 at Helena, Arkansas, while serving in Co. G, 9th Illinois Cavalry.

The 9th Illinois Cavalry was organized at Camp Douglas in the fall of 1861 but was not mustered into the service until 30 November. A month after being mustered, the regiment had still not been issued their arms. Despite rumors of moving, the regiment remained in Chicago until mid-February 1862 when they were transported to Benton Barracks near St. Louis, and then on to Pilot Knob and Reeve’s Station where they were assigned to the 3rd Brigade of Gen. Steele’s Division in the District of Southeast Missouri.

To read other letters by members of the 9th Illinois Cavalry I have transcribed and published on Spared & Shared, see:

David Luddington, Troop G, 9th Illinois Cavalry (Union/1 Letter)
Jacob Everett Brown, Troop M, 9th Illinois Cavalry (Union/3 Letters)

Letter 1

Camp Douglas
November 12th 1861

My dear sister,

It is with pleasure that I seat myself to write a few lines to you to let you know that I am well at present and hope that these few lines may find you all well. Dave received a letter yesterday from Josiah. I was astonished at the number of deaths that has occurred in our neighboring vicinity since I left. It puts me in mind of the old adage that the old must die and the young may die. It is quite healthy here in camp. There has not been a death in camp since I have been in to my knowledge and a very few that has been sick. We will be marched up to the surgeon’s office some time today to be vaccinated for the kind pox.

Our camp is alive with carpenters, masons, and soldiers. Our barracks will be finished within two or three days. We have moved into ours. They are warmer than the tents was. They are large enough to hold a hundred men. Ours is not entirely finished. The doors is not hung nor stove set up. We generally sleep warm by putting our overcoats over us. We expect to draw another blanket apiece soon. I have been working on the barracks last week and this week I am working on barns. We—a company of one hundred men—have to build twelve barns 28 feet wide, 190 feet long, twelve feet high. We will finish two today.

I am not working this forenoon as we had about run out of lumber & I have got some cold and it is a cold day so I thought I would omit working this forenoon. Unless I work some of the time, I will get so fat and lazy that I can’t breathe with comfort.

I went down in the city one afternoon last week with Harry to see Lib Cunningham as she was going home. I staid at the Depot with her until she took the cars for home, it being 11 o’clock p.m. She said she was sorry that she was hurried off so soon as she wanted to make you a visit and calculated to before she left.

I got on the scales at the depot and I weighed 177 lbs in my every day dress. We have been expecting our pay every day for the last two weeks and have not got it yet. I can’t tell when I will come home. I may come home next week if we get our pay this week.

I understand the soldiers at Camp Douglas would receive their arms in a few days. We are having quite a time in our company at present. Our 2nd Lieutenant has resigned and we have to elect another one. There is a good deal of electioneering going on at present for the lieutenancy. Our chaplain preached to us last Sunday. He is a good speaker.

Daniel Miller is in the guard house yet. I do not know what his sentence is, nor he don’t. I have been looking for a letter for a day or two past, but have not seen any. I should think between some of you, you might write once a week as you have more time to write than I have. I tell you, we have not much leisure time, Sundays not excepted. Write soon. When this you see, remember me, though many miles apart we be. — Cornelius Cunningham


Letter 2

Camp Douglas
December 18th 1861

My dear sister,

I received your letter yesterday and was glad to hear that you were all well. I was not much surprised of hearing that Josiah and Sid was married. He told Dave that he was going to be married in a short time when he left. We are well and enjoying ourselves first rate. The weather being fine, we have to drill twice per day.

We had quite a fourth here last night. The Colonel got up a dance here in camp amongst the officers and the boys to have a little fun lighted up their barracks to the utmost power. We had from fifteen to twenty candles in each window. The most that was known in one window [was] 40. They made poles out of boards and nailed pieces across the, and hung lanterns on them, then raised them on the barracks. They got some barrels of pitch and set them on fire and had a big time in general. They kept it up until midnight or after.

I got a letter from Esther last week. They were all well. There is not much prospect of us leaving here this winter as I see. You said you seen James Smith’s likeness. I seen it when I was out there. It is a good picture of Jim Smith.

It has been the nicest kind of weather here for the last week or two. The Captain wants I should bunk in his room with him but I shan’t unless I can get someone to bunk with Dave that will suit him. I have to do a considerable writing for the captain which would make it more convenient for me to stay in his room. We have to go on dress parade once a day at 8 o’clock. I guess I have told you all the news—as much as you sent to me at any rate.

I send my love to all. Yours truly, — Cornelius Cunningham


Letter 3

Camp Douglas
December 31, 1861

My dear sister,

I received your letter today and am glad that I have at least one friend that will take the pains to write to me once a week. I am busy now every day helping the captain make out the pay roll. We was mustered in today for pay and if we get the pay roll ready, we will get our pay by the tenth of January when, if nothing happens more than we know of now, we will come to Valparaiso on our horses. But I expect that something will turn up so that we cannot come.

I finished my letter last week rather hasty. I commenced it in the morning and wrote all but the last line or so when at noon the captain went to his dinner and carried off my key so that I could not get into his room (but not intentionally) and did not come back till dusk when I got the letter, wrote a line or two, and closed it and went to Chicago, bought me an under shirt, and went to the theater. Seen the sights and came back to the barracks about 11 o’clock. Found Preacher Fairchild in camp and myself right side up with care, &c. The boys are fixin’ to have a big dinner tomorrow. They have got some thirty chickens, one turkey, and one duck. They are stuffing the turkey and some of the chickens. We went down in the city yesterday with the whole regiment and one regiment of cavalry from the other camp and two regiments of infantry which took us from nine o’clock in the morning till two in the afternoon. Came back tired and hungry as I was a going to say.

It is rumored that we as well as other western cavalry are about to go to New Albany in Indiana near the Ohio River. We may not go there for some time and may not go at all, but such is the news in the paper. If any of th boys come out here, send us some butter and such like. Put it in a box and nail it up and send it to us to Chicago.

Dave says he is a going to write to his folks to have them send him some. You can put things together and send them to us to Chicago. You can see that I am tired of writing for I have been writing all day and it is now twenty-five minutes of 9 o’clock. We have not got any arms yet so we do not drill much of any.

When you write, write about everything you can think of. Give my love to all enquiring friends and keep a good share of it yourself. It is now roll call and I must bid you good night and wish you a happy new year. Yours truly, — C. Cunningham


Letter 4

Camp Douglas
Chicago, Illinois
January 28, 1862

My dear sister,

We are still at the old stomping ground with very little prospect of leaving for eight or ten days  to come. We have not received any pay yet but expect to get it before we leave for the land of Dixie. It is a dismal day here today. It commenced raining here last night and still it is raining.

I have not received any letter from any of you this week. Dave got one from Josiah yesterday. There is a good many of the boys sick with the mumps and measles. There was some 20 reported this morning on the sick list. I thought yesterday that I should have to give up and call myself sick. I have had a bad cold ever since Father was out here. It settled on my lungs and caused me to cough a great deal and made my lungs sore. Yesterday I had quite a chill and fever. The fever left me about 8 o’clock last night. I have felt very well today. My cold is a little easier. My lungs still feel pretty sore but I guess I shall be alright in a few days. I have been trying to get a leave of absence to come home but since the weather has changed so I do not care so much about it. I would like to come out there and have a few sleigh rides and go to a spelling school or two, and give the girls a chance to kiss me. It is a pity to have them obliged to kiss my picture and not get a chance to kiss the original. If I do not get a chance to come home before I leave for the Land of Dixie, you can tell the girls I send my best respects to them all.

Tell Geely [?] that he must take good care of Nancy and not let the rest of the boys get ahead of him.

Wednesday morning, January 29. I feel pretty well this morning. I have just come in from dress parade and conclude to finish this letter so that I can send it out this morning or else you won’t get it this week. We had preaching in our barracks last night by the chaplain. It is pretty tolerable cool here this morning. Dave got quite homesick last night. He got it in his head that he wanted to go home. If we do not come home, I will send a letter to Valparaiso—that is, if we leave here before next week, which I hardly think we will.

I must close this for I shall be too late for the mail this morning.

Give my love to all enquiring friends, — C. Cunningham


Letter 5

Editors Note: Even though this letter is only partial and is missing the critical opening page with the date and location of the writing of the letter, readers will find that the events described in this letter coincide with those summarized on the website published by the Encyclopedia of Arkansas under the title, “Skirmish at Cache River Bridge.”

[Camp Tucker, at the junction of White and Black Rivers in Arkansas]
[June 1862]

…into an ambush I was about middle way of our company when we started and at the last end of the race there was 4 men and the captain ahead of me. I carried my carbine in my right hand and held my horse with the left—or tried to, They turned around once and thought they would fire but I guess they thought their chance would be slim if they stopped very long, but they all made their escape. About the same time the other companies was running too on to the other road. The road split and came together again about four miles from the fork. The first companies went one road and we went the other, We came out ahead or rather went back about a mile on the other road where they had camped. We catched one man and got two horses. We rested in peace that night. The next morning we went on together to Augusta [Arkansas].

The object of the scout was to see how many rebels there was down in that vicinity and catch a company that is known as Hooker’s Company. 1 We got into Augusta about noon but found no secesh. Hooker’s Company was there the day before and came up the way we went down and probably in the swamp except them that we chased. We camped in a nice little grove in Augusta that afternoon and night and all was quiet until about midnight when our picket fired two shots which caused us to be called up in line of battle on foot until we found but what the alarm was. The picket saw a man on horseback cross the road a few yards ahead of him. He halted him but he did not stop so he fired on him which caused him to leave in double quick so we laid down with our arms on and slept till morning. Then we started and came back to camp.

There is some pretty country down there. Wheat is ripe to cut. They have lots of Niggers. The wenches plow corn and cotton here and do all kinds of work. I seen a lot one place girdling trees. They have from 50 to a hundred on a farm.

Col. [Hiram F.] Sickles and the other companies come in contact with some secesh on Cache River. They had tore up the bridge and when our [ ] got onto it, they fired into them from the other side wounding a couple. Our boys returned the fire but to what effect they did not know. We all got back to camp about the same time and the news in camp quite exciting. The Col. got a dispatch that the rebels are coming up the river with a gunboat to shell us out. There is no troops here but our regiment and two six-lb. guns. There was a dispatch came in last night that the secesh was crossing above us—some 3,000. They sent Lieut. [John E.] Warner and ten men up the river to reconnoiter. They came back and reported no enemy there as they could hear of.

We had everything ready to march provided we are not attacked yet. There’s 5 or 6 regiments 15 miles from here of our men. Gen. Curtis is making his way to Little Rock. We probably will leave in a day or two or get reinforcements.

The weather is pretty warm. Haven’t seen any flour for six weeks, hard living. Dave is not very hearty. Zal is around again but can’t ride a horse yet. Several of the boys sick. One boy got drownded this morning and four mules while crossing the ferry. Dave gone out in the country with the boys after corn. No more pay yet.

I received two papers—one with paper and envelopes but no stamps. I have a five dollar bill but can’t get no change. The mail is a good while getting here from the [Pilot] Knob. Write often and all you can think of.

Dinner is ready.

1 “Hooker’s Company” was the company organized by Captain Richard Hooker in Jacksonport late in 1861. The men were armed with shotguns and borrowed sabers.  The company was known as Captain Hooker’s Company, Arkansas 30-Day 1861 Mounted Volunteers.  The company re-organized on February 26, 1862 at Jacksonport and more men mustered into it.  Before becoming part of the 32nd Infantry Regiment it figured prominently in the action around Jackson County in the spring and summer of 1862.  The March 31, 1862  morning report gave Hooker’s Company’s strength at 130 officers and men.

1863-64: Thurlow Joseph Wright to Caroline S. Wright

These rare and detailed letters were written by 46 year-old Thurlow Joseph Wright (1817-1877) who was commissioned surgeon—with the rank of Major—of the 7th Louisiana Infantry (African Descent), or the 64th USCT, on 26 November 1863. The 16 letters begin in September 1863 and end in December 1864. They add significantly to the body of knowledge pertaining to the superintendence of contrabands in the Lower Mississippi River between Natchez and Memphis, particularly with respect to their medical care. In addition, there are first-hand observations of Memphis, Vicksburg, and Little Rock; notices of guerrilla warfare up and down the river—including Quantrill and his band; a tour of the home Grant occupied during the siege of Vicksburg; a 4th of July celebration at Jeff Davis’s plantation in Mississippi; the mention of the Sultana when she was just another steamboat on the Mississippi; and much more.

An unidentified Union Surgeon with rank of Major

Though I could not find a biographical sketch of Dr. Wright, I discovered that he obtained his medical degree from the Eclectic Medical Institute in Cincinnati under the tutelage of Prof. Wooster Beach (Clinical Medicine & Surgery) in 1849; the catalogue for that year indicated he was from Iowa. In the 1850 and 1860 US Census records, Dr. Wright was enumerated in Cincinnati laboring as a physician. In the early 1850s, he accepted an offer to become dean of a rival medical school in Cincinnati named the America Medical College of Ohio, but this school soon folded for lack of a sufficient number of students.

The only obituary I could find for Dr. Wright appeared in the Cincinnati Commercial Tribune on 1 July 1877 which read:

“Dr. T. J. Wright, who died yesterday from injuries sustained a few days ago from the trampling of his horse, was an old and esteemed physician. He was born in Derbyshire England and came to this country while a lad. He was one of the early graduate of the Eclectic Medical Institute, and always adhered to that branch of the medical profession. He was never married but lived with his sisters on George Street until the Shillito purchase necessitated a change of residence to [114th W.] Seventh Street near Race, where he died. Dr. Wright was hospital surgeon several years during the war, and located at Vicksburg much of the time. He was sixty-five years old.” [Another source says 60].

Prior to volunteering his services as a surgeon, we learn from local papers that Dr. Wright was a 1st Lieutenant in the 14th Ward Home Guard in Cincinnati.

All 16 of these letters were addressed to “My dear sisters” who were Caroline S. Wright (1822-1901) and Felicitous (or Philicitous) Wright (1824-1887) both also born in England. They shared a residence with Thurlow in Cincinnati, running a boarding house in later years.

A report submitted by Dr. T. J. Wright describing the various contraband camps within the limits of his jurisdiction may be found on-line. The report was submitted to Surgeon D. O. McCord after his tour in February 1864.


Letter 1

Addressed to Caroline S. Wright, No. 8 George Street, Cincinnati, Ohio

Contraband Camp
Memphis, Tennessee
September 7, 1863

My dear sisters,

This day week, if my memory serves me right, I last wrote you in a very hurried manner, upon a topic or two uppermost in my mind at the time. And upon that of my pay I am no nearer now than then, of receiving it soon. I have a plan, however, in contemplation, which if adopted will bring the long controversy to a close. It is to make a truthful statement of the facts in the case and furnish the Department a second time with certified copies that I was on duty in hospital at La Grange from the 19th of January last till the 8th of February, inclusive. From the beginning to the end of that period, they (the clerks) inform me that they have no evidence in the office that I was on duty during that period.

The Medical Director is of the opinion that they have no right to question his statement as to its truthfulness. Hence, he has been and is now opposed to furnishing the Department a second time with the facts contained in my first account. It is equivalent to saying to him that we do not believe what you say. On this point he is sensitive and does not like the course the Department is pursuing, in consequence, to obtain the necessary information. Had I been let alone in the matter I should have taken the shortest road to obtain the information and then have forwarded it to Washington as requested. I have already written to Surgeon Crawford, now at Milliken’s Bend, La., formerly surgeon and Chief of Hospitals at La Grange when I was there to furnish me with a certified duplicate copy that I was on duty as stated above during the eight days commencing with the 1st of February. Then I shall call upon Surgeon Strode who is now in the city and in charge of the Webster Hospital who had charge of the hospitals at La Grange when I was ordered to report to him on the 19th of January last.

Having furnished the needful information, I am inclined to believe that my pay will be forthcoming which period cannot be more than two weeks from today, should I receive—as I expect to do—the certificates from surgeon Crawford in a day or two, when I shall have seven months pay due me at $100 and 83/100 per month.

The weather is quite warm again after a few days of very cold weather for this part of the country. About the same time, the newspapers inform us that it was correspondingly cold in the North so that it would appear that the weather here is influenced to a greater or lesser extent by the weather in the North. It is also reported that it was found in Illinois and other northwestern states damaging very materially the standing crops. The weather is now both dry and hot; very much as the weather was last fall when I made my appearance among the soldier patriots of the southwest.

One day about a week ago I spent part of the afternoon in the schoolhouse among the children, young men and women, and men and women of middle age. From conversations repeatedly had with Mr. [Abijah] Conner 1 from Wheeling, Va., who has been officiating as resident chaplain and Superintendent of the school, I had formed a more favorable opinion than my visit would warrant as to the facility with which the colored children receive information. There are but few among them who can read and the most of them do not know the alphabet, though they are spelling and trying to read in books which would imply that they were somewhat advanced in the rudiments of the English language.

In conversations had from time to time, Mr. Conner gave us to understand that the children received instructions as readily as white children do in other parts of the country. There are a few facts to be taken in consideration in making up the estimate of their ability to acquire information. In the first place, they are not encouraged by their parents to prosecute their studies as white children in Cincinnati are; hence, as soon as learning to read becomes irksome—as it does to may—every device imaginable is resorted to to evade going to school. Then again the number of scholars are too numerous for the teachers employed. Only two young women are now in the field laboring for the common good of the scholars and they have been sick for several weeks during the summer. The scholars under them are between two and three hundred. You may readily infer that but little time can be devoted to each class out of so many by two delicate females assisted occasionally by a married woman—the wife of a soldier attached to our camp. But a few minutes can be devoted to each class during the forenoon or afternoon of each day in place of an hour or two in the public schools of Ohio.

One of the Memphis Freedman’s Schools, ca. 1865

On the Island 2 the school has been suspended for some time in consequence of sickness; and the female school teachers are now in hospital—or one of them, at least—and the other is with her as a companion during her sickness. I am not certain that there is teaching of any kind going on on the island. Yet about two weeks since it was reported that one or more of the detailed white soldiers were to be ordered to open the school and “teach the young ideas how to shoot.” I have not heard of it being opened, however. In my opinion there is not a minute to lose providing we study the best interests of the people.

Yours, — T. J. Wright

1 The Superintendent of the contraband school was Rev. Abijah Conner (1830-1870) and his wife who were assisted by Miss Mary B. Johnson, Miss Fannie Kiddoo, and Miss Agnes Henry. [Source: Historical Sketch of the Freedman’s Missions of the United Presbyterian Church, 1862-1904 by Margaret Lorimer McClenahan.]

The first free colored school taught in Memphis was opened in the early part of 1863, in a barrack building in South Memphis, by Miss Fannie Kiddoo [Kidder], a Lady of culture and high Christian character, from Illinois, sent here by the United Presbyterian Freedman’s Aid Society. She continued to teach under different benevolent societies for four years, during which time she was nobly assisted by many brave and noble ladies, among whom should be mentioned Misses Mary Johnson, Mary Tyler, Eliza Mitchell, Rose Kinney, Nellie V. Kimbal and Belle Rose. These pioneers labored on amidst many privations, sacrifices and hardships, beside the insults, slanders and abuse, not only of the low and vulgar enemies of the colored people, but also of the press of the city. They deserve honorable mention for the great good done to the colored people, not merely by the instruction given, but by the influence exerted to remove the prejudice against and opposition to their education.[Source]

2 Camp Dixie was a contraband camp built on President’s Island west of Fort Pickering in 1863. It held over 2,000 fugitive slaves. The contrabands in Camp Dixie cultivated 300 acres of cotton, and built a sawmill and school in 1863. 

An article appearing in the Boston Recorder on April 9, 1863, described the situation in Memphis in March 1863:

“…The increase of colored people in and about two has been immense—probably about four thousand. Coming from all the various conditions of slavery, they constitute a most interesting class, however contemplated. Until of late, their place of habitation, labor, all were entirely voluntary. Of the able-bodied men, about four hundred have on an average worked on the defenses here—a great military work—and saved our soldiers many a hard day’s digging with spade and pick. These men worked voluntarily and were paid and fed only the days they labored. Their families have lived as they could in houses vacated about town, or gathered in a village of their own building, below the fort. Many have driven drays or worked in steamboats, or sawed wood, or done service for families. No control was assumed until the present plan of supervision was adopted. At first the new arrivals were all the Superintendent could shelter and manage. Among those living about at their own option, it was found vice and crime had singular sway. They become the dupes alike of those who would hire them to steal horses, mules, &c., from citizens, and of those who would carry on unlawful trade with the enemy. The Superintendent, Rev. Mr. Fiske, was ordered to assume control of their voluntary village. They had a guard of their own,–colored—but he soon had occasion to investigate the cases of stealing cattle, and found guard, and preachers also, implicated. Those over who he exercised his kindly authority have never been known connected with any violation of law. The old prejudices remain here. A man who has started a colored school among blacks in town able to pay tuition, has been mobbed. He is expected to continue. We shall see. He has one hundred and sixty scholars. If our soldiers all knew how to treat a colored fellow as a human being, the citizens would learn faster. It is a singular fact that those superintending this work have to carry on a double warfare—against rebel residents and loyal soldiers—a war within a war…”


Letter 2

Holly Springs Contraband Camp
Memphis, Tennessee
December 9th 1863

My dear sisters,

I have to inform you that I have received a commission from the President of the United States to serve as surgeon of the 7th Louisiana Volunteers of African Descent, which will place e a little higher in office than I have been heretofore, and an additional sum to my pay per month, all of which will be as gratifying to you as it is to me.

Though I have indirectly alluded to the contemplated change in several of my letters, I thought it better not to inform you of my object till I had something reliable in my possession. About two months since I made known to the Medical Director of the 16th Army Corps that I should like a commission in a regiment. He immediately invited me to call on the Medical Examining Board which met at his Headquarters and submit myself to an examination, which I did, and of course I must have passed or I should not now be favored with a commission.

In consequence of this gratifying change in office, I shall in all probability be ordered to report for duty to one of the Contraband Camps below Memphis—perhaps Vicksburg. I shall know tomorrow.

Had I known this two months ago, I could have had my trunk sent down to me and such other articles of wearing apparel as I am in need of. As it is, I must wait till I am located before I can order you to send my trunk and a few white shirts and perhaps a dress coat and overcoat, unless I conclude to buy one here.

Yesterday a fire broke out in the small pox hospital connected with our department which reduced the building to ashes. Though full of patients at the time, not one of whom was injured by the fire. It is rather remarkable that fires do not more frequently occur than they do for they (the colored people) are the most careless creatures I ever saw.

Last night was one of the stormy ones of the season. It blew and rained as if to tear to pieces the tents and submerge the campground in water. Many tents were blown down, leaving the people without any shelter during the storm and their goods exposed to the pelting rain and fierce wind that shook everything that was not as fixed as the rock of ages.

Today I was in the quarters up to the ankles in mud and mire. What with the storm and the smoke of the fires, the poor people were objects of charity. I cannot see how they endure he smoke for I cannot stand it for two minutes—much less all the time.

I will close this note when I know where I shall be in my new office.

I have been at headquarters to receive orders but am to remain here for a time—perhaps a week, perhaps for months. I cannot say how long or how short.

Mr. Olive leaves for Cincinnati today and will call on you as soon as he can after arriving. If you can make it convenient, you may order me a dress coat and purchase me a short or two (colored) and a few white ones, and such odds and ends as you may think of. Direct it to the care of J. N. Alonis [?] & Co. Mr. Alonis will take charge of it.

I met Mr. Eugene T____ in the street today. He has been in the city all the time.

Yours, — T. J. Wright, Surg. South La. Vol. Inf. A. D.


Letter 3

Addressed to Caroline S. Wright, No. 8 George Street, Cincinnati, Ohio

Contraband Camp
Memphis, Tennessee
December 15, 1863

My dear sisters,

I have to inform you that I am under orders to report to Col. Thomas at Vicksburg, Mississippi. I expect to leave the coming week. My labors in that field will differ somewhat from those I have been rendering here. The Department of Tennessee including Arkansas is to be be, or rather is, by an order of S[amuel]. Thomas, Adjutant General USA, separated from the Military and Medical Authorities, so fas as the appointing power is concerned. General Thomas has appointed Col. [John] Eaton Superintendent with power to appoint such persons as he may deem proper. He has appointed Surgeon McCord Medical Director for the Medical Department. I am next in rank (Major) in consequence of which my office will be more of a business than medical in character. I am in other words the Senior Surgeon and no one can outrank me but Surgeon McCord who fills an office intimately related to mine.

The hospital building in which I expect a room and an office is situated in the center of Vicksburg and in all probability I shall have more comfortable quarters there than here. I shall be from necessity in the very midst of the gay and fashionable men of the army. In consequence of which I shall have to mingle more than I have heretofore done with the outside world; and must as a matter of necessity spend more money in dress than I have lately done, as well as money in the form of pocket change. My business will compel me to keep a horse which I have not always done. I am also entitled to feed for three horses according to regulations.

Orders received from McCord, Medical Director Freedmen Department of the Tenn. and State of Arkansas, dated 13 December 1863

When I reach Vicksburg, I shall also be better supplied with servants than heretofore. In consequence of which I expect to meet with some one who can wash white shirts better than it has been my good fortune to meet with thus far. Please send me about half a dozen shirts and a few more neck ties such as I wore in Cincinnati. In addition to my dress coat, which I have ordered you to get made for me, will perhaps be all that my immediate wants demand. Should you procure for me a pair of shoulder straps (which I leave to you entirely so that they may be put on by the tailor) please purchase none but plain Major’s straps unless the letters M. S. are worked in silver as the wreath is in gold. The letters you send me I have not wore. I can either wear straps with the letters referred to , or without, at pleasure. By far the greater number of Majors in the Medicial Department wear their straps without the letters.

In consequence of the order which I have received to report to Col. [Samuel] Thomas at Vicksburg, I think it would be your best plan to send my trunk by Express to Vicksburg direct. Otherwise I fear it will be double trouble to ship it at Cincinnati to the care of Mr. Oliver and company and some delay in consequence. You can consult Mr. Oliver upon the subject. Direct it to T. J. Wright, Surgeon, 7th Regt. Louisiana Vol. of A. D. [African Descent], Vicksburg, Mississippi. You will also from this time direct all letters and papers as above till ordered otherwise.

As soon after my arrival as possible, I shall write you and let you know how I like my new location. I shall not leave for several days and may, before I take my departure, write you another letter.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, — T. J. Wright

7th Regt. La. Vol. A. D.


Letter 4

Vicksburg, Mississippi
January 4th 1864

My dear sisters,

Soon after my arrival here and before I entered upon the duties of my profession, I wrote you a few lines to let you know that I had arrived safely and in good health. I have now to inform you that I have just returned from a tour of inspection of the caps in my district which extends from Vicksburg to Goodrich’s Landing in Louisiana. The country over which I rode is one continuous grave yard. All along the levee and by-the-by, the country is covered all along and for hundreds of miles both above and below [with] the graves of the thousands who died from exposure before and after the surrender of Vicksburg [which] meets the eye from morning til night.

At the first camp I visited, which is about two miles below Vicksburg by land, the Superintendent informed me that the soldiers from the Eastern states were camped but a short distance from where we were then standing which is studded with small pieces of boards and containing the name and regiment of the soldiers’ remains deposited there.

Till recently, I never saw a cotton farm on a large scale. I can now, however, say that I have seen them in both good and bad condition. Each of the plantations contain hundreds of acres of as fine alluvial land as the sun ever shone upon. In many respects, it resembles the rich bottom lands of the Ohio and other rivers in the West. In another particular, It may be compared to the prairies found in Illinois for there are but few plantations that contain any trees or stumps. They are generally clean, smooth lands freed from all kinds of shrubs and trees.

The quarters, as the buildings are called, are in general very comfortable cabins of moderate size. They are built in rows as we build houses in cities and a space intervening between about as wide as some of our widest streets. The plantations that I have visited contained three rows of these cabins each and containing from ten to twelve and all white-washed with the out buildings such as barns, stables for the mules, corn cribs, gin house, and a fine building or two for the overseer which give the quarters the appearance at a distance of a village or small town. In descending the river from Memphis to Vicksburg, I took the plantation quarters for so many villages.

All along the roads over which I rode and as far as the eye could reach, the remains of plantations could be seen as monuments of the once greatness of the Sunny South. The chimneys of nearly all the gin houses and many of the quarters still stand to note the spot where they once stood. Not a fence or the signs of a fence did I see till I approached within a short distance of the headquarters of Gen. Grant, McPherson, and others who it appears reserved a small portion of the wood work around each mansion more for their own accommodation than the good of the owners, I should judge.

The house occupied by Gen. Grant during the siege of Vicksburg I have had the pleasure seeing it both inside and out. It is a frame building of moderate size with a very wide hall and lofty ceiling. In one of the parlors a mirror still remains as it was before the General occupied the building. It is not less than eight feet long with a very heavy gilt moulding or frame which cost in Paris four hundred and fifty dollars before the war. The furniture has been removed or disposed of in some way with a few exceptions. From the size and value of the mirror you may form a good idea of the quality and value of the furniture for I have no doubt but it corresponded with the mirror—at least I can say that which I did see did.

I am sorry to say that the contrabands are in daily fear of the guerrillas who occasionally make raids upon them and rob them of everything worth removing and in some cases even destroy the contrabands who may chance to be in their way. A raid of this kind was made on a plantation about two miles above Milliken’s Bend but a few days before I had to cross it to reach Goodrich’s Landing. The raiders killed five contrabands who were living there and would no doubt have taken the life of the only white man in the place had he not made his escape on a fast horse just in season to save his life.

At Van Buren, another contraband plantation a few miles below Milliken’s Bend, when I rode up there was a company of colored troops being drawn up in a line of battle to defend themselves against a guerrilla party who was reported advancing but a short distance off.

Yours, — T. J. Wright, Surg, 7th La. Vol. Infantry A. D.


Letter 5

Vicksburg, Mississippi
January 11th 1863 [should be 1864]

My dear sisters,

Thus far I have to inform you that I have received one newspaper and a letter from Henry W. Rittenhouse, Medical Storekeeper M. S. A., Acting Medical Purveyer “from Cincinnati.” The letter of Mr. Rittenhouse is one of enquiry by whose authority the money was paid. The Warrant No. 9075, the first warrant on which I was paid, by my order to you. O presume it is right. It is my impression that you wrote to me informing me that the second payment is the one that you were so long in obtaining. Should there be an error on this subject, you can easily correct it. If you received your money, the first payment, it is all right, from him, as I presume you did.

Since I last wrote you we have had strange weather for the Sunny South. It has been so cold that I [have] not been able to do anything of a business character. Wood and coal are both very scarce—much more so I suppose than in Cincinnati. The price I will not mention for the reason that I do not know what it is but you may rest assured that it is high enough. As we do not pay for fuel, it makes but little difference in pecuniary sense.

In my last I did not inform you of the sights I saw on my way to Goodrich’s Landing. But I did inform you of the sights I saw during the first two days.

From Young’s Point to Van Buren are some of the finest plantations for the cultivation of cotton it has been my good fortune to look upon. Hundreds and thousands of acres of nearly lean land extends as far as the eye can reach. Not a rail either is to be seen along the extent of territory. Now and then a brick chimney peers above like lone trees on the western prairies to inform the passerby that here stood a cotton gin or there a saw mill and beyond it in the distance once stood the palace in which lived the overseer and perhaps the driver of the numerous slaves who once clustered around the negro quarters at night but now as still as if the habitations had never been the abode of living human beings.

A short distance above Milliken’s Bend there is a plantation called Omega containing about 200 negroes and a few whites and where a raid was made a few days before I passed the point by a band of guerrillas, in consequence of which the people nearly all left and have not returned so I am informed to assume their former avocations. These raids are by far too numerous for the common good of the people or the safety of travelers.

After riding for nearly six hours I reached the landing and remained all night with H. H. Littlefield, Act. Assistant Surgeon, USA, who is in charge of the contrabands at the landing. The day following I rode round to the plantations on which I found the negroes as wild as deer. Though I was dressed in uniform, they ran like deer to the woods and canebrakes where they remain in the night and return to their cabins in the day. It may seem strange to you that negroes run at the sight of a U. S. officer. It is not strange, however, when we take into consideration that guerrillas frequently appear in the uniform of our soldiers and officers to deceive the negroes and others with whom they may come in contact. I could not have realized the excitement common to this people had I not seen them myself and witnessed the action of them at the sight of a white man. A few days before I reached the landing a party of colored men and their whites with ten trains, eight six-mule teams, and two four all of whom were gobbled up—that is, the teams and men were seized and appropriated. The negroes were sent to Texas and the white men were put to death.

On my return to Vicksburg, I soon started out to visit the [Benson Heighe] Blake Plantation about ten miles from Vicksburg on the Valley Road. The husband of Mrs. Blake is a colonel in the rebel army. She is living on the plantation and depends upon the government for rations. 1 The Blake’s Plantation are three in number which contain many thousands of acres of as fine land as the sun ever shone upon. She is, I am informed, strong in the faith still. Yet a visible improvement has taken place in her made from the remark, I am told she has frequently made—that is, that she does not care which government is successful, ours or the Southern Confederacy so that the property she and her husband once owned could be placed in her possession as it once was. She is after the dollars and the negroes could she hold them.

News reached me on Saturday that the guerrillas with soldiers in the Confederate service held both sides of the river at or near Greensville near Napoleon in Arkansas. Batteries and regiment were forwarded from here yesterday.

Yours, — T. J. Wright, Surgeon, 7th La. Vol. of A. D.

The Plantation House at Blakely, home of Benson Blake

1 “Benson Heighe Blake moved to Mississippi in 1834 according to information on his application for a pardon after the Civil War. He married Caroline Downs Ferguson widow of Thomas Ferguson and owner of the property that became Blakeley Plantation. Blake inherited the property from Caroline after her death in 1849.  Blake married Mary Savage Conner daughter of Henry LeGrand Conner and Susan Evelina Baker in 1852 at Berkeley Plantation in Adams County, Mississippi. In 1862, Blake took the majority of his slaves, stores, and silver when the Union Army approached Vicksburg. He went to Demopolis, Alabama where he stayed until moving to a place sixteen miles south of Albany, Georgia.  Most of the slaves returned to Blakeley Plantation with Blake after the Civil War.

 “[The Yankee] army was followed by hundreds of negroes and they formed these contrabands as they were called into camps or corrals.  One of these corrals was on each of Mr. Blake’s plantations, the one at Blakely being probably the largest as the accommodations were greater.  There were seventeen hundred in this corral stored away in the quarters, in tents and in the gin to which they built two stories….  Very soon Yankee school teachers or ‘Marms’ as they were called arrived and took up their quarters in the corral to teach the negroes.  The whole field presented a singular appearance dotted with camps, etc. and standing out in the sun and rain were carriages of various kinds which were brought there by the Yankees or negroes.” [Source] 


Letter 6

Steamer W. L. Ewing
Mississippi River
January 27th 1864

My dear sisters,

In my last I informed you that I should like to see you down here on my return from Arkansas. I regret to inform you now that it would not be safe to do so. Orders have been issued to Divisions to make ready for a move at a moment’s warning. This morning we passed eleven steamboats loaded with soldiers and stores bound for Vicksburg. In addition to this, the troops stationed on the river at and near Goodrich’s Landing have received marching orders and the contrabands are being taken away as fast as the boats can carry them. When our boat arrived at the landing, we found it black over with contrabands and their goods, all ready to leave as fast as the boats could take them away. Such a sight I never saw before and the reality of which I hope I shall not be compelled soon to witness again. It is one of the most heart-rending scenes I ever saw or expect to see. Only picture to yourself a band of guerrillas within a few miles of the people and the people’s protection—our troops—ordered away immediately and thousands of people still here and cannot get away in consequence of the limited number of boats to carry them away, and you may form a faint idea of the condition of the poor contrabands whose lives in the hands of the guerrillas are as uncertain as the wind.

We took on board of the Ewing about three hundred ([inserted] I should have said six hundred) contrabands who had been employed to work the plantations the coming season at and near the landing but who had been compelled to leave with all their agricultural implements and stock after the boat had been loaded as the captain thought to express. The boat is now discharging her living freight and the implements of industry as well as livestock and provisions at a point called after you, Caroline, in the State of Mississippi 100 miles above Vicksburg.

I was informed by Col. E. W. Chamberlain, one of the planters at Goodrich’s Landing that Quantrill’s guerrillas were within two miles of the landing at sundown last night. Several persons are now on board who fled to save their lives. Were it not for the colored troops under the command of [Brig.] Gen. [John Parker] Hawkins—a portion of whom have been detained, the colored people and the whites would be murdered indiscriminately by Quantrill’s band of murderers.

We have on board of our boat about 100 rebel prisoners who could, had they the slightest chance, make an effort to escape. Besides this, the whites on board, pretended Union men, are not reliable in case of an attempt on the part of the rebels to escape. The officers on board are watchful and the men under them are reliable as steel so that we feel comparatively speaking safe. It is that safety which cold steel only can command.

To see the people and goods on shore was a sight to be sure. Horses, cattle, mules, and contrabands in one conglomerated mass. The pigs and goats contributing their noises share to render the sight one of the most ridiculous and laughable I ever saw. Though they have removed from Goodrich’s Landing, it is a question with me whether they have not run away from one trouble to meet at some future period a still more serious one.

This life of the poor contraband is one of trouble which is likely to accumulate till the war is closed and their right to freedom is no longer a question of doubt.

Contraband collected at the steamboat landing

Should I be detained at the mouth of White river, I will write you a few lines and will try to let you know where I am as often as possible.

Very respectfully, your brother, — T. J. Wright, Surg., 7th La. Vol. of A. D.


Letter 7

Vicksburg, Mississippi
March 7th 1864

My dear sisters,

Allow me to inform you that I expressed, by Adams Express, the sum of $300 on Saturday last. I received the sum of five hundred of the paymaster, and for fear of an accident, I dispatched it in post immediately.

I am now under order for Davis’s Bend but shall be in town in the course of a week or two.

I am sorry to inform that my trunk has not been heard from. What is the matter that you don’t let me know whether you have forwarded it or not?

Tell Phelicitous I should like to hear from her once in awhile. Please let her do a little of the writing.

I wrote a letter to Mr. John Halstead some time since but I had to direct it from memory in consequence of which I may have made a mistake. If you have the number of the street, be kind enough to let me know. I received a letter from Mr. Daniel’s brother dated December last in which I am informed that he (Hiram Daniel) was then sick and desired to see me. I have written to his brother to let him know where I can be found.

If you have a desire to visit the South, you can do so. They are now charging large sums of money on the steamboats coming here and returning from Vicksburg. The trip to Vicksburg and return will cost you a hundred dollars each, I have no doubt. Yet, if your desire is strong enough to run the risk of coming down here and returning, I shall do all in my power to make your visit agreeable. I can do a good deal for you in this particular which will be as freely bestowed upon you as it will be acceptable on your part. I have thought that it will be paying a good deal for a little. In a military and historical sense, the trip would be interesting. Yet all can be seen after the war is over better than now and under more favorable circumstances. Should you come, I should like to go with you to New Orleans but I am not certain that a pass could be procured. Besides, I might not be able to procure a leave of absence for so long a time.

If you should conclude to come, you must prepare yourselves with dresses of the latest fashion so that you will be able to appear as well as the best of the ladies here, if not better. The people live fast in the army and judge a person by the quality of his coat, or the style in which it is cut.

I am an old bachelor, so regarded by the military, so that it makes but little difference how I appear. But when my sisters visit me, I expect to let the military know that they are some. You must be prepared for horseback riding. We have as much riding here as in Cincinnati if not more.

I must have another pair of pants and a vest. The pants with gold cord, like my first ones, on the seams. The vest of light cloth for the warm season, not yellow.

I shall be able to send you some more money soon. I have an order for $160 more; will have to go to Memphis for it in all probability.

Yours, — T. J. Wright, 7th La. Vol. of A. D.


Letter 8

Vicksburg, Mississippi
March 23rd 1864

My dear sisters,

I am afraid you will think I’m writing oftener than necessary. You will excuse me, however, for this when I inform you that I am under orders to leave for a point some seventy miles south of this with several companies of the regiment to which I am attached as surgeon. The guerrillas are numerous enough to require attention. The name of the place is Waterproof [Louisiana]. 1

I am in most excellent health and in as fine sprits as I have been in since I entered the service of our common country. Should anything transpire worthy of a note, I shall try to let you know should I have time as I hope I shall.

The steamer on board of which our troops are is the packet Adj. Gen. Thomas’s boat which is now coaling on the other side of the river. It will be here in the course of an hour or two when I shall go onboard to be ready to leave with it this afternoon or evening. Most of the men are from the camp at Memphis, nearly all of whom are my old and personal friends. As soon as they saw me this forenoon on my way to the boat, they cried out, “Here comes our old doctor!” and as soon as I touched the boat they came by tens and twenties to shake hands with me. When they were recruited, I promised to see them all righted and they feel now that I am the man to comply with my promise. I feel gratified to be in active service with the men who feel so well pleased to have me with them. Indeed, I could not get my will to say no to such a noble set of fellows.

I am not to remain permanently with them in the field. I only go for a time or till an assistant surgeon—a man of the right kind—can be obtained to fill the position with me in the regiment.

The weather is fine today and the storm and rain which annoyed us so much a day or two ago has passed over and the dirt in the streets is becoming quite dry.

I hope you have received the money I forwarded to you. One package of three hundred dollars and one of one hundred and fifty; four hundred and fifty in all.

Very respectfully, your obedient brother, — T. J. Wright, Surgeon

64th US Infantry, colored
Acting Medical Inspector

1 A garrison of 300 African-American Union troops based in Waterproof was attacked on February 13, 1864, by 800 Confederates under Captain Eli Bowman. The Federal gunboat Forest Rose opened fire from the Mississippi River and drove back Bowman’s men. The next day Bowman resumed the attack, but the Forest Rose again shelled the Confederates, who again fell back in confusion. Joining Bowman was the cavalry commanded by Isaac F. Harrison. On February 15, Harrison, in command, tried to storm Waterproof but was again checked by the Forest Rose. Harrison was compelled to call off the attack and retreated westward toward Harrisonburg, the seat of Catahoula Parish. “The Confederates’ unreasonable fear of gunboats had been insurmountable, and Waterproof remained in Federal hands,” explained historian John D. Winters in his The Civil War in Louisiana (1963). [Wikipedia]


Letter 9

Vicksburg, Mississippi
April 26th 1864

Caroline S. Wright,

Allow me to introduce to you Surgeon D. O. McCord, Medical Director of Freemen, who will visit Cincinnati on business.

Respectfully yours, — T. J. Wright, Surgeon, 64th US Infantry (Col)


Letter 10

Vicksburg, Mississippi
May 1st 1864

My dear sisters,

Since I wrote you, several changes of importance have been made. Day before yesterday I learnt with sorrow and regret that a portion of the forces (the cavalry especially) had been ordered away from Vicksburg and sent north, perhaps to Memphis, in consequence of which Blake’s Plantation—situated about eight miles from town—has been broken up and the colored people ordered here. Surgeon Parks in charge and his hospital steward have been compelled to leave with their medical stores and hospital furniture and are now with us waiting orders. The sick have been brought here and are now inmates of the Prentiss Hospital while a portion of the people have been sent to Davis’s Bend; say about one hundred and fifty in number. The rest of the people are in camp in the bottom outside the picket line. Yesterday Col. Eaton informed me that the people will be ordered to Davis’s Bend immediately.

The steamboat Grey Eagle brought us the news on Friday last that the camp at Waterproof [Louisiana] had been attacked by a force not known how strong consisting of cavalry and one field piece. The garrison suffered no loss so I am informed. Lieut. Fogg was there and returned yesterday, who has furnished us with additional information. He had command of Capt. Elliot’s company, the captain being otherwise engaged. The attack was made by the plank road. No one injured so far as I can learn. Surgeon Hemming writes me that they had quite a lively time of it and a good deal of shooting but to no effect. More powder and shot wasted, I apprehend, than a little, The pickets commenced firing and retreating as they fired all in good order.

I am informed that there is now a gunboat stationed there with two tiers of guns so that should another attack be made on the garrison while the gunboat remains there, the attacking party may look out for a warm reception. The garrison is to be furnished with a battery of field pieces of not less than four, perhaps six guns. They will in all probability leave port tomorrow so that in the course of a few days, the strength of the garrison will be much better than it is now.

Within a few days Point Pleasant in the state of Louisiana near Davis’s Bend has been raided, and a number of our pickets have been taken by the guerrilla band making the attack and put to death no doubt in the most brutal manner, as that mode of daring business appears to be the order of the day with them. In consequence of the raid, the planters have left their plantations and the laborers have been sent to the Mississippi side where they will remain for a time in all probability. When Surgeon McCord left Vicksburg, Point Pleasant was in great need of a surgeon and I was ordered to supply the place just as soon as one reported for duty. No one has as yet reported except Surgeon Parks who would have been ordered there but for the unfortunate raid made on the Point and the place vacated, rendering a surgeon almost unnecessary.

The Plantation System 1 adopted by the Treasury Department is becoming daily more and more a matter of regret by those who, to make fortunes, entered the field almost blindfolded for if they had used a little common sense in the case, they would certainly have arrived at the same conclusion that I arrived at months ago. The source of trouble is m_____y by the two parties interested, each one of whom saw money in the enterprise—one to supply the Treasury with the means to carry on the war [and] the other to make fortunes for themselves out of the misfortunes of others. The laudability of the former is apparent; not so with the latter.

Exposed as the territory is which is sought to be cultivated by the leases under the Treasury Department, should have been a sufficient reason for the planters to have paused before risking thousands upon thousands of dollars in the wild scheme soon to be exploded with the loss of many valuable lives. The Government has not the men to spare to guard the plantations were it so disposed. Besides, a vigorous prosecution of the war is of far more importance to the Nation than the cultivation of a few plantations out of which the government would not receive money enough—or not much more than enough—to pay the expenses of agents to attend to the business department, leave out of question the incidental expenses of sustaining a small force not one hundredth part large enough to protect the plantations and the people.

In consequence of this foolish project being insisted on, the property and lives of not a few are sure to atone for the folly and indiscretion of those who should have known better. This season I am sure will demonstrate to the understanding of all the impracticality of raising cotton in states infested by guerrilla bands without the protection of an army almost as large as General Grant is soon to lead to battle and to victory, I hope.

Yours, — T. J. Wright, Surgeon, 64th U. S. Infantry (Col.)

1 In March 1863, Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton sent Adj. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas to the Mississippi Valley to develop a program that would enable freedmen to become self sufficient and provide “useful service” as laborers and soldiers. Gen. Thomas instituted a plan that called for the leasing of abandoned and confiscated plantations to private individuals who would agree to hire freedmen. Three commissioners were appointed to supervise the leasing, and wit the help of assistant provost marshals, they settled disputes that arose between freedmen and lessees (planters). Contraband camps were to be continued but only as a place for the unemployed and a source for acquiring able-bodied laborers to work in plantations. Planters were responsible for providing food, clothing, and monthly wages for the persons they employed. Male hands were paid $7 per month, women $5, and children between the ages of 12 and 15 received half wages. Instead of paying ordinary rent, planters were required to pay the Federal Government a produce tax that amounted to “two dollars for each 400 pounds of cotton produced and five cents for ever bushel of corn or potatoes.” To protect the freedmen and planters from the attacks of “guerrillas,” Gen. Thomas established a “Colored invalid corps” comprised of black men unsuited for field service but capable of other military duties. Some of these guards were drawn from the 7th Louisiana (64th USCT). By the end of 1863, responsibility for managing this program was transferred to the Treasury Department. As Dr. Wright’s letter attests, the plan was Plantation System was a failure primarily because there was inadequate security provided to protect the crops and the laborers from guerrillas that prevailed in the Mississippi River valley.


Letter 11

Vicksburg, Mississippi
May 8th 1864

My dear sisters,

I have been busily engaged nearly all week in attending to the sick from Blake’s Plantation. In consequence of the evacuation of that place and the hurried manner in which the people left it, some lost their clothing [and] others who were improving in their health have brought about relapses. Taking into consideration their exposed condition, is it any wonder that we have an increased sick list on the one hand and an increased mortality on the other? Houseless and homeless as these poor creatures are in many instances, it is no wonder that their numbers decreased rapidly as they do. After attending in person to all the sick from the plantations referred to who are just outside the lines, I received verbal information from Col. Eaton, Superintendent of Freedmen, late on Friday afternoon, that there was a number of sick on one of Blake’s Plantations on the Yazoo river who required attention and he requested my attention to the subject. This place is some twelve miles from Vicksburg and nearly as many miles outside our lines. I might have sent out a hospital steward or a surgeon, but I am not certain that either one would have been induced to discharge their duties in the case. What was I to do? Leave the poor creatures to the mercy f persons of their own color as they had been for over a week? No! I resolved to attend to the matter myself, without an ambulance, wagon, or any kind of a carriage in which to put the sick when found.

About nine o’clock I left Vicksburg on y little pony and rode for hours over one of the dustiest roads I ever passed over till I reached Blake’s Plantation on which I found a few colored families in the quarters who had returned after the excitement was over and one white man, one of the employees of Mr. Smith who informed me that nothing could induce him to remain there any longer than it required to get a settlement with Mr. Smith for past services. This gentleman accompanied me after dinner to the plantations on the Yazoo river. On our way there, the hospital steward formerly of Blake’s Plantation camp accompanied us who rode up to a temporary building on the hillside which is used and occupied as a small pox hospital in which were found three persons in the advanced stage of that loathsome malady, attended by a negro woman. It was not known that any persons were there till our investigations discovered the group.

We continued our ride up the road and through the camps where our soldiers but little over a week before were encamped and saw the remnants of camp equipage strewn about in profusion. About a mile beyond we reached the bank of the Yazoo river and the spot on which but a short time since one man perished on a telegraphic pole to compensate in part for the numerous outrages committed on our people by the rebels but a short time before. Having reached the river we had about a mile further to go to reach the lower plantation on which the sick were reported to be. On our arrival there I entered the building in which were the day before one if not two of the sick. To my great surprise I could not discover a being, living or dead. In a corn crib to the right on the bank of the river, I heard a man crying loudly who noise attracted my attention to his location. In one of the log cabins in the quarters a woman and girl were found, the former in a helpless condition and literally lying in her own filth and rolling about from side to side like a hog wallowing in the mire. This woman was reported as being put on the wagon at Blake’s Plantation, who was on the sick list there, to be put on board of the steamer sent up the Yazoo river to take the people away when the order was issued to withdraw the protection which our troops had extended to them.

These unfortunate people had been in this helpless condition and in the quarters alone for one week. I am informed that teams had been there every day for three days for corn, yet not one of the drivers had humanity enough to bring them away to a place where they could be cared for. These drivers by-the-by are of their own color, which goes to show how far one cares for another when in distress.

We found near the quarters two negroes with a yoke of cattle and an old dilapidated wagon in search of lumber to take to the new camp on the river. Having no means of taking the sick away at my command, I pressed into service the cattle of these colored brethren, put the sick on board, and ordered the driver to take them to camp. I have learnt this morning hat they arrived at camp last night and are to be brought to this hospital today.

On our way home I saw several large alligators in the Chickasaw Bayou lot less than eight feet long.

Yours, — T. J. Wright, Surgeon

64th U. S. Infantry (Col.)


Letter 12

Vicksburg, Mississippi
May 21st 1864

My dear sisters,

I am fearful you will feel uneasy about me in consequence of not writing as often as usual. About the time I forwarded to you two hundred and fifty dollars, about a week ago, I received an order to go below and attend to a little business connected with our Department which deprived me of the opportunity of writing as I have been accustomed to once a week.

On my way down the river I had business at Davis’s Bend where I remained two days, after which I went as far as Waterproof, Louisiana, and just arrived there in season to be present at the evacuation of that recently occupied post. The orders were to leave the place immediately and occupy posts nearer Natchez to protect a few plantations near there from guerrilla raids.

Union fortifications at Davis’s Bend on the Mississippi manned by members of the 64th USCT

As I had not time to discharge the business devolving upon me at Waterproof before the troops left, I had no alternative left me but to go with them either by water or land and the former route I made choice of in preference. No soon had our troops got ready to depart than the guerrillas were seen moving around in the woods on the outskirts of town. In a thicket of woods a little north of the town, quite a number of them were secreted, which induced our boys to fire into the thicket, soon after which the guerrilla scoundrels were seen running in every direction to escape the effects of the shot. Seeing the good effect that one shot had, our boys were anxious to try another or two which gave rise to a response from the guerrillas so that our boys struck up a breeze which continued for some time, injuring no one on our side. Before the boys left, they set on fire several buildings—the hospital building included.

On our way down by land we could see the smoke ascending in vast clouds indicative of the magnitude of the fires. On my return, the other night, from Natchez, the moon shone bright which enabled me to see the ruins of the conflagration of a few days before. I recognized two camp fires in the town which I took to be the fires of the guerrillas who now occupy the town. It was an interesting sight to see the colored people pack up their traps and follow us just as soon as they could after the fact was made known to them that our forces were leaving. Even the plantation negroes for miles came after our troops by land traveling all night with their goods either on their heads or on their backs.

On the second day I overtook several women with pails on their heads with all their goods and eatables in them. On enquiring I found they were from Waterproof, many of whom were not able to leave with us but who left soon after and took the roads as if returning to their former masters who live about eight miles back in the country. No sooner out of the reach of the guerrillas than they changed their course and followed us and when I saw them, they were on their way to Vidalia [Louisiana], a small town opposite Natchez.

The country between Waterproof ad Natchez is studded with the largest kind of plantations, varying from six hundred acres each to several thousands, with quarters correspondingly commodious.

The town of Natchez is divided into two portions—Natchez under the hill, and Natchez on the hill. The town on the hill is much better built that Vicksburg and is nearer a level than the latter.

Yours, — T. J. Wright, Surgeon

64th U. S. Infantry (Col.)


Letter 13

Office Freedmen’s General Hospital
Vicksburg, Mississippi
July 3rd 1864

My dear sisters,

I have to inform you that I am once more in the enjoyment of good health—a blessing I have learned to appreciate.

In my last I think I informed you that I am retained in charge of the Freemen’s General Hospital situated near the river [at the corner of Crawford and Levee Streets] in the City of Vicksburg. It was formerly the Prentiss House or public hotel. It is the largest building in the town that now remains standing. When it came into our hands it was in a ver bad condition. The shells and missiles which were thrown from our boats during the siege came very near demolishing the building. With the exception of the walls, but little remained to tell the sad tale. Judging from the size of the building and the numerous rooms, it must have been the fashionable place of resort for the traveling public and the planters in particular. It is a brick edifice, four stories high on the side fronting the river; while it is but three on the opposite side which is the main entrance to the building. In the centre of which, on the second floor, there is a recess extending over one third of the front, and about half the depth of the building, two stories high, supported by circular massive pillars which commence on the second story and extend to the roof. I should judge that it was used as a promenade for the visitors during their sojourn in place of the side walks which are not very good here.

The building proper occupied about half a square while the yard and a few out buildings occupy the other half.

The Prentiss House stands at far left at the corner of Crawford & Levee Streets in Vicksburg

I can give you but an imperfect idea of the size and form of the rooms when the building was occupied as an hotel for the reason that they have been very much altered in repairing the building and fitting it for the purpose for which it is now used. The dining room—which was a large one—is now much larger, two or three other rooms being knocked into one. These rooms and the former dining room now constitute the largest ward in the building, occupying the river front on the second floor and extending the whole length of the hospital proper. It is filled now with male patients and had in it when I came here seventy-five cots. I consequence of the warm weather, I have thought proper to reduce the number of cots so that they are not so crowded now as they were about a week ago. Besides that, the air is in a much better condition than it was before the change was made. To render the ward still freer from impurities, I have removed the patients with sires of various kinds to a building in the opposite end of the lot which I take charge of myself and attend in person to the dressing of their ulcers and wounds of various kinds. Morning and evening there I am found busily devoting my time and attention to the treatment of what may be termed a specialty.

The reason why I have adopted this plan of operating is simply this. The attendants, white and black, do not like to labor in this field for the reason that it is offensive and exceedingly unpleasant, in consequence of which the sores were but seldom thoroughly cleansed; the bandages but imperfectly applied. The result, as you may easily imagine, was exceedingly unfavorable. Besides that, I am setting them all an example which I hope they will all profit by sooner or later.

I am under no obligation to enter the practical field of the profession, but have chosen to labor among the most objectionable class of patients in the institution rather than see them neglected.

In general the Surgeon-in-Chief of a hospital does not enter the practical department of his profession for the reason that he has business enough (or at least it is supposed so) to attend to in procuring supplies, making out reports, pay rolls, and so forth, to occupy as much of the time as he should do for his own good.

Though a great deal of work has been done to put the building in repair, there is still more which should be done to make the building what it should be. Several rooms require plastering or patching here and there, and white washing to make them as comfortable as they should be for the reception of the sick. I made out an order some time since for the plastering which was approved by the Quartermaster but the mechanics have not as yet made their appearance, nor do I know when they will. The mechanics for the government care but little about the work so that the time passes along for which they are paid. Indeed, all persons emplyed at public hands, or detailed men, do the smallest amount of work in a given time I ever saw in my life. The order of the day is to do as little as possible and full well do they perform their part.

I shall have to let the Prentiss House pass for the present to inform you that tomorrow—the Fourth of July—is to be celebrated by the friends of Freedom at Davis’s Bend. I am invited to be there. I should much rather remain at my post here than spend the day in going to and returning from the scene of the festivities. The weather is very hot and exceedingly unpleasant to persons when compelled to be in the sun as we shall be more or less on our way there and in returning. I have no doubt but we shall be made as comfortable as possible on our arrival there. Mrs. [Frances Dana Barker] Gage, formerly of St. Louis, is invited and will be there to respond to a toast. Mrs. [Cordelia A. Perrine] Harvey of Wisconsin is also invited who will be present as well as numerous others of the strong minded so called, because thy think they have rights in common with others which are worth talking about.

Now my dear sisters, there is nothing that would please me more than to have you, Mr. Halstead, and Miss Sibree with me to partake of the hospitality of the people of Davis’s Bend on that ever to be revered day—the Fourth of July.

— T. J. Wright, Surgeon-in-Charge of Freedman’s General Hospital, Vicksburg, Mississippi


Letter 14

Office Freedmen’s General Hospital
Vicksburg, Mississippi
July 7th 1864

My dear sisters,

I have to inform you that I have just received information that I am soon to be ordered into Arkansas to organize the Medical Department of the Freedmen in that state. Col. Eaton has just returned from a trip of exploration in that distant field of his charge and finds I suppose that the Medical Department is in great need of a system by which the machinery of the department can be out in better running order than heretofore. Another member of the profession was designed for that field but from some cause knot known to me he is not to be placed in the position that he has been looking for so hopefully for more than a month. Honestly I am inclined to think it’s the best policy for anyone in or out of the Freedmen’s Department. On this principle I have acted during my labors with the soldiers and the Freedmen so that today I can look back upon my past labors and conduct approvingly. I wish I could say as much of others who have been associated with me in the various capacities of surgeons, stewards, nurses, and so forth.

Though I never intrude myself upon anyone or push myself forward so that I ay become noticed and known. My habits as you know full well are not of a showy character. Yet with all my diffidence and stillness, I am called for here and there up the river and down the river to take charge of htis camp or that hospital or detachment of soldiers as the case may be. Why is it that I am in such demand? The reason is plain. Wherever I have been, the duty I owe to my country and to the soldiers fighting her battles as well as to the Freedmen has occupied my time and attention in place of bestowing them on others not entitled to the,. It is simply then in doing my duty to the best of my ability wherever I have been and recognizing those who were sick and placed under my charge as objects of sympathy and medical attention, black as well as white, that has done its work for me.

With regard to personal comforts and conveniences, I do not expect to be placed in as favorable a position as the one I now occupy. It is true I have assumed no small amount of responsibility in taking charge of the Prentiss House hospital medicines, furniture and supplies and [ ] the property of the government for all of which I am held responsible. Should a single article be lost that I could not account for, the value of it would be deducted from my pay. In any part of Arkansas, living is very high and the accommodations correspondingly poor. Yet as I wrote to you in the month of February last, the town of Little Rock where I expect to have my office is one of the most desirable towns to live in in the southwest.

I gave you then a general description of the town and of the objects in and about it which impressed me favorably and unfavorably as the case might be. I shall continue that description and include objects of interest that I have not mentioned before.

I am not certain that I shall be ordered there but think it quite probable that I shall. I am never certain till the order is issued that shall be required to go there or elsewhere. Yet it is quite probable that I shall be ordered to Arkansas unless my presence should be required near Natchez where Surgeon McCord is going in a day or two. On his return, I shall know for he will then have been at all the points on the river from Cairo to Natchez within the last month. Just as soon as I have positive information as to the place where I shall be ordered, I will inform you by letter.

Union Soldiers at Brierfield – This Picture Was Probably Taken During the July 4th, 1864 Independence Day Celebration at Brierfield. (Old Court House Museum, Vicksburg, MS)

On the Fourth of July the day was celebrated by the friends of Freedmen on Jeff Davis’s plantation on Davis’s Bend, he proceedings of which you will find in the Vicksburg Herald of the 6th, four copies of which is enclosed in a wrapper to be used as you may think proper. Mrs. [Frances Dana Barker] Gage spoke with as much fire and good sense as she did in Smith and Nixon’s Hall in Cincinnati some eight years ago. She is looking much older now than she did then. In conversation with her a few days before the Fourth while on a visit to the Freedmen’s General Hospital, she informed me that she lived in Columbus, Ohio, now. In other words she makes that place her home. Having lost her husband, she has returned to Ohio because perhaps her children live there. In her speech, I understood her to say that she has two sons in the army, one daughter and herself laboring in the field for the common good of the soldiers. Towards the close of her speech she read an original poem written for the occasion which does not appear in print but will do, no doubt.

The tone and tenor of the speeches were of the true radical kind but seldom if ever heard on that plantation while Jeff occupied it I am inclined to think. The strong minded women were there in large numbers. The school teachers and missionaries in general are not spoiled with beauty though most of hem have a very good opinion of themselves. While there are some who are modest and lady-like in their manners, a very large proportion deviate very much from a line of conduct becoming persons filling important and responsible positions in our Department as they do. Many of them come down here to market because they could find none in the North to suit them. The reason is I suppose that they are not spoiled with beauty. I shall be very much mistaken should they be more successful here than in the States they left behind.

Te weather remains quite warm and oppressive. The Fourth was very pleasant with the exception of a shower of rain that commenced about 12 o’clock M. and continued till past five when we had to have to be on board the boat in season.

Yours, — T. J. Wright, Surgeon-in-Charge

64th Regt., U. S. Inf. (Col)


Letter 15

Office Freedmen’s General Hospital
Vicksburg, Mississippi
July 10th 1864

My dear sisters,

I have to inform you that I have just received your letter of July 4th in which you inform me that Mr. Halstead and Miss Sibree had not then arrived but were expected in a day or two. I regret exceedingly that he did not come sooner so that he might have extended his trip to Vicksburg and spent a few days in looking at the city and its surroundings before I leave for Little Rock, Arkansas.

Surgeon McCord is now at Natchez attending to the business of the Department there and near there which will detain him several days. On his return orders will be issued to me requiring my presence at Little Rock. The purport of the business devolving upon me I am not informed but suppose it will e to organize the Medical Department in the State of Arkansas. Little Rock being the capitol, it will be the most suitable place for my headquarters, though Pine Bluff—a town smaller in size and near forty miles below—had when I was there in February last more Freedmen depending on the government for protection than had Little Rock. Yet the nearer I can get to the General in command, the less labor it will be for me to make the necessary changes in the Freedmen’s Department contemplated in my orders.

Surgeon McCord will not return for several days so that should he issue orders on his return, I cannot leave in less than a week. I am at present better prepared to entertain a friend than I have been or shall be for some time to come. I occupy two rooms in one of which I have a furnished cot for the accommodation of anyone who may think proper to give me a call and the table with one exception is the best I have dined at since I left Memphis.

You will be kind enough to inform Mrs. Haven that I shall be pleased to do all I can for her in the way of obtaining information of her relations supposed to be in Jackson, Mississippi. I informed you some time since that I had forwarded by a person going to Jackson a letter directed to the Doctor in which I requested him to furnish me with the desired information. Thus far I have received no reply.

At present I presume the opportunities to transmit letters to and from Jackson are few and far between in consequence of the troops which are now in the vicinity of Jackson and as report has it, fighting has been going n for several days between the forces sent from Vicksburg and commanded by General Dennis and a large force of Confederates under the command of Wirt Adams. An expedition, if it has not already started, is being fitted out here to be in charge of General Slocum who has command of Vicksburg and destined for Jackson to assist our force already there.

During the early part of last week, the Marine Brigade consisting of five large transports with horses and soldiers accompanied by gunboats landed at Rodney, Mississippi—a town between Vicksburg and Natchez—where the soldiers disembarked and soon found the enemy in force with whom they fought several battles and took a number of prisoners, both black and white. The Brigade returned and reached the landing a little before sundown last night with their prisoners on board. Military matters are just now very active here. Nearly every boat that arrives is pressed into government service for some purpose connected with the movements now apparent to every observing eye. The steamer Sultana left the landing about 9 o’clock a.m. with steam up and running at full speed when she had reached the upper part of the landing, a tug put out to intercept her which it did in a few minutes and ordered her into government service.

In one of the papers ent you, you will notice the death of Capt. Rogers who had command of a company of men in the regiment to which I am attached. I am sorry to inform you that his death was brought about by fear. He was stationed at a place called Ashland on the Louisiana side of the river opposite Davis’s Bend to protect the plantations and all the men he had to protect them with was two companies of colored troops who at best could not muster much over one hundred men fit for duty. Reports say the guerrillas who infest that part of the state number several hundred. It is now nearly three weeks, maybe more, since the force under Captain Rogers was attacked by a superior force. The captain’s force inside a stockade of a triangular form, one one side of which was the river. The space was sufficiently large to hold his men and cabins in which they lived. They were attacked there by a superior number and fought the enemy for an hour or more when the enemy demanded an unconditional surrender or they—the guerrillas—would return in an hour or two with additional numbers and put all to death. The captain refused to surrender as was demanded of him. In consequence of having no means of escape but by water and the only boat connected with the command had been taken away from its moorings a few days before by two men deserters who made their escape in it acted upon the mind of the captain with so much force as to bring on a nervous fever which terminated his existence. Another fact which contributed somewhat to bring about this unfortunate result I may as well relate here.

A few weeks before the last fight, the plantations nearby were raided and the stock such as mules, horses, and cows were driven off and quite a number of our men lost their lives in consequence of which the planters felt aggrieved and charged the captain with cowardice in letters by them to the Superintendent of Freedmen/ I saw him in camp a short time after the charges had been made and had a conversation with him upon the subject. He felt the charge keenly I know from the remarks made in my presence.

Very respectfully your obedient servant, — T. J. Wright, Surgeon-in-Charge, 64th Regt. U. S. Col. Infantry


Letter 16

Freedman’s General Hospital
Vicksburg, Mississippi
December 14th 1864

My dear sisters,

I have to inform you that I received the socks you sent me and I believe have received an dam receiving all the newspapers you have sent me as well as the public documents. You also inform me that the bonds and money reached you in safety.

Please inform Dr. Carter that I will comply with his request as soon as I have spare time and feel well enough to give him a few items of interest from the Department.

I do not feel much like writing but felt it to be my duty to give you the reason why. On last Saturday I was riding out on my horse which is very wild in consequence of being young, well fed, and but seldom used. When passing the corner of the hospital building in capering about he slipped and fell on his right side with my right foot under his right shoulder which sprained my ankle and rendered the limb unfit for use since and is likely to be for some time to come. I feel thankful that no bones were broken. It is very much swollen—so much so that I cannot get anything on my foot but my sock. It is not quite so sore today as it was yesterday though the swelling is extending up the leg. I think in about a week I shall be able to use it a little at least. I am now attending to my business though I have to go on crutches for the first time in my life.

The weather is quite cold. We have one of the cold snaps for which this country is distinguished. In a day or two it will be as warm as spring again.

Since I have been in the public I have not been sick much so that I have no particular reason to complain for an accident like this to trouble me for a week or two. I don’t want you to feel uneasy about me. Spend all your sympathy on Felicitous for I feel that I can take care of myself.

Very Respectfully your obedient servant, — T. J. Wright

1864: Peleg Edwin Peckham to David R. Keyon

This letter was written by Peleg Edwin Peckham (1835-1865), the son of Rowland and Mary Johnson Peckham of Charlestown, Rhode Island. He married at New York City, Martha Emily Ennis (1834-1892) in May 1860. Aug. 1, 1862, Mr. Peckham enlisted as a private in Company A, but was mustered as fourth sergeant September 4th, commissioned second lieutenant Company E, Jan. 7, 1863; first lieutenant of same March 1st; captain Company B, July 25, 1864, and brevet major of volunteers July 30th. From January, 1865, he served as acting assistant adjutant-general on the staff of his brigade commander, Gen. John I. Curtin, until he was mortally wounded early in the day, April 2d. The brigade staff were lying in the rebel trench in front of Fort Hell waiting for something to eat. There was continuous firing, but a somewhat heavier momentary fusillade caused them to rise, when a bullet struck him over the right ear coming out at the eye. He was taken to the Cheever house which General Curtin had occupied as headquarters, though most of the staff, including Major Peckham, had tented in the yard. He received the unremitting attention of Dr. W. R. D. Blackwood, of the Forty-eighth Pennsylvania, the brigade surgeon, but with little avail. He did recover sufficiently to say to the doctor, ‘Write to my wife and tell her.’ Later he was sent in an ambulance to the City Point Hospital, where he died next day, April 3d.

Peckham is mentioned in the letters of Herbert Daniels who also served in the 7th Rhode Island Infantry. See–1862-1864: Herbert Daniels to Salina (Brewster) Waterson.

Peckham wrote the letter to David R. Kenyon (1833-1897) who formerly served as captain of Co. A, 7th Rhode Island Infantry. Kenyon was wounded in the leg at Fredericksburg and resigned in March 1863. Shortly after this, he was commissioned a colonel in the 8th Rhode Island Militia. Peckham also mentions having written to “Alf.” This may have been Alfred Matthews Channell (1829-1884) who served as Captain of Co. D, 7th Rhode Island Infantry.

Peckham’s letter speaks to the malcontent of the officers remaining in the regiment as petty jealousies ripped asunder the esprit de corps of the once proud fighting unit. In this respect, the regiment was hardly alone. By this stage of the war, most foot soldiers shared the following general sentiment (paraphrased), “We volunteered to fight for the Stars & Stripes, the officers for the Stars & Eagles.”

[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Rob Grandchamp and was transcribed and published by express consent on Spared & Shared.]

Transcription

Camp 7th Regiment Rhode Island Volunteer Infantry
Burnside Point, Kentucky
February 6th 1864

Colonel,

I have been for two or three weeks looking for a letter from you, but despairing of receiving one, I thought I would write again not knowing but the three I have written to you and as many to Alf had been miscarried, for I cannot believe that you have forgotten your old friend of 1862 & 3 so I attribute this long delay to the mails and not to negligence on your part.

Colonel, the Old 7th is still in existence yet—I am sorry to say sadly demoralized—and I think I am not far from the truth when I say the officers more than the men. But this confidentially of course for I would not say ought of the 7th to injure her well earned credit at home. But so well and harmoniously as the officers and men of the 7th used to pull together for the distinction and renown which has been acquired to us, jealousies and hard feelings now arise and sadly wiped out the quietude and pleasures of the little band. “H_____” that now compose our thinned and decimated ranks ranks.

We are now stationed as a Post Guard at Burnside Point 1 which is fast acquiring and destined to be a large and extensive place of supplies. We have a steam sawmill in full operation which turns off one thousand feet of lumber per our. Three hundred carpenters have been at work for six weeks building warehouses, commissary buildings, offices, and shops & stables, &c., and we already boast of a town. Our duties are rather severe and laborious too, yet we are satisfied to do it rather than go farther toward Knoxville. Burnside Point is situated on and between the North & South Fork of the Cumberland River 75 miles south of Nicholasville, Kentucky, and 110 miles north of Knoxville. The country around us is sparsely settled and but little cleared land—almost an unbroken forest of very large and beautiful timber. It is also hilly and mountainous and the clay soil at this season of the year is very pliable. In fact, worse than Virginia.

The boys of Co. A are all in fair health and those that have been affected with the chills are fast getting better. We have good water and plenty to eat and now & then a ration of whiskey which seems to animate and strengthen us all. And in fact, if that union and harmony that used to characterize the 7th existed today, I would be as contented now as ever.

But to the matter of my former letters, I wrote you in them & I have also written to Alf that I would, if possible, get a commission as captain in the 3rd Rhode Island Cavalry. I stated in one of those letters that I would give him $50 to obtain it for me. Now Colonel, is there any chance? Please see him (Alf) and ascertain and write me for if there is none, I wish to try to get in the 14th (N-i-g-g-e-r). That I can do here at Cincinnati—that is, if I can pass an examination before Old Gen. [Silas] Casey. It is rumored that our regiment will soon come East again in order to accompany General Burnside on an expedition to some point to us yet unknown for we never get a newspaper here. I have not seen one in three weeks so you see I am three weeks behind time in new.

But I must close. Please write me on receipt of this and oblige.

Yours truly, — Peleg E. Parkham, Lt. commanding Co. B, 7th R. I. V.

Via Cincinnati. Burnside’s Point

1 First named Point Isabel, Burnside was settled in around 1800 by pioneers from the Carolinas and Virginia. During the Civil War in 1863, the Union Army set up a troop rendezvous and supply base here as a prelude to the East Tennessee campaign of General Ambrose E. Burnside. The area then became known as Camp Burnside. Years later, that land is now under water. 

1865: James Chesman Littlefield to Jennie S. Russell

This letter was written by James Chesman (“Chester”) Littlefield (1845-1926), the son of Samuel Littlefield (1817-1901) and Louisa Watson (1806-1856) of Cambridge, Somerset county, Maine.

Chester enlisted at the age of 18 as a private in December 1861 in the 3rd Maine Light Artillery. On March 1863 he was transferred into Co. M, 1st Maine Heavy Artillery where he was serving at the time of his reenlistment as a veteran in January 1864. In February 1864 he was transferred back to the 3rd Maine Light Artillery where he served until his discharge on 1 September 1865.

We learn from Chester’s letter that he was assigned the duty of being one of four mule drivers in his battery. Typically each battery had 4 guns, each pulled by six horses or mules harnessed in tandem, the driver riding one of the mules nearest the limber and steering the animals with reigns and a whip. Horses, being less skittish and more manageable, were strongly preferred over mules but by this point in the war were more difficult to come by.

When the 3rd Maine Light Artillery was reorganized and sent to the field in the spring of 1864, they were attached to the 9th Army Corps and placed in line on the Petersburg battle front. They were one of the batteries heavily engaged in the Battle of the Crater in July. They were relocated to the defenses at City Point, Virginia, in late October and remained there until early May 1865 when they relocated to Washington D. C.

Chester wrote this letter to his cousin, Jennie S. Russell. He did not marry her after the war but possibly married another maternal cousin named Ada L. Watson (1855-1880) in August 1870.

An unidentified Gun Crew from a Maine Light Artillery Regiment

Transcription

Addressed to Miss Jennie S. Russell, Cambridge, Maine

Camp 3rd Maine Battery
In the Defenses of City Point, [Virginia]
February 28, 1865

My dear cousin,

I am glad to have the opportunity of writing to you in answer to your kind letter of the 19th. I was glad to hear that you was well when it left you as it found me. The weather is fine here now. It begins to look like spring here now. The birds begin to sing and the sun gets nearer to us so we feel it more sensibly. I wish you might run over here and see me one of these fine days. It would be such a treat for you to be rid of the snow and to think of seeing the birds hopping about in the branches in February. Wouldn’t it be a treat for you, Jeannie? and what a treat for me to have you by my side once in awhile when the weather is fine.

Oh Jennie, how anxiously I am looking forward to the time when I shall meet you again. My darling little cousin, how glad I was to get your letter. Your pigs made a safe trip. It is a great satisfaction to find that they have no disposition to squeal. You did not seem to know much about your neighbors. Well, the best way some times [is] to know as little as possible at times. I guess you are more generous in your comment on your friend Miss Mower that you are on the Merchant. I only guess at this.

“The war news are first rate. Things look as though we might come home next winter. I hope it will not be more than a year at the most before the Johnnies will cry enough. This is what we are waiting for now. The sooner it comes, the better it will suit the most of us.”

— Chesman Littlefield, 3rd Maine Light Artillery, 28 Feb. 1865

The war news are first rate. Things look as though we might come home next winter. I hope it will not be more than a year at the most before the Johnnies will cry enough. This is what we are waiting for now. The sooner it comes, the better it will suit the most of us.

I must look at your letter now and see if you asked me any questions. Sad indeed is it to hear that Mrs. Morse is taken from those she loved and by whom she was loved but we’ll bless the glorious giver who doeth all things well. We must all go down into the valley and shadow of death.

We are engaged the most of the time in getting wood and hauling forage for the Battery—we mule drives, I mean. There is four of us each driving six mules. This would be fun for you to see me driving six mules with one rein but it is quite easy when one gets used to it.

I have been thinking about getting a furlough home but I am not decided what I had better do, I want you to excuse this short letter. I have hard work to get my thoughts upon paper but I would talk you most to death if I was with you. I have not heard from Miss M. Lolly.

With much love and good wishes, I remain your true and loving cousin, — Chesman

Shortness of time

How swiftly times passes away. It seems but a day since it was winter. But spring and summer will have passed. Then comes winter again with its drifting snows covering the fields and trees with its white robes. Then another year will have rolled away. When I think of this, I ask myself the question, have I improved well my time for the last year? Have I tried to gain any good….[self introspective musings in pencil for a half page]

1864: John Thomas Hathaway to Mrs. E. R. Andrews

This letter was written by John Thomas Hathaway (1834-1923) of Co. F, 20th Ohio Volunteer Infantry. He was the son of Eleazer and Sarah Hathaway of Perry Township, Shelby county, Ohio. He mentions a younger brother, David H. Hathaway (1845-1912), recently discharged from Co. H, 134th OVI.

John enlisted as a private and was still a private in January 1864 when he reenlisted as a veteran. He was made a corporal just prior to mustering out of the regiment on 15 July 1865.

When he returned from the war, John married Harriet E. Blake (1836-1875) and resumed his farming vocation. After her death in 1875, he married Margaret Ellen Wilson (1843-1921). I have not attempted to learn the identify of his friend, “Mrs. E. R. Andrews” to whom the letter was addressed.

Sherman’s army marches out of Atlanta on 15 November, 1864

To read other letters written by member of the 20th Ohio Infantry that I’ve transcribed and posted on Spared & Shared, see:

George W. Modie, Co. A, 20th Ohio (1 Letter)
Peter Ink Weatherby, Co. A, 20th Ohio (1 Letter)
Charles Darwin Carpenter, Co. D, 20th Ohio (1 Letter)
Charles Darwin Carpenter, Co. D, 20th Ohio (2 Letters)
Uriah Edward Fulk, Co. H, 20th Ohio (2 Letters)

Transcription

Addressed to Mrs. E. R. Andrews, Hale, Hardin county, Ohio

Near Marietta, Georgia
November 7th 1864

Dear Friend,

I received your very welcome letter in due time but could not answer immediately. The last raid was one month & one day of almost continual labor. We started out from Atlanta, Georgia, traveled 20 miles the first day & did not fool about it at all until the Johnnies left the railroad. Then we turned back through the country traveling slowly from 7 to 10 miles per day foraging our living off the country. Found plenty to subsist on. It abounds with sweet potatoes, corn, and fresh meat & Uncle Sam’s boys know how to help themselves.

Many of the boys have gone home—the non-vets mustered out, the sick and wounded on furlough, J. T. Neal among the number. You will see him if you go to D. D. Neal’s for there is where he stays.

Today we got the long looked for greenbacks. I will be able to send a couple of hundred home. We drew eight months pay & some bounty. I don’t expect we will lay still very long for there are arrangements being made for another raid. I guess it will be south to Mobile or Savannah, S. C. It is not likely there will be any communications with us and civilization until we reach our destinations but our mail will be there waiting us.

I have not had any letter directly from home for two months but got one from Orin dated the 18th ult. stating they were all well & of course they think I am. Since Dave got home, they forget there is one more boy in Dixie or else the Johnnies have captured the letters on the road.

Most of the territory passed over by us in Georgia has been rough with many nice small valleys & beautiful water. I never saw the boys in better health or spirits than on the last raid. [They] was always ready to march when the bugle sounded fall in & I never heard so little complaint on a march in any life. Their faith is strong in the downfall of the rebellion.

I am not in a writing mood this afternoon. Excuse bad writing as this is a miserable pen. Give my best respects to all the friends at home & abroad. Write soon. Direct to Atlanta, George.

Co. F, 20th O. V. V. I., 2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, 17th Army Corps.

Write soon to — J. T. Hathaway

1862-63: Horatio Nelson Hunt to Jane (Murdock) Hunt

This letter was written by Capt. Horatio Nelson Hunt (1826-1896) of Leon, Cattaraugus county. Horatio enlisted on 15 September 1861 and was commissioned 1st Lieutenant of Co. K, 64th New York Infantry. He was promoted to Captain of his company on 24 May 1862, just one week before he was wounded in the fighting at Fair Oaks, Virginia. Less than three weeks later he sat down to write his wife, Jane (Murdock) Hunt (1826-1899) and his seven children the following letter.

The Battle Flag of the 64th NYSV

His parents were Sherebial Hunt (1801-1889) and Anna Reed (1799-1846) of Bristol county, Massachusetts. Horatio was a cooper by trade.

For the 64th New York Infantry, Fair Oaks (or Seven Pines) was their first real emersion in combat. They performed remarkable well—“with great steadiness under a fire which killed or wounded 173 of its members.” Among those wounded in action from Co. K at Fair Oaks, besides Capt. Hunt, were Conrad Auchmire, Wayne V. Bloodgood, Joseph Bower, Nathaniel T. Cooper, Albert W. Dye, George Francis, Joseph Furnace, Galette Gilbert, Joseph Gooden, Gustavus Grover, Charles M. Ingraham, Patrick Maign, William Marsh, Fergus Merriman, Thomas P. W. Palmer, Delos E. Pember, Samuel Penner, and George W. Wellman.

Letter 1

Addressed to Mrs. H. N. Hunt, Leon, Catt. County, N. Y.

Fair Oaks, Virginia
June 19th 1862

Dear Wife and children,

I improve the present opportunity in writing to you to let you know that I am well. I received a letter from you some 3 days ago. Was glad to hear that you was all well. I received a letter from Card. He said you were all well.

You will see by the heading of this that we are at the same place that we have been for about 3 weeks. When we will make our advance is more than I can tell. Our army are very busy throwing up entrenchments, planting [illegible]. Yesterday our regiment was to work on breastworks. We have got some splendid works here. There is no news of importance. I am making out Descriptive lists for those that were wounded as fast as they apply for them. Some are at Philadelphia 1 & some at Portsmouth, some one place & some in another. All have left here. Some are expected back soon & some not at all. Our boys are all well as usual. Harvey is some lame today. His leg troubles him once in awhile. N___ is well and fat. The boys all dram whiskey twice a day and gill a day. They are not allowed to sell or transfer it. Anyone that not present at roll call loses his whiskey ration. Most of them all are on hand every time. It was recommended by the surgeon of the army today.

We draw potatoes the first time for 3 or 4 months, dried apples for the first time since in the army. We have to have onions soon they say. Our boys went in on taters today. When they were still out you could see about a dozen heads hanging over the kettle to time. Poor fellows. How I did pity them. But most of the folks say they are nothing but soldiers. Anything is good enough for them. Nothing but the [illegible]. Oh how I wish they could see what I have seen just once. Once would be enough. Men—yes, young men—the pride of our country, standing face to face with the enemy & face to face with death, dropping and falling on both sides and pleading for help all for their rights and liberties and blessings of those to enjoy who are at home sleeping on their downy pillows of ease, while the soldier walks his lonely beat at the dead of night. Shame on such patriotism. Shame on such talk. They ought to hide their faces from the sight of human beings. We forgive them.

Jane, I have just been to the office (a cloth tent) to get our mail. I found yours of the 13th inst. to me. Was very glad that you were as well as usual. Frant must not come come too often. I calculated to write to her often. She can get it without come home more than once a week. I wrote her a long letter but a short time since. Mr. Franklin’s folks wanted to know where William was. I have not found out yet. As soon as I do, I will inform them. I will answer all enquiries anyone wishes that is in my power to answer.

I have had letters from Fry & George [Wellman] and many other boys that was wounded. All are doing well as can be expected. I sed them their Descriptive lists and account of pay and clothing so that they can get their pay and discharge if they are considered unfit for duty.

I am very busy making our pay rolls. It is a long job, We have to make four just alike. We will get pay again soon probably. How much money have you now and how much shall I send you next time. Write soon and tell me what you ned, what you want, and all about matters. I send in this a gold pen and silver case and pencil to Frant. She must be careful of it and not lose it for it is a good one.

I want you to get someone to look at the wing part of the house and see what is the least they will underpin it for with lime and mortar in a good workmanlike manner. Ledge stone wall to commence ten inches below the top of the ground in a ditch filled with small stone. All for cash when done and accepted. Perhaps Corydon will see to it for you. When it is done, the southeast corner or the whole [ ] must be leveled up for it has sagged some.

I send my love to you and the children. Goodbye for this time. Write soon all news. Yours truly, — H. N. Hunt

1 One of the members of the 64th NYSV sent to Philadelphia for the treatment of wounds received at Fair Oaks was Daniel Wiley Lafferty of Co. A. His wound resulted in the loss of the 3rd finger on his left hand. See his letter of 25 June 1862.


Letter 2

[Note: The following letter is from the private collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Addressed to Mrs. H. N. Hunt, Leon, Cattaraugus county, New York

Camp of the 64th New York Vols.
Near Morrisville, Virginia
August 9th 1863

Dear Wife and children,

Again I seat myself within my tented home to pen a few lines in answer to your kind letter of August 4th which was dul received today.

Today is Sabbath and the warmest day I think we have had this summer. We have just finished Sunday morning inspection and I have returned to my quarters and commenced a few words conversation with you. I wonder how you all do today. It may be you have all left the old homestead and gone to church. Or perhaps you are all seated around the family board partaking of those large potatoes of which you speak in your letter. I had some this morning—the first that I have had since about the time we left Falmouth. I guess I must tell you where and how I got them for fear you will will have some bad feelings or you’ll be sending some in your letters to me. Still, if you want sympathy about it, I will tell you. Well, you see our Chaplain got a few potatoes somewhere and he boiled them for himself and had 4 left not one bit larger than walnuts. He was going to throw them away. My 1st Lieutenant saw him and said he would take them so we had them for breakfast this morning. I had two and Lieutenant two. So you see we’ve had new potatoes.

You speak of its being warm weather up there. That’s no name for it down here.

I see you talk of going a journey to Elmira and think it will be good for your health. Now if it would do you a little good to go to Elmira, would it not do you a great deal of good to come down and make me a visit? I think you had better go if you can gain anything by it; you can do as you think best about going. I should be glad to have you go.

I suppose it can safely be said that we have gone into camp. How long we will remain, I can’t say. It is said we are to remain here until the drafted men are in to fill up the regiments. There is now only about one company of men in our regiment. I think it is less than 100 men for duty. I have 3 men, 1 corporal, 1 musician, and 1 pioneer in my company making 6 in all. Big thing, ain’t it? I am a member of a general court martial in session everyday at Gen. Coldwell’s Headquarters. The court are trying commissioned officers for different offenses. We have to sit from 3 to 6 hours each day. The excuses me from all other duty.

We are getting very good food again. Soft bread, ham, &c, but no vegetables yet.

John Mosher came from Washington yesterday with a load of sutler’s goods. He sold out in one day and has gone to Washington today for more goods.

We were paid again last week. I received $253.65. I had put up in a package $225.00. Shall send it to Cord soon as our Chaplain gets his pass to take the money of our regiment to Washington to express. I sent a letter to Cord telling him about it 3 or 4 days ago. The money isn’t sent yet but I expect to be able to send it soon. When you get money of Caryolon, you must give him a receipt and take one yourself and keep them and these receipts will show the amounts you have had. There is most 2 months pay due me now. we expect to be paid again before we leave here though we can’t tell. I am anxious to lay upon as much as I can while I have an opportunity. I shall not answer Frank’s letter upon this sheet as I have not room. I received Frank’s letter written at Clinton I think July 3rd. Will answer that and her last soon.

I am well as usual, take good care of yourself and all. I send love to you and the children and bid you goodbye again. Very truly yours husband, — Capt. Hunt