All posts by Griff

My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
Antebellum Ohio, Steubenville, Ohio

1837: William Donaldson to James Donaldson

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This letter was written by Irish emigrant William Donaldson (1810-1855) who we learn settled in Steubenville, Jefferson county, Ohio in 1837 with his wife Margaret Murphy (1814-Aft1850), daughter Mary Jane Donaldson (b. 1833) and son John Donaldson (b. 1835). The couple would eventually add six more children to their family. We can infer that William was a weaver when he settled in Steubenville but he eventually became an Innkeeper.

William was the first adult burial to take place in the Union Cemetery located on west Market Street in Steubenville, Ohio.

Transcription

Steubenville, [Ohio]
January 21, 1837

Dear Brother,

You will no doubt think it strange that I did not write sooner but I think you will be satisfied on that point when the reasons for such delay is explained shortly after we came here. David Lindsey wrote to N. Hartford and mentioned our names which I expected you would hear but the chief reason was this—that we left our chest of clothes aboard of a steamboat on Lake Erie and did not get it to a few days ago. The particulars on this point you will hear in the part of our letter on the Sunday following after we left Utica.

We arrived in Buffalo that afternoon. There set in a heavy northwest snowstorm which lasted to the Thursday following. On that day (Thursday) about 1 o’clock we sailed for Cleveland in the steamboat DeWitt Clinton but was not long out to a fresh blow set in and the boat was obliged to put in for land on the Canada side where she lay at anchor part of that night. We then put out again and kept under way to the afternoon the next day. We were then about 15 miles past Erie in Pennsylvania where another blow compelled her to turn about and put in at Erie where we landed after dark. We were all very sick on the Lake except John Rainey. Wm. Johnston and Hunter left us at Rochester and ew did not see them till we came here. John’s family and mine all cried out to leave the boat at Erie & which we consented to do and also done.

At Buffalo we took all the clothes out of the large box and tied them in bundles to save the freight as it was very high. Our other chest was marked for Cleveland and stowed in the hold. Them we could not get out at Erie as they were covered very deep with other goods for the same place so we took what we had in the bundles with us and left the boat, leaving our chest and one of John Rainey’s at risk in the boat. We directed them to be forwarded to Pittsburgh which they were and a few days ago, we got them.

We spent the evening with James Scott and his family in Erie, Pennsylvania. He told me that our Uncle James is going to come to America in the Spring. We together with John Rainey and family engaged our package from Erie to Pittsburgh in the stage and left on Sunday morning at 4 o’clock. About a mile and a half from Erie, the stage upset and Margaret was considerably hurt. I then left the stage, taking her and little John with me and went back to Erie. John Rainey took Mary Jean with him to the next Inn where he left the stage to wait on us. Margaret soon recovered, or so much so as to permit of us proceeding on our journey. The agent paid the doctor and our expenses till the next stage went out which started on Tuesday morning.

We arrived in Pittsburgh on the Thursday morning next. We took a steamboat that day and landed here the next day which was Friday. The next day John Rainey and I hired two rooms on the third story of an Inn for which we pay 4 dollars per month as houses here are very scarce and dear. We could get no other place nor don’t expect any other before the first of April. I engaged work shortly after I came here and in one week got to work. We are furnished with loom and stand by our employers. John R. and I got one wheel and swifts between us from our employers and we bought another as it is the rule to give one wheel and swifts to every two looms. The price of one wheel & swifts is $5. We are paid $2 for spadling one warp. The No. of skeins are 480. I am weaving what is called Kentucky jean, 3 leaf twill with 5 treadles, cotton warp and woolen filling. Both blue. I am weaving a 900 at present. The price I have for it is 14.5 cents per yard of which I can weave more than ever I could of bedticking. Our webs comes out about 195 yards. I am now on the third for very hundred of a reed finer than this. There is 2.5 cents of an advance for weaving.

As John Rainey has stated the price of provisions, I will postpone it at this time. You will please write as soon as you receive this and give me all the particulars which you think will most interest me. But be particular to state all you know about Nancy as I am very uneasy to hear from her. I have not wrote to Ireland yet nor want to [till] I get your answer to this.

William & Antney Wilson is living 3 miles from Pittsburgh. William is talking of going to Ireland to see the farm. If he goes, I intend to send a letter with him. Antney is married. Let brother George know that journeymen carpenters wages here is $1.25 per day. I understood in Buffalo that carpenters wages was $1.75 in the summer but living high. Let William Ross know that a man that understands coloring wool can get from 9 to 10 dollars per week. The color is all made blue on both cotton and wool. We forgot to pay Mrs. Murphy the milk we had from them. I would be glad you would settle it. I have not room to say all that I want but in my next I will give you the particulars more fully.

John Ferguson wishes to let his friends know that he is well and thinks strange he has got no answer to his letter. Margaret wishes you to send particular word how her sister Mary Murphy is and if they moved to John Rainey’s house. Likewise if John, his brother, is still in Utica. We must conclude by remaining your affectionate brother, — William Donaldson

Let Hugh Murphy know that I cannot give him any particulars about his trade yet but one thing I do know that boots and shoes sell very high in my next. I will let him know more about it. Margaret sends her love to her sister Catherine and wants to know if she likes the place any better. She likewise sends her love to your wife Jean, her Uncle William Murphy and family, R. McCord, and Direct to Steubenville, Jefferson county, Ohio.

It cost me about $58 to come here on account of it being late in the season. We were a good deal put about.

63rd Ohio Infantry

1863: Francis H. Emley to David Laughlin

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This letter was written by 19 year-old Francis (“Frank”) H. Emley (1843-1935) of Germantown, Montgomery county, Ohio, who enlisted as a private in the 112th Ohio Infantry on 12 August 1862, and was transferred to Co. G, 63rd Ohio Infantry on 6 November 1863. He mustered out of the regiment on 8 July 1865 at Louisville, Kentucky.

Frank’s letter was addressed to David Laughlin (1817-1897)—the father of his comrade, Alfred A. Laughlin (1844-1862), who served with him in the same company. According to Frank’s letter, Alfred died of chronic diarrhea on 28 December 1862 at Davies’ Mills, Mississippi. Alfred’s mother was Susan Armel (1819-1904). In 1860, the Laughlin’s lived in Germantown, Montgomery county, Ohio.

Transcription

Corinth, Mississippi
January 28, 1863

Mr. Laughlin
Dear Sir,

I take the pleasure of writing you a few lines to let you know that I am well at present. I received your kind letter last night in which you stated that you wanted to know all the circumstances about Alfred’s death. He died the 28th of December at Davis’s Mills of chronic diarrhea. I was not there at the time he died but I heard a reliable friend say that he did not appear to suffer much pain and that he died very easy. That on the morning he died, the hospital steward called in to see to the sick and he found Alfred worse. Then he called on Dr. Crane who looked at Alfred and then turned around to the steward and told him that he was in a dying condition. Then he felt his pulse. When Alfred looked up in his face and said that he was dying and died without a struggle. He never appeared to suffer much pain when I was with him.

He talked some about home, about the fine times that we had at school, but he never appeared to be home sick and he often would read the testament of an evening and he had a chaplain to talk to. The chaplain preached a number of times to the regiment and Alford was always there to hear what he had to say.

As for my part, I think he was willing to die. Thank God he died in a glorious cause. That cause was for the old flag that our forefathers fought for and I think that we shall still maintain the old flag. I had forgot to mention to you that Alfred was buried very nice for I helped to dig his grave and I know that it was done right. So he was buried nice as can be expected in the army.

So I must bring my scribbling to a close by stating to you to give my best respects to all enquiring friends. So goodbye from your obliging friend, — Francis H. Emley

To Mr. David Laughlin of Ohio

Bleeding Kansas, Murder of Thomas Barber, Wakarusa War

1856: Emeline (Washburn) Grout to her Aunt

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This incredible letter was written by Emeline—“Emma”—(Washburn) Grout (1831-Aft1900), the wife of master cabinetmaker, Chester “Gilbert” Grout (1828-1903). Gilbert was raised in Bratteboro, Vermont, the son of John Grout (1788-1851) and Azubah Dunkle (1793-1866). After his marriage to Emeline, Gilbert lived in Kansas [Territory] for a time but left there during the “period of violence” days and went back East to Berlin, Sangamon county, Illinois, where this letter was datelined in September 1856. Gilbert must have traveled to Kansas Territory with an older brother, Admatha Grout (1817-1855)—a theologically trained graduate of Dartmouth and the Union Theological Seminary—who died in Osawatomie on 6 September 1855.

Voting records indicate that Gilbert cast a vote at Lawrence on 29 November 1854 when the territory selected its first delegate to Congress, and again on 9 October 1855 at Osawatomie when a “proper” election for a delate to Congress was held. Emma’s fifth paragraph refers to the gathering of Missourians south of Lawrence threatening to attack and the murder of a horseback rider. I feel certain that she is referring to the murder of Thomas Barber and the otherwise bloodless standoff which became known as the Wakarusa War. This would suggest that Gilbert and Emma made the journey back to Illinois during the middle of December 1855. Gilbert’s name does not appear on Kansas Territory land claims which is understandable given that he was not a farmer but a craftsman.

At the time of the Civil War, Gilbert and Emma were living in Agency, Wapello county, Iowa, where he enlisted as a corporal in Co. F, 7th Iowa Infantry and rose in rank to sergeant. He was discharged in January 1864 to accept a lieutenant’s commission in Co. A, 3rd Alabama (African Descent) Infantry which became the 111th USCT. After the war he returned to Kansas, settling in Augusta, Butler county. In the 1870 US Census, the couple were enumerated in Ottumwa, Wapello county, Iowa. In 1880, they were enumerated in El Dorando, Butler county, Kansas. By 1900, the couple had moved to Esculapia, Benton county, Arkansas. Gilbert’s death notice was published in the Windham county Reformer as having occurred in Magazine, Arkansas, on 28 February 1903. The couple do not appear to have had any children.

Missourians coming into Kansas Territory to vote before Election Day

[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Rob Morgan and is published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

Berlin, [Sangamon county,] Illinois
September 28, 1856

Dear Aunt,

I have neglected writing you too long. I thought when I got your letter I would answer immediately but my time has been so much occupied that I have not got at it.

There has been a family in the neighborhood that has been very sick & I have been there a great deal. The lady was taken with the typhoid fever, got a little better, & the erysipelas set in & she died. And her eldest daughter—about 9 years old—was taken the same way; got almost entirely over the fever & the face began to break out with the erysipelas. She lived a few days & died. A little boy about 6 years old was taken with the fever but they broke it up so it did not have a full run. But the day the little girl died, his face began to break out & swell. They got a physician from Springfield that succeeded in stopping it. Some think he is gaining slowly & some think he will never get well. He is not able to sit up any now. They have a little babe left, 6 months old, without a mother. He is a pretty little thing. I have had him & took care of him 2 weeks. They carried him home to his grandfather yesterday. With the exception of this family there has been no sickness in this vicinity this summer.

My health is quite good. I cannot endure so much since I had the ague as I could before, but am quite well. I have had no chills this summer. Mr. Grout’s health is not good. He has the ague every little while & I sometimes think he always will. He is so apt to work part of the time. He is now at Springfield, Illinois, at work at his trade where I expect to go in a few weeks if we do not get any land. Gilbert wants to get him a piece of land somewhere if he can but he has not the means to do as we should like to do. 

You asked me to write what I know about was in Kansas. I cannot write half as well as I could tell you if I could see you. I have seen companies of Missourians by the hundreds come in there to vote having large wagons filled with provisions & whiskey, come in 4 or 5 days before the elections, rob & burn houses, & kill Free State men—or men that come from free states if they had said they were in favor of free Kansas, or [even] if they said nothing about it if they come from a northern state. There was one of our neighbors shot at at the first election because he would not resign his place as judge of the election to the Missourians when he was appointed by the Governor. Two men [were] killed within 20 miles of our house & their house burnt to the ground & their families left to do what they best could. Others drove off their claims & their houses burned.

A week before we left, there was a man from Lawrence that we were acquainted with that said a day or two before he came away, a man living 5 miles from there came to the store to do some errands, was riding home horseback between sundown & dark. [He] said nothing to anyone, [yet he] was shot off his horse & killed instantly. At that time they were gathering for a fight at Lawrence & were camped about 5 miles south of Lawrence. They then stopped every team & took whatever they had & [took] the drivers as prisoner. They thought in that way they should starve them out of Lawrence. They did not dare to attack Lawrence. [They] stopped there until they quarreled among themselves, killed 2 of their own men, [then] broke up and went home rather ashamed of themselves & a great many other things.

I could tell you if worthwhile but I will tell you what I think is the great cause of it—it is their being all the time, or most of the time, intoxicated. They never go into the Territory without as much whiskey as they can drink & drunken men will do almost anything you know. 

There has been a great battle at Osawatomie within a few weeks. 1 Several men [were] killed & others drove from their homes and everything they had in the world left there to be destroyed. Two of the men went through Springfield & Gilbert saw them but I have not seen them & do not know whether they was anyone we knew or not. Gilman & his brother was out there that day & saw them & said that they were drove from their farms 1 mile from Osawatomie and left everything to be destroyed if they chose.

I think the New York Tribune [would] give the most correct news of any other paper there is. I do not see how the North can sit still & see such outrages go on & not say or do anything about it—& especially now since the President says he will not do anything to prevent these outrages. I should think they would begin to look around themselves & think what they were coming [to Kansas Territory]. I only wish that some of those eastern editors that do not believe there is any outrages or bloodshed in Kansas were obliged to go to some of these towns near Missouri, Osawatomie, or Lawrence & stay one month, let them know that they were northern men, & then see what they think. I do not think stories about the outrages have been exaggerated but very little. [There is] no knowing where this will end.

I am writing too long a letter. You will get tired reading. Please accept much love from us all for yourself & family. Write soon. Yours as ever, —
Emma

1 Emma is referring to the “Battle of Osawatomie” that took place on 30 August 1856.

118th Indiana Infantry

1864: Manius Buchanan to Emma W. Childs

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This letter was written by Manius Buchanan (1835-1914), the son of David Buchanan (1800–1874) and Lydia Tribbey (1802-1885) of Fairfield, DeKalb county, Indiana. At age 26, Manius first entered the service at LaPorte, Indiana, as a private in Co. B, 29th Indiana Infantry. He served in that regiment from 27 August 1861 until 5 September 1862 when he was discharged for disability.

Capt. Manius Buchanan, Co. D, 118th Indiana Infantry

In July 1863, he enrolled again to serve in the 118th Indiana Regiment which was being organized to serve for 6 months. He was selected as Captain of Co. D and served from early September 1863 to early March 1864. [Note: the officers of Co. D were originally recorded as being in Co. F, as well as some of the solders. By 1864, they were all clearly in Co. D, however.]

Service: March from Nicholasville, Ky., to Cumberland Gap September 24-October 3, and to Morristown October 6-8. Action at Blue Springs October 10. March to Greenville and duty there till November 6. March across Clinch Mountain to Clinch River. Action at Walker’s Ford, Clinch River, December 2. Duty at Tazewell, Maynardsville and Cumberland Gap till February, 1864. Skirmish at Tazewell January 24. Mustered out March 1-4, 1864.

Manius wrote this letter to his fiancee Emma W. Childs of DeKalb county, Indiana; the couple were married on 28 July 1864. In 1870 the couple were residing in Richmond, Ray county, Missouri, where Manius was employed as a surveyor. Sometime in the 1870s, Emma died and Manius remarried to a woman named Anne.

Transcription

In Camp near Tazewell, Tennessee
January 13, 1864

Dear Emma:

It has been a long time since I wrote you a letter and this is bound to be a short one; it is hard I am certain, but it can not be helped at present. You should be thankful for small favors in so busy a time. The time may soon come again when I cannot grant even these. you must not begin to think it is a burden to be forced to write a few lines to Em, for it is one of the pleasures left me. I have received letters very irregularly for the chance I have had, no mail comes of late without bringing one from my “M.” Nearly every one of them gave me a scolding for not doing what was not in my power, but it is a pleasure even to get a scolding from one I am so glad to hear from. It would be more natural to see those eyes flush with anger and those cheeks burn with honest pride.

I am well and hearty, of course I am. Who said I wasn’t? Rations fare hard that come before your “Capt.” [Pvt. Humphrey English] Chilcoat is sick and back on the road somewhere. I think he will get in sometime today. I do not know what is the matter with him but think he eat too many Tennessee pies. I would not have lost him, but he is in the habit of always struggling, sick or well, generally for the purpose of “crumping,” sometimes through mere laziness, so I did not miss him until after night. Then I was told that he fell out in the morning and was quite sick. You need not tell his folks, but I fear for his safety.

The health of the company is good—very good. The Orderly is sick but the cause is not Tennessee pies, nor anything in the eating line. But I fear his British cake is “dough.” I done all I could for him and he worked for himself but all would not do. Poor fellow, how I pity him. He is quite a different boy of late; he neglects duty and self respect. his chance for a Lieutenancy is played.

[1st Lt. Cyrus T.] Mosier’s resignation never was received at Department Headquarters on account of the siege at Knoxville but it made a better officer of him and now I shall bear with him until the end. Sergeants Whitney, [George N.] Cornell and [Erastus] Pyle, Corporals [Erastus] Finney, [Albert M.] Alton, and [Squire] Admire are my best officers. Of all the good boys in my company, [Pvt.] Martin Castleman stands preeminent.

I suppose you would like to know what I have been doing since I wrote to you last. Well here is our work briefly delineated. December 21st, we marched to Walker’s Ford, the scene of our recent battle. 22nd, marched back to Tazewell. 24th and 25th, marched to Monroe Gap, 25 miles from here and 12 beyond Walker’s Ford on the Knoxville Road and near the little town of Maynardsville, and here we lay until day before yesterday when we started back for Tazewell. We expected to go farther but nothing is certain in war.

Christmas dinner I partook on one of the tallest peaks of the Clinch in company with the Orderly. Our dinner consisted of fresh peaches, apple pulp, sardines, and the best of wheat bread. You may talk of your splendid dinners and rousing balls, but none were better enjoyed than our frugal repast high on the Clinch. It only lacked one thing to make it perfect—that we could not supply the society of those dear at home. The rest we had carried from Tazewell in our haversacks. From our mountain heights we looked over a large expanse of country once wealthy and prosperous, but now desolated by the ravages of war and thought of our happy homes and the happy hearts there. Imagination could see the tables spread with the richest luxuries, but here there was a dearth of everything except tears and broken hearts. The poet that sung:

“How little we know of soldier’s fare
Until our brothers are in the fight”

might have gone a little further and said, “We know nothing of the hardships of war until we have connections in an invaded country.”

But I am transgressing. I am most to the point—if I have any point. New Years we spent as any other day, doing pretty much nothing. What did you do those eventful days?

H[umphrey E.] Chilcoat has come up, not so sick after all; fuss is peculiar to the family.

We have had some very cold weather for the last 10 days making the soldiers in their pup tents lay up close. Many of the soldiers had to stand by campfires night after night to avoid freezing. How hard! how terribly severe!

The officers tried to reorganize this regiment fo the “three years service” a few days ago. I suppose you would think that I would be in that movement as I am always at some devilment, but I was not. I was a dead weight on their hands. I protested that I wanted to go and see my little woman about it first (they thought I was married). We would not reorganize worth a cent. We are going home first to see whether there is any objection to it. I must quit and go to over to the widow’s and get my dinner. Direct your answer to Cumberland Gap.

Your soldier, — Manins

to “M”

I will be home sometime if not sooner. If you do’t write immediately, I will “box your ears.”

Battle of 1st Bull Run, Confederate barbarism

1861: Augustus White to Unknown Correspondent

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This partial letter was written by 28 year old Augustus White (b. 1833) of Auburn, Androscoggin county, Maine, who served as a private in Co. H, 1st Maine Infantry (3months). There were several soldiers by that name but the key to his identity was the name and location of his camp near Columbia College on Meridian Hill in Washington D. C. This regiment was organized at Portland, Maine, and was mustered into service on 3 May 1861 and was mustered out on 5 August 1861. They did not participate in the Battle of Bull Run. Rather, they were ordered across the Chain Bridge on 20 July 1861 and held that position until the afternoon of 24 July 1861.

In his letter, Augustus conveys the hearsay news he received from those returning from the battlefield and repeats rumors of atrocities carried out by Confederates who murdered wounded and sick Union soldiers.

[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Richard Weiner and is published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Confederate soldiers bayonetting the wounded Union Soldiers after the Battle of Bull Run, Harper’s Weekly

Transcription

Washington D. C.
Meridian Hill
Camp Jackson
July 24th 1861

[portion of letter missing]

…thing for our troops to get drove but they did. But they fought like tyrants. This fight was at Bulls Run last Sunday. Ellsworth Zouaves was well cut up but they cut 2 to 1 besides taking 600 cavalry all but three and put them to an ever lasting death. The Maine regiments was scattered. Two or three of the New York regiments was cut up. The fight lasted 9 hours. Our troops—or the Right Wing—retreated but we now hold the battlefield. I expect that there was a fight that way today for the balloon was up.

If nothing happens but good luck, I shall be to home soon and then I will tell you all that I can about it. The boys haint found out yet what they are fighting.

31 July 1861 Cincinnati Daily Commercial article about “The Barbarism of the Rebels” killing wounded Union soldiers in the Sudley Church used as a hospital.

The rebels played a yankee trick in good shape but we will whip them yet for we can do it—that’s so. The boys are all hell bent to kill the whole of them for don’t you think that at the last fight when our troops retreated, they followed them up and cut the throats of our wounded and entered a hospital and bayoneted and stove the brains out of the sick and then burned the hospital. That is damn hard but they will catch it the next time we get at them.

I don’t think of any more to write now for I am coming home soon. Then you know that I am in for a good time. I want you to get me some good old girl that will do…

[portion of letter missing]

…matter with me. From your old friend, — Augustus White

In haste. Don’t wait again for I shan’t stop here long enough to write another letter. Goodbye until I see you with my eyes.

32nd Tennessee Infantry, Battle of Fort Donelson, Prisoner of War

1862: James Ogburn Norton to Eliza (Davidson) Norton

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This letter was written by James Ogburn Norton (1825-1862), a 1st Lieutenant in Co. F, 32nd Tennessee (Confederate) Infantry while imprisoned on board a boat docked at St. Louis. Lt. Norton was among the 528 members of the 32nd Tennessee that were taken prisoner on 16 February 1862. They would eventually be imprisoned at Camp Chase, Ohio, where they suffered through hard times. Though he tried to reassure his wife that he would be alright, Lt. Norton was one of the first officers to die at Camp Chase. His date of death is given as 4 March 1862, less than two weeks after this letter was written.

In the 1860 US Census, Norton was employed as a physician—a profession he learned from his father—at Hawkerville, Franklin county, Tennessee.

Surrender at Fort Donelson, 16 February 1862

Transcription

On Boat, St. Louis, Missouri
February 24, 1862

My Dear Wife,

I write you a few lines by Dr. as I learn that he is going to Tennessee. I am well and am getting over hte fatigue of our late Battle Fort Donelson. We were all taken prisoners of war on Sunday morning, February 16th. There were none of our company killed and but three wounded. I was in the fight but did not get a scratch. How long we will be retained, I do not know know. I suppose we will be taken off the boats & be placed in comfortable quarters. We are treated very well by the officers who have charge of us. I can give none of the particulars as our letters will have to come open & be inspected.

I want you [to] bear up under it the best you can under the circumstances. We are in a healthy climate and when we get settled, we will enjoy fine health. My kindest regards to all. I want you all to do the best you can and not grieve about my confinement. I will ty and take care of myself the best I can and return when permitted. May God bless [my] dear wife and children.

From your affectionate husband, — Jas. O. Norton

Capt. [Elijah] Ikard [and] George is still with me.

87th Indiana Infantry, Battle of Chickamauga

1863: Frank Brown to Charlotte Brown

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Frank Brown, 87th Indiana Infantry, sporting his “florid mustache”

This letter was written by Frank Brown (1832-1922), the son of Enoch Brown (1805-1851) and Anna S. Leonard (1809-Aft1870). Frank enlisted at LaPorte, Indiana, in Co. G, 87th Indiana Infantry on 21 August 1862. After two years of hard fighting as a private, he was promoted to Commissary Sergeant and on 10 June 1865 was mustered out at Washington, D. C. Before his promotion, Brown fought at Perryville, Hoover’s Gap, Chickamauga, Chattanooga, Rocky Face Ridge, Resaca, Dallas, New Hope Church, Pine Hill, Kennesaw, Peach Tree Creek and Utoy Creek.

In his letter of 11 December 1863, Frank speaks of his intention of returning to the battlefield at Chickamauga to look for evidence of missing comrades. It was in the woodlands on that field where “the 87th Indiana established its bravery forever by standing steadfast with its brigade on three separate occasions, each time saving a significant part of the Union army.” [A Stupendous Effort, by Jack K. Overmeyer]

Frank wrote the letter to his sister, Charlotte (“Lottie”) Brown (b. 1835). Frank’s father died in 1851 but his mother was still residing in Almond, Allegany, New York in 1870. Frank had at least two brothers who also served in the Civil War. Joel Brown (1830-1865) served in Co. B, 211th Pennsylvania Infantry. He was killed in action in front of Petersburg on 2 April 1865. Albert Leroy Brown (1838-1862) served in Co. K, 11th Pennsylvania Reserves (40th Penn. Infantry). He was killed at Antietam on 17 September 1862.

Transcription

Chattanooga, Tennessee
December 11, 1863

Dear Sis,

I don’t like to scold but I really do want you to write oftener. I write to you as often as once a week without waiting to get letters to answer and I would be very happy to have you do the same by me. You will, won’t you? The mails are very irregular at present and I don’t suppose that over two-thirds of the letters that are written ever reach their destination. I have seen nothing of your Mother’s or Henry’s photographs yet. Why don’t you send them? I am going to have some more taken soon and then I will send you another one different style but still with the florid mustache which I shall wear until I am done soldiering.

I am going out on the old battlefield of Chickamauga where we fought September 19th & 20th tomorrow to be gone two days. There is a party going out to see what they can find out about the lost and missing comrades that was with there. I expect it will be quite interesting to me to go over the ground again that we made such desperate efforts to win but was compelled to let it slide.

I don’t much think that I shall get to see you this winter and if I don’t this winter, I shall not for another year. I have made up my mind to stay and see the end of the show if it don’t last too long and I think it is good to last another year yet at least. I may get a furlough but it is not much of an object as they won’t let you be gone only just about long enough to go and return so a poor fellow has no chance to visit. However, I may take a short run up that way. I have the promise of the next chance in our company so watch out or I may come in and take you by surprise. When I do start, I will beat a letter through.

Frank’s brother Joel Brown, 211th Penn. Infantry.

I have no idea that I can get a furlough of sufficient length to go and see my Mother. Too bad isn’t it. I have got two letters from her yesterday and a paper. She thinks I am just one of the best boys there is. I write to her every week and have sent her seventy dollars (70.00) since last payday and shall send her fifty more in a day or two. You may wonder how I get so much money. I do a little speculating on my own account in the stationery line and then I am doing the Orderly Sergeant’s duty and keep our Commanding Officer’s Books and clerk for him for which I make them pay a nice thing. So much for having a good-shaped head.

Henry must be getting to be a large boy. How I would like to see him and all of you. Love to all. write to me about all our friends as far as heard from. Ever yours, — Frank Brown

To Lottie

25th Georgia Infantry, Second Battle of Pocotaligo

1862: James B. Robbins to A. W. B. Stewart

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Unidentified Confederate
(Alabama Dept. of Archives & History)

This letter was written by Pvt. James B. Robbins of Co. E, 25th Georgia Infantry. James enlisted in the regiment on 5 April 1862 and was take prisoner at Marietta, Georgia, on 19 June 1864. He died of pleurisy at Camp Douglas, Illinois, on 6 January 1865.

Company E was organized in Henry county, Alabama. It was successively designated 3d Co E, and 2nd Co. K, 25th Georgia Infantry. They were originally known as the “Irwin Invincibles” and did not join the 25th Georgia until they were ordered from west Virginia to Savannah, Georgia in mid-January 1862.

In his letter, James mentions “a right smart little fight in South Carolina” that took place “this week.” He is referring to the Battle of Pocotaligo that was fought on 22 October 1862.

James wrote the letter to his brother-in-law, A. W. Benjamin Stewart.

The Battle of Pocotaligo
From Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper

Transcription

Camp Causton’s Bluff [near Savannah, Georgia]
25th Georgia Volunteers
October 25, 1862

Mr. A. W. B. Stewart
Dear Brother,

I this evening seat myself to write you a few lines in answer to yours that has just come to hand which give me much pleasure to hear from you and to hear that you was all well. Ben, you don’t know how much good it did to me to read your letter. I had been looking for a letter from home some time. I’m sick now and have been very sick. I tell you, it looked like taking the old fella off to the old peach orchard, but my time hadn’t come then, but I don’t know how soon it may come. I’m mending now as fast as I can. I can sit up the most of my time.

It is very sickly here now but I hope the sickness will soon be over here for this season. There is several of our boys here in the hospital but none dangerous. They are all able to knock about.

They have had a right smart little fight in South Carolina this week. Our loss killed and wounded was 55—15 killed and 40 wounded. Our regiment got back from there last night. They weren’t engaged. It was all over when they got there. We are looking for it here every day. There has been right smart cannonading round here for two or three days but no damage done yet.

Ben, I have nothing of importance to write you—only I want to see you all mighty bad. But I don’t know when that time will come. I should like to be there to take another bate of fish with you and rather than miss, I would take it in venison. We could get fish and oysters a plenty here if we could have time to fish for them but there is so many sick, it keeps well to do the camp duty. They have to keep up camp guard and picket and drill three and four times a day. But I han’t been able to drill any this fall. I have been sick nearly ever since I was at home.

[Charles J.] McD. Stewart has got a chill on him now. Ben, you must [excuse my] bad writing and spelling. So nothing more this time only I remain yours, — J. B. Robbins

to Mr. A. W. B. Stewart

Antebellum Missouri, Runaway Slave

1857: Howard Everett Seeks Runaway Slave

1 Comment
Portrait of Howard Everett from a 1977 Liberty, MO. Newspaper

This Runaway Slave Notice was penned by 64 year-old Howard W. Everett (1793-1877), a native of Halifax county, Virginia, moved to Kentucky when he was young and then relocated again to Clay county, Missouri, in 1818 with his wife of three years, Sarah Ann Waltrip. In addition to being a farmer, Howard was ordained a Cambellite Preacher and started numerous churches in Northern Missouri.

It does not appear that Howard was always a slave holder. In the 1830 US Census, he held no slaves. In the 1860 US Census, he held only two middle-aged slaves. Howard wrote this notice from Richland which is now Missouri City—a consolidation of three villages, St. Bernard, Richfield, and Atchison. From 1850 to 1861, Richfield was probably the largest hemp market above Lexington.

Most likely this notice was a draft handed to the publisher of a local newspaper.

Transcription

Runaway from Richfield

About the first inst., a negro man named Granville, 24 years old, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, rather heavy set, square shoulders, not very dark complexion, weighs about 165, had on when he left a blue blanket coat, brown [ ] pants, otter cap flat top lined with silk stuffed with cotton, boots with grain side out, perhaps an old cotton vest. Limps a little. I will pay any person who will bring him to me at Richfield, Clay county, Mo. February 5th 1857

— Howard Everett

Palmetto Battalion Light Artillery, Sick Furlough Pass

1864: Sick Furlough Pass issued by Thomas G. White

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This pass was written by Thomas G. White who enlisted in April 1862 for the duration of the war in Co. F, 3rd Battalion Light Artillery (a.k.a., the Chesnut Light Artillery). He was made a Second Lieutenant in the unit in June 1862 and detached as Commissary for the Battalion in March 1863. Beginning in January 1864, he began to sign the rolls as 1st Lt., commanding the company. Company F took part in battles around Charleston, shooting artillery rounds at Union gunboats and soldiers, and disbanded after the evacuation of Charleston.

Lt. White wrote the pass 1 for Wilson Roe (1804-Aft1864) of Edgefield District, South Carolina. The pass gives Wilson’s age as 52 but according to census record, he was even older. In the 1850 US Census, he was enumerated in the household of his brother, Simpson Roe [Rowe] and his birth year was given as 1804. Wilson’s brother Simpson also served the Confederacy as a private in Co. D, 14th South Carolina Infantry.

Confederate soldiers of the ‘Palmetto Battery’ in Charleston, South Carolina, 1863. This photograph was taken by George S. Cook, one of the most renowned photographers of the Confederacy. (Photo by Archive Photos/Getty Images)

Transcription

Camp Robertson, Wilton [S. C.]
April [ ] 1864

The bearer here of private W. Roe of Capt. F. C. Schulz’s Co. F, [3rd] P. B. L.A. [Pametto Battalion Light Artillery], aged 52 years, 5 feet 10 inches high, dark complexion, grey eyes, grey hair, and by occupation a farmer, born in Edgefield district, and enlisted at Camp Chesnut on the 26th of February 1863 to serve for the period of the war, is hereby permitted to go to Edgefield, District, State of South Carolina, he having received a sick furlough for sixty days from the [ ] day of April to the [ ] day of [ ] at which period he will rejoin his company at Camp Robertson or wherever it may then be or be considered a deserter.

Subsistence has been furnished to said private W. Roe to the 20th April & pay to the 31st of December 1863.

Given under my hand at Camp Robertson this [ ] day of April 1864.

— Thomas G. White, Lieutenant Commanding, C. S. A.

Camp Roberson, Written Jan, 1864

1 A pass would have been required for a soldier returning home on a furlough of any kind. This particular pass happened to be for a sick furlough. The pass offered the bearer protection from being arrested as a deserter. Pvt. Roe’s pass (above) did not have the actual dates filled in so it may have only been a draft or a copy kept by the company. The language in these passes was pretty standard. Here is another one I found online issued by the same company:

The bearer here of private John Driggers of Capt F. C. Schultz Co. F. Palmetto Light Artillery, age 46 years, 6 foot 1 inch high, dark complexion, black eyes, black hair, by occupation farmer, born in Sumter District and enlisted at Camp Hayward on the 15th April 1862 to serve for the period of the war is hereby permitted to go to his home in Charleston District, State of South Carolina, He having received a furlough from the 13 day of January to the 23 day of January 1864, at which point he will rejoin his company at Camp Roberson on wherever they may be or be considered a deserter— Subsistence has been furnished to the said private to the 20 of January to the 31 October 1864, given under my hand at Capt Roberson on this 13th day of January 1864. F. C. Schultz Capt. Charleston District.