I could not find an image of Charles but here is a cdv of 1st Lt. Benjamin Jay Cushing of Co. G, 53rd Pennsylvania Infantry (Photo Sleuth)
The following letter was written by Charles F. Smith (1836-1928) who was enumerated in 1860 in the household of his brother George Smith (1828-1919) who had a farm near Unity, Westmoreland, Pennsylvania. George was married to Maggie M. Orr (1830-Aft1900) of Limestone, Clarion county, Pennsylvania, in 1851.
A 1902 committee on pensions Senate Report claims that Charles entered the service on 9 September 1861 as 1st Sergeant of Co. K, 53rd Pennsylvania. He was subsequently promoted to 2nd Lieutenant and 1st Lieutenant. He mustered out in June 1865. He was wounded in the neck at Fredericksburg on 13 December 1862, and again in the lower jaw at Gettysburg on 2 July 1863.
Readers are referred to the following articles pertaining to the 53rd Pennsylvania Infantry at Fredericksburg and at Gettysburg:
This letter is from the personal collection of Greg Herr who made it available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Headquarters 4th Brigade, 1st Division, 2nd Corps [Warrenton Junction, Va.] November 2nd 1863
Dear Brother & Sister,
Knowing that you are always anxious to hear from me although I do not or have not received a letter from you yet, knowing that our mails are very irregular and perhaps you have not received mine which I wrote long time ago soon after my return. Well, I am very well. Never felt better or more contented though plenty of work and frequent marching.
Our army seems destined to perform great marches, fight terrible battles with but little results apparently. In the Western Armies they have been more successful but why this is [is] the great question over which so many stumble, each writer giving a different answer. The opinion of our commanders and men generally on that question is that Lee commands the largest and best army of the South. He being without doubt the first General in America. Consequently the men are well handled, the fight terrible, the country—owing to its hills, its river, and natural fortifications to which is added all that modern engineering can produce, great minds are opposed to us. Generals of skill and energy which were they commanding our armies would make this war easy and soon closed.
But we are confident that we have right on our side. Hence our confidence and determination. We all think that our General (Meade) will do wonders. He has proven himself to be a man for. the times. Since the organization of the Army of the Potomac, Gen. McClellan has been identified with it. As a Corps Commander, he [Meade] had no equals. And as for Gen. McClellan, I am done with him as far as Politics is concerned. The letter he wrote some time before the Pennsylvania Election will satisfy all men on the subject of right and wrong. He said he agreed with Mr. Woodward in every particular. Well now, Mr. Woodward is undoubtedly a Copperhead and the same conclusion we may make about our once favorite general. This is a hard pull for me, you know. The love I had for him as a man, not saying anything about him as a general for as the latter all the generals in this army think there is none better. His skill was unequal, we all firmly believe. But he was a young man and too much praise was lavished on him. This will ruin anyone and especially a young man. This is the hope we have of Gen. Meade. He is a man of 60, or nearly, very thoughtful and determined.
There is great excitement now about the old regiments enlisting for three years longer and as great many will enlist and have done so already, our regiment will go, you may be sure. I have put my name down. What do you think of it? Well, when we look at the matter cooly, we may as well enlist as go home and be drafted and then be obligated to come again in a much lower capacity and with not so much honor and respect. For my part, “My life for my country.” I will sacrifice ease comfort and [ ] life if required. It’s dear but this government must be preserved and ourlaws sustained. The opposition to our cause is great but the right must and will through the blessing of God be upheld.
We are now near Warrenton Junction. Our whole army is on a line with us and a forward movement is expected daily. We are ordered to have 15 days rations in haversack and wagon which will take us to the Rappahannock distance 25 miles. We have not the orders to march but no doubt will have by night. Yes, before this reaches you, we will be marching on the enemy but the probabilities of a battle is rather small from the fact that the Rebels will fall back as we approach and only attempt to defend their Capitol which they will succeed in doing for a time at least.
I have a good little horse—one that can jump anything in the shape of a fence and stone walls and such. You ought to see him. Then we have a roomy tent, only two of us. Capt. [Henry J.] Smith of our regiment is Act. A. D. C. at present. We live finely, have chicken, fresh pork, beef, mutton, &c. So you need not be anxious to our comfort in that respect. I must tell you that if our regiment enlists for three years longer, we will get home for 90 days to recruit to the number of 1,000 and if we do go, will start soon—say in two weeks or so.
I must close. Love to all the dear, cute children. Kiss them for me. How I do love them. How sorry I was to hear of the death of little Maggie. I hope your health and lives may be spared. Have you your corn husked yet? I know it must be good. Well, much love to all the friends. I am your brother, — Charles
Remember me to Mr. and Mrs. Elan Nelson. B. is well and in fine spirits.
Address Lt. C. F. Smith, A. D. C., Col. [John R.] Brooke, Commanding 4th Brigade, 1st Division, 2nd Corps, Washington City, D. C.
These letter was written by Pvt. Charles S. Crockett (1838-1864) of Co. K, 65th New York Infantry (a.k.a. the 1st U.S. Chasseurs). The regiment was primarily raised in New York City, but also recruited in Connecticut; Seneca, Ohio; and Providence, Rhode Island. Crockett of Company K was from Adams township, Seneca county, Ohio. He was the son of James Crockett (1798-1874) and Mary Parsons Haskell (1801-1874). When he enlisted, he was described as 6 foot 1 inches tall, with blue eyes and dark hair—a farmer. He reenlisted in the regiment in December 1863 but did not survive the war. He died at Fredericksburg from wounds received in the Battle of the Wilderness on 6 May 1864. His death occurred on 10 May 1864.
Crockett’s 2nd letter alludes to the losses of the regiment at Gettysburg and of the more recent action at Wapping Heights (Manassas Gap) where they participated in the attack by the Excelsior Brigade led by Gen. Spinola in the evening of July 23, 1863. See “Too Good to be True: At Manassas Gap,” by Rick Barram (2018).
Charles Crockett (at right) wearing his Chasseurs uniform, holding his Hardee Hat on his leg.
Letter 1
Camp near Harrison’s Landing On James River, Va. July 22, 1862
John Gifford, Esq., Laurens, N. H. Friend John,
Having a little spare time I thought I would devote it to interest you a little. The heading of my letter will tell you our present location. We have had quite easy times since coming here but we are still on the front. We have picket duty once in a week, but it is very easy. The Rebels don’t seem disposed to molest us yet. Their pickets are very quiet. We are entrenching & making our position strong as possible. Many a farm has this Army of the Potomac almost ruined by the pick and shovel. We shall probably make no demonstration here until reinforced, Our force is too small, We have suffered terribly in making this rear movement though not willingly acknowledged. We can hold our present position I think as we are under cover of our gunboats. Were it not for them, we could soon be driven out of here or captured.
I should like to get my discharge now & go back & get a good position among the new troops now being raised. I would stand an excellent chance with the advantage of 15 months hard earned experience. It would be a sufficient recommend for a Lieutenant’s commission. I have spoken to the Captain about it. He says he is perfectly willing that I should go, but does not see any way to accomplish it unless I have some friends who have sufficient influence to get me a position. That is what bothers me. I can get the Captain and Major’s signature to a recommend but don’t know who to apply to to use that recommend for my benefit. However, something may turn up for my benefit yet. I have some hopes at any rate.
Weather is very warm—thermometer ranging from 90 to 110 degrees Fahrenheit. We do not have but one drill a day & 1 dress parade. Police duty’s are done morning and evening. During the heat of the day, we lie still in the shade. There is some new regiments that have long drills every day. I tell you, it is tough business. It is so terrible hot, it makes men hate their country & everything else. Still I suppose it is an absolute necessity or it would not be done.
A great many have lost confidence in General McClellan. I have visited many different regiments since we fell back & in them all I hear him denounced more or less. They blame him a great deal, some for one thing & some for another. He does not give us facts when we have been whipped. He calls it by some other name. Before the retreat commenced, dispatches came to Hooker & were published to his men that we were driving the enemy on the right when in fact we were falling back all the time. We had been cheering all day at what we supposed to be big things in our favor. At night we went to bed feeling highly elated at the prospect of soon being in Richmond. About 12 o’clock we were all called up & orders came for every man to get ready for a march & in light marching order. The sick ones were ordered to start immediately & we were ordered to destroy everything that we could not carry—knapsacks, tents, & even guns were destroyed, clothing of every description were burned instead of giving them to the men when half of them were nearly naked. Ammunition & subsistence were destroyed all along the lines the amount of which no one has dared to make an estimate. Millions wouldn’t compensate us for our losses. These stores did not fall into the hands of the rebels but were destroyed—that is, the most of them.
The Battle and Burning of Savage’s Station, Virginia, on June 29, 1862
The retreat, however, was made in good order. We whipped them at every point during all that seven days fighting. If our loss was heavy, there must have been terrible. Our artillery made terrible havoc among them. I wish I could explain to you so that you could understand it as I have seen it but it is impossible. But I must close, My regards to your family. Also remember me to James when you see him. I have no stamp & must beg your indulgence as usual. I wrote you soon after we got back here. Did you. get it? Ever your friend, — Charles S. Crockett
Letter 2
Note: This letter is from the private collection of Greg Herr and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.
Wagon Park of 1st Regt., Ex[celsior] Brigade Near Warrenton, Va. July 29th 1863
Jno. Gifford, Laurens, New York
Friend John, after so long a time I have again got a moment’s time to write to you. I assure you I could not well do it sooner. We arrived here on the afternoon of July 26th & are here yet. Everything goes to show, however, that today will be our last day here. We have had quite a rest. Have got new clothes for the most needy. Have got our wounded taken care of. Have got harnesses & wagons repaired & are in pretty good condition to go on again. Which way through, I cannot tell.
Our Colonel—Major—Adjutant with one sergeant and six privates have gone to New York after drafts to fill up our ranks. Each regiment of the Brigade & Division have sent in the same manner & I expect we will soon have our Division as large as ever. We had come down to our last hard tack when we arrived here. It seems that the Rebel guerrilla parties annoyed our trains so much between Upperville and Harper’s Ferry that communication was stopped. The consequence was I had a half day’s ration to issue to get from Piedmont Station to Warrenton. The Rebs held Warrenton until the day before we came here.
I assure you, we have done some tall marching since we left Falmouth, Virginia, the 10th day of June last. I never had so hard a time in my life to my end up. It has been night and day, rain and shine, day after day, week after week. Nothing we have ever been called on to do could begin [to compare] with the last campaign. We have all suffered severely in wear and tear, in loss of men, and everything belonging to war. But I think the campaign is about over until we get the drafts in proper order & our ranks filled.
Our regiment lost in the Gettysburg battle 108 men in killed, wounded, and missing. And in a charge made on the 25th [23rd] of July at Manassas Gap we lost 38 men in killed & wounded. Besides [this], we have lost a great many by sickness, &c., consequently in making such long fatiguing marches. I am astounded that men can stand as much as they have done. I have had a good horse to ride during all the marching & yet I have been so worn and tired many a time that I have fallen asleep in the saddle & it seemed as though I must give up. Still I have made out to stand it so far.
I have not time to write more as I have just got an order to go to the regiment. Excuse briefness & do not think amiss if I fail to write you often. In friendship yours, — Charles Crockett
Regrettably, the author’s identity of this unsigned essay remains a tantalizing mystery, with scant clues to piece together even a fleeting guess at authorship. If I had to wager, I’d propose it was penned by a young man from New York City—perhaps in his late teens—who harbored lofty theological ambitions and possibly attending classes in Litchfield, Connecticut. Despite my internet sleuthing, I’ve come up empty-handed; no evidence suggests this piece was ever published in a book or newspaper. My gut tells me it was likely a personal draft, perhaps intended for publication, yet its final resting place remains unknown.
Though it can’t be pinned to a specific hand, this essay vividly encapsulates the turmoil rippling through the Northern states from the moment the shots rang out over Fort Sumter until the rise of Gen. McClellan—who is described as “the gift of God to a devoted, loyal people.” Such language perfectly encapsulates the anxiety and fervor of the times, and invokes the belief that calamity will only befall a Nation that does not place its trust in God.
Transcription
New York [City] August 21, 1861
One month ago today occurred the battle and the panic of Bull’s Run and in that month thus following so great a national disaster, there has been time and cause for many hours of bitter thoughtfulness. We entered upon this serious crisis in our history with such a confidence in the right of our cause and the stability of our government that the determined effort to crush rebellion and annihilate that treasonable spirit which had been growing in our midst for years did not appear at the outset a formidable work to accomplish. But today, with no less confidence in our ultimate success and no less faith in Him who gave us the precious government for which we are contending, we are awake to the consciousness that God has given us a task to accomplish which we must perform in sorrow and the seed of which we must sow in tears. We know that we are not just passing beneath a cloud the end of which we cannot see, that in its deepest darkness there must be privations, sufferings and painful sacrifices, but we also feel with a conviction the intensity of which is sublimely prophetic that He who gave us so miraculously our existence as a Nation will never desert us in our terrible struggle to preserve that existence and that nationality under the government which He has always blessed to us.
The month just passed has seemed a breathing space in the commencement of a weary struggle. The mind has availed itself of a relief from immediate excitement to review the past few months of our eventful history and call up one by one the incidents that here give it so great an interest.
First came that Friday night on the 12th of April last when the scarcely credited intelligence fell on the ear that the bombardment of Fort Sumpter ad commenced. I went down to the news offices between 8 and 9 o’clock in the evening and read the announcement on the different bulletins with feelings strange and new. On the cars in the street, in every place of business, the expression passed from mouth to mouth, “The war has actually begun.” A nation went to a troubled slumber on that Friday night. Then followed the day of wild excitement when almost every home brought some fresh account of the disastrous and uneven siege until night closed in upon the week with the news that the gallant little garrison had been overpowered by besieging thousand and Sumpter had fallen into rebel hands. What a day was that Sabbath which followed the intense excitement of a few preceding hours. What a week did it open to an aroused and patriotic people. What a springing to arms. What an impetus towards Washington and the following Sabbath. Who ever saw a Sabbath like it in the City of New York? When the usual quietude of Sunday was broken by strains of martial music and churches were almost deserted in the eagerness to bid farewell to thousands who embarked that morning for the seat of war. I remember well the expression of our dear little pastor from the pulpit that morning: “It is hard, my brethren, for me to merge the patriot in the preacher.”
Patriotism swallowed up every other impulse on that day and those who lingered in God’s sanctuary to offer up their prayers felt as they had never felt before. How precious in the hour of peril was the “Rock of Ages” beneath which a Nation could find shelter and protection. The constant departure of regiments, the Great Union Meeting, the news of brave men cut down in the very commencement of their usefulness—Ellsworth, [ ], Greble, Withrop, and so recently, the noble Gen. Lyon. All these are fresh in our memories and our hearts.
The day that followed the battle of Bull’s Run when the news gradually reached New York was one of those the least of all likely to be forgotten. Morning brought us the news of a great victory but as the day come on, the story became reversed, a retreat in order, a complete rout, a panic, slaughter and destruction, anxious friends spoke low and tremblingly. Parents started for the Capitol. Mothers sat in tears and every face wore marks of deep anxiety. This was the most painful day of all. On the morning following I went to Litchfield and all along the route the sush for morning papers was eager and exciting. Each day succeeding brought less painful details until the public mind became possessed of every circumstance and reconciled itself to the unpleasant, unanticipated change in our affairs. And thus we stand today with a renewed confidence in the fresh leader of our forces, General McClellan, and the assurance that under his guidance, our army has now attained an almost invincible efficiency. The man seems to have risen for the emergency—the gift of God to a devoted, loyal people.
We have but one danger to guard against, a forgetfulness ofHim who alone can give us a victory. We must be Christian Patriots. We must bring our troubles and the acknowledgment of our sins to Him who will deliver us from both. We must be certain of success only through Him who alone can give it to us and with this certainty or with this Faith success is already ours. Today we stand looking into a future that must be eventful. The eyes of the world are upon us and our greatness which was never more apparent was never more strongly tested than now. At such a time there is the most urgent need and there should be the most earnest desire for the spirit of God to guide and direct us. Let us hope then that as a people we shall not be indifferent in seeking for it, or unsuccessful in obtaining it—the one being dependent upon the other, remembering always with a sacred zeal that “where the Spirit of God is, there is Liberty.” 1
1 “Where the Spirit of God is, there is Liberty.” 2 Corinthians 3:17.
I could not find an image of Thomas but here is one of John Robbins who served in Co. G, 34th New York Infantry (Photo Sleuth)
These letters were written by Thomas H. Guinnip (1839-1873) who was 22 years year old when he enlisted on 18 May 1861 at Addison to serve two years as private in Co. E, 34th New York Infantry. He mustered out with the company on 30 June 1863, at Albany, N. Y. He was sick and absent from the regiment most of the fall of 1862 and detailed in the discharge office at Washington D. C. in January 1863.
The 34th New York Infantry mustered into the U. S. service at Albany June 15, 1861, for two years. It left the state for Washington on July 3; was quartered at Kalorama heights until July 28, when it moved to Seneca mills and was there assigned to Gen. Stone’s brigade. The regiment moved to Edwards ferry on Oct. 21, to Poolesville, Md., Oct. 23, and there established Camp McClellan, which was occupied until Feb. 24, 1862, when orders were received to move to Harper’s Ferry.
Thomas was the son of Parley Guinnip (18xx-1857) and Eliza M. Smith (1816-1876) of Addison, Steuben county, New York.
[Note: These letters are from the personal collection of Greg Herr and were offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Letter 1
Addressed to Mrs. Elizabeth North, West Dryden, Tompkins county, New York
Camp McClellan November 1, 1861
Dear Grandma,
It has been a long time since I received your very kind epistle and I should of answered it long ere this had it not been that I had been so busy that I could not find time to write. I am quite healthy at present. My throat has got well and does not bother me any more. Our company are all well and in good spirits. I hope that this epistle will find you and family enjoying the best kind of health. There is not anything equal to good health in my estimation.
One week ago last Monday we packed up our knapsacks and other fixings too numerous to mention for a long and weary march. We was going somewhere to join the rest of the brigade and take up our winter quarters. After marching ten miles with loads heavy enough to load down a horse with, we halted at Edwards Ferry, thirty-five miles from Washington up the Potomac. It was about three o’clock when we halted and you had better believe that we was some tired. However, for all of that, we had not rested but a very few moments before we had orders to march over on the other side of the river—-on the Virginia side. When we got over there we found two other regiments there.1 We had marched ever since seven o’clock in the morning without anything to eat and now we thought that it would be a good time to eat a little. So accordingly we took from our haversacks a few sea biscuit or hard crackers and ate them and they tasted quite well. But I never like them before this, nor in fact since.
Night son came stealing in, throwing its dusky shades over the earth. We stationed our line and picket guards. Then we built up a good large fire with secession rails, and the remainder laid down upon the cold, damp ground to rest our weary limbs. We had laid there but a little while before we was ordered to get up and get our things packed and on as soon as possible and be ready for a retreat to the other side of the river. It was but a moment’s work for us to get ready and be in a line. After we was drawn in a line, we had to wait quite a little while before we could go across but finally it came our turn to go across. We got into the boat and had got nearly across when we was ordered back on the Virginia side again. In fact, all the rest of the troops was ordered back that had already reached the Maryland shore. When they ordered us back again, dispatches were sent in every direction to get more troops. We went back and laid down and went to sleep.
When we awoke in the morning, we found it raining quite hard. In fact, it continued to rain all day and night very hard. During all the time that we had slept, there had been soldiers crossing all night. You see that we had been reinforced by Gen. Banks. They was all night crossing and all day and night a Tuesday crossing. In fact, a great many crossed Wednesday.
I will try and give you a brief history of what created this disturbance five miles abofve us, up the river. Gen. [Edwin Dickinson] Baker crossed with two or three thousand men. The Rebels pitched into them with overwhelming numbers and whipped them out, completely cut them all to pieces. Part of the Tamany Regiment got confused after Gen. Baker got killed and rushed to the river to get across by swimming. They rushed into the river and betwixt one or two hundred got drowned. If they had stayed and fought like men should of done, we think that the rebels would got the worst of it. The news was sent to us then that they were on their way from that place to ours to make an attack upon us—what few we had. Accordingly we was commanded to [retreat]. But as good luck would have it, we was not molested during the night.
The death of Gen. Baker at the Battle of Balls Bluff, 21 October 1861
Tuesday it was very cold and rainy. Also muddy. I can tell you one thing and that is it pleased the privates to see the officers take it. They was around all day a shivering and shaking and their nice uniforms all covered with mud. The highest officer in the lot had no better fare than the privates did. They had to stand and take the rain and eat those hard crackers. I tell you, it went pretty hard with them. But us privates made the secession hog and cattle suffer. There must of been some fifty or sixty hogs shot besides fifteen or twenty cattle shot by our troops within twenty-four hours time, and we used secession rails to cook our meat with and to warm us with. We also converted five or six stacks of good unthrashed wheat straw to our use. We had permission by headquarters to help ourselves to what we could find when we got on the sacred soil and I think that we obeyed those orders to the fullest extent. We used and destroyed about two thousand dollars worth of stuff that belonged to the Rebel farmers. I think that they will remember the 34th [New York] for sometime. Also the rest of the regiments that was there with us.
But we soon had some fun about four o’clock Tuesday afternoon. We had our reserve force down to the river and our pickets upon the hill a quarter of a mile from the reserve, and still we had our advance pickets at the edge of the woods about a hundred rods from our other pickets. And all at once, we heard the most hideous yells that you ever heard and at the same instant we heard the report of guns and we looked and saw about three thousand rebels coming at us. Our picket was in a line. Also the reserve was in a line. We was all in fact in a line in a moment’s warming and commenced to return the fire. All at once our artillery opened upon them and you ought to of seen them retreat. They went in every direction. Some lost their guns and one of the drummers lost their drums. They wounded the general of our cavalry. His name was Gen. [Frederick William] Lander. He was wounded in the leg. He will probably recover soon. We had one man that belonged to the Minnesota 1st killed. After they shot him, they run their bayonets into his breast in the most brutal manner. 2
We killed a good man of their men. We cannot tell how many of their men that we killed but we must of killed a great many from the fact they was quite a spell a picking up their dead and wounded. You see that our shells from our two pieces of artillery raised hob with them. They had about two thousand men back in the woods as a reserve so as to rush in upon us. If they had of come upon us, they would of been very likely to of whipped us out for we had only about three thousand troops and they was all scattered around and there was no possible chance for us to retreat from the fact that we could not get across the river. But our artillery saved us.
All the next day we expected an attack and we was better prepared for them for we had been reinforced by six or seven thousand, in all making nearly ten thousand troops that we had. We had one or two batteries and about seven hundred cavalry. News came to us about 6 o’clock a.m. that the rebels was upon us, close at hand. We was soon in line and ready for the supposed attack, but for some reason or another, we did not have the pleasure of having a battle.
Night soon came creeping in upon us and it was quite chilly so we built up some good fires of secession rails. Our guards was soon stationed and the rest of them laid down and went to sleep. I was on first relief. The night was quite dark and gloomy and we could look all around us for a mile square and see the camp fires a burning. I tell you what, it presented one of the grandest spectacles that I ever saw. It looked like a large and beautiful city. But suffice it to say that we had to leave our nice city. During the night about eleven o’clock, our captain came to us and told us to hurry and pack up our things and get into line and be ready for a retreat. It was but a moment and we was moving towards the river and was soon on the Maryland side. They had been at work ever since dark a carrying our troops across the river and it was nearly four o’clock in the morning before all of our troops and artillery, horses, and baggage was across.
We had some ten or twelve canal boats off from the canal besides some old scows. The river was quite wide and the stream was quite rapid and it was a slow job to get across the river. What caused our retreat? There was a message came to us about dark stating that we would be attacked before the dawn of another day by some hundred thousand rebels and that they was going to surround us and for that reason we was ordered to retreat. Sure enough, in the morning we could see enough of the rebels over in Virginia, if we had of stayed there, we would of all been cut to pieces. They would not of showed any mercy upon us.
Grandma, I want to write you a few more lines to finish my story of our retreat & I am going to write a few lines to H and I will finish yours in his. My love to you and best wishes. — T. H. Guinnip
1 The two regiments belonged to Gen. Gorman’s Brigade, Gen. Stone’s Division); they were the New York 2nd and the Minnesota 1st.
2 The unfortunate soldier in the 1st Minnesota, Co. I, was Lewis F. Mitchell of Wabasha County. Lewis received two bayonet wounds through the chest according to a surgeon’s report. Sgt. Charles Davison of Co. G wrote of the skirmish on 22 October 1861 as follows: “Last eve, one hour and a half before dark, a couple of regiments of rebels marched up into the woods and surprised our skirmishers. When eight rods off a “secesh” rose up and hollood to one of our men, who had just deployed and were ready to advance: ‘Don’t be alarmed, boys, there is not a ‘sesech’ within three miles,’ and immediately they ran up and fired. The skirmishers immediately opened and let our two pieces of artillery throw shell, grape, and cannister amongst them, which was done promptly and rapidly. At the same time a company of Sharpshooters —the Tiger Zouaves, of Boston—peppered away at them. It soon silenced them. All this time, the Minnesota First and other forces along the river were standing in line prepared for an emergency. Among the regiments here are the New York 2nd, Indiana 16th, and a Pennsylvania regiment. In the skirmish, Gen. Landers was wounded in the calf, and Mitchell, of Company I, was killed. Both legs were broken, a bullet through his head, and the brutal rebels not being satisfied with that, thrust a bayonet through his neck. He was missing last night, but was not found until this morning, and has just been taken over the river.”Sources: The Central Republican, Faribault, Mn, Wed, Nov 6, 1861, p 2.; History of Stearns County. Biographies & Historical Sketches of Wabasha County, Minnesota.
Letter 2
Addressed to Mrs. E. North, Ludlowville, Tompkins county, New York
Camp McClellan Near Poolesville [Maryland] December 9th 1861
Dear Grandma,
Through kind Providence I seat myself down once more to reply to your very welcome letter which came at hand in due seasons, and was read with the greatest pleasure, and the advice which was in it, was duly accepted, and I hope that I always shall abide by it—at least I shall try hard. I do not know how I ever shall repay you and Uncle North for the good advice that you have been so kind, both of you, in offering. It all has come very acceptable, and I think that I have taken all advice with a good cheer and profit by it.
My health is improving quite fast. I am getting so fat that you would hardly recognize me if you should see me. I have had quite a hard cold for a week or two and cannot speak above a whisper but that’s nothing, for about half of the regiment have hard colds. That’s nothing—no more or less than what we have at home. Two more members of our company deserted a night or two ago. I would not give much for the peace that a few miserable deserters will get. It is poor business, if ever so well followed. Let the consequences be what they might. I should never make an attempt to forsake my country’s flag and let it be trampled beneath the feet of the enemy. Let us do our duty and remember what we left our peaceful home and friends for. I can go home any time that I take a notion to, and I have ben advised to do so by members of the company. Even our captain advised me to go home. But as long as I am able to get around, I would much rather be here, trying to render my beloved country some good, than to be laying around Addison. But if I commence to come down any this winter, I shall go home. I think some of obtaining a furlough of a month and go home. I should like to see my folks very much. I’ll warrant you that I think as much of my friends as anyone else does of their friends, but as for being real homesick and faint-hearted, that does not both me any. I think that I’m going to know what soldiering is.
It has been cold, wet, muddy and disagreeable weather here until within the last past week, which has been beautiful and appears like our Indian Summers at the North. I tell you what it is, these little tents of ours are cold and uncomfortable these cold frosty nights. I tell you, it makes a person get in all kinds of shapes to stand on guard these cold nights.
We are a having a brigade drill this afternoon. It is one of the grandest sights that I ever saw. It comes off every Monday afternoon and every Wednesday afternoon we have brigade inspection, and have their shoes blacked up and their brass scoured up. The brigade has their new uniforms which is very nice and you better believe that it is a beautiful sight to see the whole brigade out consisting of four regiments—some four thousand men, dressed all up alike parading around and the officers looks nice, all mounted on their charges. It would pay anyone that never saw sich a sight to go a hundred miles to see it. I have often wished that you and Uncle might pop in some time and see what a nice little house I have. It is said that I have got the nicest tent in the lot and the best arranged one—neatest and cleanest. There is four of us in it and my tent mates are all fine fellows and we live high for soldiers. We spare no pains nor money, but we have roast turkeys, oysters, chickens, cakes, pies, and other luxuries too numerous to mention. It cost Uncle Sam but little for what we eat, but cost us a good deal.
Grandma, I am going to write Mr. North or I would write more to you. Accept my best wishes, &c. — T. H. Guinnip.
Letter 3
Addressed to Mrs. Elisabeth North, West Dryden, Tompkins county, New York
I wish you all a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year, Grandma. I thought that I would write you a few more lines while I was about it. We are having so much duty to do now days that we have to do our writing nights, and we hardly get to writing before the drum beats the reveille for us to fall in for roll call, and in a few moments after that, the drums beats the taps for the lights to be extinguished, and the officer of the day goes all through the camp and if he finds any lights burning, it is his duty to put the ones that is using them in the guard house. But they cannot fool this chicken much. When I hear the approach of the footsteps of the officer of the day, I put the light in under a large cap that I have, and when his footsteps recede, then I take the cap off from the candle as if nothing had happened. But if they should catch us at it, good day…
It is nearly one o’clock at night, but then we all so enough every day to get put into the guard house. But the inmates of the guard house has never been honored with my presence yet. I hope that they never will be either. Our company has had the least men in the guard house of any company in the regiment. But then we have played a great many [ ] service. We have been soldiering.
Grandma, if there is any one of you up that speculate much, you can tell them there they can mark their future down here. I will give you a list of the prices of things down here. Apples is worth from eight to eleven dollars per barrel. Butter is worth 30 cents per pound. Cheese at 20 cents. Eggs 30 cents per dozen, and in fact, everything is in like proportion to the above named articles. I paid ten cents for two common sized apples the other day. I told you that I would give you a list of the things that we have been given in the army—four pair of pants, four pair drawers, 4 pair of socks, two pair of shoes, four shirts, one every day coat, and one nice dress coat. Them things that I have just mentioned are good, woolen goods, one [ ] or dozen collars as we call them. They are made of leather, one knapsack, one haversack, one canteen, one cartridge box, one cap box, bely and bayonet sheath, one gun, and bayonet, and there is other things that we have had that I cannot think of now. Oh, we have had one cap and one nice belt with all of the trimmings on. You can see that it costs Uncle Sam quite a sum to clothe and furnish one man with all of his equipage necessary for a soldier. What must it cost to fit up seven hundred thousand men ready for service? I am afraid that it would make a poor man of us to take care of so many men.
Tell Horatio that Fairfield Smith has been sick for a great while and is quite feeble and has just got a furlough and started for home this morning. Tell Mr. North that I can not find that regiment that his grandson is in, but that I will not give up the idea of ferreting him out for I feel sorry for the poor [ ] not getting letters from his friends, &c. I think that after a while that I will run across him.
Well there Grandma, this is rather the dullest and coldest Christmas that I ever spent before in my life. I could get along a standing on guard today provided that I could get something good for my Christmas dinner, but that is out of the question. We have run rather short of provision for a few days back but as a general thing we have no reason to complain for we love good enough for soldiers. To be sure, if we was at home, we would want to live better, but there is a great many poor at the North that does not begin to live as well as the soldiers. We may read the annals of history and we cannot find where that there has been an army yet of so soon, and armed, and as well fed and clothed as the present army is.
I must bring my letter to a close for now it is after one and I have yet to go out on guard. Please excuse this poor writing. I am in such a place that I can hardly write. Please give all of our friends out your way my best wishes and love and tell them that I am well, tough and hearty, and like soldiering first rate. I would not be much surprised but what we will be in a battle ere this letter reaches you. If we do, I will try and kill a secesh for you and Uncle North. Give all of your family my love and regards, and please write soon. Eat a good New Year’s dinner for me. Accept of my love, — T. H. Guinnip
Letter 4
Addressed to Joshua North, Esq., West Dryden, Tompkins county, N. York
Camp McClellan, N. Y. S. V. December 25th 1861
Joshua North, Esq.
Much esteemed friend, having a few liesure moments to spare, I sit down to reply to your very kind and welcome letter that came to hand in due season. It found me well and in good spirits and I hope that the epistle will find you the same. I also hope that you will find this letter as interesting to you as yours was to me.
Things are quite at a stand still here on the Potomac at present, but probably will not be so for a great while. I think that the Army of the Potomac will make an attack upon Leesburg before a great while. There is estimated to be nearly four hundred thousand of our troops on the Potomac now ready at a moments warning to make an attack upon the rebellious, and still we are making preparations all of the while for a battle. McCall’s Division is on their march over in Virginia and they are nearly opposite of us at Edward’s Ferry where I think that they intend to encamp for a while. Some thinks that they intend to attack Leesburg adn we that is on the Potomac will be kept as a reserve for them to fall back on. And others think that we will be sent in advance of McCall’s Division and keep them as a reserve. But I think that we will make an attack upon Leensburg with our division, or in other words Gen. Sturgis [?] Divsion. That being the case, Co. E will be pretty apt to see some pretty hardd fighting for our regiment will be in the center of the brigade near the colors. The Minnesota 1st is on the right flank, and the New York 2nd is on the left flank. Our company are the first company right of the colors so you can plainly see that we occupy a precarious position.
But for all of that we are not much scared yet. For my part, I am ready any time for to do my best to help put down this accursed rebellion. Orders was read on dress parade a few nights ago for every captain to have his company ready for a march at a moment’s warning. Accordingly, the captains of the different companies have their companies orders to have their knapsacks all packed and everything ready for a march at a moment’s warning. We have been aroused from our profound slumbers and sweet repose a number of times lately to go down at the river, a distance of two miles, for the pickets would get an idea that the enemy was a crossing and would send up a message to the camp, and every time that there is an alarm made, they are sure to send our company off to see and find out the cause of the alarm. I sometimes think that maybe we are considered the bravest company in the regiment. Then again, I will think that maybe they want us to get killed off. But that does not worry us much.
Once when we was ordered to the river, we found the rebels on Harrison’s Island. But they soon receded when they heard us coming towards them, clearing all of our picketing, and we do as much of that as any of the rest does. We have never had an occasion to call any company out of camp yet to go to the river and I presume that we have seen more, or as much, for to call out a company as any of the rest of the companies have. But we do not believe in that way of doing business and when we call out any company, it will be our last resort. We will try the strength of our powder first and see what virtue that there is in hot lead. I guess that we can kill as many of them as they can kill of us.
We have got the Enfield rifles—the best weapons that there is in use. But we had a hard time to get them. Our Colonel threatened of disbanding the regiment before we succeeded in obtaining them. They will shoot a mile and [ ] and shoot just where you hold them. I have got a good shooting piece and I can beat most all of the regiment shooting at a mark. I have lived up north too long and hunted too much with a rifle to be beat shooting at a mark here by the boys. I think that if I ever draw a bead on a secesh, that he will [ ]. When I get in a battle, I am determined to keep cool and keep my senses and take fair aim and fetch a rebellion every time. If I ever get into a battle and get out of it uninjured and get home, they will ask me if I ever killed a man in the battle, I want to tell them yes, and for that reason I am going to know, so to tell them.
I think that this war will be of a short duration if England does not interfere for we have got the enemy in pretty close quarters. Those here ain’t got much room to play in. We have got them very near surrounded and will soon whip them out. The intention of our folks is to starve them out. Also make them a great exposure. We do this in order to lose as few lives as possible and spill as little blood as they can. If foreign powers pitch in, it will be a general war throughout the whole globe. If England intercedes in behalf of the Southern Confederacy, I am in during the war if it lasts forty years. For my part, I cannot see why foreign powers cannot tend to their own business and not mind other folks business and be a meddling that which ought not to concern them. But England has been trying to pick a muss with the United States for a great while by catching the [paper creased and words illegible] and now she can pitch in and we will soon clean her out. I hope that the government will never be unwise and foolish enough to give up Slidell and Mason. Let the British Lion pick a fuss as soon as she sees fit and we will take what little conceit out of her that she possesses by letting the American Eagle loose which will pitch at her in such a power that will not be imaginable to Her Majesty. By the time that the Eagle pecks her eyes out, the Lion will give one piteous growl and lay down in the dust to be trampled beneath our feet—the feet of a Republican Government. Never again will she reign over our enlightened people, but will sink forever in the waters of oblivion, never to rise again. And then we will give three cheers and hoist the stars and stripes over the grave of the British Lion, and then what a rejoicing there will be throughout the land…
For my part, I do not think that England will be foolish enough to declare war against us. If she does, France, Ireland, and other dominions stand ready to lend us a helping hand, if needed, and I think they will pitch into England whether we want them to or not. They have been trying to get a chance at her and I guess that they will succeed this time in producing the desired effect. All of the way that England can fight us is by water and we can blockade the ports and we have got plenty of the best kind of material and good workmen and soon will have as good, if not better, navy than hers. Then we will meet them halfway and I guess that we will give them as much as they can stand. I think then they will begin to learn to take a joke by that time. I noticed in the paper that Gen. Scott had just arrived safely in Washington. I wonder what arrangements that he made with France while he was gone. We will hear soon probably.
I cannot see as Congress is doing anything much about this warfare. For some reason or other, they do not accomplish much.
There has been two that has deserted [from] our company lately’ one by the name of Andrew Smith, and one said drunkard. I hope that when I desert from the good adn glorious cause that I am engaged in, that some kind friend will shoot me and they will do me a great kindness in doing so. For my part, I cannot see how rational a war that pretends to be perfectly consistent with the loss of his country, and is a lover of his country, and likes his liberty, and thinks anything of himself and friends can forsake his friends, home, and come down here and enlist in this glorious cause to serve his country, and help raise the insulted flag back again out of the dust to its former position, and not findings things quite as nice and comfortable as he supposes that he would previous to leaving home and joining the army also finding that the enemy about rather careless and pints their guns at a fellow, gets scared out and deserts. Yes, I say again deserts. That word might not be in the english language, especially at present. I say in the english language of the past, oh foolish, foolish man, hast them no shame, nor respect for thyself nor thy friends? [more on desertion]
Please give all of your family my love and accept of the same yourself, — T. H. Guinnip
Letter 5
U. S. General Hospital Annapolis, Maryland November 22nd 1862
Dear Brother,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your kind note of the 20th inst. and hasten to answer it. I am delighted to learn that you all are in the enjoyment of health & happiness. Health is one of the greatest blessings that we can be in possession of, and little do we appreciate its value until we come to be deprived of it. I sincerely hope that you all may continue to enjoy that great blessing of health. I am in hopes that I shall be enabled soon to join my regiment. My health is fast improving. I got ready to rejoin my regiment last Monday but the doctor would not allow me to leave. He said that I was not sufficiently recovered from the effects of my wound for to rejoin the regiment and that when he thought proper, that he would let me go.
You informed me that there is a company being organized in Addison which is called the National Guards, which James McKay has the honor of being Captain of. I think this company has made a good selection of a man for its captain adn in fact, they might of searched the town of Addison through & through and a better man for a captain they would not of found. You say that this company is to rendezvous at Elmira for the purpose of guarding fords, prisons, & drafted men, that they get ten shillings per day for their services & everything found, including clothes, rations, &c. You furthermore state that you wish to become a member of his company but Ma will not give her consent to have you enlist. I think Ma had better let you join that company. You say that they cannot transfer you from the State service to the United States service and if that be true, why of course Ma had ought to give her consent to let you enlist. But before you enlist (that is, if Ma should give her consent to let you enlist), investigate the thing thoroughly. Do not leap too soon. So not allow them to play roots [a ruse?] on you by making you believe that the company cannot be transferred over to the United State service. they sometimes say a great many nice and pretty things in order to get men to enlist in the army and when they enlist and come to try the realities of a soldiers life, they find things altogether different from what they was represented to of been.
In military, you cannot tell what you will do or what you will not do for in the military regulations, there is no such words as can’t, won’t, &c. Military discipline is very strict and well it should be for what would an army amount to without good discipline. The regulations of this large army have got to be obeyed and adhered to in order for us to meet with future success. It has been through want of discipline & the lack of competent officers that we have not succeeded ere this of putting down the rebellion. Moreover, let me state that we have been ill favored with a great many traitors in our army and when shall we get rid of them? I hope soon but fear never.
If the boys succeed in getting good officers commissioned & non commissioned officers as they have in electing their captain, I trust that they will have a good company. I think that now is a good & grand chance for you to enlist. In fact, it is the best chance for enlisting that I have heard of. Your pay is good. You will get a good uniform. Your rations will be good. You will have good, comfortable quarters to stay in. In fact, you will have a good times and have everything comfortable, and by all means, Ma had ought to let you join that company. You would not have to suffer as they do in the army. Our life here is fraught with danger. We have hardships to meet, fatigues to undergo, death to encounter, huger and thirst to endure, obstacles to surmount, and battles to fight & victories to gain. Yet the consciousness of an righteous cause, the holiness of its claims, and the certainty of our ultimate triumph, cheers, animates, and inspires us to continual and persevering efforts till the rebellion is crushed and the cause of our government is completely triumphant. But should it be my fate to fall, I can go to my early grave without a murmur, and consoled that, “They who for their country die, will fill an honored grave; for glory lights the soldier’s tomb, and beauty weeps the brave.”
Sam Kimball is here with me now. He came down from the parole camp to see me. He is as full and tough as a bear. And I think that you will see him before a great while for he says that he is going home this week sometime.
I am very sorry to learn that Captain Henry Baldwin is so very low. When you write to me again, please let me know where he is and if he is getting any better than he was at the time you wrote to me before. John Campbell owes me $1.87. Lyman Deland owes me 56 cents and if you will get it for me you may have it. If they have got the money, they will let you have it.
Horatio, I guess that I shall have to write to you hereafter for the rest of our folks do not care about writing to me for some reason unknown to me & best known to theirselves. As for Adelia, she has never wrote me a word since I left home. I guess that Maggy is mad at me for something or else she would write me a few lines occasionally. You say that Ma is a regular secesh and says that this is an unjust war. Well, she tells the truth. This I believe myself to be an unjust wicked rebellion, but on our part. I think that it is the most just but at the same time, both North and South, are in the wrong—especially the South. I am very sorry indeed to hear you find so much fault with McClellan. You Northern people who have never been in under his command here in the army know nothing about him at all. We soldiers who have served under him like him, and had the utmost confidence in his ability to of put down the rebellion provided he had not of been thwarted by politicians and other [ ] men who stand high in the influence of the government but who are hostile to McClellan and as a consequence an enemy to the country, its prosperity, & people. Under such circumstances, how could we expect him to accomplish his undertakings to put an end to the rebellion.
We have good confidence in General Burnside & hope that he will meet with success in bringing this wicked war to a termination. That is the best and worse wish that we can wish him. It makes no difference who brings this accursed rebellion to a close if it is only done, but for all. McClellan was the right man in the right place. Please excuse all errors & imperfections & remember me to all enquiring friends. Hoping this will find you in good health, I have the pleasure to remain your brother, — Thos. H. Guinnip
Letter 6
U. S. General Hospital Annapolis, Maryland December 1, 1862
Joshua North, Esqr.
My ever remembered friend, your welcome not of the 20th ult. has arrived and I hasten to answer it, hoping these few lines will find you in the full enjoyment of health, happiness & prosperity. I do congratulate you in your never being called upon to participate in such an affair as that to which our brave soldiers have lent themselves—to put down this accursed rebellion, and to bring back the refractory to obedience & submission to the Federal authority. The Rebels have found out now that the U, States Govt. means to reduce them to its authority, and the miseries which they have already felt, the losses they have sustained, and worst of all , that which is before them, are, I think, sufficient inducements to prompt them to yield and accept the humiliation of defeat rather than to be exposed to inevitable ruin and destruction. While I deplore the great waste of human blood, the great destruction of human life, the sufferings and privations endured by our brave men, I am of the opinion that it would be more humane to act with more energy to fight bloodier and fewer battles and to end the rebellion by a few severe engagements than to be continually fighting on a small scale & skirmishing & wasting the bone & muscle and materiel of the country by slow movements and languid operations.
Since my last writing to you, changes of great moment to the country have taken place, all I hope for the better. McClellan has been removed and Gen. Burnside seems to be now the general favorite of the army. In particular Burnside has already given promise of being a good General and an excellent fighter. If he desires to retain the affection & confidence of the ARmy, he must gratify them with fighting. Our men are eager for the fray and they prefer death in action to inglorious indolence and loitering in the camps. This speaks well for the spirit of our brave soldiers. I think that our soldiers have shown a spirit not unworthy of their ancestors, and if we are cursed with the presence of worthless officers, let not the defeat which our arms have experienced be attributed to the men in the ranks. Only let worth & valor be encouraged & rewarded, and my word for it, that there are men now in the ranks who as generals will yet plant their victorious banners on the walls of every rebel stronghold in Dixie. But until such encouragements is held out to worth & valor in our Army, we can never hope to have a truly efficient army. What doth it avail us that our rank & file are the best materials for an army of any in the world, when it is generally conceded that our officers with rare exceptions are the most worthless. It wsa a saying of Napoleon, “Better have an army of sheep commanded by a lion, than an army of lions commanded by a sheep.” If Napoleon’s theory was correct and he was looked upon as a good master of war, then we are behind the times in having our brave men led by imbeciles.
Our army is again advancing on the enemy and thus far seems to meet with complete success. I hope that we shall have no more retrograde movements. Be it as it may, the present Union Army is the largest and best equipped we have thus far sent into the field. We have great confidence in General Burnside’s ability towards putting down the rebellion for indeed, he has men and materiel in abundance, and has now an excellent opportunity of distinguishing himself and fulfilling the expectations of the people and his warmest friends. Never has any human being had a better opportunity of covering himself with imperishable glory than Gen. Burnside has at the present time, and I hope that he will show himself adequate to the great trust which now devolves upon him. But should he not receive the full support and cooperation of the government, why no one ought not to blame him in not accomplishing the expectation of the people. But one thing rest assured of, if he is thwarted by politicians and other designing men (as Gen. McClellan was) he will not make much progress towards bringing this accursed rebellion to a termination.
Yes, dear Uncle, we had the utmost confidence in Little “Mac” in bringing the war to a final close, but we know very well that he was thwarted by some power high in the influence of the government, but hostile to McClellan and opposed to the speedy termination of the war; and as a consequence, an enemy to the country, its prosperity and people. We soldiers very well know that the abolition of the North combined with the abolition Congress would not sanction his movements and cooperate with his movements. And to be plain & blunt, Secretary Stanton was not a very warm friend of little “Mac”—quite to the contrary. Done all that he could do to thwart his plans. Under all these considerations, how could we expect a man to thrive in the prosecution of ending the war without the full support and cooperation of the government. He could not thrive and the result is he has been superseded by Gen. Burnside. We hope and wish him success in bringing this nefarious rebellion to a final termination. This is the worse and best wish that we can bestow upon him.
“To be plain & blunt, Secretary Stanton was not a very warm friend of little “Mac”—quite to the contrary. Done all that he could do to thwart his plans.” — the opinion of Thomas H. Guinnip, 34th New York Infantry. Probably an opinion shared by many others in his regiment.
It makes no difference who is the cause of putting down the war if it is only done in due season. But for all, we cannot help but believe that little “Mac” was the right man in the right place and we furthermore think that the government has made a poor exchange when they superseded him. And let me add that before the termination of this present year’s campaign that they will be wishing McClellan back again to take command of the army again. But I hope and pray that he will turn a deaf ear to their calls for he has been shamefully treated & abused and I hope that he will show proper resentment and contempt for the same. Just upon the verge of accomplishing great victories, he was removed from his command but he was too true a patriot to resign. Had it been some generals we have in the army, they would of resigned at the very ofset of the transaction.
The removal of “Mac” created a great deal of dissatisfaction in the army, but we hope that it may not have a tendency to demoralize our army and think it will not. Little “Mac” was a brave man, true & loyal to the cause of his country and it would be needless for me to state that the soldiers all loved him and admired his bravery. Also, he loved his soldiers who had the pleasure to be under his command. And one thing rest assured of, if he is to be a candidate for a president, he will surely be elected by a very heavy and large majority for we consider we have soldiers enough to carry the day. Some have sworn that they will never raise another finger towards putting down the rebellion, but as the regulations of the army is strict, we entertain no idea of mutiny of such, who say, that they will not assist or help put down the rebellion. Ah, the removal of that true & patriotic general has been a lamentable transaction to the country. As to the future operations of our government in crushing the rebellion, there is but one way left—the most speedy and energetic action, the displacement of incompetent officers, their places to be filled by men of real merit and military talent, the discharge of every person suspected of Rebel tendencies, and the exclusion of politicians from any military office whatever. Let this be done and the speedy and happy termination of this rebellion are at hand. This I believe is the darkest hour of our government since the rebellion first broke out and things have reached a crisis. I trust ere long we shall find that the darkness of a long, dreary and lingering night has at last passed away and that joy cometh in the morning. But God disposeth for the best and our cause, like ourselves, is now in His hands.
Hoping this will find you & family in good health and able to make a lengthy reply. I have the pleasure to remain your old friend, — T. H. Guinnip
In 1860 he was a 20 year old divinity student living on his parent’s farm in Derry Township, Westmoreland County, PA. His parents were John and Nancy (Morrison) Barnett. James mustered into service as Private, Co. K, 53rd Pennsylvania Infantry sometime after 16 September 1861.
Inside cover of Barnett’s Journal
After the Battle of Antietam in September 1862, James was appointed Commissary Sergeant of the regiment and later Quartermaster Sergeant. He passed an examining board and was commissioned First Lieutenant, 10th Regiment, US Colored Troops, and mustered and joined the regiment on 22 November 1863. He was appointed acting regimental Assistant Quartermaster in February 1864, and was acting Brigade Quartermaster (in 1st Division, 25th Army Corps) from June to September 1864. He was back with his regiment from January to April 1865, then detailed again to Brigade staff (in 3rd Division, 25th Army Corps), then at Corpus Christi, TX. From October 1865 to January 1866 he was Brigade Assistant Inspector General, briefly back with his regiment, then in March and April 1866 the Depot Quartermaster at Houston, TX.
After the war, he taught school for a year and was a clerk in a Pittsburgh, PA store. He opened his own store in Johnstown, PA in 1868, then, in 1870, with 2 partners, two more stores, in Derry and Hillside, PA. He ran the Hillside store as sole owner after 1874. At the 1870 census he was living with his parents in Derry Township but by 1880 he was a dealer in general merchandise living in his own place with his wife and 5 children. In 1900 he was ticket agent for the Pennsylvania Railroad, but by 1910, still living in Derry, was the postmaster at Hillside, PA. He’d finally retired completely by 1920.
To read excellent letters by other soldiers in the 53rd Pennsylvania that I’ve transcribed and published on Spared & Shared, see:
[Note: This diary is in the personal collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Camp at Harrison’s Landing, August 5th 1862 James W. Bennett, Co. K, 53rd P. V., 3rd Brigade Richardson’s Division, Sumner’s Corps D’Armie
The only image of James Wilson Barnett not in an officers’s uniform so this might be the image he had taken at Harrison’s Landing in August 1862. There is no back mark on the image.
Monday, August 4, 1862—Went down to the artists and got picture taken. Cost $1.00. Were paid off on Sabbath for the two months ending June 30th. Making the fifth payment, sum total one hundred and twenty-three dollars and fifty-five cents ($123.55) I sent home $15. I altogether I have sent home $80 and from various sources have received $30 in addition to the above. Deducting the amount sent home from the sum total leaves $73.50. What I have spent since entering the service on the 16th of September 1861. A rather large sum considering that Uncle Sam has kept me in grub and clothing.
Tuesday, August 5, 1862—The first item of importance that I have to record is my ne memorandum is the taking of Malvern Hill by our forces this morning by portions of Hooker’s and Sedgwick’s Divisions. The cannonading commenced about six a.m. and was very heavy for two hours. The affair was attended with a good deal of loss on both sides. We packed up expecting to be called out but when the news came of the success of the expedition, we felt much relieved. Two hundred prisoners were taken, 5 killed, eleven wounded on our side. Received a letter from Father & one from J. S. this morn. John sent me his pen. Wrote home & to A. F. Sent a gold dollar to father.
Wednesday, August 6, 1862—Are under marching orders today. Went with Ed to the artists. Got his picture taken. I stand behind him leaning against a tree. Gen. French drilled us in Division drill till eight p.m. A few minutes after, orders came to march in ten minutes.
Thursday, August 7, 1862—Marched out within half a mile of Malvern Hill. Remained an hour and marched back to a hill a mile and a half from our fortification where we remained till this morning. After daylight all of our Division left us except the 57th and a battery (Frank’s). All of our troops having gone in except some few regiments that had been left on picket. The sun was scorching hot and we suffered a good deal. In the afternoon most of us left our stacks and sought the shelter of trees.
Friday, [August 8, 1862]—Slept well last night on corn husks. This morn one of the 11th came up. He is one of the released prisoners who came down from Richmond on Thursday. All of the 11th that were taken during the seven days fighting. Orders came near noon for our Brigade to go to camp. Though but three miles, it was a most terrible hot and fatiguing march. The roads were dusty and the heat intense. The men suffered very much. Went to the river to bathe this evening.
Saturday, [August 9, 1862]—Went over to the 11th last eve. Saw several of my old friends. Rob, Roy,Jos. Walkinshow, and others. They were rather the worse for their hardships and were very glad to get back. McNulty, Holther & some more were up here today. They give a sorry account of their captivity and have no desire whatever to try it over. It seems that the rebels are somewhat short of provisions and cannot supply the prisoners with a sufficient quantity of food. All they got daily was half a ration of bread and beef full of maggots, a little soup. This was rather hard fare. And if all the soldiers knew it, would shun capture.
Sabbath, August 10, 1862—This is another very warm day and the flies are as bad as ever. They are an almost intolerable nuisance. There was preaching this morning in the 64th. I did not get there in time to hear the text as I was up assisting to draw rations. It was a good sermon. I received a letter from Mr. J. Culbertson this morning. Everything seems to indicate an onward movement at no distant day. Orders for baggage were read this eve on dress parade. Richmond is again to be attacked in front and rear. God grant that our arms may be successful and but little blood be shed, and that rebellion may speedily be crushed out.
“It does seem a little as though the Peninsula was to be abandoned and the James left to the gunboats entirely. Perhaps it is as well so. It has been and is one vast charnel house where the bones of brave comrades and their rebel foe lie moldering.”
—James W. Barnett, 53rd Pennsylvania, 11 August 1862
Monday, August 11th 1862—Last evening we were told that we would march at one today. This morning we were ordered to pack up all our baggage and carry it out. we did so, only keeping tent and gum blanket. The knapsacks were taken down to the river to be put on transports. Appearances indicate that we are going to make a big move but we don’t know where we are bound for—whether to the rebel city or northward. It does seem a little as though the Peninsula was to be abandoned and the James left to the gunboats entirely. Perhaps it is as well so. It has been and is one vast charnel house where the bones of brave comrades and their rebel foe lie moldering.
Tuesday, August 12, 1862—Last night I was detailed with a squad of nine men to load the knapsacks on the boat. We packed them into and old canal boat which was to hold the baggage of French’s Brigade. It was rather an old hulk and there will be some danger of them getting wet. We got through at midnight. This morning an order came round for roll call every hour, and to be in readiness for marching at a moment’s notice. The sutlers have packed up and left. Everything seems dull and lifeless. All seem to be waiting for the order to march and all too are anxious to get away. This state of uncertainty is what we all dislike.
Wednesday, August 13, 1862—This is a cool pleasant morning—not near so warm as it has been for several days. No more signs of a speedy movement today than were yesterday. This evening copious orders were read on dress parade from which I would infer that we are to make a big march, Some think it will be towards the York [River] and connect our lines with those of Pope. I rather think we will move up the [James] river and attack Richmond in the rear. But whether we move on the rebels or away from them, I don’t think that our movement will be the result of fear. The officers of the 11th came down from Richmond today.
Thursday, August 14, 1862—Was down to see Col. Gallagher today. He is quite unwell. They give (the officers) a hard account of their treatment while in Richmond prison. And the clothes and appearance of each bears out their testimony. Quite a number of them came up to our quarters this eve. Ate supper with the Captain and had a jolly time generally. Our company officers got a keg of ale with which they treated their visitors and also their company. I expect there will be a rather high time in [Co.] K tonight. Some of the officers did not present a very sober appearance on dress parade. Lieut. Weaver is acting Quartermaster—Rice being sick.
Friday, August 15, 1862—The Orderly of Co. G was buried this morning. He died yesterday. A man in Co. H fell over dead. Do not know what ailed him. It was a very sudden death. It is said that we will march at five a.m. It is as yet to us a mystery where. Have been waiting very patiently all day for the order to march. Everything is torn up and in marching trim. I suppose the advance has left ere this and on their way down the peninsula. Our pickets are out yet as far as usual & the Rebs will be apt to be surprised in a day or two to find Harrison’s Landing & the Yankee Army goners.
Saturday, August 16, 1862—At eleven got orders to march. Was in line in a few minutes where we lay for an hour. After fixing up things around our camp in a manner to suit our taste, we “fell in” and took up the line of march.We made frequent swoppegs [?] before getting outside our fortifications, marched four miles at a moderate pace and passed some very fine farms. Halted for the night in a large bottom and side by side to a cornfield. We made good use of our opportunity and enjoyed a good big mess of roasting ears—roasting them on the coals. Oh! Secessia!
Sabbath, August 17, 1862—Started pretty early this morning and made a big day march of 16 miles and through rough, wooded country. Passed by Charles City Court House—a rather dilapidated looking place for a county seat. At dark arrived at the Chickahominy half a mile from its junction with the James River. Crossed it on a pontoon bridge half a mile long. It was solid, noiseless, and a great success. It proves a great benefit to our army. Camped for the night on the point of land between two rivers. One other Division (Slocum’s) is camped on this side.
Monday, August 18, 1862—Moved at eight this morning. Passed through a tolerable looking country. A great deal of timber land but not very heavily wooded. A great [deal] of scrub and underbrush. Stopped for the night on a farm near the James. Strolled around and found a cornfield which was laid under [ ] for a large quantity of roasting ears. They were delicious and formed quite a feast for us. The roads were quite dusty today and made the marching very disagreeable.
Tuesday, August 19, 1862—Left camp at an early hour and marched to Williamsburg where we halted an hour. In the afternoon we marched three miles out from town and camped. Williamsburg is a very pretty rural village and wears the aspect of one of the old provincial towns. The homes are scattered and the streets very much shaded. It is indeed a pleasant place, or rather was before the war commenced.
Wednesday, August 20th 1862—Marched to Yorktown today. Camped near our old camping place. The probability is that we will have to march to Newport News. Kearny and Hooker’s Division are embarking tonight. Go to Burnside.
Thursday, August 21st 1862—Left early this morning and going outside of the Rebel fortifications, took a road leading most of the way between the two lines. Halted three hours at Warwick Court House and got our dinner. Found an orchard not far off and got as many peaches and apples as could carry. Marched five miles further making 16 miles for the day and camped for the night. It was a pretty hard day’s march and very many of the boys gave out. Our company was rear guard and had great difficulty in keeping up stragglers. We were about played out ourselves.
Friday, August 22, 1862—Newport News. Arrived here this morning after a short march of five miles. It rained very hard the last half hour of the march but it didn’t incommode us very much. By the time we got our tents pitched, the rain had ceased. We are camped above the point on a bluff overlooking Hampton Roads. It is a beautiful and pleasant location. This afternoon I sauntered down to the landing which is inside the fortifications and found it to be a very business-like place. There are barracks for several thousand men and a great number of army stores and sutler shops. Franklin’s Corps are embarking today. We will likely go as soon as possible.
Saturday, August 23, 1862—Am on guard today. Our stacks being right on the edge of the bluff. The sea breezes wafted o’er the “Roads” are a luxury well worth enjoying. It is indeed pleasant to sit on the bluff. The salt water foaming on the beach below making music melodious to the ear—the zephyrs playing with the sea air—while the broad expanse of water the shipping on its bosom and the landscape around found a panorama equally grateful and pleasing to the eye. We received a large mail today which had been waiting on us nearly a week. I got four letters—one from home, [ ], M. R., & sister M. J. P. The boys are fishing for crabs in the river today.
Sabbath, August 24, 1862—Orders came to go on board a vessel this morning. Got on the steamship United States about noon—our regiment and the 64th. Gen. French was was on board.
Monday, August 25, 1862—Our corps is getting on board the different vessels as rapidly as possible. Will not get away till morning. The most of the troops will be loaded this evening.
Tuesday, August 26, 1862—Cast anchor at an early hour and steamed down the roads past the fortress and rip raps and our noble ship ploughed her way up the bay. Our boat is very much crowded.
Wednesday, August 27, 1862—Cast anchor last night in the river and today were taken on shore by a lighter. Remained about two hours when we were ordered on board again. Steamed up the river and cast anchor off Alexandria at ten p.m.
Thursday, August 28, 1862—Landed at Alexandria. Marched out to Camp California and camped a short distance from our old camp. The place seems quite familiar. I did not think when we left it last spring that we would return under the present circumstances but such are the fortunes of war.
Friday, August 29, 1862—Got marching orders this morning and ordered to have four days rations. Wallace is quite unwell and is likely to have a hard spell of sickness. Ed. Wils, Hummes, Hols. Horbach, and Blakely are also sick and will have to be left behind. The boys got somewhat rapid today and pitched into some sutlers’ wagons rather roughly, tumpbling the articles out and making way with them. The sutlers were selling their truck at high rates for which there was no excuse & the boys thought they would punish them “instanter.”
Saturday, August 30, 1862—Marched last eve at five. Passed through Alexandria and took the road for Arlington Heights where we arrived about midnight and bivouacked. This morning we marched a mile further to the Georgetown Aqueduct where we again halted and pitched tents. Any number of hucksters came around and the soldiers soon got to relieving them of their loads. While in the midst of them, orders came to march immediately by leaving tents behind. Heavy firing has been heard all day in the direction of Bull Run.
Sabbath, August 31, 1862—Marching to within 3 miles of Centerville last night. This morning came on and took up a position on the heights. The battle yesterday proved very disastrous to our arms. McDowell’s Corps retreated in great disorder to Centerville. I saw several of my old acquaintances that were in the battle. Lieut. Dalby of Hillside was killed. McDowell is severely censured and Pope seems to be played out. There was evidently a want of generalship on our side. The veterans of McClellan’s army covered themselves with glory. There appears to be a good deal of disorder. No fighting today.
Monday, September 1, 1862—Quietude seems to reign today. We are in some doubt as to whether we are to go backward or forward.
Tuesday, September 2, 1862—About midnight we were ordered to “fall in.” Took the back track and about daylight arrived at Fairfax. Marched two miles this side on the Vienna road and camped. The sun came out warm and we enjoyed a fine rest. Porter’s Corps passed us and at three Sumner’s Corps fell in the rear of it. Our Co, K was placed as flankers on the left, marching some 150 yards from the main body.
Wednesday, September 3, 1862—When we arrived at Balls Cross Roads last night, the 53rd with two pieces of Capt. Pettit’s Battery was left to guard the turnpike until the Corps got past. Just when we were ready to start, firing was heard in front and cavalry coming back reported that we were cut off by rebel cavalry from the [rest of the] Corps. The battery and regiment were immediately ordered down the pike on a double quick towards Falls Church. At Upton’s Hill, we took the road to Georgetown, halting soon in a cornfield where we remained till this morning when we marched down to the camp we left on Saturday. We are quite tired and will relish a good rest.
Thursday, September 4, 1862—Left our camp at Georgetown last eve at five. Crossed the aqueduct and proceeded up the river on the chain bridge road. when nearly there the Colonel overtook us and we turned up the hill taking a road which led us back to Georgetown. Then we took the pike for Tennallytown where we camped. The Colonel [John R. Brooke] and Lieut.-Colonel made an inexcusable blunder in taking the wrong road. The men are very tired and footsore. This is a pleasant place. Our whole Corps is here. Fulton came up to see us. We were very glad to see him, not having seen anything of him since last winter.
Friday, September 5, 1862—Marched at three p.m. Banks’ Corps is alongside. Halted for the night one mile from Rockville.
Saturday, September 6, 1862—Marched this morning at eight. Passed through Rockville and met the [wagon] trains coming back as it was reported the enemy were advancing. Went a couple of miles where we were maneuvered about till evening and almost exhausted when we were placed in a strip of wood in line of battle and permitted to rest. Rations are very scarce and we are doing as well as we can on corn and apples.
Sabbath, September 7, 1862—A very beautiful and quiet day. Oh, how I could enjoy a seat with my friends today in the Holy Tabernacle. This evening we drew two days rations of bread which is very acceptable.
Monday, September 8, 1862—Gen. French today received the command of a new Division and Col. Brooke takes command of the Brigade. Lt. Weaver is adjutant.
Tuesday, September 9, 1862—Left Camp Defiance at noon, marched six miles, bivouacking for the night in a clover field—the clover being cut for seed. We used it for beds.
Wednesday, September 10, 1862—Marched three miles today. Bivouacked in a wood.
Lt. Col. Richard McMichael led the 53rd Pennsylvania Vols. after Col. Brooke was promoted to Brigade Command on 8 September 1862.
Thursday, September 11, 1862—Started early this morning and arrived at Clarksburg at one p.m. Our regiment lay in a cornfield. Being out of rations, we eat corn. At dark, [Lt.-]Col. [Richard] McMichael was ordered to take the regiment out on picket. He run us around nearly all night, not being able to find the line.
Friday, September 12, 1862—When we came in this morning, the Brigade was gone. We followed on in the rear. Reached Urbana in the afternoon and camped where a body of Rebel cavalry had been a night or two before on the bank of a beautiful stream where we had the pleasure of a bath.
Saturday, September 1862—Marched at an early hour this morning, passed Urbana, and soon crossed a range of hills when the Monocacy [river], its beautiful valley, and Frederick City, appeared to the view. Crossed the river on the turnpike bridge just below where the railroad crosses. Marched through the town and camped in a clover field beyond. The ladies welcomed us with flags and smiling countenances as we passed along.
Sabbath, September 14, 1862—Was on guard last night. Nearby the inhabitants of it were a fair specimen of secession sympathizers. Marched this morning. Crossed the Catoctin Range and descended into the valley of the same name. The advance of our army was fighting on the next mountain. Towards evening the heights were carried and our Corps was ordered up. We halted for the night at the foot of the hills. Passed quite a number of wounded which was evidence of a pretty hard fight. On our way we met Lt. [Hugh] A. Torrence, Quartermaster of the 11th P. R. C. [40th Penn. Infantry] wounded in the face [at Turner’s Gap] and unable to speak.
Maj. Gen. Israel Bush Richardson led the 1st Division of Sumner’s 11 Corps at Antietam. The 53rd Pennsylvania was in the 3rd Brigade of his Division. He was mortally wounded in the battle.
Monday, September 15, 1862—This morning our Division moved up the mountain supporting Hooker. Cast about awhile for the enemy but found him not. Our Division was then ordered down the mountain on the national pike in pursuit. By ten we arrived at Boonsboro—a pleasant village—an hour behind the enemy. The 8th Illinois Cavalry and a battery of flying artillery took the Hagerstown Road while we turned off on the Sharpsburg Road. About five miles out we hove in sight of the rebel front, formed on a range of high hills. They presented a very bold front. Gen. R[ichardson] got three pieces up and commenced shelling them—a rather hazardous experiment considering our small force. We were formed behind a hill and did not suffer any. Towards eve the army began to come up,
Tuesday, September 16, 1862—Shelling commenced on both sides this morning and continues vigorously Our troops are getting up and into position ready for the expected battle. It seems certain that tomorrow will witness a great battle and a very desperate one. The contending armies are now putting on their armor and burnishing their weapons for the conflict. The loyal and patriot heroes wait with longing for the command of the young and gallant chieftain to move on the traitor horde.
A sample of Barnett’s Handwriting; his entry on 17 September 1862
Wednesday, September 17, 1862—This morning the battle opened on the right. Our Division supporting a battery in front was ordered to the right about seven a.m. We crossed the Antietam creek [at Pry Ford] and marching to the front formed in line of battle—the Irish Brigade in front, Caldwell next, and Brooke in the rear. [Thomas] Meagher and [John] Caldwell soon became engaged hotly. Our regiment was ordered into an orchard and told to hold it at all hazards while the remainder of the Brigade were taken into the action on the left. We did not get firing a single shot during he day. We had two men wounded—Joe Coulter and Toby [Tobias] Sigel. Lieut. John D. Weaver [of Co. K] was mortally wounded & he was very gallant brave soldier—a noble patriot—beloved commander—a martyr in the country’s cause. Future ages will extol you as among the noble band of heroes who left the peaceful pleasure of home and laid their lives a sacrifice at the altar of their country’s freedom. Soon after he was wounded, he said, “Tell my mother that I died as a brave man.” I assisted to carry him back to the hospital and remained a short time with him. His wounds were cleaned and all in human power done for him. Kew and [John] Keenan carried him to Keedysville.
The 53rd was moved from the battery to the right and two companies thrown out on picket. Gen. Richardson was wounded severely in the shoulder by a grapeshot and carried off the field. Although our regiment did not get firing any, we were in pretty hot places at times and at other times the sharpshooters’ bullets whistled uncomfortably near. The storm of battle raged fiercely on the left where Burnside was posted late in the eve., seeming to be one great spasmodic effort of either party to gain the day. When night came on, we arrived at the conclusion that the enemy were practically whipped but they might be rash enough to try it again on the morrow. Many of our generals were wounded and many regiments disorganized.
A map of the Fighting in and around the Sunken Road (“Bloody Lane”) on 17 September 1862. The 53rd Pennsylvania is shown at upper right being detached from the rest of the Brigade and sent to support a battery planted in the orchard of William Roulette behind which his house and barn were filled with Union wounded soldiers. (Map from Antietam, the Soldiers’ Battle)
Thursday, September 18, 1862—This morning there is a lull—pickets skirmishing now and then—but there is no sign of a renewal of the conflict. Both parties seem exhausted. Our lines embrace the greater part of the battlefield and the rebel dead are strewn thick upon the ground.
Historic photo of Roulette Farm taken several days after the Battle of Antietam. Alexander Gardner (Antietam National Park Archives)
The following is Lt. Col. R. McMichael’s Post-Battle Report:
Headquarters 53rd Pennsylvania Camp of Richardson’s Division September 21, 1862
Sir, I have the honor to make the following report of this regiment in the several engagements near this place. On Monday, the 15th ultimo, we arrived in sight of the enemy near Antietam Creek. My command being on the left of the brigade, I was ordered by Colonel Brooke, commanding the brigade, to halt in a cornfield, being then in rear of the 57th New York. We were considerably exposed to the shells from the enemy’s batteries while in that position. Some time afterward I was ordered to march by the right flank and follow the 57th New York. My command was then placed in the second line, in rear of the 69th New York, of General Meagher’s brigade. I remained in that position until the morning of the 17th ultimo, when I was ordered to march by the right flank on left of the brigade.
After crossing Antietam Creek, I was ordered to halt in front of the 57th New York, and have my men load and prime their pieces. Shortly afterward we were again advancing in same order as before, until we came near the scene of action. I was then ordered to form in line of battle on the left of the 66th New York, which was done speedily and in good order. We were then in the second line. While in this position, General Caldwell’s brigade passed through the line of this brigade on the right of my regiment. Shortly afterward we were ordered to advance to the front and take position on the left of the brigade. On arriving there, however, found the enemy, after repeated efforts, had succeeded in piercing the line of the division immediately on our right, leaving us in imminent danger of being flanked. Colonel Brooke at once saw that they must be held at bay at all hazards. Ordering the 53rd to file to the right, my regiment passed down the enemy’s line to the right in perfect order, receiving their fire with entire composure. General Richardson ordered Colonel Brooke to send the 53rd Regiment forward, and hold in check the rebel brigade now on our right and in front; also to hold at all hazards the barn and orchard a short distance in front, the barn being used as a hospital. Steadily, under a shower of musketry, my regiment advanced to the orchard and gained the barn about 100 yards in front of the main line, and, still pressing onward, reached the crest of the hill and drove back the enemy. We moved forward until we formed a connection with General French’s division, and held that position until ordered by Colonel Brooke to support a battery.
While in this position, First Lieut. John D. Weaver, acting adjutant of the regiment, was mortally wounded when nobly cheering the men on to victory. It was here, also, that First Lieut. Philip H. Schreyer was wounded. We were exposed to a murderous fire from the enemy’s batteries during the whole time we were in this position. After we had supported the battery for some time, I was ordered to move my regiment and occupy the ground vacated by the 5th New Hampshire Regiment, in front line, on right of the brigade. I moved my regiment there under a heavy fire from the enemy’s batteries, yet my men behaved splendidly and never once flinched. I sent out my left company (B), commanded by Captain Eicholtz, as skirmishers, to a corn-field some distance in the front. During the balance of the day my regiment was continually exposed to the destructive fire from the enemy’s batteries, yet I had not a man who left his post or went to the rear. My regiment remained in front line until the 19th ultimo, when I was ordered to be in readiness to march, the enemy having retreated.
My loss in killed is 6, including Acting Adjt. J. D. Weaver, who died on the 18th ultimo; wounded, 18; missing, 1. I cannot particularize any of my officers, from the fact that they all did nobly. Capt. S. O. Bull, acting major, ably assisted me during the whole engagement, as also did all the officers of the regiment.
Very respectfully, – R. McMichael, Lieut.-Colonel, Comdg. 53rd Regt. Pa. Vols.
[There are no entries between September 19-29, 1862. The regiment is known to have forded the Potomac River at Harper’s Ferry on 22 September 1862 and encamped the following day on Bolivar Heights, where new shoes and clothing were given to the men to replace the clothing worn since the previous winter.]
Tuesday, September 30, 1862—Drilled this forenoon in company drill. In the afternoon we were brought out in review (Col. Brooke commanding) and formed in “close column” on the heights. Just as we got into line a pelting rainstorm came on but soon after the sun smiled gladly upon us. A salute of 24 guns warned us that some high dignitaries were on hand. In a few minutes “Od Abe” * came riding down the line accompanied by “Mac” and [his] staff. Round after round was heartily given to them as they passed from the enthusiastic soldiers. Ling live “Old Abe” and “Little Mac.” They are the soldiers’ hopes, and the pets of the Nation.
* It has always been assumed that President Lincoln did not leave Washington D. C. until the morning of October but this entry places him in the vicinity of Harper’s Ferry on 30 September and already in company with McClellan. He would spend several more days with McClellan at Grove’s farm (“Mount Airy”) just outside of Sharpsburgduring which time he would gently, but futilely, urge McClellan to take the offensive against Lee’s army.
Wednesday, October 1, 1862—The President looked jaded yesterday. McClellan was bright and full of smiles. This morning they reviewed the troops on Loudon Heights [near Harper’s Ferry]. Everywhere they go they are greeted with great enthusiasm. The President exhibits great interest in the soldiers and they appreciate it. Today we drew new clothes. I took mine to the river, washed and changed from top to toe and having previously shaved and had my hair cut, I feel like a new man. I have got rid of all the “raiments” and I hope to keep clear of them. Our regiment looks much better and have higher spirits since getting the clothes.
Thursday, October 2, 1862—Did not drill any today. Are waiting for inspection. Our brigade has been furnished with new clothes and today are drawing canteens, haversacks, and knapsacks. We are anxiously looking for some of our friends to see us. Cy had a letter from Wallace which is in Washington sick. I believe that I never felt so anxious at any time since I left home to see some of my friends as I have been during the past week. It seems as though we were going away from home again.
Friday, October 3, 1862—A very warm day—quite sultry. I was very much surprised to see T. B. enter our tent accompanied by Robert Elder. I was indeed glad to see them and will enjoy a good long conversation with them. They were out in a militia company and being disbanded at Harrisburg, came down by way of the Antietam Battlefield to see us. It does one good to look on their familiar faces. It brings back past scenes to memory when we mingled together in the peaceful pleasure of good old Elder’s Ridge.
Saturday, October 4, 1862—T. B., Robert, Cy, & I rambled about the forenoon and took a bath in the clear waters of the Shenandoah. I got dinner for them at the boarding house and then went down along to Harper’s Ferry and saw them off on the cars for Harrisburg via Baltimore. I think they were well pleased with their visit. Harper’s Ferry is assuming a more business aspect than it did when we came. Everyone seems anxious to make something off the soldiers and many little shops are starting.
Sabbath, October 5, 1862—This morning we were inspected byCol. Brooke, he having returned to the regiment of the Brigade by Col. Frank and he by Col. Zook. I have been at no preaching today and I do not know where there is any. As yet, we have no chaplain in our regiment and the officers do not seem to care whether we get one or not. Dr. [William B.] Wynne has been promoted to a Major Surgeon and we have got another in his place—a very young and seemingly inexperienced man [Charles William Spayd].
Monday, October 6, 1862—Nothing important transpiring today. It is very hot.
Tuesday, October 7, 1862—Weather continues warm. Men are engaged cutting down the timber on the surrounding heights. Was detailed for fatigue today at Gen. Hancock’s Headquarters. Was engaged fixing up a pine dining arbor for him and putting a pine floor in his tents.
Wednesday, October 8, 1862—On fatigue today again. About 9 a.m. I saw two gentlemen walking along and recognized them immediately as my father and Mr. Altman.
Thursday, October 9, 1862—Went round with father a good deal yesterday showing him the sights. This afternoon I got a pass for myself and John Altman to go along with them as far as Sharpsburg as they expect to go home by way of Hagerstown and Chambersburg.
Friday, October 10, 1862—Left camp yesterday about 4 p.m., crossed the river on the pontoons, found the roads extremely dusty. Stopped for supper sometime after dark four miles from the Ferry. Got a good supper for 21 cents. After we were through eating, an ambulance came along and I got father in it with the baggage. The rest of us walked and came up with him at Sharpsburg. We proceeded to the battlefield last night and bivouacked in a corn field. This morning went to a farm house on the edge of the battlefield and got the girls to make us some coffee. After breakfast we started over the battlefield passing over it from where the left of our Corps fought till where the right of Hooker’s Corps rested. After they had viewed the field of strife to their satisfaction, we started to hunt up some of our acquaintances, leaving their baggage at the toll gate. We went first to the 11th [Pennsylvania], Col. Richard Coulter, and found the boys well. Then to the Reserves and the 56th Pennsylvania and finally we went to the 133rd P. V. and there I found several of my old school mates. I was sorry to [hear] Sammy Gilson was very sick and in the hospital. Unless he is removed from that, he will stand but a poor chance of recovering. We left their camp between three and four, father and Mr. Altman going to Sharpsburg, there to take a hack for Hagerstown, and John and I taking the Harper’s Ferry rod. The Heavens were overcast with clouds and gave abundant indications of rain.
Saturday, October 11, 1862—It commenced raining on us last night about the time we got on the towing path and soon became so dark that we could not see our way. We sat down by the foot of a tree and remained till midnight when we tried it again. We arrived at the pontoon bridge about daylight the preceding morning. We drilled in the afternoon. Today we got the news of the invasion of Pennsylvania and the rebels [JEB Stuart’s Cavalry] being in Chambersburg. It is certainly very daring of them and yet it is more than likely that they will get away safely.
Sabbath, October 12, 1862—This morning I was detailed on picket. After we got out to the main reserve, I lay down and fell asleep. About noon I woke up and found D. Wineland and Joe Landis had come out to relieve John Atman and I. Our fathers had been turned back at Greencastle on account of the Rebel raid and had made their way back to camp. Mr. Altman intends remaining a day or two to take Murray home with him as he is getting his discharge. There was cannonading this forenoon in the direction of Edwards Ferry and the probability is that the Rebels are attempting to effect a crossing back into Virginia.
Monday, October 13, 1862—Father left on the two p.m. train today. I hope he may have a speedy journey home. Nothing of interest transpiring today. [Alexander] Douglass and McAuley were taken up in Bolivar by the Provost Guard. They were taken to Harper’s Ferry and incarcerated. Capt. [Henry S.] Dimm [of Co. I] released them this morning.
Tuesday, October 14, 1862—Am on picket today on the 3rd Relief. Will be on duty from 10 p.m. till 4 a.m. Picketing is quite easy duty the way it is managed now! Each sentinel has to stand guard only two hours in the twenty-four.
Wednesday, October 13, 1862—Nothing of special occurrence occurred today. Came off picket this morning.
Thursday, October 16, 1862—Last night received orders to be ready to march at daylight this morning in light trim with two days rations. Our regiment and the 1st Minnesota took the advance under the command of Col. Brooke. Our Division and a Brigade of Howard’s with the requisite amount of artillery and cavalry followed all under the command of Gen. Hancock. The object was a reconnoissance to Charlestown [Va.] and beyond. About eight our advance cavalry and light artillery came up with the rebel outposts when soon after four pieces were opened on us which were promptly replied to. The artillery duel lasted nearly an hour when the infantry skirmishers from the advance regiments were thrown out and the column advanced slowly to the town encountering no further opposition. We halted outside the town and remained till night in that position. One man was wounded in Co. A. No firing was done by infantry but what was done by the skirmishers from our regiment. There were three regiments of the enemy—all cavalry and one battery.
Friday, October 17, 1862—[part of page left blank as if he intended to write something there later; then began…] At this point we captured a lot of prisoners & decided to parole them. I was detailed to go to the Provost Marshals offices in hotel opposite stone jail (Charlestown, Va.). I was left there without being notified. Became alarmed—looked out of door and saw all guards gone. Looking up street I saw convalescent soldiers & militias in command. I looked down street and saw the Rebel pickets coming. I jumped into street and took to my heels & as I passed a ten or eleven year-old boy pulled off [ ] straw hat, swung it around his head and yelled, “Go it blue belly.” He commenced [ ] and crowded in street behind. I ran until I reached the top of the hill to the tree where John Brown was hung. My regiment was camped on opposite hill. I got to them as soon as possible & found them eating supper. On my way I met Maj. Bull on his way back for me. I avoided the command closing in on me, a safety guard, and gave me courage.
[There are no entries again until October 29, 1862]
The needlepoint cover of Barnett’s “housewife” carried with him in the service.
Wednesday, October 29, 1862—We were not relieved on picket till five o’clock. Marched rapidly into camp and found our Division engaged pulling down tents and packing up, having just received orders to be ready to march in an hour. I was glad to find Cy’s father in camp, he having come at noon and brought some things for Cy & Foster & I. Did not have much chance of talking to him. He brought Cy a pair of boots but they were rather small. I got a can of peaches from sister Martha P. We also got some butter and apple butter.
Thursday, October 30, 1862—Marched last night at eight. Crossed the Shenandoah on a pontoon bridge and proceeded around the base of Loudon Heights and halted for the night two miles from the Potomac & four miles from Harper’s Ferry. This morning we again marched and made about six miles. Camped and pitched our tents.
Friday, October 31, 1862—Our regiment was ordered out on a reconnoissance. Just as the regiment was starting, the Captain directed me to stay and make out a muster roll. They got back by three p.m. without meeting the enemy. I worked busily all day and had the roll ready for mustering by eve.
Saturday, November 1, 1862—Marching orders this morning. Started about ten. Marched eight miles. Bivouacked in a wheat field. A very heavy picket sent out.
Sabbath, November 2, 1862—Our Division took the lead this morning. Reached Snicker’s Gap by noon. Marched up the mountain at a rapid rate and found the enemy hastening up the other side but we got there first & got the position. Our Brigade went up to the summit on the left of the pass and from our picket line had a fine view of the enemy. Sykes’ Division relieved us at dark and we marched down to the Valley and and camped.
Monday, November 3, 1862—Last night several of us went over to Humphrey’s Division to see some of our friends but the lost of them were on picket. This morning Singleton and Tom Davis came over. Both look well. Marched at nine a.m. Reached the splendid farm of a Col. Carter of the Rebel Army (but killed at Malvern Hill) near Ashby’s Gap—a distance of eight miles.
Tuesday, November 4, 1862—Had marching orders this morning.
Wednesday, November 5, 1862—This afternoon we received orders to be ready to march. Started at three. Made a very rapid march of eight miles. Reached an old mill by dark and were sent out on picket (53rd).
Thursday, November 6, 1862—Took up the line of march at an early hour this morning. Crossed the railroad (Manassas Gap Road) at Piedmont and wound round the hills to Rectorville. We halted at two p.m. and pitched our tents. The clouds became very black and the wind rising threatened to bring us some snow. Harry Fulton came over from headquarters to see us.
Friday, November 7, 1862—Quite stormy and snowy today. This is a forsaken looking country—bleak and barren. Today I was ordered to report to the Quartermaster as clerk. It may prove to be worth something and may not.
Saturday, November 8, 1862—Last night we got marching orders. The troops started at the appointed time, 7 a.m., but the train did not get stretched out until four p.m. We had a very tedious march of 11 miles over a bad road and did not get parked till ten at night. Did not get with the regiment.
Sabbath, November 9, 1862—Troops started at seven but the train did not stretch out till eleven. Marched about 8 miles over a hilly country to Warrenton where we camped. reached the regiment about three p.m. Put up our tent. Got supper and went to bed to sleep.
Monday, November 10, 1862—he great event of today was the leave taking of Gen. McClellan. He took his final departure. The cause we know not, but it has caused great sorrow throughout the army. When he rode along the line of troops, McClellan looked sad and yet magnificent.
General George B. McClellan Bidding Farewell to Army of Potomac, November 10, 1862, Watercolor by Alfred R. Waud
Tuesday, November 11, 1862—Gen. McClellan left in a special train for Trenton, New Jersey. All seem to regret his leaving very much yet it may all be for the better.
[No entries November 12-14, 1862]
Saturday, November 15, 1862—Orders came last night to march at seven this morning. Rations were drawn and issued last night. At the appointed hour this morning the column moved. Our trains did not move till ten. Our course lay along the Warrenton Railroad for some five or six miles, when we kept to the right, striking the Va. Central Railroad two miles below Warrenton Junction where we camped for the night. Went a mile to get some rails to make a fire. Got some coffee and retired.
Sabbath, November 16, 1862—Troops started at seven. Trains got started about ten. Marched 14 miles through a barren pine region, thinly populated and abounding in nothing. Camped on a large plantation. Water tolerably convenient. I do not see how the country we came through can support any population whatever. Barrenness reigns supreme.
Monday, November 17, 1862—Column moved at daylight. The 53rd [Pennsylvania] having the advance. Trains started out at the usual time. After having travelled 10 miles, heard quite heavy cannonading in front which proved to be our advance batteries (Capt. Pettit) shelling the Rebels across the river at Falmouth. We went into park two miles from the village and put up for the night, finding it impossible to get to the regiment. Drew the balance of clothing due on estimate.
Tuesday, November 18, 1862—This morning the Quartermaster and Whitney went out to find the regiment while I packed up the clothing and loaded it. They came back in an hour or so and took a team with rations to the regiment. Our train moved on two miles and parked. In the afternoon orders came to draw three days rations at the Brigade Commissary. Two days were taken to the regiment and the remainder left in park. All of the regimental wagons went in except one which was loaded with rations.
Wednesday, November 19, 1862—This morning at daylight, I started to the regiment with the team in advance of the train. Found them lying in front of Fredericksburg and having a good view of it. One day’s beef was drawn and [ ] together with one day’s hard bread. The clothing on hand was also [ ]. None of our troops have yet crossed the river and the Rebels seem to be quite busy in removing supplies &c. from the town. Why they did not cross when the column first came up is a query.
Thursday, November 20, 1862—This has been a dreary, wet day, and very unpleasant. Forage is very scarce and the poor mules suffer very much for want of it. All of our supplies must come from Aquia Creek and the roads are so thronged that it is difficult to get along with a train of wagons. Fredericksburg lies directly opposite us and we have a very good view of it. Our pickets are within hailing distance of the enemy. They sometimes talk together.
Friday, November 21, 1862—Drew fresh beef this morning. Before we were done issuing, orders came to pack up and move to town. The quartermaster started away this morning with all of our teams but one to Aquia Creek for supplies and we have but that one team to do all the moving with. I remained at the camp till dark, went down and fixed up our tent, while Whitney went back for another load. We have things quite nice now. The regiment is comfortably quartered in the town.
Saturday, November 22, 1862—Everything went on swimmingly today till evening. We were issuing rations when orders came to pack up and move all the baggage out of town immediately. With a good deal of hurrying, we succeeded in getting everything packed and loaded by nine, sending the teams out to park. W & I stayed in town with our Co. K. I was expected that the Rebels would shell the place and we thought to stay and see the fun. Col. Brooke took up his quarters in a house preferring that to a tent.
[end of diary]
CDV’s of James Wilson Barnett. He is wearing an officer’s coat in all but one.
This tag team letter was penned in July 1862 after the disastrous Peninsula Campaign and captures the disappointment and frustration of the majority of the folks at home in the Northeastern states of the Union. The letter was written principally by Charles G. Coffin but a page and a note were also added by George P. Brown and one other whose name was obliterated by a tear in the paper. It is believed that George P. Brown was a “clerk” in New York City and his home in 1862 was on 51st North Second Avenue. I was not able to identify Coffin.
They addressed the letter to their friend, Don A. Pollard in Baltimore. Whether he was a resident of Baltimore or only passing through there on a business trip or for some other purpose is unknown. It is my hunch that the men were either business associates or former college classmates.
Transcription
New York [City] Tuesday, July 15, 1862
D. A. Pollard, Esq. Baltimore,
I received your favor of the 6th current and now propose a kind of answer, but what kind, I cannot tell. To answer a letter properly, one must be in good health & spirits. While I am tolerably well, I am not in good spirits. I am not satisfied with the war prospects in Virginia. I consider the delay in occupying Richmond a most unfortunate matter. Much more of such kind of work or the lack of military talent in the operations on the Potomac and indeed throughout the last nine months of the war on and about Virginia has been one to do as little hurt as possible to the enemy. Such a weak & senile course must lead to ruinous results; nothing less than independence to the rascally South but ill will of Europe super added.
“For my own part, it seems to me that the parties in power have never thought of this war as anything more than a kind of riot. It seems as if they were fearful of hurting the feelings of the Rebels.”
— Charles G. Coffin, NYC Businessman, 15 July 1862
The ill will of Europe I do not value only as it is calculated to subserve the purposes of the rebels. For my own part, it seems to me that the parties in power have never thought of this war as anything more than a kind of riot. It seems as if they were fearful of hurting the feelings of the Rebels. Why had they not called out the 500,000 men that I have talked of so long and have marched without stop or hindrance throughout Rebeldom hanging every leader and his friends as they meet? It is of little use to put a large army on the Potomac to lie 5 months in idleness and then lead them out to be murdered.
Why had not the army been hurled on Manassas, killed & captured half the Rebel army and taken its cannon? Because there was wanted someone who had a spark of generalship in his composition which ours had not. Though I stand alone, my view of the proceedings of all the Generals is that they have been faulty. They have all declined & spurned the advantages that they had within their reach and the victories, so called, have been attended with results but partially favorable. Fremont first always, Hunter next, are the only two who seemed to start right and had they been met with the proper feeling by the Government, all would have been well. For the great lack of military skill, the Nation, notwithstanding its great sacrifices, is drifting towards the abyss of ruin of divided opinion.
I want Congress to remain at its post. I want some one hundred monitors built. I want instructions given to our generals to live on the enemy, kill & capture all they can, and set every negro free, granting a pass & pointing him to the North Star, inflict all the hardships that was will justify or excuse.
And I would hang Mayor Wood, James Wood (bery), Vandamningham, &c. at the corner of every street, and any woman who lent her sanction to the Southern Rebellion should find a dwelling place inside of some prison walls and all foreigners who supported the Rebel cause in any way I would compel to remain 40 miles above the water or leave the country.
I wish I could find some general who has military education with a spark of Napoleonic stir. Then I should have some courage as to results. This matter has made me too mad to write more. We are to have a demonstration today & I hope it will be a rouser. I shall lend my all to kill traitors to the country. All well & remain very truly yours, — C. G. Coffin
Our mutual friend whose name is at the bottom of the last page has kindly allowed me to scratch you one work after expressing my satisfaction that you are in good health and heart, I have to tell you that I do sincerely subscribe to the substance of all Coffin has just written. I have changed my opinion of McClellan. Think he has been much overrated, that he has every quality of the soldier except the very one we gave him most credit for—viz: General. The proof of this I find in the fact that it took him so long to find out that the Chickahominy Swamp was not the best base of operations. By this culpable ignorance, there has been thousands on thousands of lives and millions of property scarified needlessly. But I think I hear you exclaim, how egotistic of me to criticize the military moves of skilled & experienced military men. Perhaps I deserve this, but it is pardonable for us all to have an opinion. Is it not a little singular that the man (General Benham) should in his first movement with an independent command have so egregiously blundered. I should like to hear from you upon these points.
Yours &c. [signature destroyed by paper tear]
July 16, 1862
Friend Don,
Not agreeing entirely with the above, I leave “old time” to determine. The meeting spoken of by G. C[offin] was a big thing. Union Square and Sam Kellingers were full. Probably the most uninteresting news I can write is your work is all up, balances got—and all o.k. Your particular friends D.H. H. & Savage are hearty. Yours truly, — G. P. Brown
G. Coffin desires me to say that the only prominent man enquired after in the crowd of yesterday was John C. Fremont. — G. P. B.
Spared & Shared 23 