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Battery E, 3rd US Artillery, Battle of Bull Run, Lowe's Observation Balloon, President Abraham Lincoln

1861: John Fales to Adelaide Fales

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This incredible letter was written by John Fales (1841-1918), the son of John Smith Fales (1800-1861) and Charlotte Leland (1807-1850) of Sherburn, Middlesex county, Massachusetts—both parents dead by the time this letter was written in September 1861. He wrote the letter to his older sister, Charlotte Adelaide Fales (1832-1908), mentioning too a younger brother, Charles Leland Fales (1843-1902) who was serving in Co. B, 16th Massachusetts Infantry. From enlistment records we know that John stood 5′ 9″ tall, had brown hair, light eyes, and a fair complexion.

John wrote the letter while serving in the 3rd Light Artillery, Battery E, of the US Artillery (Regular Army)—commonly referred to as “Sherman’s Battery.” His enlistment was recorded as 17 April 1861 and his battery was mobilized and placed in a defensive position near Arlington Heights in late May. At least two of the guns were stationed at Pearl’s farm “north of the wagon road, half a mile east of Ball’s Crossroads” by early July. They were attached to William T. Sherman’s Brigade 1 of McDowell’s Army at the time of the Battle of Bull Run—their participation described by Captain Romeyn B. Ayres, who commanded the Battery at Bill Run, in the following after action report:

LIGHT COMPANY E, THIRD ARTILLERY,

Camp Corcoran, Virginia, July 25, 1861.

SIR: I have the honor to report the part taken in the battle of the 21st instant by this battery.

The battery advanced in the morning with the brigade to which it was attached—Col. W. T. Sherman’s—on the center route upon the front of the enemy’s position. The battery operated from this position at times upon the enemy’s batteries and troops as occasion offered. About noon I started with the brigade, as ordered, to cross the open ground, the run, and to rise the bluff, with a portion of the battery, one section being detached at this time, operating upon a battery to the left. On arriving at the run it at once was apparent that it was impossible to rise the bluff opposite with the pieces. I sent an officer immediately to report the fact to Colonel Sherman and ask instructions. I received for reply that I should use my discretion.

I immediately returned to the central position. I remained at this point, operating upon the enemy’s guns and infantry, till ordered by General Tyler to cover the retreat of the division with the battery. A body of cavalry at this time drew up to charge the battery. The whole battery poured canister into and demolished them. The battery moved slowly to the rear to Centreville.

I will add, that the coolness and gallantry of First Lieut. Dunbar R. Ransom on all occasions, and particularly when under fire of three pieces, with his section at short range, when the battery was about to be charged by a large body of cavalry, and also when crossing a broken bridge in a rough gully, and fired upon in rear by the enemy’s infantry, were conspicuous. The good conduct of First Lieut. George W. Dresser, Fourth Artillery, was marked, especially when threatened by cavalry, and at the ravine referred to above. Second Lieut. H. E. Noyes, cavalry, was energetic in the performance of his duties.

I lost four horses killed on 18th; two horses wounded on 18th; seven horses on 21st; three caissons, the forge, and a six-mule team and wagon (excepting one mule), on the 21st. I sent all these caissons, &c., ahead when preparing for the retreat, to get them out of the way. The fleeing volunteers cut the traces and took the horses of the caissons.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, — R. B. AYRES, Captain, Fifth Artillery, Commanding Company E.

Battery E, 3rd US Artillery (“Sherman’s Battery”) as it appeared on its return from the Battle of Bull Run (New York Historical Society Museum)

John datelined his letter from “Arlington Heights” on 5 September 1861. He indicates that the battery was near Fort Corcoran. More precisely the battery was positioned a quarter of a mile soutwest of W. Ross’ farm Rossyln.

Before the Civil War ended, John would enlist twice more in his country’s service. After his three years in Battery E, US Artillery, he reenlisted in Co. E, 60th Massachusetts Infantry on 16 July 1864 and served until 30 November 1864. Following that he reenlisted again in the 3rd Massachusetts Artillery and served until 1868. His military records indicate he was wounded once—at the Battle of Olustee (Florida) on 20 February 1864. In his later years, John worked in Boston as a locomotive fireman—a job that no doubt gave him the cataracts that plagued him in his later years, not to mention his loss of hearing.

[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Megan Lynn and was transcribed and researched by Griff for publication on Spared & Shared with Megan’s consent.]

Transcription

Addressed to Adelaide Fales, South Framingham, Massachusetts

Arlington Heights
[Thursday] September 5th 1861

Dear Sister,

As I have a little time today, I thought I would write & let you know that I am safe & well. We are here in the same place but we have just got orders to get ready to move. I do not know where we are going but I expect we are going to advance on to Fairfax.

Mr. Lincoln reviewed us last Monday 2 & after the review he came to our camp & examined our rifle cannons. 3 He thanked us very kindly for our gallant conduct at the battle of Bulls Run & when he went away he went up to where our cook was getting dinner & took a brand of fire & lit his cigar & sit down and had a long talk with our captain. 4 He is a very pleasant talking man. Anyone would not think he was President of the United States if they did not know who he was.

One of the 24-pounder guns in Fort Corcoran (LOC)

The 18th Massachusetts Regiment came over here from the city. 5 The Massachusetts soldiers are the best looking soldiers here. All the regiments here are at work every day. They are throwing up breastworks here in all direction & mounting heavy guns. Fort Corcoran has 8 guns which carry a 68 lb. ball & four 24-pounders. This fort commands the road from Georgetown to Fairfax & the Potomac. You can see all over the city of Washington. Our battery is about a quarter of a mile from this fort. It is large enough to hold 1500 men. I have got a picture of this fort but it does not look exactly as it does now.

I have not heard from [brother] Charlie yet. I do not know whether his regiment is in the city or not. We have got a large balloon here in our camp. He went up yesterday to take a look at the rebels. He could look right down onto them & see what they were doing. After he had been up a little while, the rebels fired a cannon ball at him but they could not reach him. He had ropes fixed to a large tree so that he would not blow away. 6

I have not anymore to write now. Remember me to all the folks. I am your affectionate brother, — John Fales

Footnotes

The Cecil Whig, 17 August 1861

1 The celebrated Battery E of the 3rd US Regulars was led during the War with Mexico by Thomas West Sherman and it was often referred to as “Sherman’s Battery,” even when it was lead, as it was at Bull Run, by Capt. Romeyn B. Ayres. Adding greater confusion, the Battery was assigned to the command of Col. William Tecumseh Sherman just prior to the Battle of Bull Run. Ayres was at Old Point, Virginia, until 7 July 1861 when he was ordered to Washington to take command of “Sherman’s Battery.” His was the only artillery unit to save all of his guns from the battlefield and even brought off two others. Ayres was transferred to Philadelphia to recruit for the 5th US Artillery shortly afterward. [Daily National Democrat, 20 September 1861]

2 “Last Monday” would have been 2 September 1861. According to the Lincoln Log, Lincoln and Secretary Seward reviewed the 2nd & 5th Wisconsin Infantry Regiments of Gen. Rufus King’s Brigade [NY Times, 3 September 1861].

3 Sherman’s Battery went into the fight at Blackburn’s Ford and Bull Run with four smoothbore cannon—two 6-pounders and two 12-pounder field howitzers, as well as two 10-pounder Parrott rifles as a reserve. The Parrott rifle was still somewhat of a novelty in 1861. It was developed in 1860 and were easily recognized by the wrought-iron reinforcing band wrapped around the breech. They were simple for the gun crews to operate and could be mass produced inexpensively.

Capt. John H. Hamilton (1823-1900)

4 Though it was Capt. Romeyn B. Ayres of the 5th US Artillery who temporarily commanded the battery at Bull Run, by early August 1861 the battery was commanded by Capt. John H. Hamilton, West Point Class of 1847. Hamilton had received his promotion to captain in late April but he was in San Francisco at the time and he did not arrive in Washington D. C. until after the Battle of Bull Run. In short, it would have been Capt. Hamilton who enjoyed a cigar with President Lincoln, not Capt. Ayres.

5 The 18th Massachusetts was mustered into federal service on 27 August 1861 with eight companies. They were ordered on the 3rd of September to cross the Potomac and report to Gen. Fitz John Porter. They set up their camp near Fort Corcoran on ground previously occupied by the69th New York. Later in September they were moved to Hall’s Hill, then the outpost of the Union army.

6 Thaddeus Lowe’s newly created Balloon Corps was quite active prior to and after the Battle of Bull Run. On the day of the battle the balloon was accidentally ripped on the way to the battlefield so they were foiled in their ascension that day, but three days later, Lowe made an ascent at Fort Corcoran to look for an indications of a march on Washington by the Rebel army. Later that same day, he ascended again to check the Confederate bivouacs at Manassas and Centreville. To gain higher altitude for a better view, Lowe asked for the tethering cables to be released and the balloon drifted toward Alexandria where he was actually fired upon by Union troops thinking the Rebels were attacking by air. A number of ascents were made near Arlington Heights during August 1861 to keep an eye on the Rebel army’s movements. It was on August 29th at Ball’s Crossroads when Lowe’s balloon “Union” was fired on by a Rebel cannon commanded by Lt. Thomas Rosser of the New Orleans Washington Artillery from their position on Munson Hill. Though Fales could not have known it at the time, the Confederates attempted to send up its own “spy balloon” at Munson’s Hill on September 4th but the bag ripped before it could get off the ground. On September 5th, the date of Fale’s letter, it was reported that Union generals Irvin McDowell and Fitz-John Porter went up in Lowe’s balloon, and McClellan did likewise on September 7th. [See Arlington and Fairfax Counties: Land of Many Reconnaissance Firsts, by Dino A. Brugioni, published in Northern Virginia Heritage]

A map of the area and localities mentioned in the letter and footnotes.
New York Homefront, President Abraham Lincoln

“At least sympathize with me in my grief,” Joseph Wyckoff to Abraham Lincoln

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This amazing handwritten letter to President Abraham Lincoln was penned by a distraught father, Joseph Wyckoff (1805-1886), who lost his son as a result of confinement at Andersonville where he was starved to death. The letter was dated 12 April 1865—just three days after Appomattox and two days before Lincoln’s assassination. In his letter, Wyckoff pours out his grief to Lincoln, whom he admits he did not vote for, and, though he asks for the chance to judge those who caused his son’s death, we learn that what he really wants is a chance to vent some anger at—and gain some sympathy from—the Lincoln Administration.

Joseph’s son, Alexander Baldridge Wyckoff (1841-1865), was 21 when he enlisted 4 August 1862 at Varick, New York, as a Private. He was mustered into Co. C, 126th New York Infantry.  On 15 September 1862, just a month after enlisting and before they had hardly been equipped and drilled, Alexander and other members of his regiment were surrendered to Stonewall Jackson’s men at Harper’s Ferry, Virginia, during the Antietam campaign, earning them, through no fault of their own, the unfair sobriquet “Harpers Ferry Cowards.” After their release from a parole camp in Chicago, the regiment worked hard to gain back their reputation, especially at Gettysburg where they sustained 57% casualties in capturing five stands of colors. Alexander was wounded on 10 May 1864 at Po River, Virginia, and on 25 August 1864 he was again captured, this time at Reams’ Station, Virginia. He was sent to Andersonville prison in Georgia, from which he was eventually paroled but died on 2 April 1865 at Baltimore, MD, according to his father, from illness sustained during his imprisonment.

From the timing, it is unlikely that the letter ever got to Lincoln, but rather was processed by the President’s staff in the days following the assassination. The letter does, however, appear to have been read by the Secretary of War, Stanton, who Wyckoff, in his letter, implies might have been soft on corruption, though facts do not bear this out. Docketing at the end of the letter reads “W1043 April/65”  (the President’s staff may have recorded correspondence alphabetically according to the last name of the writer). The letter also comes with a folded piece of ledger paper that reads “Romulusville, NY/ April 12, 1865/ Joseph Wyckoff/ Writes with regard to his son, Alex. B. Wyckoff late of Co. C. 126 NY Vol. Held as a Prisoner of War at Andersonville, Ga and offers his services as judge, etc.”  On the back of the ledger paper it reads “Respectfully referred to the Commissioner for the Exchange of Prisoners By order of the Secy of War, War Dept. April 21/65 – L[ewis] H Pelouze/A.A.G.” 

[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Richard Weiner and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

State of New York
County of Seneca, Romulusville
April 12th 1865

To Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,

Dear Sir, I feel sore just now. I can’t help but express my feelings to you. I buried my son Alexander B. Wyckoff (9th inst). He was a member of Co. C ,126 Regt. U. S. Volunteers from the State of New York. The day before he enlisted, at night, he said, Father, what shall I do? I hate to be drafted. I said, Alexander, you are of full age (he was 21 years old in March before). That was under the call for 500,000 men. Our country is good for nothing so, should you go and help save it and live through it, you according to the course of nature will enjoy it longer than me. Should you fall, what is your blood worth more than thousands of others. Could I of got there I would have been there six months before now. That is just what I told him.

Now I wish to say at the time I told him this about six months before I addressed a letter to the Secretary of War. I there gave him my military experience (which was about 12 years) and said, have you any place in any of your camps of instruction, in any of your hospitals, where I can make a man? I am at your service. I also gave him my age which is now 59 last Sept. I could then of took charge of a Company or Regiment as well as many others that never drew a sword but he by silent consent passed by – by a silent nothing. Well, what is the consequence? We are taxed here to pay millions of dollars for some contemptible rouges that was well recommended which he nor you knew nothing of—only the recommend[ation] that accompanied their application.

Now my boy enlisted in the service, t’will be 3 years next August. He was captured in August last 25th. He was starved to death at Andersonville but he got a parole and died at Baltimore, April 2nd instant. His Mother was with him when he died. Now, could I of stooped so low as to ask for any position during the war, I know I could of got all the principle men in our county to of signed a recommend[ation] for me as a suitable person for the position—tis no matter what [position]. But I could not—I would not—and neither would I [even if it] was it to gain the Chief Justiceship of the U. S. But I now say one thing to you, if I had the Judgeship to investigate and try those who starved those poor prisoners to death, if found guilty by evidence, I would hang every soul of them. But to stoop so low as to ask any man or any set of men to recommend me, I will never do it. But I say cursed be the man, or any set of men, that will not hang every soul that had anything to do with starving thousands of our poor boys as they have been.

Now I say further, I ask for nothing myself, but should you want anyone from the little Copperhead County of Seneca to judge those rebels, call on me. I am at your service. But I will not ask no soul to recommend me. I do all on my own hooks. I have been Justice of the Peace here for about 12 years past, am now elected for 4 years more, from 1st of Jan next. I am the oldest voter in the town—born here—everybody knows me in the county that has lived here anytime. Call upon who you please. I only wish to try those who starved the poor boys to death. My boy lived to the day the last decisive battle was fought to decide this cursed rebellion, but the poor boy was unconscious at the time, or he—like me, would of said, Amen.

Now, what I want and ask of you is to answer me and at least sympathize with me in my grief and not say I am a poor cur not worthy of notice as Secretary Stanton did when I tried, through him, to get some place where he has placed thousands of dishonest creatures which cost the laboring class of the country millions of dollars needlessly on account of dishonesty, for you know and I know that this war has cost us many millions more than it ought to if everyone had of been honest. Now I am a humble farmer here. I helped to clear the soil of heavy timber for a mile south of where I now live & over half of my own farm which is about 164 acres in the heart of Seneca County & about the center of our state.

Now, Abraham, I wish to say to you, I have voted against you both times because I supported the other ticket, but there is not a man in the U. S. that have did more according to my means to uphold the President than me because you was elected agreeable to the constitution of the U. S. Now, call me what you please, do with me as you please, but if you have any sympathy for a bereaved Father, I beg of you answer me. I can then say I have a letter from the President of the U. S. I can say no more. I have only wrote you my feelings and do not curse me for it.

Respectfully yours, — Joseph Wyckoff

141st Pennsylvania Infantry, Gen. Joe Hooker, President Abraham Lincoln

1863: Benjamin M. Dunham to Laura (Cheney) Dunham

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I could not find an image of Benjamin but here’s one of Henry Baker who served in Co. H, 141st Pennsylvania Infantry (LOC)

The following letters were written by Benjamin M. Dunham (1840-1863), the son of John L. Dunham (1811-1861) and Laura Cheney (1812-1894) of LaPorte, Sullivan county, Pennsylvania. Benjamin enlisted as a private in Co. K, 141st Pennsylvania Infantry. Benjamin enlisted with his older brother Henry R. Dunham (1838-1877) who was made the 1st Lieutenant of the same company for his efforts in raising the company. However, ill health resulted in his resigning is commission in late December 1862 and returning home where he remained until 1864 when he accepted a commission in Co. E, 13th USCT.

According to the regimental history, Benjamin M. Dunham was a young man of more than ordinary ability and character. Said one who knew him: “He was characterized by untiring energy and intense application to his studies. No lesson or duty was ever assigned that he did not grapple with all his powers. He loved study. He was impetuous almost to a fault. Whatever he did, he did with all his might. His moral character was without reproach. He could be relied on implicitly in all he said or did. He was, in ‘ short, one of Nature’s noblemen, an honest man. His dear remains rest in an unknown grave, on hostile ground, and his spirit has gone to God who gave it.” Benjamin was killed at Chancellorsville.

Letter 1

In Camp near Falmouth, Va.
February 24th 1863

My dear Mother,

I yesterday received a letter from you full of your anxious fear about me. I hear nothing from you but a constant lament that I am where I am! Nothing but worriment about & fears that I am suffering here where I am. Now let this be enough for you, Mother, as it ought to be for anyone to know that I am doing well, getting over my lameness, and in fact, I have almost gained my flesh again. I have been on duty and took no cold from it & I hope I am none the worse for it. I asked to be put on [duty], it is true, for I knew there were some who would think I did not want to do [my] duty, but I did and so I went on. And as I said before, I am not sorry.

Now, Mother, what more under the light of Heaven could a son write to a Mother that would be of more cheering—I mean real cheering news—than what I have just written to you which is God’s truth and no deception, for I have not now nor never intended to deceive you. I know, Mother, there is news that I could write that might be more pleasing such as that I was coming home soon or something like this. But do I not tell you, Mother, that if I have my health, which I now hope to get, that I had just as leave be in the army here at such a time as this as at home. Maybe you think I lie, but I tell you that I can stand it here from my friends & family, if old grey-headed men who have children & a wife to think of & long to see, for this is the great, the most difficulty the soldiers has to contend against.

Don’t understand me to say that I like the hardships & hard marching of our life. But Mother, I do say in view of all things now, I—a single man [with] no one to depend on me [and] no one to suffer from my loss if should be the case, and no one’s support arising from my earnings—I say I and those in like circumstances are just the ones to be where I am if they have their health.

Mother, be reasonable! Look about you & see if you can point to another Mother who has three able bodied (for such I am now called & hope Henry is) Republican son who have no wives & little ones, no farms & workshops to hinder their being in the army of our Nation. I say, see if you can find another Mother who still has two sons with her at home all the time. Do you think, Mother, to raise three sons and live to see them all grow to be men & still be with them all & live with them all? It is an impossibility & the sooner you make up your mind to be content & satisfied while your boys are all doing well, the better it will be for you and your health and comfort also. You are almost selfish. You wish us with you & by constantly (except when we are fighting perhaps). But you must expect to be obliged to lay aside your own desires to see & pleasure to be with your boys.

I know this is not altogether what you wish me to come home for but you fear I will die here & then you will never see me again. Mother, does it make any difference about our meeting again in this world (for I have no fears for the next). Whether I die here from disease or you die there from a useless worriment, that does no one any good & hastens your own end. Think of this when you are lying awake nights on my account & if you wish to do anything to please me & make me happy and contented here with my lot. Why, don’t fret and worry & lie awake nights for me. Will you do this for me? Will you let this ring in your ears every time your mind turns upon me. Or will you still do that which is the farthest from my wishes of anything you can do? If you will, why then I cannot help it.

Again, my complaint (diarrhea & rheumatism), Mother, is not a thing you need to worry about at all. Why, do you not know that those who die with the chronic diarrhea live for four or five months & that there is no need of men to be sick that long in this army and not be sent home. As to the rheumatism, I do not fear death from that at all. So be contented & satisfied with your lot.

Mother, as to what you say about getting into this army, you did not such thing at all. I came of my own free will & you never asked me to come at all so I want you never to think of that again. Oh! you are a queer woman, Mother, & I hope you will try and exercise a little more your reasoning & relective faculties a little more & your caution a little less and it will be better for us both.

Our Captain has returned & I like him very much indeed so far & all the boys seem to almost worship him. We have just received orders to be ready to move over into Ward’s Brigade & the 4th Maine is to come into our Brigade. It is but a few rods between us. The trade is from some cause, I know not what. Time will tell.

Brewster, I think, will come home on a furlough but I do not know whether he can get it or not. Hank Gunn too, if he’s able. I shall try and get one if I can but I have little hopes as there is so many ahead of me. Do not build up any hopes of my coming home this winter.

An J. H. Winslow silver watch with engraving of soldier, perhaps like the one Benjamin purchased.

I yesterday received returns from my little investment (J. H. Winslow and Co., of New York) and I have me a larger patent lever silver watch and gold chain for which I have been offered $20 in cash besides selling some ten dollars worth of tickets to the boys and keeping for myself a ticket that calls for a watch worth fifteen dollars & ever so many other tickets calling for articles valued at eight and ten dollars. In fact, Mother, I have an agency here from which I can make double my wages & do it just as honestly as anything else.

So be content. Be satisfied & do not for God’s sake, kill yourself by worrying yourself about me. Have you any help yet? I will send you a circular of J. H. Winslow & you can see what I am doing. — B. M. Dunham

Letter 2

Stoneman’s Switch in May 1863.

[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Keith Fleckner and was offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

In Camp near Stoneman’s Switch
Wednesday, April 8th 1863

My Dear Mother–

I have at last succeeded in getting you a picture which I hope will be satisfactory to all. I think if you compare this with those taken before I left home, you will find I am still “the same old six pence.” I have the locket filled which I think will be—or at least I hope will be—satisfactory to you also. I have been asked by several for pictures and all want photographs which I cannot get here in the army as there is no one who takes them on this side of the Potomac that I know of. The only way I can think of to get them is to send this to [ ] with Edwin and let Mr. Wood copy it. Then when you get a negative, I suppose you know you can get as many as you choose & give them to whom you choose. If you think this one not large enough, I will get a half-sized picture and let that be used in its stead.

Mother, have you received that package of old letters I sent home some time ago but have not heard from them. I do hope they are not lost for I value them too highly to lose them now. I wrote to Edwin day before yesterday. Have you received that yet? I have just received your letter of March 31st also. I am very glad to say it was the most encouraging thing I have had for many a day. It cheered my feelings very much & I hope I will not run to enquirer “if there is any letters for me” very often without being answered in the affirmative.

Well Mother, I have seen Honest Old Abe, President of these Dis-United States and I consider it one of the greatest treats I have had since I left Little Sullivan. As you are aware if you have read my letter to Edwin, this Brigade is on picket for three days and I was left behind for camp guard.  I was relieved yesterday and had the day to myself, so I took a french furlough and went over to Stoneman’s Switch after the pictures I now send to you.  While there, I heard the awfullest cheering and shouting heard in all my life and was soon told that the President was with Hooker reviewing the Army, or rather riding around from regiment to regiment as they were drawn up in line to receive them. Out I went and took across the fields on double quick to where I saw a long line of troops drawn up.  It was quite a piece but on I went, through mud sometimes nearly to the top of my big boots, but I got there just in time to have him ride close along side of me.  He was followed by General Hooker & staff, and one battalion of Rush’s Lancers.  (I believe they called them Rush’s Lancers). He was then, at the time I saw him, just reviewing Berdan’s Sharpshooters.

I then turned and went back, and as I crossed the road, I looked behind me and saw him & [ ] coming at a full gallop. I stopped—there was four or six with me—and they did the same. They all fell back from the road and said, “Oh, don’t stand so close! Don’t stand so close.” But I didn’t run all this distance to spoil it all now, so I stood in front and when the honest old fellow came along, I gave him a military salute and he returned it with all the grace imaginable. Three cheers for our President was then proposed, and if I didn’t give my old Methodist lungs rent then, I never did.  It raised Old Abe’s hat right off his head and he smiled as pleasantly as you please. It did me good I can tell you, and I guess if he ever hears me cheer again, he will know he has heard me before. When he took off his hat, I could see he looked for all the world just like the pictures of him. He rode a very beautiful horse on which was a very handsome saddle but not a very handsome man. He wore a tall black hat which was put on the back of his head and made him look like an old farmer by the side of the many dashing looking exquisites who call themselves officer who followed him. I saw old Gen. Hooker and a number of other Major Generals I did not know.  

I began to think Mother from appearances that we are not agoing to be moved from here right off.  I do not think now we will move before the last of this month and perhaps not before June or July owing to the weakening of our army by the leaving of many troops. Both the nine-months men from Pennsylvania and the two-year men from New York leave about the same time which will weaken us until their places are supplied by other troops which will take some time to do—two or three months at least. I will put this in the mail and the locket the next if I cannot get it done up for this one. If I do, I will send it in this. Sam sits here as I write and wishes me to say that he sends his best wishes to you and all the family. I wish to be remembered to all who inquire after me, especially to Mrs. Finch. Tell her I will write to her in a day or two or as soon as I can find time.  I wish Aunt Annie would write to me. Has she forgotten me or has she no time to do so as I hope all will write often.

Goodbye, Ben

72nd New York Infantry, Camp Caldwell, President Abraham Lincoln

1861: Walter A. Bowdish to Maria Agnes Fellows

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I could not find an image of Walter but here is a tintype of Alfred T. Groat who also served in Co. G, 72nd New York Infantry (Photo Sleuth)

The following letter was written by Walter A. Bowdish (1839-1862), the son of Daniel Platt Bowdish (1812-1861) and Martha Caroline Granger (1813-1894) of Portland, Chautauqua county, New York.

Walter enlisted on 24 July 1861 as a private in Co. G, 72nd New York Infantry—Sickles’ Excelsior Brigade. He was known to have been wounded in the fighting at Turkey Bend (Malvern Hill) on July 1, 1862 and was carried as missing in action following that date. No identifiable body was ever recovered and all of the records of soldiers in Rebel prisons were examined following the pension application filed by Walter’s mother. Lt. James A. Smith of Co. I claimed he attempted to help Walter off the battlefield but Walter’s leg wounds were so severe (his blood “flowing in jetts” indicating a severed artery) that he had to leave him after struggling only a few steps. There was one letter written by Alfred found in his mother’s pension application submitted as proof of Walter’s sending her money while in the service. It was dated 2 May 1862 and I have included a transcript of it below.

Walter wrote the letter to Maria Agnes Fellows (1840-1911), the daughter of John Andrews Fellows (1806-1888) and his second wife, Olive Thwing (1809-1884) of Portland, Chautauqua county, New York. Agnes never married, though she clung to this letter the remainder of her life, dying in 1911.

Transcription

Addressed to Miss Agnes Fellows, Portland, Chautauqua county, N. Y.

Camp Caldwell
Monday, September 30th 1861

Miss Agnes Fellows
Dear Agnes,

Long had I waited for a reply to my last letter and had concluded that you were offended with the same. But Saturday the long looked for letter came. It had been very long on the way but the contents rewarded e for the anxiety it had caused me. Agnes dear, that letter has been perused many times since received. It has caused a new interest in my present situation.

You say in your letter that I was not too bold in writing as I did. You also wanted me to consider before going farther. I honor you for those words, yet I must say that this has not been the work of nor impulse of a few days or weeks, but has long been on my mind. The thought that your pure mind would revolt at my love has unlocked a secret in my breast. The night you attended the concert at Fredonia with me was a night of tumult on my heart. Oh how I longed to whisper in your ear that eve a tale of love. But the thought of slight acquaintance and a rejection kept it back.

Agnes dear, I can not write as I could talk to you were you here, but be assured that I love you deeply, truly and fondly. My love is no boyish love but a deep and lasting one. All I ask is a kind thought or word from you occasionally until my return. If with God’s mercy I am permitted, then will I convince you that I am serious in what I say.

Think not of your misfortune but as one of the dispensations of an “All wise Providence.” Bear it with the thought that it does not make you look any the less in my eyes. But to the contrary. endear you in my eyes and makes me long to be with you and protect you with an ever helping hand. Write to me, Agnes, and tell me truly whether you can return the love of the lone soldier boy. If you cannot, let this secret remain locked in your breast and forget that I ever offered the love of a true and honest heart to the kind and lovely Agnes Fellows.

The soldier in his far off tented field turns his thoughts to a loved home or some dear one. Why should not I as well? Waiting anxiously a reply to these few lines, I remain yours truly, fondly, and devotedly, — Walter A. Bowdish

[On a different sheet]

Our present situation is at the old camp (Caldwell). We cannot tell how long we stay here but I think not long as we have orders not to leave the camp on any account and to keep our knapsacks packed. Our forces on the other side of the [Potomac] river has begun to advance and are already in possession of Munson Hill and Fairfax Court House. This has been done without the loss of a single life.

Friday and Saturday there passed over the Long Bridge into Virginia over 180,000 troops. Things begin to look warlike now. On our regiment being reviewed by President Lincoln, he said we were the best body of men but one he had seen.

Last week there was a rumor afloat that we were to remain in our present situation as a home guard for the City on account of being the best drilled body of men in the service this side of the [Potomac] River. I have had a chance to leave this regiment and be in the Regular service [and] shall think of it a spell. If I go in the Regulars, I must stay three years—war or no war. If I stay where I am, I may be discharged before that time.

Since I commenced this letter I hear the 1st Regiment of the Brigade has received orders to march. They are encamped about half a mile from here. There is the drum beat for dress parade. More Anon. — Walter Bowdish

Letter 2

[Note: The following letter was found in the Pension Application File for Walter A. Bowdish. It was probably one of his last letters home.]

Camp Winfield Scott
Near Yorktown, Virginia
May 2nd 1862

Dear Mother,

Yours of the 26th came duly to hand this morning finding me at camp but not very well, having just returned from picket duty yesterday morning, the 30th. We laid in sight of the Rebs Battery all day and night in the midst of a heavy rain. We went into the trenches in the course of the night. Our pickets were driven in and then we stopped the Rebels there. They fell back to their Battery and then commenced firing shell. Some fell close to us but no one injured. In half hour they ceased firing.

At 8 o’clock we returned to camp, found the Pay Master and got two months pay. This morning we were mustered in for two months more and the pay master says he will be able to pay us in 12 or 15 days. ($20) twenty dollars of which I got is in the shape of an Allotment Bill and is payable to you or Order at any Bank, and when you present it, try and get half cent premium for they send them to New York City and get the gold which is worth 708 percent on the dollar. I have seen the Lieut. (Smith) and he promises to pay me soon, I hope, but fear him. I shall report to the Col. (Taylor) if he fails me. I send the $20 dollar bill and will send more in the next letter. Use them to your advantage and you will do all right…

I must close. I have one favor to ask. Write a long letter and tell something about how the neighbors are and write the news. I like to get letters but after waiting 10 or 15 days, get one with only a few lines, it disheartens one. I want something bedsides dead and wounded men to think of. Give love to all and tell them we expect battle soon. I remain your dutiful son, — Walter A. Bowdish

189th New York Infantry, President Abraham Lincoln

1864: Norman Orlando Wheeler to Horace Wheeler

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I could not find an image of Norman in uniform but here is Lavern Burdick who also served as a private in Co. B, 189th New York Infantry (Photo Sleuth)

This letter was written by Norman Orlando Wheeler (1843-1929) who enlisted at the age of 20 at Hornellsville to serve one year in Co. B, 189th New York Infantry. He survived the war and mustered out of the service on 30 May 1865 near Washington D. C. Norman and his company did not see much action until the last month of the war when they participated in the fight at Hatcher’s Run and the Appomattox Campaign.

Norman was the son of Horace Wheeler (1816-1900) and Rhoda Ann Mack (1821-1900) of Hornellsville, Steuben county, New York.

Norman’s letter describes the journey of the 189th New York from Washington D. C. to City Point, Virginia in late October 1864, including a stop at the White House “where Old Abe come out to see us and after talking to us a few minutes.”

Transcription

City Point, Virginia
October 25, 1864

Dear Father & Mother,

I have just received your letter with the one from Henry & Aunt Rebecca. I was very glad to hear from you and to hear that you were all well and getting along with the work so well but was surprised to think that you could not make out them figures. I thought them was plain as could be. It is the one hundred and eighty-ninth regiment. It is a new regiment to be sure. Your directions was alright on this letter. Try and write them as plain as you can. I guess I have got all the letters has been wrote to me. That one you sent with Jimmy’s letter in which I answered immediately and which it seems you had not got when you wrote, & one from Amelia & one from Isadore [where] she wrote about that wedding & said that she & Robin were going to stand up, I shouldn’t wonder if they did the same before long.

Well I guess I will tell you a little about how I am getting along. We got orders last Friday to start for City Point but did not start till Saturday [Oct 22] noon when we was ordered to fall in with everything on—namely knapsack with my clothing, blanket, and everything almost in and overcoat strapped on top, haversack, canteen, gun, cartridge box with 40 rounds of ammunition in. Quite a load! After standing about one half an hour, we marched up to the White House where Old Abe come out to see us and after talking to us a few minutes, we marched down to the wharf and got aboard a steamer tired enough having marched about 4 miles besides standing with all on.

We started down the Potomac that night. Had good comfortable quarters and enough to eat but next morning [when] we got into Delaware Bay, the wind blowed considerable and the boat wagged one side and another and you had better believe there was some seasick boys aboard. I was sick for a spell but after throwing up some, I felt better.

We passed Fortress Monroe about noon. It is a huge looking fortress with some big looking guns sticking their mouths towards us. There was some large man-of-war & ironclads there. We turned up the James River there and a noble-looking steam it is. We arrived at City Point about 10 o’clock Sunday night, stayed on board all night, and next morning we got off and marched about one mile towards Richmond & drawled our tents and went to work & put them up. There is three in a tent. Hub[bard W. K. Head], Andrew [Kilbury], and I go in one. They are nice.

I am sitting in my tent tonight. I have got a lot of corn husks on the bottom and cloth all around which makes it as warm and comfortable as can be. We have good fare—better than we have had before. We can hear the guns at Richmond & Petersburg. We have to do guard duty now. I am well and hearty as ever. — N. O. Wheeler

I have got a good watch & look out for it. I have got my knife yet. I have seen Seely and Mike Smith. They are well. They have been here about 3 weeks. Grant is fixing for a battle but tain’t likely we shall be sent on. Write soon & all the news.