Headstone of James W. Kenney, “sargeant of artillery” and a “brave soldier, a good citizen, an honest man”
The following memoirs were recorded in 1893 by James Woodell Kenney (1835-1900), the son of Michael Kenney and Jane Woodell (d. 1844) of Arlington, Middlesex county, Massachusetts. Kenney’s memoirs and his military records inform us that he mustered into the 1st Independent Battery, Massachusetts Light Artillery in August 1861, commanded by Josiah Porter. He was wounded in May 1864 during the Wilderness Campaign and mustered out of the battery on 29 August 1864 after three years service. He was married to Lizzie S. Shattuck on 24 December 1868. In 1870, James and Lizzie were enumerated in Charleston, Mass., where he was employed as a clerk in a printing office. Vital records of Massachusetts inform us that he died of a cerebral hemorrhage on 6 April 1900 in Boston.
James’ brother, Andrew J. Kenney (1834-1862) is mentioned several times in the memoirs. He mustered into Co, B. 40th New York Infantry and was killed in action during the Battle of Williamsburg on 5 May 1862. According to Mass. vital records, he was married on 25 November 1860 to Mary Jane Hodge (maiden name Woodell) in Ashburnham, Massachusetts.
The memoirs were addressed to James’ nephew and namesake, James W. Kenney. Family tree records are scanty but my hunch is that this nephew was James W. Kenney (b. 1858), the son of Michael Kenney (b. 1831) and Mary McKenna Sheehan (1828-1882). Michael was a rope maker and later a shoe factory worker in Roxbury, Massachusetts and during the Civil War he served as a private in Co. K, 1st Massachusetts Infantry.
[Note: These memoirs were provided to me for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by Tom Clemens. I could not find them transcribed elsewhere on the internet or in book form though the original might be housed at the U. S. Army Heritage & Education Center at Carlisle Barracks, Pa., as they claim to have a folder marked, “Memoirs of James W. Kenney’s Service.”]
Transcription
Dear Nephew and Namesake,
I greet you in love and kindness. Thinking you might like a short sketch of your Uncle Jim for whom you were named, and as I may have passed beyond “the River” before you grow old enough to remember me, or read these lines. the most of the sketch will be about my military service in the War 1861-5 which I thought might interest you. I kept a journal while in the service of every day—the drills, marches, reviews, battles, &c. After keeping it over two years, and being afraid I might lose it, I sent it home by a comrade going home on a furlough and he lost it, so the journal was gone up. What I write you in this will be taken from letters I wrote home and other memorandums. By reading this you will see what battles I was in any by referring to the History of the War, you can obtain an account of those battles. I was in the Army of the Potomac and served under every General that commanded it from General McClellan to General Grant.
I will commence with my birth, town, name (that is, the J. W. part) and follow with the army life. So many years have passed since that took place I cannot remember many things I would like. — Uncle Jim. January 1893
I was born in the town of West Cambridge, Mass., now called Arlington (name being changed about 1867) on September 26, 1835. I was named James Woodell for my grandfather (Woodell being my mother’s name before marriage). I also had an uncle J. W. who served in a Mass. Regoment and was killed in the Southwestern Army and also other relations who served in the Army or Navy in the war.
The town is between Lexington and Cambridge…The British troops crossed the river and landed in Cambridge, passing through West Cambridge on their way to Lexington and Concord. On the night of April 18th 1775 about midnight. the next morning the Battle of Lexington and Concord was fought and as the “Yankees” were coming in from the other towns making it rather warm for the British, they commenced to fall back to Boston. They were under fire almost all the way and lost many men on their return. There were more British and Americans killed in West Cambridge than at Lexington, and to West Cambridge belongs the honor at making the first capture of stores, provisions, and prisoners in the American Revolution on that day in the center of the town.
Cambridge is the place where General Washington took command of the American Army, its headquarters being there at the time. The old Elm tree under which he stood is still standing. Also the house in which he had his headquarters, bing for years the home of Longfellow—the poet. Here is also Harvard College, founded before that time….I was born on historical ground and grew up with a strong love for my country. My father had also held a commission as ensign in the 1st Regiment Mass. Militia under Gov. Lincoln in 1832.
I will not enter into details of my early life but will say my Mother died when I was quite [page missing]
…as the lawyer had to go out of town to court, he could not attend to the details. I offered my services in any way and it was left in my hands to call a meeting that evening at his office or the Town Hall. I went out and found the others, then got three uniforms—two that had belonged to father, and one that belonged to me as I had been in the militia before father died but gave it up then. Then got a fife and drum to make a noise and went all over town telling every one of the meeting in the Town Hall that evening. The Hall was not large enough to hold the crowd that came—the largest gathering ever held in town. We soon raised a company, the lawyer was chosen Captain and I was chosen First Lieutenant. As the Captain had so much to attend to in court fixing up his cases and turning them over to other lawyers. I had all the charge of the company in drill and I often duties in the daytime. We drilled in forenoon and afternoon on the street in marching and company movements and in the Hall in the manual of arms in the evening. My older brother Andrew came home and enlisted in my company. So we all three were in the service.
We continued drilling until the last of May when we were told of a regiment being raised in Brooklyn, New York, by Henry Ward Beecher that they had seven companies and wanted three more to fill the regiment and start at once for the Seat of War. My company and two others from Mass. took special train for New York on the evening of May 30th, arriving the next morning, and after breakfast, went over to Brooklyn and took quarters in a five story armory large enough for two companies on a floor. In the afternoon I went over to New York and took boat for Governor’s Island to see your father. I found him in “Castle William,” the round fort on the point of the island. He was surprised to see me. On Sunday we all went to hear Beecher preach in the morning and in the afternoon a few of us went to the Catholic Cathedral to hear the singing. It was fine.
We found out that there were not 7 companies—that all there were was about 150 men—the toughest looking you could find and they were not drilled or uniformed. The food they gave us was so bad we could not eat it and we could get no satisfaction from those raising the regiment so we called a meeting of the officers of our three companies and voted to return to Massachusetts. (You will understand we were Mass. troops and not mustered into U. S. service.)
On the evening of June 4th, took boat from New York to Boston, arriving the next morning. After breakfast, the officers went to the State House to see the Quartermaster General of the State and have him put us in camp until he could send us away but at that time the State did not have camps for troops as they did later on. But we were granted leave to go to Fort Warren (Boston Harbor) until we could make arrangements for something else. the companies went down in charge of their 1st Lieutenants and the Captains remained in town to see what they could do. They came down to the fort on June 8th and we went up to the City and were dismissed until the 11th when we all reported and started again for New York, arriving the next morning and taking boat up the river for Yonkers. On the morning of the 13th two of the companies were mustered into the U. S. Service. As each company was a few short, we lent them a few men to be exchanged back into our company later on. My brother Andrew went into one of those companies [Co. B, 40th New York Infantry] and remained in it until he was killed at Williamsburg, Virginia.
As we were going to New York Regiments, we would have to get N. Y. State commissions. The two companies mustered in were mustered as they were, officers and men, but my captain wanted a new election which was held and the same officers reelected although te captain tried to make a change and throw me and another out, and put in two friends used to drink and bum around with him. I heard what was going on and we had a row. He got some plain remarks from me and it ended in my taking all the men but about 12 and marching them out and took cars for New York City. I had two offers while there to take my men, fill up my company, and go as captain in some New York Regiment but I had enough of New York and was going home. I got quarters for my men that night in the Park Barracks near City Hall and started for home the next evening and arrived all right. The citizens were provoked at the action of the captain in breaking up such a fine company. I was offered all the backing with money wanted to raise another company but I was anxious to get away and did not want to wait so long as to raise and drill another company. A captain belonging to the 16th Mass. Regiment Infantry wanted me to take my men and join his company but as I could not get any satisfaction as regarding my being an officer in his company (and the men wanted me as an officer over them), I would not go. So you see I had bad luck all around in getting away. One reason was Mass. was so patriotic. We had about three times as many companies enlisted in the State as was called for.
I remained around home working or attending to some military duties until August 27th when being in Boston I found out the Boston Light Artillery had returned from its three-months service and was reorganizing for three years. I dropped my commission and enlisted in the Battery and was mustered into the U. S. Service for three years on the 28th of August. We went into camp in Cambridge about half a mile from the Arlington line.
Arriving in camp we were formed into Gun Detachments and the Warrant Officers appointed. I was made Gunner with the rank of corporal and took charge of a Gun Detachment. I soon picked up the drill (as artillery was new to me) and soon had the best drilled squad on Sabre and Gun Drill. I was promoted to Sergeant afterward and remained as such during the rest of my service.
Perhaps now would be a good time to give you an account of the organization of a Battery and the duties of the men. This will be on a war footing as all troops are about one-third less in time of peace. Artillery is generally formed for field service, one third short range (smooth bore) 12 lb. Howitzers or Light 12’s called Napoleons, and two-thirds long range, or rifle, generally 10 lb. [ ], although our army had about the same number of each at the last of the war owing to the nature of the ground fought over being woody. Most of the fighting was at short range. There are 14 carriages in a Battery, 6 gun carriages with a gun mounted on the hind wheels, and an ammunition chest on the front wheels. The trail of the gun hooks on the axle of the front wheels when on the move, but rests on the ground when in action. Six caissons which carry ammunition, two chests on the hind wheels, and one on the front wheels, the front and rear parts of the caisson couple together the same as the gun carriage and are alike and can be exchanged when wanted, Thus in action the caissons are left in a sheltered place when convenient and if the ammunition of the gun limber is running low, the limber of the caissons come up and take its place and the gun limber returns to the caisson and refills from the rear chests, ready to exchange again. There is an extra wheel on the rear of the caisson, an extra pole under the carriage, shovel, axe, pick, water buckets, &c. One carriage called Battery Wagon with half round top to carry extra feed bags, parts of harness, halters, saddlers tools, wheelwrights tools, and various stores. One carriage called Forge or traveling Blacksmith Shop for shoeing horses and doing iron work of all kinds.
We have about 140 horses, three pair to each carriage, one for each sergeant, bugler, and artificer, and the rest are extra or spare horses to replace those broken down or lost in action. There are 150 men in a full battery, 5 commissioned officers (1 captain and four lieutenants), 8 sergeants, 12 corporals, 2 buglers, and three artificers. The Battery is divided into sections, two guns and two caissons make a section. Also into Gun Detachments, one to each gun and caisson.
Now I will give you a list of their duties. The captain is in command of all, one lieutenant in command of each section (taking 3) and the rest of the junior 2d in command of the caissons when they are away or separate from the guns. One first sergeant who is over he company next to the lieutenants and receives orders (in camp) to pass down to the other sergeants for details &c. draws rations, clothing &c. One quartermaster sergeant who draws forage or grain for the horses and looks after the baggage wagons. Six other sergeants, one for each gun and caisson, they having charge of the two carriages, horses and men. Twelve corporals, one for each gun and caisson and called 1st and 2nd Corporal (A Gunner and No. 8 man). They are under the sergeants. Buglers who blow camp and drill calls. Three artificers (one blacksmith, one wheelwright, 1 harness maker) to attend to all the work in their line. There is a driver to each pair of horses and he rides the nigh one when on duty. They take care of their horses—cleaning, feeding, and driving. Also take turns standing guard over the horses at night. Others are detailed to clean the extra ones and one man takes care of each sergeant’s horse as he has to look after the others while cleaning and feeding.
I will now give you the duties of the gun squad with the gun unlimbered and in position, the limber in rear of the gun, horses facing the rear of the gun, the drivers dismounted and “standing to horse” holding them by the bridle. The pole driver holds the sergeant’s horse when firing, he being dismounted and in charge of the gun. Standing in the rear, 8 men and the Gunner is a gun squad. the Gunner goves the order to load, cut the fuse, fire &c., he receiving the order from the sergeant, also sights the gun. The men are numbered from 1 to 8. No. 1 is on the right of the muzzle and sponges and rams the gun. No. 2 opposite him and he inserts the cartridge and shot or shell, having one in each hand. No. 3 on the right, he thumbs the vent, then steps to hand spike in end of te trail and moves the gun to right or left for the Gunner, then pricks the cartridge and steps to place. No. 4 is on the left and he fixes a friction primer to the lanyard, inserts it in the vent, stepping back to place, ready to pull at the order to “Fire.” No. 5 is on the left and half way between No. 2 and the limber. He takes the ammunition from his position to No. 2. No. 7 stands on the left of limber and takes it to No. 5. No. 6 stands at the rear of ammunition chest, cuts the fuze and delivers it as ordered to No. 7. No. 8 is the 2nd Corporal of the Gun Squad and in charge of the caisson and remains with it and attends to any order received. If to pack any ammunition from rear chests to limber, he would dismount his drivers and set them to work. The men are drilled at all the duties on guns and horses. Also drilled to work short-handed, one man doing the duty of two, three or more. On drill the sergeant would say, No. so and so knocked out, and sometimes would knock out almost all the squad and then en would go right along with the drill so when it came to active work, the men knew just what to do.
We remained in camp at Cambridge drilling on the guns and in field movements from August 28th until October 3rd. I went home quite often while there as the horse crew passed the camp and our officers let me go out of camp when not required for duty in camp or drill, and then men did not abuse the privilege. On October 3rd we started by railroad for Washington, passing through New York, Philadelphia, & Baltimore, arriving all right and going in camp on Capitol Hill in rear of the capitol.It was quite a different place then from what it is now. The capitol was not finished and on the Hill were log houses with negroes, pigs, and geese around loose (we caught some). The streets were awful from the gun carriages, wagon trains, &c. The mud at times was up to the hubs of the wheels and horses up to the belly.
When we left home we had two six-pound smooth bore guns, two six-pound rifled guns, [and] two twelve-pound Howitzers. While here we received orders to turn in the four six-pound pieces and take four 10-pound Parrott Guns, rifled—a fine gun and extreme range—about 5 miles.
There was a review of 75 horse companies and 22 batteries by General Scott, the President, Members of Congress, and others. We were picked out and received orders to join Gen. Franklin’s Division across the river. On the 14th October, we crossed Long Bridge and went in camp near Fairfax Seminary about three miles from Alexandria. Our camp was named Camp Revere in honor of a friend of the captain—Major Revere of the 20th Massachusetts Infantry. Our division has twelve regiments of infantry, 1 regiment of cavalry, and 4 batteries.
“We had been assigned to Gen. Franklin’s division, which was then lying about four miles northwest of Alexandria, on the borders of Fairfax County, the division headquarters being at Fairfax Seminary, the New Jersey brigade then commanded by Gen. Kearney, and the First New York Cavalry, lying upon the slope of Seminary Hill, south of the Leesburg pike, a brigade commanded by Gen. Newton located along the pike north of the seminary, and a brigade commanded by Gen. Slocum lying northeast of Newton’s brigade, and north of the pike, the camp of its nearest regiment, the Sixteenth New York Volunteers, being perhaps thirty rods from the road. These troops, with four batteries of light artillery, constituted this division in October, 1861.When we arrived, there was a battery of New Jersey volunteers commanded by Capt. Hexamer in the vicinity of division headquarters, a battery in the immediate vicinity of Newton’s brigade, a battery of regulars, D, Second U. S. Artillery, lying near the pike, and opposite, Slocum’s brigade. This battery was located upon a plain, which the road from Alexandria reaches shortly after it crosses the run which makes its way from Arlington Heights southeasterly to Alexandria. The First Massachusetts Battery encamped in a piece of woods on the east side of this run and at the left of Slocum’s brigade. In this camp, which was named Revere, we remained until winter. Our drill-ground was on the plain beyond Newton’s brigade, on the north side of the pike,—of this field we shall have occasion to speak later. The inspection of the artillery by the chief of artillery of the army, and the review of the division, were made upon the high plateau west of the seminary.” — Pvt. A. J. Bennett, First Mass. Light Battery
The execution of William Henry Johnson, 5th New York Cavalry
We remained here all winter with plenty of Division reviews, inspections, and camp duties. While here our Division had the 1st Military Execution for deserting. A man named [William Henry] Johnson, 1st New York Cavalry, was on the outer picket line and he left his post and rode towards the rebel lines. When a long distance out, he met a squad in Rebel uniforms and was halted. He said he had deserted. He had his horse, saddle, and bridle, sabre, carbine, and revolver—government property. The officer in charge asked him all kinds of questions as regarding our line, position of picket posts, &c.. He also asked to see his carbine, looked it over, cocked it, and told the man he was a prisoner. The squad was some of our scouts. He was brought in, courtmartialed and sentenced to be shot on the 13th December. The Division was ordered out to see the execution. We were formed on three sides of a square in double lines with the other side open and the grave dug in about the centre of that line…He was brought on the field in a wagon seated on his coffin and a horse with reversed arms (as at a funeral). They entered on the right of the line and passed through all the line. As they passed along, the band of each regiment played a funeral dirge (going to his own funeral). Passing on the left of the line, they drove to the grave. He and his coffin were taken from the wagon, the Judge Advocate read to him the charges, findings, and sentence of the court martial.He was then blindfolded and seated on his coffin. The firing party then stepped up and shot him. The line was then faced to the right and all were marched by close to where he lay. He was buried there. No one was sorry.
In November we had a Grand Review at Bailey’s Cross Roads. Over 75,000 troops before the President, foreign ministers, Members of Congress, and others. It was fine. Four batteries were picked out to fire the salute and we were one of the four. Instead of firing so many guns for the salute, we fired so many batteries, all the guns in a battery being fired at once, and counting as one gun. Then the next and so on.
On January 20th, we had one of our men thrown from his wagon and killed. While out after wood, his team, ran away and striking a stump, threw him off. This was the first death in our company. We remained in this camp all winter attending to drill and camp duties.
I will give you an account of what some of our camp duties were. 1st call in the morning at 5.30 when we get up, put on our boots, and are dressed. 5.45 fall in for roll call and served with a dipper of coffee. 6.00 fall in again and clean around the horses, also clean and feed them until 7.00 then breakfast. 8.30 guard mounting when the old guard are dismissed and the new guard go on for 24 hours. They are divided into three reliefs and go on for two hours and off in 4 hours. 9.00 water call when the drivers take the horses to water. 9.30 sick call when all the sick go to the doctor’s tent. 12.30 dinner. 3.30 stable call when the stalls are cleaned. Also horses ed and cleaned. 5.30 evening roll call, 8.00 tattoo roll call. 8.30 taps when all lights are put out. No noise or talk after that. Also about five hours drill beside if the weather is good. Every day field drill, gun drill, or sabre.
After remaining in Camp Revere from October 14th until March 10th, the army started on the march for Centreville and Manassas where the Confederate army were in winter quarters. We had large bell tents called Sibley tents that would hold 12 men each while in winter camp but when we received marching orders, we also received orders to turn them in and draw small ones called shelter tents, one half tent to each man. They would button together. The men would cut three small poles, one for each end and one for a ridge pole, put the tent over and pin it down. Two men could crawl under and sleep.
We had orders also to turn in wheelbarrows, shovels, hoes, pitchforks, small camp stoves and a large quantity of other things we could not carry. I was left in charge of all this property with a guard of six men, one sick man, and a prisoner and two teams. I had to take an account of all the property, turn it in at a government store house in Alexandria, and get a receipt for the same. Then take my men and follow on after the company and report. I overtook them at Annandale on the 14th March on their return from Centreville and Manassas where they had been and Lee’s army had fallen back towards Richmond. When this was found out, the plan of operations was changed ad we (the army) were ordered back to our camp. As we had cold rains on the return march and the men slept on the ground, they suffered very much.
At this time the army was formed into corps, three divisions in a corps. I told you before how many were in a division so you will understand the size of a corps. Our division was the 1st Division, 6th Corps—one of the best in the army and called the “Fighting Sixth.” We lay in camp on our old campground about three weeks, having drill, reviews, and inspections. On the 25th March, General McDowell reviewed and inspected about 50,000 troops. On the 27th, Lord Lyons and other foreign ministers with Members of Congress reviewed about 33,000. Also a review by General McClellan and others.
April 4th last night we received orders to be ready to start in the morning. Were up, tents struck and all packed before sunrise but did not start until about 10 o’clock. I was again left in charge of some stores with two men and orders to turn them in to the quartermaster’s department. The next afternoon at 2 o’clock I took the cars (baggage train) and went about three miles and stoped until six, then thirteen miles and lay on a side track until 10 the next morning in an open baggage car. Then we started again and I found my company at Manassas. Owing to rain and snow the roads were so bad we could not move. There were also various steams of water that had becone so deep we could not cross. We lay in a plowed foeld in a sheet of mud until the 11th when the steam Broad Run, having fallen, the cavalry found a place up the stream where we could cross. The water was up to the axle of the carriages. After passing the run, the fields were so soft we would get all ready and put on whip and spur to the horses and start across, sometimes clear up to the axle, and they would become stuck. Then all the men would get hold and help them out. Each carriage would take a different track in crossing. After getting about two miles beyond the river, we received orders (our Corps) to return to Alexandria, turned back and by a forced march reached Manassas on April 12th, marched again to Fairfax, and camped.
On the 13th reached Alexandria and camped outside the town near Fort Ellsworth. On the 14th we shipped our guns, caissons, and horses on stream transports, and men and baggage on schooners. On the 15th, 16thm and 17th the rest of the corps were being shipped to join General McClellan before Yorktown, he having taken the rest of the army some time before down the river. Sailed early on the 18th, the schooners and some transports in tow of the steam vessels, arriving at Ship Point about three o’clock on the afternoon of the 19th. On the 20th and 21st, unloaded the cavalry and artillery on account of the horses and left the infantry on the transports to await orders, it being understood we were to sail up the York River and attack Gloucester Point opposite Yorktown when McClellan attacks Yorktown. My brothers were in camp about three miles from our camp but I could not go to see them. While laying here the Boys killed quite a number of snakes—Blue Racers. Some of them were four or five feet long. They would crawl in along side the men in the night to keep warm and they would find then in their blankets in the morning.
From the 22nd until May 4th we attended to our regular duties with nothing of interest that I can think of. We could hear the firing every day at Yorktown. On the morning of May 4th, we were having our Sunday morning inspection when the officer commanding the artillery of our division informed us that Yorktown was evacuated and gave us orders to reship. We were all board by midnight. Started up the York River the next morning and reported at Yorktown, remained all night and in the morning, May 6th, we started up river again for West Point, reaching there early in the afternoon. Our horses, arriving first, were landed during the night and our carriages the next morning, May 7th. Some of our infantry that were landed the day before were skirmishing all night. We took position with our guns and were in our first battle. We also had General Sedgwick’s Division with us. The Rebs opened on our troops, steamers and transports. We replied to them and advanced a strong line of infantry and won the day. Our gunboats in the river aided us by rapid firing with large guns. There was a French gunboat came up the river with us to look on. Some of the shots struck quite near her and she run up the French flag and beat to quarters. We remained in harness all night and I was sergeant of the guard and had a gun loaded to fire as a signal if needed.
On the 8th [May], General McClellan and staff arrived, the rest of the army having marched from Yorktown up between the James and York rivers, his right joining our two divisions, remained here the 9th and 10th, the gunboats going further up the river and shelling the woods. On the 11th, moved a few miles and camped, remaining the 12th and moving again on the 13th, camping at Cumberland, remaining the 14th. On the 15th, up at four and ready for the march. Went to the White House—a fine estate belong to Lee. It was a beautiful place, a large number of slaves, and they had nice quarters and workshops. The fields of grain and everything looked fine. The 16th, 17th, and 18th were quiet but we moved again on the 19th. On the 20th and 21st we moved along and on the 22nd remained in camp. Also the 23rd and 24th. On the 25th, we marched again and camped on a plantation belonging to Dr. Gaines who raised grain and tobacco. The Rebs threw a number of shells into our camp today.
For the next few days we lay in camp here and could hear firing at different points along the line. I stood on the brow of a hill and looked down on the Battle of Fair Oaks. Could see the lines move up, hear the cannon and musketry, the yell of both armies as they charged. Also the Battle of Seven Pines. While in this camp I received a letter from your father informing me that in the Battle of Williamsburg (May 5th) that our brother Andrew J. was killed and that your father was wounded in the same battle and was then at Annapolis, Maryland in hospital.
On June 11th we started from camp (leaving the camp standing under guard) at 4 o’clock to relieve another Battery on picket at Mechanicsville where there were a few houses and a ford across the creek. Our troops held one bank and the Rebs the other. We could see them working on earthworks on a hill, but they remained quiet until about 6 p.m. when they opened on us. Each section of the Battery lay quite a distance from the other. The short-distance section was in the road leading to the ford. One long-range section to the right and the other to the left of it. So the lieutenant from right and left would go to the centre and eat with the captain and other lieutenants. As the officers were at supper when the firing commenced and only the sergeants in charge when an aide rode up and ordered us to reply to them. To the fort on the hill was about one mile. I from the left and sergeant Lawrence from the right, each dropped a shell in the breastwork. We heard afterwards from some prisoners that came in that we killed quite a number and dismounted a gun. They soon stopped when they found out what was in front of them. The lieutenant came up running and asked who gave the orders. I told him. Soon the aide returned and told us to stop. The lieutenant told me and I replied, I have a shot in the gun.” He said fire it but don’t load again. I asked could I fire where I wished, He said yes. I dropped the breach of the gun all I could (for elevation), pointed it toward Richmond, which was 4.5 miles and let it go. As the gun would carry about 5 miles, I have often wondered where it went.
We remained here a week laying around the guns, day and night, but we were not troubled again while there. On the [ ] we were relieved, returned to and struck camp, leaving Dr. Gaines’ place and crossing the creek at Woodbury bridge and camped in a field near Fair Oaks. On the 19th, moved a short distance and camped. While here I went among regiments of our line and found [ ] regiments and two batteries from Massachusetts. i found some friends in some of them. The sights I see in passing over the fields of Fair Oaks and Seven Pines were hard. Men thrown into [burial] trenches, some having as many as 100 to 150 in a trench. Many had been only covered as they lay on the ground by throwing dirt up from each side and as the rains had washed parts of them out—arms, legs, face, &c. and those parts were one living mass of maggots. The stench was horrible. And the troops were camped among the graves and had to drink the water. The reason they were buried so was after the battle, there was an awful rain storm and the creek was overflowed and the bodies were under the water. When it went down, they were so bad they could not be handled. The dead belonged to both armies.
Captioned “Woodbury’s Bridge—Chickahominy River.” Library of Congress
For the next week things remained about the same, firing along the lines every day and the regular camp duties. On June 26th the Rebs crossed at Mechanicsville and above, turning our right, where there was a terrible fight—the first one of the Seven Days. General Porter commanding the corps on the right was forced to fall back to Gaines Mills. On the 27th was the Battle of Gaines Mills. We crossed over at Woodbury Bridge and were in the battle in the afternoon. It was very fierce and the loss was large on both sides. At night we crossed back over the creek and took position on the front line remaining all night.
On the 28th, moved back to creek and took position to command another bridge. Troops passing all day and fighting at different points on the line. We held the position all day and on picket at night. Moved back before morning passing through lines of battle. I will explain something here something of the way we were falling back. While say one half of the army were fighting today, the other half formed the second line in rear of the first, ready to support them or take part holding the line all day, and at night the first line passed through the second and formed in their rear, being the supporting line that day. And at night change again from first to second.
On the 29th June was the Battle of Savage Station. When I passed here there were piles of rations—beef, pork, rice, hard bread, &c. Tons of musket and artillery ammunition, shot, shell, &c. All the stores of all kinds the teams could not carry were piled up and set on fire. Also hay and grain. The soldiers were taking the fuses out of the shells, pouring out the powder and in fact, destroying thousands of dollars worth of property. This was a railroad station and that is the reason there was so much property there. We had railroad trains moving what they could and kept them at it so long we could not get back. so the bridge over the creek was burned, the train loaded with stores, the engine started and all run into the creek.
You will form some idea of our wagon train when I tell you if it was put in a single ine, it would reach over 50 miles. We also drove a large head of cattle.
On June 30th, Charles City Cross Roads and White Oak Swamp Battles were fought. We were in the Charles City Cross Roads fight and had it hot. We fired so long and rapid our guns’ breach [became] so hot they would go off when the vent was uncovered. Although we wet the sponge in water, the water passed into the vent honeycombed them so bad that they had to be taken out and new ones put in as soon as we had an opportunity, a man coming from the gun foundry. We fired that day from our long-range guns about one ton from each.
I told you I had a good drilled squad ad we use to see who would gwt the first shot when we received orders to commence firing. I got the first shot and I suppose they fired at my smoke for while loading for the second shot, my No. 3 man at the vent, and my head by his side sighting the gun, a shell passed through him and over my shoulder, spattering the flesh and blood in my face and clothing. After dark we lay around the guns with a skirmish line in front. At midnight the lieutenant told me to wake my men and mount the driver and tell them and the other men not to speak a word or strike a horse and if they became stuck on stumps or in a hole, to leave then and save my horses if I could. If not, leave them. We drove off on the grass without a sound being made. One of our officers (said to be Gen. Kearny) rode up to the picket line and asked for the officer in charge, gave him orders to move the line back and uncover a cross road through a wood as he wished to pass some artillery. the officer, thinking it all right, moved the line and we passed through with everything all right. When we came out on a pike road inside our line, an officer sat on his horse and told us to let them go and we went down the road flying, arriving at Malvern Hill at 4 o’clock in the morning of July 1st, took position in line, and was in the battle part of the time. As our corps was out of ammunition, we received orders to go to the rear. Towards evening we took position for the night.
July 2nd left our position at 2 a.m. and marched to Harrison’s Landing, the troops coming in all day. When we arrived here we entered as fine a field of grain as ever you see, but before night, with the rain and the tramp of troops, it was all gone and was our sea of mud. Thus ended the Seven Days Battles before Richmond—one of the grandest movements of the war. When you think of the country we had to fight over, the large force General Lee brought against us, and we saved our trains and cattle, also artillery and troops.
On the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th, we were in different positions in reforming the lines. On the 8th, President Lincoln with a large staff and guard rode around the lines and received the troops, the gunboats and batteries firing salutes. The infantry built long earthworks and the artillery was placed in them all along the line, the guns being about 17 yards apart and the infantry camped in the rear. A strong picket line was out about 3 or 4 miles. We had drills and other camp duties every day. Otherwise it was quiet until the night of July [ ], when at midnight, the Rebs having brought down some batteries on the other side of the [James] River, opened fire on our gunboats, transports and camps. The gunboats and some batteries near the landing replied. The camps all turned out. It looked fine to see the shells going through the air when they didn’t come too near. In about an hour it stopped and all was quiet again and we turned in. The next day several regiments were sent across the river to destroy some buildings used by then=m for observation and a strong guard left to prevent the move again. A large number of men were dying in the camps every day from the hardships they had passed through but only one died in our camp from fever. Sometimes twenty or thirty dead bodies would pass our camp a day and I suppose the same in other parts of the army. It was very hot while here—from 100 to 115 degrees every day.
We received orders to turn in our guns and draw others of a different kind. We received six light 12-pounders or Napoleon guns, short-range (less than a mile) but the most destructible gun in the service for close fighting. Expecting the guns were ready, we took the horses and only 12 men and went to the landing and then found out we had to put the carriages together, mount the guns, and draw the ashore. Also all the ammunition, It took all day and was a hard job. The glass stood 80 degrees in the shade.
On August 6th, some 30 lb. Parrotts took position on our right. On the 7th Battery, B. Md. Artillery took our position and we moved into camp half a mile in the rear. On the 11th, received orders to be ready, packed up and hitched every day but did not start until the afternoon of the 16th when we crossed the Lower Chickahominy on a pontoon bridge which the gunboats were guarding. On July 18th, passed through Williamsburg (the place my brother Andrew was killed). On the 19th, passed through Yorktown and reached Lee’s Mills on the 20th and were ordered to Hampton. On the 23rd, we shipped our carriages on an old ferry boat that used to run from Boston to Chelsea which reminded us of home.
On the 24th shipped our horses and men on schooners. On the 26th went to Aquia Creek and received orders on the 27th to proceed to Alexandria. Arrived there on the 28th and disembarked, went into camp outside the city near Fort Lyons, and quite near the old camp where my brother was last winter.
On the 29th the Battery was ordered out towards Centreville and as our teams had not arrived, I was left in charge of baggage and stores with a guard until they came. The Battery returned to camp on September 2nd in the night and the next day moved to the old campground of last winter. In camp the 4th and 5th. In the 6th we received orders at 5 p.m. and were on the road at 6 passing over Long Bridge, through Washington and Georgetown on the trot and camping beyond on the Poolesville road (as the Rebs had crossed into Maryland). Remained in camp the next day. Troops passing all day. On the 8th passed through Rockville and at 7 went in position for the night. Marched the next day and camped at night at foot of the Sugar Loaf Mountain. Remained in camp the next day and marched on the following one camping near Buckstown. On the move next day and at noon, halted near Jefferson. Started again and halted near South Mountain, then opened the battery on Crampton Pass, South Mountain, where the Rebs were in a strong position on the side of the mountain with both artillery and infantry. Our battery was engaged part of the time, but being short-range, could only reach part of their line, but other batteries could. Part of our infantry moved on the front and another force moved into the woods and up the side of the mountain and flanked the position, driving them up and over the mountain, taking artillery, baggage wagons, and prisoners. We moved up the hill and camped on the field with the dead and wounded.
We were on the move again on the 17th and could hear rapid firing in the direction of Sharpsburg. We arrived at Antietam Creek at noon where we found a fierce battle going on. We was ordered into line on the right of center where the battle had been fierce, the dead of both armies and wounded lay thick as the field had been charged over two or three ties by both armies. In passing through a cornfield to take position, many a poor soldier (wounded), Union & Reb, would raise himself on his elbow and ask us, “For God’s sake” not to run over him. I can say I never run over a wounded man while in service. I rode by the lead driver and looked out for that. We took position within 500 yards and opened fire, remained on the field that day and the next, engaged or under fire.
On the night of the 18th, could hear the Rebs moving artillery or trains the most of the night, not knowing if they were massing troops for a final charge on our right, or a flank movement in the morning. As soon as daylight on the 19th, our skirmish line was advanced with a strong supporting line and forced the Reb skirmish line back. They soon found they had no support as their army had gone and left them. They threw down their guns and came in as prisoners.
We started after them at once, passing over the field of battle and I must say, I see worse sights here than on any other field I was ever on. Thousands of dead and wounded of both armies, killed in all kinds of ways and positions, and those that were killed at the first of the battle were swollen to twice their size and turned black. The stench was awful (when men are killed in health and full blooded, they turn soon) and the sun was very hot. In all the buildings from the field to the river, we found them filled with their wounded whom they had left behind. Lee’s army had crossed at Williamsport.
On the 21st, camped at St. James College. On the 22nd, moved into camp at St. James College. On the 22nd, moved into camp at Bakersville and remained the rest of the month and until October 9th when we went to Hagerstown and washed up the Battery for repairs and painting, and harnesses for oiling. After getting about half done, we were ordered on picket at Williamsport, put our carriages and harness together and went on the 16th finishing while there. We went out three or four times at midnight (with other troops) to command a bridge expecting a cavalry dash. The nights were very frosty and cold standing on watch. On October 31st we were relieved by the Baltimore Light Artillery and marched to the south side of the Blue Ridge, crossing at Crampton Pass and camping for the night. Then crossed the Potomac at Berlin on a pontoon bridge and entered Virginia once more.
During NOvember there was nothing of interest—only marches taking position in various places. Lots of rain and some snow. General Burnside had taken the place of General McClellan at the latter part of the month. Gen. Hooker’s Division was passing our camp and I run out and watched for the battery your father was in, he having returned to duty. I see him for about half an hour—the first time for eleven months.
December 4th, marched to Belle Plain and went in camp, remaining in camp until the 11th. Some rain and snow. On the 11th we started for Fredericksburg and camped near the river. On the 12th, crossed the Rappahannock on a pontoon bridge below the city (called Franklin’s Crossing) and went in position near the Barnard House. The day was foggy but about 3 o’clock it lifted and the Rebs opened on us and there was some brisk fighting. At night it stopped.
Early the next morning, the 13th, the firing was rapid and lively on both sides. At noon we moved and took position on the right of the left wing of our army, when the whole of the infantry line (in that wing) advanced towards the railroad and a fierce infantry fight took place. The Rebs moved a battery to rake the line, when our battery opened on their and blew up a number of heir limbers and the loss of life must have been large. We soon silenced that battery.
Our troops were repulsed with a large loss in killed and wounded and they fell back to their old place in line. Towards evening the opened a cross fire on us from a battery near the town. Their 1st shot smashed a wheel on a gun limber, took off a sergeant’s leg, and a private’s arm. Some horses killed and wounded. On the 14th and 15th lay in position with few shots from either side, both watching for a move from the other.
On the night of the 15th all the army fell back across the river on the pontoon bridges. These were covered with hay to deaden the sound. We were all across and the bridges up before daylight which surprosed the Rebs who expected to see us before them in the morning. Our battery was the last to cross, being with the rear guard. We had a large loss and no gain in this battle. We then returned to the same camp occupied before the movement. Remained here until the 19th when we moved and camped near White Oak Church on the Belle Plain Road. Nothing of interest during the rest of December—only the same as when we are in camp long. On the 28th I got a pass, mounted, and went out to find your father’s company. After riding about all over the army, I found him.
From January 1st to 20th, we were in the same camp building brush stables for the horses and attending to other camp duties. On the 20th, left camp at noon and marched across country striking the Warrenton Pike near Falmouth where we camped for the night. A cold rain all night and for the next three days. In the morning we were soaking and puddles of watrer where we lay. We had hard work to move our carriages, the mud was so deep. We had to take the horses from one carriage and put them on another, then return for the others. Sometimes we had from 8 to 28 horses on one carriage. Pontoon trains, baggage wagons, siege guns, and ambulances were struck fast in the mud. Mules and horses were mired and became so weak as to fall over in the mud and drown. I had to take a mounted detail of 16 men, go back and find the forage train, get a bag of oats, and put it in front…[the remainder is missing]
Stephen “Selby” Fish (ca. 1839-1874) enlisted in the 17th New York Infantry in May 1861. Not long after his arrival in Virginia, Selby contracted typhoid and was hospitalized for two months. The disease left him permanently weakened and he was again hospitalized in May 1862 with an unspecified illness. By that summer, Selby had recovered sufficiently for active service, and under McClellan, took part in the Peninsular Campaign (the siege at Yorktown and the Seven Days Battles) and in Pope’s campaign in northern Virginia (including 2nd Bull Run). In 1863, Selby returned to Williamson to study law. He was admitted to the bar one year later and, in November of 1864, moved to New Orleans where his uncle Wright R. Fish was a probate court clerk. Wright Fish was a member of the Southern Rights Secret Association, a secessionist group active during the war. While attending a radical Republican convention in 1866, Selby was shot twice and severely beaten when a violent mob of citizens and police disrupted the meeting. He recovered and set up the Fish & Dibble law firm (1866-1867) and in August 1867, was appointed attorney by Philip Sheridan. Selby married Josephine (Josie) of Marion, New York, in 1870. He died in early 1874, and was buried in Williamson in the spring of 1874.
Selby wrote all of these these letters to Eliza C. Boyce (1841-1915), the daughter of Peter Henry Boyce (1812-1890) and Eunice Davis (1813-1860). Eliza was born in Marion, Wayne county, New York. Her siblings included Armina (1834-1915), Sarah Jane (1837-1928), Emily (1842-1898), Carolina (1845-1925) and Clinton (1850-1900). Eliza married George Franklin Harvey (1838-1866) in Cook county, Illinois, on 15 November 1863. The couple had one child named Maud Harvey (1864-1926) before George died in 1866, leaving Eliza to raise her only child.
We owe a debt of gratitude to Eliza for preserving Selby’s letters. Some of the letters Selby wrote to his family are preserved at the University of Michigan (see below), but the following letters to Eliza (or “Lide” as he sometimes called her) are in a private collection and accompanied by a handwritten note that reads, “I wonder if he kept my letters, packed away somewhere. I don’t think his heart was involved; he never did come to Chicago to see me. He promptly and I suppose properly cancelled our correspondence when he learned of my betrothal. Later on he married a girl from his home town by the name of Josie Eddy, then went to New Orleans to work on a newspaper. He was the innocent bystander who was shot in a street riot. Poor dear, Stephen Selby Fish.”
Selby Fish’s Obit in NEW ORLEANS REPUBLICAN
More on the Fish Family Letters
The University of Michigan houses a large collection of the Fish Family Papers, 1847-1933. The Fish family letters subseries (336 items) largely document the lives of Dan, Carlton, Selby, and Julia Fish. Throughout, the siblings discuss their deep animosity toward their father. The first four letters (1847-1850) are between Wright R. Fish, in Poughkeepsie, New York, and his father Isaac Fish, in Williamson, New York. Letters written during the Civil War-era include 18 letters from Carlton, 27 from Selby, 14 from Daniel, 9 from Judson Rice (all addressed to Julia), and 49 letters from Julia to Carlton (with 3 additional, post-war letters). These include descriptions of the Peninsular Campaign (Yorktown and the Seven Days Battles, particularly Gaines’s Mills) by Selby, and Judson Rice’s account of 1st Winchester. Both Selby and Carlton commented on their regiment’s occasional ill discipline and low morale. Selby described his experience in army hospitals and sometimes reflected on death, war, and the hard life of a soldier.
Dan’s letters, written mostly from California and Oregon, provide commentary on the life of an itinerant (and sometimes vagrant) traveler in the gold fields of the Far West. Julia described local events and family news, frequently discussing family strife. She occasionally discussed the politics and society in Williamson. In a particularly notable incident on July 17, 1864, Julia consulted a psychic to diagnose Carlton’s mysterious illness, which appeared during the siege of Yorktown in May 1862. Many Civil War era letters contain illustrated letterheads.
17th New York Infantry, Library of Congress
To read other letters by members of the 17th New York Infantry transcribed and published on Spared & Shared, see: William Bragg, Co. A, 17th New York (1 Letter) George W. Westfall, Co. I, 17th New York (1 Letter) Manser M. Dunbar, Co. K, 17th New York (1 Letter)
Letter 1
Marion, New York 1 11th September 1860
Friend Eliza,
While the elements seem combined in a scheme to give poor weak man a particular soaking, I sit in my room perfectly quiet with “none to molest.” And by the way, the rain which is now pouring down reminds me of my journey from Palmyra when a “fish out of water” was not an appropriate title for me; but in the mean time, I had the pleasure of a fast ride.
I was at William’s last evening. They had just received a letter from you. I learn that you arrived in Chicago safe though at a later hour than you expected. Had a pleasant ride, I suppose. You received a scolding; did it make a good impression? How do you find the flock of little ones who had come together without a shepherd? Has Chicago remained unchanged during your absence? If not, what improvements have been made in the social, moral, or political aspect of affairs?
“Uncle Stephen” was the Hon. Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois who ran for President in 1860.
How is Uncle Stephen 2 prospering in your community?
Was at Mr. Phelps Sunday evening. Had a good visit with Aunt Minerva and some sport withal, which perhaps it will not be worth while to mention. Dela & Herbert have not yet returned from their western tour. Hope they will arrive in better spirits (not champagne) than they departed. I spent Saturday last at home with Julia & Newton and pleasantly the hours glide away at home; though perhaps not as profitably as it is but little that I study when there. Julia has received a likeness of you & is much pleased therewith. Marion is rolling on about as usual, with occasionally a little excitement such as is induced by a Political Caucus or display of smoke lamps.
We had a right old-fashioned sermon last Sabbath by a Mr. Eldridge. His theme was founded upon the whole bible with no text except nominally. Yet he advanced some important truths and in a very amusing manner which might have done good if they had been put in a shape to be remembered.
The school has had quite an addition to its number of pupils since you left, among which are those Southern gentlemen that arrived in town the night before you left. They attended an Antislavery Lecture given in the place Sunday. How such things will take with them, I don’t know. One thing is certain—that they’ll not stay in Marion without hearing some opinions advanced which they are not accustomed to in Old Alabama.
There is to be a concert in the Hall this evening. The hero of the occasion is James G[owdy] Clark—“the celebrated balladist [balladeer]” 3 [and] one of Aunt Minerva’s favorites. Think I shall not go up as brother Greek and I have had a falling out this afternoon and it will need all my time this evening to get reconciled again.
The bell is ringing for the students’ prayer meeting and I must away. I shall expect to hear from you by return mail according to contract. Respectfully your friend, — S. S. Fish
[to] Miss E. C. Boyce, Chicago, Illinois
1 Selby wrote several letters from Marion, New York, where he was undoubtedly attending the Marion Collegiate Institute. The school obtained its charter in 1855 and started with 90 students in an upper room over a store. In 1856, a three-story brick building was completed and the expense largely borne by the Baptist Church. It remained in operation for 49 years until taken over as a Union Free School in 1904.
2 This is a reference to Stephen A. Douglas, a candidate for US President—nominee of the Northern Democrats.
3James Gowdy Clark (1830-1897) was a composer of poems and music. “He is now largely forgotten, but when the war broke out, he was already well-known as a poet, singer, and songwriter, and he tried to enlist in a regiment from New York. Just as in later wars, where celebrities got put in mostly non-combat roles, the Army decided to send Clark out as a celebrity recruiter. Unfortunately, he got sick on the recruiting trip, acquiring a serious lung infection that required months of recuperation. At the recommendation of his doctor, he was released from the Army, ending his “military” career without his firing a shot. However, he later performed many concerts, with one-third of the gross gate money at each one being donated to the U.S. Sanitary Commission. That kept him fed, and the musical theaters happy, but the overall result was that the money flowed in to purchase supplies to aid wounded and sick soldiers. He continued to write songs and poems, ranging from heavily patriotic to extremely sentimental, matching the tastes of the time. The fact that he both composed and performed gained him additional notoriety. His poetry was compared by major journals to the quality of others such as John Greenleaf Whittier, but it was pointed out that Clark could also perform his work.”
Letter 2
Williamson, New York September 22nd 1860
Dear Friend,
Your letter was duly received and perused with interest. You speak of my allusion to a contrast of which you have “no recollection of being a party to.” Now we sometimes use the expression “return mail” without meaning the first return. Of course, I shall not expect to receive an answer to a letter by mail in the same direction. Such an idea would be in opposition to all mathematical calculation and philosophical reasoning. If by the statement I am to understand that you do not desire a correspondence, I certainly would have no inclination to urge it; perchance my “imagination” to the contrary notwithstanding.
Armina is indeed on earth, or was yesterday, as you are aware by the reception of her letter, as she wrote you a week or more ago. Uncle Stephen 1 you say is nowhere. No if you could have seen him at Clifton last week surrounded by twenty thousand (according to his own statement) eager listeners grasping each word as crystals from the pure fountain, perhaps you might change your opinion. What gave him such success there was the fact that he had succeeded in at last fingering his affectionate mother. He must be a very ungrateful son indeed who could not gain inspiration from such an occasion. Think of scores of carloads of Irishmen arriving from both Syracuse and Rochester to hear the illustrious man and then talk of his being “nowhere!!”
You say that Chicago is a good Republican city and in the next breath say that the morals of the place are at the lowest point. These statements are incompatible with each other. Which shall I credit? Pardon my dissension, for I cannot believe them both. If the latter is the true one, then if there be one sot found in the city, my advice to him would be to flee hence to be no more there.
Old Wayne witnessed the largest general assemblage of its sons and daughters ever known last Tuesday at Palmyra in the form of a Republican Mass Meeting. The number present was estimated to be not less than fifteen thousand coming from the various towns in processions formed of teams of from one to eight horses. With banners flying and Rails and Buttis [?] waving. Among the speakers was Senator Wade of Ohio—a noble specimen is he. In the evening following I had the honor to be one among seventeen hundred who promenaded the streets under the Wide Awake Banner. Such demonstrations would seem comparatively infantile to you who are accustomed to witness the immense gatherings in the large cities but we of the country seldom congregate in so large numbers.
Cousin Asa Wright Russell was buried yesterday. He died very suddenly Tuesday evening calmly and without a struggle. We believe he died as he has lived—a sincere and devoted Christian. Eliza, there is a pleasing thought connected with the death of the righteous. Goodbye. Your friend, — Selby
1 This is a reference to Stephen A. Douglas who spoke from his barouche for two hours in Clifton Springs, New York, on 15 September 1860. An estimated 15,000 to 20,000 people were said to be present.
Letter 3
Marion [New York] October 11th 1860
Eliza,
We have had two days of fine, warm weather in succession. What a luxury. How I prize it. It is something we have scarcely been blessed with heretofore for weeks. Well, I suppose if we did not have some of the bitter, we could not duly prize the sweet. Yet it is not always convenient to be thankful for adversities even in so small an affair as the state of the weather.
Marion people are all prospering well; feeling well, or at least I am. How my own family are doing I cannot say as I have not been home in about three weeks. Yet I have had communication. Newton has met with an accident by way of a fall in the barn which will probably disable him for a few weeks. I trust not worse. I shall go home tomorrow night to see “the Old Folks at Home.” Think it is quite probable I shall run wild Saturday to see if there is any virtue in a variety of exercise.
Your letter was duly received. I was sorry to read that you judged our correspondence had become distasteful to me. Yet perhaps your inference drawn from my statement may be reasonable. I did not intend to be thus misunderstood. I did and do desire the correspondence. Had I not, I should not have requested it. I trust that I have too much sense of honor to make any such proposition for compliment’s sake, or to “urge” a request of a lady which I have reason to believe is against her wishers, for my own gratification. It was from fear of a violation of this last principle (though perhaps from wrong interpretation of the statement that I referred to in my last letter) that I wrote as I did.
I have not the honor of an acquaintance with the gentleman of whom you speak as being very “clever” but the character you delineated, I am well acquainted with. I see such every day & a surplus of them too. For my part, I like to see people take a decided and high position either for good or bad and let the world know their whereabouts. I can enjoy either honey or vinegar but deliver me from a compound milk and water. I can sympathize with you in your deep distress & hope you may yet have an opportunity to see America’s noblest son. You reiterate the statement which you previously made and upon which I joined issue with you & challenge me to prove its contrary. Now I believe it is the custom in debate for the affirmative to not only make their statements but to give the onus probandi before they call for disproof; consequently I shall not as yet accept your offer.
You saw the celebrated Prince of Wales; probably you came to the conclusion as others have that he was but a man, although he is imprisoned by a band of noblemen. Would you not like to exchange positions with him? I think I should (not). Then indeed you have at last seen friend Stephen [A. Douglas]! Now do you think he is nowhere? S. is the theme by day and the song by night. Truly his name rings in public places.
Think I shall attend a large political gathering in my native town Saturday evening and witness the maneuvering of several companies united, of political [ ]; the people out that way are becoming Wide Awake and are holding discussions between men of different parties. Think Williamson will yet be the center of the World.
Write soon. Your friend, — S. S.
Letter 4
Marion, [New York] Saturday, 3rd November 1860
Dear Friend,
I received your letter Wednesday but have been very much engaged since until now. I prize the leisure of Saturday when I do not feel impelled to labor with all my might for the recitation. I have been studying very had for some weeks past but have learned that I cannot and therefore shall not continue to overtax my powers of mind. How well I shall follow my determination, the future will determine. We frequently hear the enquiry, why hurry through the world. And sure enough, why the folly of crowding the whole earthly existence in a few short years. For my part, I believe it better to be content with Nature’s order of things. Yet notwithstanding my philosophy, when I reflect upon what is before me that I wish to attain, do not feel at rest without the greatest effort to obtain the long desires of my aspirations. I cannot conceive [ ] happiness multitudes of men can possess who blindly pass through the world, live, die, and are forgotten persons who never have an aspiring thought, and much less perform a noble deed. Yet a large portion of mankind never know that there is anything in this world worth investigation, who do not even know that they possess qualities superior to that of the brute creation, and I sometimes very much doubt whether they do, for certainly their actions indicate a great inferiority. How a being that has an intellect, stamped with image of Divinity, can sleep away life without a thought except to eat, drink, and be merry, is what augury has not taught me. But such is life and such all the creatures that we are to encounter through its course.
You speak highly of Williamson. I presume you don’t think that the most important place in the world, but we will show you next Tuesday [Election Day] what Williamson is. Then perhaps your disapprobation will be changed to exultation and praise. If credit can be given to your opinion of Chicago, then certainly it will not be advisable to move our great emporium any nearer your degenerated city unless it should be to cast reforming influence over your darkened minds.
Attended a Republican meeting in this place last evening. Was there three minutes in which time I got my head crammed with precious truths and vivid illustrations by the way of cats, chickens, bugs, garden plants, &c. &c. But you think they must have been interesting? But don’t judge such to be a specimen of one old story. You know we must have a variety to spice life, but sometimes we get too much spice for the proportion of nutriment in which case it is like the salt that hath lost its savor. You charge the men of esteeming the opposite sex in general knowledge. Now is not this the case? There are to be sure noble exceptions but as a general rule the ladies are not exceedingly well versed beyond light poetry and novel discipline. As a sample illustration, last Wednesday Mr. Spencer assigned to a portion of the school to write a composition upon a certain branch of political economy on account of which a prominent young lady of the school came to me with the doleful inquiry, “Where can I find the Constitution of the United States?” The supposition that the young lady devoid of common sense and mobility of character is more attractive in the estimation of the opposite sex is apparently too true. But Eliza, the young man of sense does not respect the flirt, however much he may appear to, and not infrequently when the vain and deceitful creature glories over her success, she finds to her sorrow that she herself is the deceived one. This appears evident from the fact that three ladies who attain noble positions are not hollow-hearted, self-conceited, nonsensical class of girls.
I was at home last Saturday and Sabbath. My good sister permitted me to read her letter from you. I think that when you and she become beacon lights for the rest of the world, and the rest of the world follow these lights, we shall have a glorious old time indeed. I have hastened to prepare this for this morning’s mail but I see that I am late. Yes, I do think you are becoming quite a politician though none too much so. But I as an aged and experienced man would counsel you to be mindful of how you commence your political career and how you cast your first vote. Such is the advice of—
Yours in friendship, — Selby
Letter 5
Williamson [New York] December 23rd 1860
Eliza,
Sunday evening I improve the opportunity of writing to our absent friend. Your letter reached here about ten days ago but I was not favored with a perusal of its contents until after ten o’clock last evening as I have not been home for two weeks past. Saturday & Sabbath last I spent at Marion. People in that locality are preparing for a day of festivity to commence the 1861. Expect they will surpass anything on record. I have the honor of an appointment as committeeman. Don’t you envy me? Furthermore, I received an invitation to contribute anonymous letters or Valentines for the New Year’s Post Office. But such a delightful enterprise I resign to be carried on by those of a more fanciful and loving mind. The only thing with which Chicago is not blessed (or cursed) we have in abundance, so you must admit that we are ahead of you once in awhile. This one thing has been improved by all parties in the community where I am located.
The industrious and worldly are extending their piles of burning material or feeding the saw mills, but another portion of community have been improving the fine roads and light nights by pleasure rides, donation visits, and another institution—perhaps peculiar to the community where I stay—called surprise parties. 1 But lest the surprise should cause consternation and mortification to favor such a drive in with my presence, it confirmed my dislike for such performances. I am fond of society and am in favor of young people having social gatherings if they can be conducted so as to be of any benefit to the parties either socially or morally, yet I do not favor the idea of young men and women and even girls with short dresses assembling at from nine until ten o’clock and then running, chasing, grabbing, hugging, kissing until morning. Such I do not believe to be conducive either to morals or social qualities. I believe them to be one of the seven plagues of modern times.
Death and marriages alternate in quick succession in Old Wayne this season. Four happy pairs started on a wedding tour from Marion at one time a few days since. Miss Matilda Bitter is to be united with Mr. Rice Tuesday next. Dr. Fuller has taken to himself Miss Adaline Eldridge. Oh vanity of vanities, all is vanity saith the preacher.
You accuse me of extreme audacity in addressing Pip. I felt guilty at the time and I crave ten thousand pardons for applying to you such a homely, uncouth appellation. What that superior name shall be of which you speak, I know not. Perhaps I can think of some good one by the close of this scrip.
I admire your judgement of the right suffrage to be extended to women but do not agree that women would be less liable to be swayed by the “tin and a glass of lager” were the temptation placed before them. I believe that the woman first fell and consequently brought misery into the world. My experience and observation lead me to believe that the female exercises less power of resistance to temptation than the man and were they placed in the same situation, I believe would become more polluted than the stronger sex. You do not believe that the colored rare in its “purity is equal to the white.” Read the words, “All men are created free and equal.” Then decide whether you will agree with Thomas Jefferson or Jefferson Davis.
By your friend, — Selby
To the school marm.
1 In this letter and in several more to follow, Selby mentions the “surprise parties” which were popular among the young people at the time. These were simply a horde of uninvited guests that showed up at someone’s house, sometimes with food and drink and musical instruments, sometimes not. It’s clear that Selby did not think highly of this diversion, believing it an imposition on the host with an opportunity for embarrassment or mortification. It had similarities to a charivari which was also popular at the time though the uninvited guests did not generally remain long and limited their activities to banging pots and pans when a newly married couple attempted to spend their first night together.
Letter 6
Williamson [New York] January 14th 1861
Friend Eliza,
I obtained your epistle from the Post Office Saturday night. Pardon my confession of merriment at your “speculation.” Strange it seems to write under date of ’61 yet the old year with all its pleasant associations are passed into oblivion. No! it is not so. The transactions of the past year are never to be effaced from the memory of Americans. The New Year is created amid scenes—social and political—which can never pass from the mind as long as the remembrance of the once glorious Republic of America shall be on record. You state that you were celebrating the movements of Colonel Anderson [at Fort Sumter]. Demonstrations of singular nature have been made throughout the East. It is a thing so unusual for an officer under the Executive Department of Government to do his duty that who dares to assume the position of a man is immediately extolled as a hero; and is saluted with demonstrations of honor never so enthusiastic. Our Chief Magistrate [James Buchanan], notwithstanding all his corruption and treason, says that if he survives until the 4th of March, he will ride to the Capitol with Old Abe even if he is to be assassinated for the act! A bold assertion for an unrighteous coward—a man who dares not use rightful powers to quell disturbances which he has control over and who asks Americans to pray for him in his weakness and yet shows no signs of retracing his wrong steps.
It is true that great events develop great characters. In my mind the noble men of the early history of our nation would on ordinary occasions, many of them. been considered not more than ordinary men. Patrick Henry was but a homespun, ignorant man till the great principles of Freedom permeated his whole being. Then he gave utterance to those words which have since been the motto of every man. I deem that we have men in the present age with greater talents and more capable of understanding any emergency than the “Immortal Washington,” and yet for such sentiments I should be considered as unworthy to enjoy the great blessing won by that worthy patriot. You do not believe that the words “All men” in the great Declaration of Human Rights included Africans. Now Eliza, what language can be more comprehensive than “All men?” Yet if more proof is necessary to convince you of his sincerity, listen further to the out-gushings of the same noble mind. “Indeed, I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that His justice cannot sleep forever.” If we allow that the colored man is an inferior being, and should be degraded, treated as a brute—in short, that slavery is right, then certainly its extension and predominance is just and normal.
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But they will feel worse if the report be correct that he has ordered Sumter to be evacuated so that they will be less likely to see the Republican Party plunge the country into Civil War. Such a thing would be a sad disappointment to those whose chief ambition is to see a general smash up of that great political organization. Eliza, I have read in the language of Americans about “The first in war, the first in peace,” but I also read when as very small urchin (or brat) “that we should not believe all we hear or even read in books.” I would not pluck one flower from the wreath upon his brow yet because some extravagant eulogist has pronounced him the Demigod or Co. God of all creation, I am in no way bound to worship him, others may do so if they choose. you say had it not been for the efforts of Washington, Adams, and Jefferson would not have had the opportunity of founding the Republic. I say had it not been for the efforts of John Adams, Washington never would have been the leader of the Colonial forces. And had it not been for the great efforts put forth by those and other high minded statesmen, her never could have succeeded. Such thoughts as you express savors too much of the principle of honoring the doer of an act at the expense of him who plans it and promotes its execution.
Yours with a merry hearty, — Selby
Letter 7
Sodus [New York] February 6th 1861
Eliza,
For two months past we of the “East” have been luxuriantly blessed with the only thing of which Chicago is minus. The condition of the elements at present remind me of the lines:
“All above was in a howl All bellow a clatter The earth was in a frying pan Or some such hissing matter.”
Yes, Eliza, I know woman makes it her “particular promise to indulge in small talk;” perhaps this should be so to some extent, but I glory that some of the “fairer sex” can rise above the fashionable routine of versatile “accomplishment.” My school has been thinned today by preparations for another of those detestable parties. If such institutions sink to the lowest depth of hell (there they are sending multitudes of their victims), I could sing the funeral dirge with joy. When young people so much more highly prize the cultivation of their passions of a lower grade than the intellect that they will leave school to ride fifteen miles in a pelting storm to attend a miserable surprise party—to say the least it calls to mind the words, “what is man that thour art mindful of him.” If there was any advancement of social interests therein I could look upon such proceedings with some allowance; but that is beyond the picture. One of more experience than I hath said that “We must take this world as we find it.” But Eliza, would it be sufficient to be willing to leave it as as find it? That, I deem a serious question. Now don’t excuse me of being an “Old Deacon” for to be honest, I don’t feel very pleasantly just now.
Probably we should not agree as to the construction to be placed upon the Declaration of Human Rights if we should dispute till the last trumpet should sound (there is one expedient left—i.e., the right of disagreeing. But I will venture in a few words more. Our forefathers must have included the African in “All men” unless they considered him a brute. There can be no denying both of these positions without imputing hypocrisy to those time-honored veterans. The latter cannot be or Washington would never have emancipated his slaves or Adams would never fought with such desperate energy all attempts to fasten the fetters that bound the “brute.”
Henry, Pinckney, Hancock & others would not have given their curses against the system of oppression; Jefferson would not have left on record his solemn protest against the degradation of one portion of the human family. If Jefferson had believed in the system of human degradation, why did he present and manage through Congress a bill to consecrate forever that vast Northwest Territory to freedom which [are] now the states of Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, Wisconsin, and Illinois. The founders of the Confederacy looked upon slavery as a then existing evil (those who gave it any degree of tolerance) and deemed it a matter of expediency to let it remain for the present. They hoped and expected that the “Inhuman Traffic” would soon be abandoned.
I cannot join you in your opinion that the time ever was when Washington might have worn the “Royal Crown.” He believed that a kingdom would be the strongest form of government but his opinions met with so great opposition that he did not urge them, and afterwards rejoiced that they were rejected. Washington nobly “fought our battles,” and nobly wielded the reins of state, yet he had far less to do with laying the foundation of the Republic than did Adams or Jefferson.
You think there is not a slaveholder who deems slavery morally wrong. I have conversed and corresponded with friends from and in the midst of slavery. Their report is that the majority of the slaveowners hold that it is a moral evil and founded in wrong, yet they deem it would be a greater evil to leave the ignorant race to their own support, or to wrest from the owner his property.
Eliza, would you consider that person a more desirable companion who has attempted to cultivate social qualities at the expense and in the absence of intellectual attainments, that he who cultivates the intellect at the expense of the social faculties? I believe that instances are numerous where the “intellect” and “heart”, or both, have received a great degree of cultivation. I contend that the former is the servant of the latter. That in proportion as man’s mental powers are developed in such ratio are his capacities for happiness or misery increased. I think the quotation I made from Pollok is the bright side of one extreme and the verses you quoted a beautiful illustration of the dark side of the other extreme. To find the golden mean should be the aim of all.
Eliza your fears as to my patience need no other comment than that it may be often troubled in the same way is the wish of your friend, — S
Letter 8
Williamson [New York] March 16, 1861
Esteemed Friend,
Well, Eliza, those dark visions have all passed away now for “small talk.” The clouds have fled before the gentle rays of the sun. The wind has passed its searching gale, the drifting snow storm has changed to fine weather, [and] there is not a wrinkle on my brow. I regret that I expressed so much ill humor in my last letter. I strive to so govern my temper as to avoid all appearance of ill nature, whatever be the surrounding circumstances, for ill will furnishes no good entertainment at any time in any place. But I frequently find times when I have not the power to resist passions force; perhaps forbearance is not a virtue in all cases. If it is, then virtue and I are often aliens.
If I said aught in condemnation of social parties, it was in the heat of passion. Let the Graces witness that there is naught in my heart averse to social enjoyment, if it does not trample upon the rights of other accomplishments. Such things as I referred to near no resemblance to social parties. “Let my right hand forget its cunning” if in anyway I bar the social pass. Cornwell’s language about King James the First, when charged with wanting allegiance, has a significant application here. It is thus: “No, I am true in my allegiance to the king. Bring me a king and I am ready to bow down to him and to do reverence, to obey his authority. But this thing that you have here is a heartless effeminate boy. There is nothing kingly in his person or his life. And by virtue of all my regard for true kingly dignity, I am bound to see that this thing be displaced from the seat of a king.”
I received your letter a week ago on which account I fear a scolding. But my stars inform me that you are not the only one that has reason to complain. I have not thus delayed writing in many months before; though frequently I have not received letters until several days after they were due or been able to mail mine as soon as written on account of absence from home. I deem myself excusable this time as this has been an uncommonly busy week with me. The secret of the affair is this—I have a new sister. I have lately read “The Lady of the Lake”—one of Scott’s legendary poems and a spirited thing it is too. Allen and I are to play a part of this, including the combat between Fitz James and Rhoderic Dhn [?] at an exhibition of his school a few days hence.
Yes, Eliza, the Democrats do feel chagrined because Lincoln did not give their clansmen a chance to make an example of their barbarity upon him at Baltimore. Upon such a premises what have those who claimed to be a party of “Freedom: been contending for? Why have they, by “staying the tyrannical hand of oppression” brought confusion and turmoil upon this government.” The concession that I understand you to make is the very starting point of the difficulties, which have now culminated into almost an overthrow of the principles of “American Liberty.” Be not offended if I charge you with an ironical flourish as I have placed an estimate upon your wisdom and good sense to credit that you could give such advice in sincerity. As to the pleasure of the revels attending those advertised surprise parties, I consider that should be of a secondary consideration.
“Not enjoyment, and not sorrow
Is our destined end or way;
But to act that each tomorrow
Find further than today.”
If I consider it unpleasant to be “sent to Rome,” what must it be for the lady who is supposed to have a proper share of modesty. I consider it (in most cases) more distasteful than unpleasant, but to answer the question, I suppose that a lady had the same right (or should have) to refrain from participating in such scenes as a gentleman. I attend weekly a Lyceum in our village of which I am a member, where I have join in discussion, not only with those of my own age, but old and experienced men. Such exercise, although sometimes embarrassing, is interesting and profitable. In a former epistle you refer to the country school teacher as public property. All I tried to say as to that is the public sometimes fail to control their property…
— S
Letter 9
Marion [New York] April 14th 1861
Dear Friend,
Upon my return from Rochester last evening I found your letter which had been forwarded to me from Williamson, and by the way my address for a few weeks will be to Marion, notwithstanding the day I write, for the morning’s mail.
Eliza, where there is honor attached to any pursuit or occupation persons may occupy one of two positions; either they may honor their position or their position may honor them. I hold that the greater share of nobility is attached to the former. Now with the opinion that I hold in regard to surprise parties, I cannot conceive it to be an enviable compliment to “be honored by receiving a surprise party” if as you assume there is no favorable difference between the institution in Chicago and the thing I described. You consider that certain amusements are looked upon with a greater degree of favor in the West than East. I think there is not as much difference as you suppose in the so called “beau monde.” Marion excepted—such amusements employ the principle attention, even in the East. I claim and want no such title as “model for morality and virtue;” neither do I deem that because I disapprove one set of evils that I must necessarily sustain another. There are many things fashionable, very popular, yet to my mind this is no valid reason for indulging them if they are not proper. Fashion, I admire. But it should have no force beyond conscientious limits. Though the best members of society or of the church approve an evil, that will be no shield for me when the final account is “posted and the balance struck.” Character can only be estimated by the light of comparison, but who is to be the beay ideal of perfection? Can we find a human being worthy of our imitation in all respects? Or shall we not rather compare our lives with that of the Immaculate? You may think this a grave subject for your people to trouble their minds with, but Eliza, we should certainly refuse those enjoyments which have a known tendency to draw the mind from all association with religious subjects.
Grace Greenwood (1823-1904), a.k.a. Sarah J. Clarke; Joining the lecture circuits in the 1850s, she spoke on the need for peace, prison reform, and the abolition of capital punishment. During the Civil War she sold her writing to raise money for the U.S. Sanitary Commission and frequently lectured to patriotic organizations and troops, earning the title “Grace Greenwood the Patriot” from President Lincoln.
I congratulate you upon hearing the lecture of the talented Grace Greenwood. I could have enjoyed the repast with a good relish, even though the speaker was out of her “peculiar sphere.”
I wish you a right merry vacation and a pleasant trip to the Mississippi if such you have. People are very much excuted about the war programme at present and probably will be for some time. Yesterday’s reports about its progress we don’t want to believe. Each minute will seem as an hour until we get tomorrow’s papers. Now that the war has commenced, I hope that the Government will give it a vigorous prosecution nor cease till every traitor is among the things that were and the leading rebels are stretched till they are dead! dead! dead!
Then you have had more rain than your share of rain, have you? I think you have had part of ours and demand a speedy return. Longfellow’s poem of which you spoke I have not read. I am now much interested in Homer’s Illiad translated from the Greek, as the events are intimately connected with those. I have been reading in Virgil’s Latin Poem. Now Good Night. From your friend, — S. S.
Letter 10
Marion [New York] May 1st 1861
Eliza,
With pleasure I received your epistle last evening. Marion had “heard of the war;” moreover we hear by via Rochester dailies twice each day. If you had placed more confidence in the “classical allusion” that “all things noble, intelligent, and intellectual spring from the oriental regions,” you would not have asked such a foolish question.
Illinois’ sons have done nibly but New York has done equally well. Although our noble brothers have not entered the St. Louis Arsenal and borne its treasures hence upon Freedom’s soil, yet they have powerfully and promptly entered the service of their country and in a manner that reflects honor upon the “Old Empire State.” Today’s paper gives an account of a committee from New York visiting the President and tendering him an addition of 75,000 men and 100,000,000 dollars to keep open the road from Pennsylvania to Washington through Baltimore.
Week ago Sabbath, a sermon was preached in nearly all the churches in Old Wayne [County]. To arms! is the cry. The council fires have been lighted. The tomahawk has been dug up. Let us be cautious how we raise the death blade against our brother in civil war. But when we are compelled to do this, let it drink deep at life’s fountain and leave no vestige of rebellion—neither its first great cause. If our fair land must be washed in blood, give it a thorough purging. Dig out the deep worm and accursed stain of slavery. Let “Our country” emanate from the scenes of blood and carnage awaiting it purer, spotless. Let her stand emphatically before the glaring world what she has long professed to be—a “Land of the Free.”
I attended a war council in Williamson last evening. Several have been held in this place. A company of minute men being formed here in which your humble friend bears a part, though that does not exactly satisfy my desire to be “off” in the defense of right. Farnsworth, an intimate friend of mine, and I have been discussing the propriety of going to Rochester tomorrow and enlisting with a company of volunteers. This we have decided not to do at present—perhaps not at all. That will depend upon news from the seat of war. Julia says if I go, she will not remain behind.
I was much pleased with your turn of the subject of being honored and doubt not that you are sincere and right in your last decision without making any allowance for egotism. Eliza, you must stir up a more patriotic feeling than to restrain your friends from scenes of danger when our country and honor depends upon their speedy and vigorous action. I thank you for the honor attributed to me for my position in certain respects; I hope that my actions may ever merit such honor; that I may act conscientiously and rightfully, wavering not for public opinion or fashion. I learn from late accounts that the man you hold up as an example of patriotism has abandoned his position as a soldier and soon sails for Europe.
Please write again soon you your friend, — S
Letter 11
Selby’s letter was written on patriotic stationery. The quotation by Union General John A. Dix probably captures Selby’s sentiments as well as any.
Williamson [New York] May 20th 1861
Dear Miss Lide,
Your advice I accept and will obey at present. Now that the fever has somewhat abated and there seems to be no urgent demand for soldiers, I have no inclination to take up with camp fare. At one time there seemed to be a demand for the service of all that would enlist under the glorious old banner of Liberty. Then I was ready to obey the call of a country that was well worth protecting; nor was I hasty in my determination for with that hardship, temptations, and danger of a soldier’s life in mind and duly considered, I determined that my life was no better to be sacrificed upon our country’s alter (if sacrifice must be made) than others. As long as there are more in the “Old Empire State” offering their service than can be provided for, you may rest assured that I shall not be among the “Soger boys.”
In Old Wayne [County], we are forming state militia companies in the different towns, in which we shall learn something of military life. The company in Williamson which I have joined meets tomorrow evening to perfect their organization.
Well, Lide, if you are sincere that you could not consent to their exposure to danger, it is truly providential that “big brothers” are given to those of more generous emotions; but I am unwilling to believe that you are not deceived as to your own patriotic judgement. If, as you fear, the Union is to lose supporters on account of the affair at St. Louis. let them go! We don’t want any of that class of supporters and well would it have been for the Union if that class of Union men—or rather Union traitors—had all sunk down to the lowest depths of Davis’ Confederacy long ago.
Lide, how are those sixty urchins prospering [in your school]? You have written me nothing about them in a long time. Can they all run alone and talk a—b—c yet?
Your old friend Stephen [A. Douglas], I suppose, had a brilliant reception upon his return from Washington. Did you witness the scene? 1
Your melancholy weather has a parallel here for even now, past the middle of May, one hardly dares venture from the fireside without his great coat and mittens. Such weather furnishes a dark prospect for farmers. And yet there is an old saying, that “a bad beginning makes a good ending” which, if verified in this case, will render a most bountiful harvest.
[Sister] Julia requests me to ask if you received her last letter which she wrote some time since. I did survive “the infliction;” but if you pass a very mild judgement upon the epistle, it may be that it was written in the dark. Now good night. Yours with much respect. — Selby
1 Little could Selby have imagined that in less than two weeks Senator Stephen A. Douglas—the “Little Giant” of Illinois—would be dead. The senator died in his Chicago hotel room on 3 June 1861 after an exhausting effort to rally public support for the Union and to prevent the South from seceding. His speech before the Illinois legislature just before his death included the statement, “You all know that I am a very good partisan fighter in partisan times. And I trust you will find me equally a good patriot when the country is in danger.”
Letter 12
Camp Mansfield Washington July 1st 1861
My friend Lide,
Little did I think a few weeks ago that I should be as negligent about writing to my friend as I have, but from either laziness or want of time, I have not written since I came here except one saucy letter to New York. I begin to know something of soldier’s life. While in New York, all was sunlight in comparison with the reality of soldiering. You say all those who wear uniforms in Chicago are petted, lionized, &c. They will find much of this to be delusion when they pass beyond the danger of desertion and many a smile upon the face of him who wished to obtain the command of the various bodies of soldiers will be changed to a repulsive frown; many a young man now bitterly curses the men whom they supposed to be “very clever” because they do not prove to be in reality what they took them to be.
Our lieutenant—although considered a brave and honorable man—was thought to be a surly and independent fellow, but he proves to be the most sympathetic officer of the company and the one who has the most regard for his men. Quite the reverse is true with many commanding officers. For my own part, I have nothing of which to complain for I expected “hard fare” and was prepared to meet it without complaint.
Our regiment left New York for Staton Island on the 14th of June. There we remained a week, then returned to the city, marched through Broadway and set out [by train] for Washington via Harrisburg & Baltimore. Our journey was slow but we arrived at the Capitol after a ride of nearly two days, quite hungry and well prepared to enjoy a good night’s repose upon a board. I kept quite close watch of the scenery from the cars but I found nothing that would compare favorably with Western New York. Through Pennsylvania I saw no fine houses at all and but very few in Maryland. All through Maryland the railroad was lined with “picket guards” particularly near bridges, several of which were new, having been burned and rebuilt. In every village north of Baltimore there were more Federal flags flying than in any other state through which we passed and greater demonstrations of all kinds were made. In Baltimore, no banners were flying but the soldiers were treated more courteously than in any northern city or village.
In Washington, we spent one day. I visited the Capitol and spent several hours there. It is an immense structure and when finished will be a splendid-looking mansion on the outside as it is on the inside now. I looked with much interest upon the surroundings of the place where Senator Douglas has so long and so prominently acted—but acted for the last time. Well, Lize, I say that writing with a rubber blanket on my knees for a table and a stick of wood for a seat is not very pleasant, but it will do. Though when one has not a dozen about to converse with and try to hector and hinder in such a case as has been mine while writing this, if anybody can collect any thoughts worthy of notice, they have a better discipline than I.
Since I commenced, we have had a pelting thunder shower. The rain came down in torrents for about half an hour. Most of our tents were not prepared to resist such a messenger. In consequence, most of us have to bunk in wet places tonight. This will be remedied to some extent in the tent which I occupy as we have rubber blankets enough to cover the bottom. Some of the boys I pity.
All but one of the boys in our are wont to commune with the Great Father. We have a prayer circle each evening which tends in a great measure to render the camp more pleasant to me. I cannot help being influenced in some degree by the rough associations characteristic of such a place and keep as clear from them as I can conveniently. Yet it is only by trusting in the Ruler Supreme and by continual watching and prayer that I expect to quit the soldier’s life uncorrupted.
I hear from and write to [sister] Julia quite often though not half as frequently as I would like to. No one has greater claim upon me than she. I have received a letter from her and several others since my stay in Camp Mansfield whither we came week ago yesterday, or one day after our arrival in Washington. We are about three miles northwest from the city. There are encamped almost in the same field about a dozen regiments. On the Virginia side of the river are over sixty thousand U. S. soldiers, Scouting parties have frequent skirmishes. No heavy battle is anticipated for some days to come. I remain yours truly, — S. S. Fish
Capt. [Andrew] Willson, 1 [Seymour] Lansing’s 2 Reg. 17th New York Volunteers, Washington D. C. 3
1 Capt. Andrew Willson mustered in as Captain of Co. I, 17th New York Volunteers. He was mortally wounded in the 2nd Battle of Bull Run on 30 August 1862.
2 H. Seymour Lansing was the Colonel of the 17th New York Volunteers, sometimes called the Westchester Chasseurs.
3 The 17th New York Infantry was stationed at Camp Mansfield/ Woolsey, in the vicinity of Columbia College, on Meridian Hill, west of Fourteenth Street Road, D. C., on 23 June, 1861.
Letter 13
Camp Mansfield Washington D. C. July 7th 1861
Lide,
Having sought a pleasant spot in solitude beneath Nature’s tents, I will pen a few thoughts to those far away from those around whom my affections are intertwined, and whom there are many chances never to meet again on earth—it may be a reunion in a better land. My thoughts have been led to look upon death as a messenger near at hand, more during the last few hours than ever before. One of our company who less than two days since was as healthy as any of us now lies a lifeless corpse. He was taken ill night before last and in twenty hours breathed his last. Many of us think he had the cholery [cholera] though the physician will not admit it. Thus in life we are in the midst of death. Two of our most robust boys have now fallen and we have not seen the battlefield, and what is worse, both of them had given no true attention to the “great future” and on their sick bed had no chance for repentence.
The climate here is not much warmer than in New York but our food is not as it should be. The water is very unhealthy. A large number of the 17th Regiment are daily on the sick list and the remainder are unfit for the rigid drill which is imposed upon them. We shall, I think, remove to Harpers Ferry in a few days. Then I hope we shall be situated in a more healthy position. On the 4th [of July]] we marched down to Washington and by the White House in front of which were stationed the President, his cabinet, and Gen. [Winfield] Scott. 1 I was so much interested in the President and the old general that I overlooked the rest entirely. Lincoln is much finer looking than I supposed him to be judging from reports and quite a small man too beside [Gen.] Scott. 2
Yesterday, I received a number of card photographs forwarded from New Yorkm one of which I enclose to you which is the best I can do at present. I have no citizen dress with me.
I have been quite unwell for a few days past but am better now. I have just received a letter from home—the first in several days. The cause I don’t know. I think I may with propriety ask you to forward your likeness to me. In doing so, you would please your true friend, — Selby
The scene outside the White House on 4 July 1861 when 23 New York Regiments passed by the President and his cabinet in the pavilion with the flag.
1 In the Lincoln Log, a Daily Chronology of the Life of Abraham Lincoln, it was recorded that for one hour and 40 minutes on 4 July 1861, from a pavilion in front of Executive Mansion, President Lincoln, with General Winfield Scott and cabinet, reviewed more than 20,000 men of the 23 New York regiments. He made brief remarks from the platform both before and after introducing Scott. Remarks at a Review of New York Regiments, 4 July 1861, CW, 4:441-42; National Republican (Washington, DC), 8 July 1861, 3:3-4; Extracts from Meigs Diary, John G. Nicolay Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC.
2 Gen. Winfield Scott stood at least six foot five inches tall and by 1861 weighed an estimated 300 pounds. President Lincoln stood about six foot four inches tall and weighed approximately 180 pounds.
Letter 14
This letter and a few that follow it were written from the “Georgetown Hospital” which was the Female Seminary in the rear of the Union Hotel in Georgetown. It was commandeered by the army as a Union Hospital shortly after the Battle of Bull Run.In his last letter from this hospital, Selby referred to it as “Union Hospital.”
Georgetown Hospital August 8th 1861
My friend Lide,
Your letter of July 14th ws received in good season but I was so unwell at the time that I hardly cared enough about letters to read them and some I did not and forgot that I had them until a few days ago looking in my pockets. I have had the typhoid fever very severely. Am now recovering fast but can sit up only a little while at a time. I don’t think I would make a good heavy shadow yet. Knowing my health, you will certainly excuse a very poor hand writing. I have good treatment and the best of friends to care for me.
A boy from the regiment came over to see me a few days ago but it not being visiting day, he could not get in. He lent a five dollar gold piece for me to get extras with. I have just been eating a large piece of a noble watermelon which one of the boys of the room brought in. I have watermelon and peaches presented to me quite often. The managers are sending all the patients who are able to go home from here to Annapolis. I think they are cleaning out, expecting to have another battle near here soon and want room for the wounded. Oh, how I wish I was able to be in the regiment if they go to battle so as to perform my share in destroying the seceshers.
I think it is time that I should receive another letter from you, and perhaps there is one in the regiment. My letters all go there and as it is some ten or twelve miles away over in Virginia, I don’t have communications very often. On Friday next I expect to see the boy here who takes charge of my letters. It will be a pleasant meeting, I can assure you, if he does come. You need have no fears about the direction of letters if they are only directed to the regiment and company. — Selby
S. S. Fish, Co. I, Lansing’s Regiment No. 17 New York Volunteers, Washington D. C.
Letter 15
Georgetown Hospital August 25, 1861
Must respected friend Lide,
I was favored a few minutes since with a package of letters and was much pleased to find among them one from my Chicago friend. The last received from you before this was written, I think, July 12th. Have you written since then, before now? If so the letter has “deserted.” Friday I received a letter from William and Armina, the latter of who I suppose is with you. I am sure you will have a joyful time. Am sorry to learn that William is not as well this summer as usual.
You ask my opinion about a certain man and of characters similar to his. My answer is that any man who has not had a course of military study that is too good to enlist as a private is not good enough for an officer. The man you speak of would be likely to be treated as many officers have and as many more will be if the solemn and earnest vows of some of their men are carried into effect—i.e., when the first opportunity presented itself upon the battlefield, they fall by the bullets of their own men. You may think this an unruly mode of court marshaling an officer but such instances are not unfrequent.
When I saw your letter, as I opened the package, I expected to see your “face,” but was disappointed. The last letter I wrote you I presume was a pretty rough concern (more so than usual). I don’t know what it contained and don’t know as I did at the time.
Yesterday I rode over to Washington [and] visited the Patent Office. Have been allowed to go into the streets several times. Think I shall soon be able to join the regiment again.
Lide, I am heartily glad that you are reforming and hope that you will continue the good work. This is the wish of your sincere friend, — Selby
Letter 16
General Hospital Georgetown September 3rd 1861
Dear Friend,
Two days since I received your letter in response to mine of an old date, which had been searching the world over and at last found the little village of Chicago. That is but one of many that have lost their proper course. Both that I have sent and that have been sent to me. A long time ago I wrote to our friend Delia P. S. As I wrote without an invitation, I have thought my letter might have been unfavorably received. But am more inclined to think it “deserted.” Aunt Manerva requested by Mrs. Williams that I should write to them. Such requests reach me quite often in the same way; they would please me better if they were made by the pen of the individual making them.
My health at present is good with the exception that I have not yet recovered my usual strength and flesh. I now sit up half of nearly every night with a wounded friend and assist in his care during the day. I wish in some way to offset the excellent care bestowed upon me by boys who have left here before now.
Today I had sent in to me an excellent vegetable dinner which is the third presented to me in about a week, by ladies who often visit the hospitals. There are many very patriotic and generous people in Georgetown and many more who will rob the soldiers of all they can if they can only get them to deal with them, but dare not show their true colors.
Spent Saturday and Sabbath with the regiment about half a mile beyond Alexandria and eight or ten from here. Our Co. I with four others were to come to Alexandria to guard the city on Monday. From a high observatory not far from our regiment can be seen both rebel and federal forces in near proximity, each entrenching and erecting batteries with all possible speed. The late victories down the seacoast is giving a new impulse to the war feeling. There must be a great battle fought in Virginia soon though perhaps not under a month. It is reported this evening that Jeff Davis has given up the war to return to his long home.
My best wishes to Armina. When you write, tell her your envelope will enclose two sheets. Yours truly, — Selby
To Eliza. Washington D. C., 17th Regt, N. Y. V., Co. I
Letter 17
General Hospital Georgetown D. C. September 10, 1861
Eliza,
It seems that another of my wandering letters after performing many evolutions and circumvolutions. Instances are common with my letters of the nature of the one to which you last responded. One reached its destination more than two months after date with the dead letter stamp upon it. Thus it is proven that there are Post Masters of the old administration style yet in charge of the mail. I hope that notwithstanding the pressure of public business at present that the appointments of new mail officers will soon be made wherever that have not been.
There is indeed a certain attraction about military life of which you speak, but laying aside reason and judging from the character of those who prefer it as a profession, I should say that that charm attracted those of weak intellectual and moral endowments. I have intercourse with many soldiers of the regular army and have met with none that I thought possessed a cultivated mind or the attributes of a Christian character. There undoubtedly are men of high position in the regular service, prompted in most cases by love of fame or the income of their position endowed with high intellectual attainments. I hold war as a necessary evil—an evil it itself, but necessary in some instances. Then let the noble freemen rush around the standard and step with the beat odf drums. Let the best blood of America flow when tyranny is about to upset its free institutions.
You accuse me of assuming “a Brutus Argument.” I would that I were worthy to claim a Brutus honor by striking the would be monarch of the Cotton Kingdom a death blow.
To think that Julie suffers more on my account than I. If she does much. It is true for most of my pains were un[ ] by me, I being insensible during most of my sickness. I have taken but very little medicine since the fever left me and become rational.
As ever yours, — Selby
Direct to General Hospital, Georgetown D. C.
Letter 18
Union Hospital Georgetown D. C. October 30th 1861
My Friend Lide,
Some time since your letter reached me containing a promise of your likeness in a few days. I delayed writing for some time that I might acknowledge the receipt of the likeness—which by the way, I have not received. More recently I have been determined not to remain here longer than I was obliged to. Have been undecided whether I should return to my regiment to perform the active duties of a soldier or go to another hospital of more recent formation to attend to the wants of suffering soldiers. Today I learn that several from here, including myself, are detailed to go to the Circle Hospital, Washington It is called Circle, not from the form of the building, but on account of a circular park in front around which the Pennsylvania Avenue passes and in the center of which is the statue of Washington mounted, presenting the appearance in the distance of “a lion in the way.” 1
Eliza, I did not intend to intimate that the “Lecture on Theatrical Amusements” in any way appealed to your case. I very much approved of it and deemed it would be interesting to you. Your cry of “Moderation, moderation!!” will hardly be appropriate in this age of steam and lightning. Its exponents will be left in the background before they are aware of it.
Every letter received from home brings news of some of my old associates and acquaintances leaving for the war. In a letter of yesterday, I learn that Mr. Ethel Allen 2 and cousin Whitney Russell were about to start for Washington. A younger brother is a member of a cavalry regiment out in Maryland in which there is a large number from near our place.
Many of those who are coming now to “sustain the government” are destined to disappointment. They come forward with the idea that the war is to close in a few months and they are to have the benefit of travel and a nice bounty and go home with the honors of war indelibly attached to their immortal name. But they will learn to their sorrow that the war will last much longer than they wish to be soldiers. The government has been at work now over six months and what great advance has yet been made? Why, the great Army of the Potomac has succeeded in forcing the rebels five or six miles from the river and have been badly whipped several times at that.
Excuse my hasty and sickly letter. Yours as ever, — Selby
An 1866 view of George Washington’s equestrian statue in D. C.
1 The equestrian statue of George Washington was erected on Washington Circle in 1860. Washington Circle is at the intersection of 23rd Street, K Street, New Hampshire Avenue, and Pennsylvania Avenue, Northwest.
2Ethel Maynard Allen (1840-1911) entered the service as 2nd Lt. of Co. C, 98th New York Infantry. He left the service as the company’s captain.
Letter 19
Washington D. C. November 4th 1861
Dear Friend Lide,
Yesterday your long looked for letter arrived. It came to hand as I was about starting to visit my brother Carlton. 1 I found the camp of the regiment to which he belongs after a pleasant walk of 3 miles. I waited very impatiently his return as I supposed from watering his horse when , as endurance was becoming almost vile, I saw him come from his tent while he had been writing while I was becoming almost angry at his long stay at the watering place. We had a hearty reunion I tell you after a separation of six months. His Co. I of the 6th U. S. Cavalry appear to be the finest body of regulars that I have met during my sojourn in the land of war. Many inquiries were made by members of the company about differewnt New York Regiments in which I am acquainted. I conversed with a number of young men from Wyoming county from whence is one company of our regiment. One had two brothers in the 17th.
You state that Julia seemed vexed at the departure of Carlton for the war and ask if it can be possible that she is deficient many of those generous emotions of which you say I insinuated you were deficient some time since. Now Eliza, I am not surprised at all that she is furthermore must acknowledge the frailty of all——(women).
It seems that you of the West and North have come to the conclusion that Fremont will not be removed. I have heard no such assertion made here, seen in any Washington papers, or even heard it spoken of as probable. Yet the excitement which the event has produced shows the absolute slavery of soldiers, even in high positions, simply because in time of a emergency, Fremont, instead of waiting for an order, relied upon a wiser judgement than that of his superiors in office and did what he believed to be his duty, has subjected himself to be reduced from his high position and disgraced for life. 2
Eliza, the more I see of the army, the greater is my disgust for it. No sensible person that has any emotions of equal liberty and that knows what he is subjecting himself to will join the army except under necessity and imperative duty.
A sad accident occurred in the City last night. The Infirmary Hospital at which were many soldiers burned. I believe no lives were lost in the event though a few deaths were occasioned by it. 3
Respectfully & in friendship, yours Selby
Circle Hospital, Washington D. C.
1 Carlton Brewster Fish (1844-1884) served in Co. I, 6th U. S. Cavalry. He enlisted as a private on 4 September 1861.
2 “On August 30, 1861, Frémont made a decision that would start a chain of events leading to his resigning from the military. On that day, Frémont made a proclamation to institute martial law and execute any Confederate guerrilla fighter captured behind Union lines. The proclamation also called for the confiscation of the property of Confederate sympathizers in Missouri and the freeing of all slaves owned by Confederate sympathizers in Missouri. President Lincoln did not fully agree with the proclamation and tried to gently change Frémont’s mind and avoid firing him from his post. Frémont did not easily back down from his position. Lincoln sent Postmaster General Montgomery Blair and Army Quartermaster General M.C. Meigs to St. Louis to check-up on Frémont and explain the president’s position. Blair and Meigs were not happy with their meeting with Frémont and they, along with others, began to question Frémont’s ability to command. In November of 1861, President Lincoln took Frémont off command of the Department of the West.” [Source: Georgia Historical Society]
3 “The Washington Infirmary had been opened on E Street, in Washington D.C. in 1843 as a teaching institution for the George Washington University Medical School and was the first general hospital in the capital. When war broke out, the government reclaimed the building and used it as a military hospital. In the early morning hours of November 4, 1861, fire was discovered and very quickly the entire building was in flames. Around a hundred patients were hastily evacuated. Remarkably, no serious injuries were reported.” [John Osborn, House Divided]
Letter 20
Selby’s 27 November 1861 Letter contains a first-hand observation of the Grand Review of the Army of the Potomac at Bailey’s Cross Roads on 20 November 1861. “A splendid appearance,” according to Selby.
Washington D. C. Circle Hospital November 27, 1861
My friend Lide,
Yours of the 14th came to hand in due time. You acknowledge the receipt of mine of the 4th. I wrote a few days before which if you have not received has “played the truant” upon the road as soldiers’ letters are so wont to do.
I witnessed the “Grand Review” of soldiers in Virginia on Wednesday week, a long detailed account of which you have undoubtedly read before now. I can truthfully say that ninety regiments of infantry with due portions of cavalry and artillery, all well uniformed and under good discipline, present a splendid appearance. This was by no means the whole “Army of the Potomac” as there were many left on guard and picket duty besides many on the extreme advance and others too far away to present themselves on that noted occasion. If the main body of this enormous army should meet an equal number of the enemy, what must be the consequences? 1
The volunteers received so much praise that the Regulars in and about Washington began to “look to their laurels.” Accordingly there was a review of all their forces yesterday. They were determined to show themselves yet “superior to the lousy volunteers.” They may excel in military discipline but in those qualities which compose the true man, they are sadly deficient. Nothing could induce me to take a position in the Regular Army for if I wished to go to Hell, I should take Old Parson Brownlow’s view of the subject and want to go direct. He didn’t wish to go round through a Southern Confederacy to get there.
There is a little excitement in Washington at present. All are anxious to hear more reliable news from Pensacola and have strong hopes of another brilliant victory as at Port Royal. Eleven seceshers were brought into the City in bonds yesterday. The particulars of their capture have not yet [been] learned.
Well, Lide, you must be quite an epicure indeed if you “believe” that “innate virtue is very often nothing but a full stomach and male vice an empty one.” I congratulate you on your “promotion” to be presiding officer of your Good Templar Lodge and by the by, I intend to join a lodge soon which has a world wide reputation though perhaps not as public in its sessions as yours.
Every your friend, — Selby
1 The Grand Review of the Army of the Potomac with President Lincoln in attendance was held at Bailey’s Cross Roads, Virginia, in eastern Fairfax county on 20 November 1861.
Letter 21
Washington D. C. February 2nd 1862
My worthy friend,
Your kind letter of the 21st January was received with a great deal of pleasure last evening. Your likeness, which I had begun to think for some good reason you had concluded not to send, was truly acceptable. Your “smiling”—if it be a failing—is a very good one notwithstanding the “insinuation.” Eliza, your friend Miss Young is the lady who came with you to New York and of whom you have often before written, is she not? The Society I contemplated joining when I wrote you before, I did not join’ hence, am member of no “lodge.”
You wonder as the to the cost of a redeemed inebriate is very natural; yet I believe there is rejoicing in Heaven over one victory raised from the ditch. If good can thereby be accomplished, it is often wise to perform acts which under other circumstances would be most repugnant.
I took a step a few months since which had it not been from a sense of high duty would have been most distant from my inclinations. A few days since I was at a reception given by President Lincoln. Had the pleasure of taking my honored Uncle Abraham by the hand and addressing him. 1 Society I do not mingle with but very little. I am conscious that those who do and are so favorably received are not the gainers by so doing. Those ladies who are charmed by men because they wear a government suit or perchance a shoulder strap, and who attract such notice on the part of many soldiers in Washington, I conclude are deceiving many of the “too credulous.” I know too much about soldiers to suppose that good society would confide in a stranger soldier.
A highly interesting course of lectures are being given here by the most eminent men of the country. Most of them I attend. They have all thus far been upon National questions and frequently of the character which would not have been tolerated a year ago by a Washington audience—such is the general influence of the Northern element at present in the modern Babylon.
Eliza, you undoubtedly remember our conversation about theatres and the character of actors and actresses. You claimed that there were those of the first class of society. I disagreed with you. I have since attended the most popular of theatres and operas in New York and Washington and have failed in my observation and conversation to find one person in such association I deemed worthy of the confidence of a virtuous person. You, I presume, will differ with me in opinion but as on a former occasion, we will agree to disagree.
Yes, Eliza, I do “imagine that the recent change in the Cabinet will have a good effect,” but I do not deem that the President by such act has removed one foot from the Republican platform. 2 Democrats as well as Republicans are carrying on the war for the government. Mr. Stanton is as sound on this question as any Republican. This change for the better towards the close of Buchanan’s Administration was owing in a great measure to his being a member of the Cabinet in the decline of the old fogey.
I am very much obliged to you for the compliment you give me for principles of integrity and religion. I hope I may prove myself worthy of such [___ment] but the lion often appeareth in the way.
You remarked after I sent you my card photograph that you would have preferred an Ambrotype. Please consign that one you have to the flames and I will forward the other tomorrow. I hope it may be received kindly and may it recall associations pleasant to me at least—associations which I hope may yet be renewed. Hoping that your pen will become brighter by more frequent use, I bid you adieu with the good wishes of your sincere friend, — Selby
1 Selby does not provide us with the date of his “Lincoln handshake” but my hunch is that it was during the Grand Reception at the White House on 1 January 1862, although there would have been later opportunities such as the public levees held on January 7th, the 14th, 21st, or the 28th. At the time, Lincoln was hold levees on every Tuesday evening.
2 In January 1862, President Lincoln replaced the ineffectual Secretary of War Simon Cameron with Edwin Stanton, a lawyer who opposed Lincoln’s election, but once in office, fully supported the administration in its quest to reunite the country. The men were completely different in their demeanor and characteristics but made a good team.
Letter 22
Washington D. C. February 27, 1862
My friend Lide,
Yours of February 16th was received yesterday reciting the rejoicing in Chicago over the recent victories won by the brave “Western Soldiers.” I am sorry to acknowledge the correctness of your statement that the western soldiers were taking the laurels from the eastern. Yet if I mistake not, one of the most prominent actors of the late drama of which you boast is a bold and Christian man from the East.
Rumor this evening states that Gen. Banks’ Division on the Upper Potomac have been repulsed in an attempt to advance. This has not yet been confirmed but there is a great movement in the direction of Harpers Ferry. The railroads are under military direction. Many regiments have left here this p.m. Others are to start in the morning. If something has happened to awaken the energy of the long dormant Army of the Potomac while in other portions so much life and activity prevails, it may be a happy event. 1
You seem to think that my Ambrotype is of a deceitful character probably possessing “secession proclivities.” If you persist in such opinion, I shall call a “court of inquiry” and have the matter laid before the “investigating committee” of Congress. I am confident that they will exonerate me as well, at least, as you have done in your own case.
Eliza, after all our “talk” on theatres there is that I can discover no difference in our opinions. I have attended them quite frequently since I came from home. There may be performances entirely of a moral character, but they are more frequently (and almost always) intermingled with scenes not appropriately brought before a moral audience or performed by moral persons. Such prevails usually where the principal part of the exercise is of an entertaining and instructive character. This has been my experience at least. I cannot condemn them altogether, but as for myself will treat them as I strive to all other things in keeping with utility but which are dictated to fill up the “bill of fare” viz; be moderate and if appetite or desire perchance is likely to overcome reason, abstain altogether.
Lide, do you indeed think that friendship and society are to be sacrificed at that period when single blessedness is reckoned among the things that were. I am inclined to hold the opinion of the French at a certain period that the lady does not rise to her social zenith until that event. I am now reading Tucker’s Life of Wellesly” or the “Duke of Wellington” and can but contrast the activity and indomitable courage of the British soldiery with the imbecility of our own.
Accept the good wishes of your friend, — Selby
1 In late February 1862, Gen. Banks’ Division crossed the river at Harpers Ferry to provide protection to B&O Railroad work crews who were making repairs to the road in northwestern Virginia that had been destroyed by retreating Confederates.
Letter 23
Camp of 17th New York near Chickahominy, Va. June 8th 1862
My dear friend Lide,
A long time ago before I left Washington, I received the last letter from you that I gave an immediate response. Since then as far as my knowledge extends, our correspondence has been at an end. I had watched the mail and waited long in vain, then came to the conclusion that you had unceremoniously broken the correspondence. But in a late letter from [my sister] Julia, she stated that you wrote of not having heard from me in a long time, from which I inferred wither you had not received my last, or that you had written and I failed to get your letter.
I had endeavored to give a speedy reply to all my letters but after doing so awhile and waiting three or four weeks for return after letters were due from several correspondents, part of whom had urgently requested me to write them, I concluded to do as I was done by in that respect, thinking perhaps it would be the most acceptable course. This perhaps was not a good course to pursue but, Eliza, could you see with what anxiety the soldier watches the mail day after day for missives of friendship from respected ones far away, and the look of disappointment with which he turns away when he finds the welcome bag contains no message for him, you could not blame me for pursuing a course unjustifiable under other circumstances.
Today we have sent to New York as a trophy of this regiment a gold piece taken by them in the battle at Hanover Court House. This is a new 24-pound howitzer made of bell metal, and has often made music of different character from those unwelcome sounds when it was turned against our boys at Hanover.
We are all on the right of the Potomac Army and at present in a reserve corps. Gen. McClellan’s headquarters are within the lines of our corps. Professor Lowe’s balloons are in the immediate vicinity of our camp. On account of illness, I had been off duty for three weeks before the last three or four days. Am well at present and ready to help force a passage into the heart of rebeldom—a point about eight miles south of us.
We are encouraged by the news that reaches us in every day’s paper. The rebel state government of Arkansas has been blown up. We hope to hear in a few days of the clearing of the Mississippi. Beauregard’s are being riddled. The demonstration before Mobile indicates its speedy fall. The great commercial city of the South is controlled by the bald-headed Yankee [Benjamin Butler]. The alarmed people of Charleston hear the deadly roar of our Parrott guns. North Carolina is fast returning to her senses. Banks performed a most noble retreat before an irresistible force. Then the gallant Fremont rushes over the mountains for the destruction of Banks’ pursuers. In the Peninsula, we have frightened the enemy from Big Bethel, dug them out of Yorktown, fought them out of Williamsburg and West Point, whipped them on the Chickahominy and at Hanover, and will soon scatter them from their great central hole of treason. May this strife soon end.
— Selby
Letter 24
Harrison’s Landing James River, Va. July 7, 1862
My esteemed friend Lide,
Your very acceptable letter of June 18th came to hand this morning via Williamson. I thank you for the frankness expressed for the close of the epistle. My address has remained for the year past and probably will the remainder of my term of service (which by the way is little more than ten months yet). Letters directed as I will give below will at any time be forwarded to the various regiments. Hence you may have no doubt about directing your letters.
This has been an exceedingly warm day—in fact, so warm that is has been oppressive. I am in in fear of warm weather more than anything else. It has been the first cause of all my sickness thus far. My health is reasonably good at present and I pray that it may continue thus until the conflict shall end. I had an easy position in the hospital at Washington and was fearful of my health when I left, but I could not rest contented when my regiment went into active service to be left behind. “All is well that ends well.” I shall endeavor to make the above expression applicable to my own case.
The army is now resting and recruiting after a long and desperate conflict. I say desperate not that our soldiers were driven to such straits, but that the fox contended with the enemy of madmen. This is probably owing in a great measure to the whiskey and powder they drank and with which the canteen of the prisoners taken were filled. The 17th [New York] was not in the principal battles recently but they several times ran the gauntlet of an overwhelming foe and nothing but a good fortune, good management, or rapid movements (or all combined) saved them from utter annihilation.
Last Thursday week before daybreak [24 June], we were up and ready to move under “light marching orders.” Our baggage was to be forwarded with the train. Hence, everything not absolutely necessary to the march was packed and left behind. It was afterward burned which leaves us quite destitute. 1 The first object of our movement was to prevent a movement from Jackson’s army up in our rear and we were expected to have a more severe time than those left behind. Two regiments of infantry (our and the 18th Massachusetts), three only squadrons of Stoneman’s cavalry, and two batteries under command of Gen. Stoneman were dispatched to the vicinity of Old Church for the above purpose. After maneuvering in this vicinity and scouting out the county several miles about, we were ordered to “double quick to the White House” [Landing], 20 miles distant, as the only means of saving ourselves form a large force already in our rear and keeping the stores at White House from rebel possession. We did arrive before the enemy did, yet not many hours before. I have seen it iterated in New York papers that no enemy appeared at that point but could they see the mark upon the gunboat Marblehead, 2 could they have heard the balls whiz about our heads or the shells fly all around us, or could they ever see our one wounded man and the bullet holes in the clothes of many more could then report bear witness to these facts, and that a small body of skirmishers went ashore and fought two advancing regiments. I think he would change his tune.
Three companies of the 17th [New York] were the last to steam down the Pamunky aboard the gunboat Marblehead. We completed the destruction of property at the White House. I then had the pleasure of seeing the residence of Col. Lee washed away beneath the devouring flames. This the place of Washington’s early married life is now owned by [ ] high as a rebel leader. yet the property has been carefully guarded until the last few days before its destruction and denied to the poor, the dying, sick and wounded soldier who lay in many instances one or two days exposed to all the inclemencies of the elements before he would be removed to a northern hospital.
However great may be my confidence in our commanding general in other respects, I fear the spirits of many a departed soldier will cry out against him in this particular. I think he has done wrong in protecting the property of such men as would turn if they dared and murder the man who is protecting them.
We passed down the York & Chesapeake to Old Point, from thence up the James. On the sight of historic Jamestown, the ancient turf covered earth fort and the numerous barracks for Confederate soldiers adjoining is a strong blending of that patriotic with the treacherous and rebellious [ ] the fort Powhattan is another relic of history, but this too is disgraced by rebel works.
The James is a magnificent stream and did it flow through a region of Northern enterprise and agriculture, would be renounced for its commercial capacities.
We landed at Harrison’s bar, then rejoined our division and brigade who had changed their position from the right seven miles nearly north from Richmond to one double that distance to the southeast from that place. The Corps of the Army to which we are attached is commanded by Gen. Porter. The division (Gen. Porter’s) is now commanded by Gen. Morell. Our brigade by Gen. Butterfield. By these statements you can tell when you read of our movements of of those connected with us in command.
Eliza, you think I should not have joined the army on account of not being accustomed to the hardships attendant upon a soldier’s life. This may be in a measure true, yet I am proud to own that from my earliest youth I have been accustomed to physical labor and as I had always been healthy, I knew not why I could not endure soldier’s life as well as a majority of those that enlisted. I cannot quite adopt the language of Byron:
“The Soldier braves death, for a fanciful wreat In glory’s romantic career.”
Yet I was anxious to lay my offering upon my country’s alter. Our hopes of a speedy termination of the war (to judge from first impressions) may seem to be blighted, yet in truth there is more hope than before our recent reverses for the government is becoming alive to the fact that ours is no holiday affair, and that it will not do to treat our most deadly enemies with kindness and brotherly love.
As to the profit of holding the “seceded” states in the Union, my opinion is that could we constitutionally, peaceably, and without establishing a dangerous precedent, separate from them, it would be the best thing that could be done for us. But secession cannot be accomplished with either of these qualifications.
Your new constitution is rejected and I thank Heaven that it is so. 3 I was surprised that a convention of Illinois delegates would degrade themselves as to present such a document to the people of that state. I think you are rash, Eliza, in your wish as to the negro. It would be lamented that they are among us if they are not needed to cultivate Southern soil in a state of freedom, but they are here and are not responsible for their being here. Neither are they responsible for their present degraded state. I do not consider them as unequal nor do I think it right to mingle with them as we do with our race; yet they are human beings and it is our Christian duty to give them their rights as such.
Lide, write me about your school. I am interested in such matters—your feeling as you pursue the pleasant yet irksome task of youth training. Last winter I heard your oratorical hero. Also Gerrit Smith, Horace Greely, George B. Cheever, and many others. Also frequently witnessed the debates in Congress where eloquence and patriotism were marred by quarreling and [ ].
With sincere regards, — S. S. Fish, Co. I, 17th New York Vol., Washington D. C.
1 “White House Plantation rested on a bluff along the scenic outside bend of the Pamunkey River. White House had been the home of Martha Custis where George Washington courted her in 1758. The property then passed through Martha’s son to her grandson, George Washington Parke Custis, the father or Mary Anna Custis, who married Robert E. Lee. They moved to Arlington and Parke Custis passed the farm to Mary Lee’s son, W. H. F. “Rooney” Lee. When the war broke out Mary Lee had left Arlington and was living at White House when the Army of the Potomac advanced up the Virginia Peninsula. She was packing to move to the home of Edmund Ruffin in Marlboro, Hanover County, when the Union Army arrived. The original manor house where George courted Martha had burned and a second house was built on the original foundation. This was the house that stood on the grounds when the Union arrived in May 1862 and would become the major supply base for the Union thrust toward Richmond…The success of McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign rested on establishing his main supply base a White House Landing and making use of the York & Richmond Railroad in his advance to the outskirts of the Confederate capitol itself, Richmond…From May 10 until it was burned on June 25 [as mentioned by Selby in this letter], White House Landing served as the Army of the Potomac’s major supply base for the drive toward Richmond.” [See US Army/Transportation Corps]
2 On 29 June 1862, at daylight, Stuart’s Confederate force entered within sight of the White House and found that the Union soldiers had gone. About 1/4 mile away, the Confederates discovered the Union gunboat, USS Marblehead. Stuart ordered a 75-man detachment to attack the ship. When they were close to the ship, the ship opened fire on them. Some Federals disembarked and opened fire on the Confederates, also. Maj. John Pelham opened up with a couple of cannon shots. One of the shots exploded above the ship. The Marblehead began to gather steam and called in its skirmishers. While Pelham was continuing to fire at the ship, it withdrew downstream.
3 In the midst of the Civil War, Democrats in Illinois attempted to wrangle control back from the hands of the Republicans by proceeding with a proposal to revise the state’s constitution and codify certain provisions on banking, barring Blacks from entering the state, and gerrymandering districts that would make it more likely Democrats in less populated areas of the state would wield the power. It failed in a referendum in June 1862.
Mort Kunstler’s “The strangest Race” depicts Pelham’s battery racing the USS Marblehead downstream near White House Landing in order to fire at her as she tried to escape.
Letter 25
Harrison’s Landing, Va. Camp 17th New York August 6th 1862
Dear friend Lide,
Your letter bearing date July 20th reached me the 4th inst. I know no reason why letters should be thus long on the road between Chicago and here. I get them in four or five days from home; but if not as soon as desired, they are welcome when they do arrive. I judge that you western people must be “too credulous.” It will be quite a number of day before you will have occasion to be jubilant over the downfall of Troy—I mean Richmond—but there is one thing that we may well rejoice over, i.e. the falling off of proslavery arrogancy and interest on the part of some of our important generals. This is very humiliating to many of them and their old ways hang on the last breath of a dying cat. But like the other, they must end in time. The decree has gone forth—the whole populace are expecting and demanding a change for the better.
That McClellan could not have gone into Richmond at the time of the late battle is not altogether certain. Yet had the left wing pressed forward into the City, it would have caused the total annihilation of the right wing of the army to which the 17th belong and to which Mac referred when he said, “What is worse than numerical loss—the loss is among my best troops.” We may have our own opinion about the ability to have taken the rebel den at the time the army first advanced even into its suburbs, but after we had given them a month’s time to fortify and render their force more than double our own, we could not without unwarrantable sacrifice have entered the town as conquerers.
After the six days battles, all had been quiet for nearly a month until about midnight the last day of July [when] we were aroused by the bombing of shells in our midst. The rebels had suddenly and simultaneously opened fire from three masked batteries on the opposite side of the [James] river. The scene was terrific. Shot and shell came much faster than once could count and with good aim, passing in some instances through the tops of tents, then onward to other camps before they found a resting place, or sent their broken fragments broadcast, seeking whom they might devour. It was a renewal of the siege of Yorktown. We were under this most unpleasant for for nearly an hour when our 32 lb. Parrott guns and one or two of the gunboats coming down from above told them in language too plain to be misunderstood to be off. They heeded. Next morning left no traces of them save their baggage and munitions thrown away in their preciptate flight.
The casualties of the engagement are trifling compared with the threatening aspect of the affair. Some half dozen were killed in our division. Here at the landing, one—Alex Chitry of Co. I, 17th. We buried him with the ceremonies and honors of war. The low roll of the muffled drum and the mournful cadence contrasted strongly with the enlivening strains and quick step with which we went on parade and review but a few days before.
— Selby
Letter 26
Near Shepherdstown Ford, Maryland September 23rd 1862
Dear friend Lide,
I will now resume the pleasant task of writing to a far off friend. If chance should allow us to remain in one position sufficiently long and I have an opportunity for mailing, you may be burdened with a few uninteresting lines form a worn out soldier. Since previously writing I have received two letters from you bearing dates August 17th and September 7th. You rightly judge when you think the battlefield not a good place for writing, and you favored me much by writing without waiting a reply.
Since the 14th August we have been continually on the march or battlefield—Sundays not excepted. In that time we had two days rest in Virginia opposite Washington but during that time I was occupied making out our muster rolls (a tedious job as our company is so much dilapidated at present). Hence, you will see that my opportunities for writing have been decidedly limited.
Your humble friend has passed the ordeal thus far without receiving a mark. Would that I could say the same of many a worthy friend who has fallen by my side within the past month. Farnworth, the young man that enlisted from Marion with me was left on the fatal Bull Run field. Our Captain was mortally wounded in the same desperate encounter. Several of our best men never left that field. Many are now writhing with pain in hospitals.
It is well that the new levies are fast moving to the seat of war for the old regiments, or a large portion of those from the Potomac Army are reduced to mere skeletons by the summer’s campaign on the Peninsula together with the long march up into western Virginia and the recent battles.
For example, our brigade—Butterfield’s—counted by the Commanding General one of the best in service, went on the Peninsula last March with five well organized and well disciplined regiments. Now there is not effective men in them all sufficient to form one maximum regiment. Our general and two colonels are away sick. One Colonel has been wounded and one killed so that we have but one Colonel (he commanding the brigade), one Lt.-Colonel, and one Major in the whole brigade. Three of the regiments being by captains. Of eight captains that went onto the field (Bull Run) with the 17th on the 30th of August, three are dead and two wounded. 1
My friend [Edward] Farnsworth 2 was a noble young man. Of poor parentage and a somewhat reckless family, he had aquired a liberal education and a young man with better principles of morality and religion is not in the circle of my acquaintance. Such things as these are uninteresting you will say and too solemn for social letters, but you will pardon me, Eliza, as war is almost the only theme of conversation or thought with us.
I like the appearance of the country and people in Maryland infinitely better than Virginia. The farms and production between this point and Washington show more northern enterprise and industry. Indeed, it seemed almost like going home after traveling six months over the worn out and fenceless farms and among the negro huts of Virginia, to march up through the well-cultivated fields and thrifty well-loaded orchards of Maryland. At short intervals on the roads that we have traveled through the state is covered with thriving villages as at the North, while in Virginia a haystack, one par post, and two mud holes compose a city.
If perchance you read eastern papers during the fore part of the Peninsula Campaign, you probably found some large ideas of the magnitude and splendor of such places of renown as Big Bethel. Little Bethel, Newport News, New Kent Court House, &c. as most people at the North did. Now to illustrate the height of the Virginia conception, I will describe a few of these places. Newport News had an old rickety wharf called a landing, a moss-covered hotel, two or three other buildings of the same character, a few negro huts, and barracks, storehouses, and docks built by the soldiers. Big Bethel contains one small church riddled by the CSA, one dwelling and a stream of water. Little Bethel has two or three little dwellings and a small stream of water. Jamestown has two farm houses, their attendant negro huts, the old fort, and a few CSA barracks.
In western Virginia there is a little nearer approach to civilization, yet here is plainly visible the blighting influence of slavery.
In a Palmyra (Wayne county, New York) paper of late date, I read a letter from “Ned”—their “very interesting and instructive correspondent” at Harpers Ferry, being one of the “recruits” in the 111th New York Reg. Poor boys they had to be “one whole night with no covering but the bright blue canopy of heaven.” Tis indeed hard for these “three hundred dollar” patriotic men to suffer during “one pleasant night” what the “hirelings” on the peninsula had endured without a murmur for six months during wet and dry, heat and cold. Again he “instructs” his readers by telling them they (his regiment) are joined to Col. ____’s corps, thus making a Colonel assume the command of a Major General. Also by telling them that the more wealthy class of secessionists about Harpers Ferry had gone over to rebeldom!!!
Again he tells his “instructed” readers that his regiment “have been on picket guard every day since the day of their arrival.” People of Wayne may credit this from their “able Marion correspondent,” but I don’t think it. We know they wouldn’t be trusted in picket when the enemy were as close to them as at Harpers Ferry. And I reckon that by the time “Ned” has stood on an outpost 48 hours without shelter or fire and eaten his hard tacks and salt pork, he will learn the difference betweeb camp guard and picket duty. We have the “$200 patriots” among us and have some sport over their speculations which is about all the amusement we do have now.
You make make reference to our generals among others McClellan. Since the disaster in western Virginia, Pope has been relieved of command here, and McDowell under arrest, McClellan stock has been rising. He has successfully driven the rebels in strong force from Maryland and handled a fatigued and demoralized army in a most praiseworthy manner. Many of us may have censured Mac for his slowness heretofore and for some of his moves in eastern Virginia, but in coming from there under other commanders, we felt the loss of a true friend. After the retreat from Manassas and Centreville and Mac had been again appointed to command the armies of Virginia, there was the most unbounded enthusuasm manifested among his old soldiers as he rode through the remnants of their broken ranks.
Pardon the length of my letter. With good wishes I remain your sincere friend, — Selby
1 An after action report of the role the 17th New York Regiment played in the 2nd Battle of Bull Run was written by Major William T. C. Grower who commanded the regiment on 30 August 1862. As part of Brig. Gen. Dan Butterfield’s brigade of Fitz John Porter’s 5th Corps, the 17th New York was in the first wave of Porter’s attack on the Deep Cut. Grower was wounded during the engagement and wrote his report from a New York City hospital which read, in part: “Nothing could surpass the behavior of our officers and men, the latter steadily closing up the huge gaps made in the ranks by the terrific fire of the enemy. Placing myself at their head, I now gave the work, “Double-quick, charge,” and with a mad yell the gallant fellows rushed up the hill to what was almost certain death.” (see The 17th New York at Second Manassas)
2 Edward Farnsworth (1839-1862) was 20 years old when he enlisted on 24 May 1861 in Co. I, 17th New York Infantry to serve two years. He was promoted to corporal in August 1861 and to sergeant in late October 1861. He was mortally wounded in the 2nd Battle of Bull Run and died of a gunshot wound on 16 September 1862 in a Washington D. C. Hospital.Edward was the son of Samuel Farnsworth (1803-1874) and Betsey Helen Fisher (1815-1863)—both English emigrants who married in Oneida county, New York, and settled in Wayne county. Prior to his enlistment, Edward was a school teacher.
Letter 27
Camp 17th New York Antietam Ford October 11th 1862
My dear friend,
Lide, it was with much please that I received a perused your letter of the 30th ult. yesterday. I hardly know whether you speak ironically of the “contrast between our letters” or to depreciate your judgement to the extent of believing you sincere. Eliza, I beg you have no more misgivings about my becoming tired of your letters. It is far otherwise and should I become disinclined to farther correspondence, I promise you to inform you honestly and frankly to that effect and trust that you would do the same.
You complain of the sameness of your letters owing to “humdrum life.” A monotony in your letters I have not noticed, think they were well spiced. And as to the lack of the wild, romantic and dangerous, I am thankful that it is so, for were they of that character, their pictures would contrast less with the realties that we here undergo and would have less tendency to divert the mind from the rough and wild scenes of camp to those most quiet and pleasant at home. Literature (farther than the daily papers) is a scarce article with us; hence correspondence with those having recourse to its beneficent volumes are to me of more interest than that of “soger boy,” filled with anecdotes such as make up ever day of my own experience.
Kellogg (from Marion) and I have just received by Express a large box filled with the good things of home and are having a “feast.” These articles serve a double purpose for while we are reaping a physical benefit from a collection of articles such as only one interested in the welfare of “soger boy” could think of, we are assured that we are not forgotten by the loved ones far away. I have to return most of my thanks to one of the best of sisters, not forgetting a sister who was not a sister when you visited Wayne county.
Yes, no doubt the 111th [New York] boys think they suffer extremely but if they should be so importunated to spend a year and a half in the service, should spend a summer’s campaign on the Peninsula of eastern Virginia, travel its length four times, then in one month travel 500 miles, 300 of them by continuous marches including within the space 12 days on the battlefield, me thinks they will have a altered views of the hardships of the “bold soger boy.” I sincerely hope they will not have to endure what we have, yet when I see the new regiment with full ranks about us—those hale men with “large bounties”—I can not help thinking, “You ought to have come before. We needed you on the Peninsula.” Neither can I think the bounty & the draft was not the great “I am” with many of them. I believe I made mention in my last letter of one in the Palmyra Courier from the 111th.
Eliza, I have endured the marches and exposures of this summer and fall campaigns far better than I anticipated—better even than most of my comrades, and I sincerely hope that I may never again be inmate of a hospital. Yet I should be almost tempted to wish it necessary for me to be laid away there again were I certain of a being done up in one of those garments “ornamented with very lengthy and elaborate stitches”—“knowing whose work it is” the very fact would be a cure for any ordinary disease.
The ladies are doing a good work not alone in supplying the poor sufferers with articles of comfort; but showing the hearts of those they most love are united with the soldier in a most just cause. The present crisis opens a field of labor for all of both sexes, and of little worth would be the friendship or esteem of anyone of whom it could be said “je has done nothing for his country during the war.” My friend [Edward] Farnsworth whom I thought killed on the field August 30th I have since learned died in Washington of wounds after suffering intensely most three weeks. I would have made most any sacrifice to have seen him before his death had it been possible.
Our position now is about eight miles above Harpers Ferry at the mouth of Antietam Creek. Most of the army have left this vicinity [and] I think have crossed into Virginia, both at Harpers Ferry and at Williamsport. We (Porter’s Corps) may remain in our present position three months, or again three days may not pass before we are on the battlefield far up the Shenandoah Valley. Such are the uncertainties of a soldier’s life. Today all is gay and propitious, tomorrow his corpse is borne to its final resting place, or perchance he has awakened to the reality of being a cripple the remainder of life. It is only by faith that the All-Wise will “order all things well” that I could enter the field of death with any degree of calmness. Although I may not have expressed such thoughts, often has it seemed probable when writing that that might be my last letter. I always strive to enter the field or post of danger with feelings of devotion and reconciliation to my Master’s will. It is a query with me how men can rush into known destruction reveling in curses and blasphemy as I have often seen them do.
As I have expressed my feelings somewhat freely, Eliza, allow me to ask your religious sentiments. Are you (I know you are not a disbeliever) a professed Christian or one waiting for a “more convenient season?” Knowing from the tone of your letters that you at least have a reverence for religion, I trust you will pardon the inquisitiveness and grant the request of your sincere friend, — Selby
Letter 28
17th New York On the March November 5th 1862
My dear friend Eliza,
The date above will show you that we are not idle. The Army of the Potomac is again in Virginia and on the advance. One column from Harpers Ferry up the Shenandoah Valley, another by the circuitous route of Leesburg, both towards Winchester. Porter’s Corps (the reserve in the movement) have halted at Snickersville in front of a gap by the same name in the Blue Ridge. Here we may remain several days in position to strike toward either column as occasion may demand, Our being in the “reserve corps” does not relieve us from the expectations of being actors in the great pending battle. I fear our lines (as has been the case altogether before) are too much extended as the enemy can concentrate at a single point easier than we. But McDowell is out of the way, Pope also has been relieved by one whom we believe to be more competent to command a large army and who at least has the confidence and support of his command. And now with the great addition to the strength of our army and in their present state of discipline and organization, we feel confident of success—although we expect a terrible conflict is before us. Many more will mould beneath the wasted soil of Virginia. It may be the fate of your humble correspondent to end his career in the approaching battle. Be that as it may, God is my guardian and if I but honestly perform my part all will be well.
Your letter of 20th arrived the day we commenced our march from Antietam. Your musings with the “Godess” are somewhat amusing; yet very natural. I think the [ ] Diety has flown from me at the present writing for it seems almost impossible for me to write. Yes, Eliza, it is too common for us to “modify our conversation” to accommodate our hearers; yet one does not wish to be a “lone star” by adopting a different course. I have had letters recently from Marion—Josie Vaughn is there attending school. Doubtless Armina has made you acquainted (as she has me) with the fact of her having a new relative in the person of a little Miss Pulver! Success to the most favored of parents. Lide, you say your religious sentiments are “vague and unsatisfactory.” I fear you will consider that I am taking too much liberty and think it easier to tell what to do than to follow my own teachings, yet allow me to suggest that in the cross is found a cure for those vague and wavering conceptions. The path of leads but one way. The Providence of God must be acknowledged in all our doings. My observation has taught me that character is moulded (as you say) in a great measure by the circumstances under which it is formed. In a place like Marion, one brought up with any share of parental care could hardly fail of being what the world would call goo. And yet Eliza, we must remember that where effort is small, the virtue of acquisition is also small. It is he who has borne the thorne of temptation that is prepared to buffet life’s tempests.
My associations in Marion have been somewhat extended but I have often regretted that a much larger portion of my time has been spens among the rougher elements of society. Yet as my experience increases, I look upon such associations almost as beneficial for by them I obtain a more practical knowledge of human character than can otherwise be obtained and can trust myself with impunity in positions that be dangerous were I less acquainted with the “ways of mankind” and not, in a small degree at least, prepared to meet temptations.
Then you could not school yourself to believe in Universalism? It is well that you could not. I remember once to have argued in debate that man could believe what he chose. My views have changed somewhat since then. You think the New York troops at “Camp Douglas” finer soldier than most others you have seen? I am willing to admit that such is the case with all New York soldiers and I am sure that as far as my observation extends, the “old soldiers” are as good a class of men and much more thoroughly imbued with the spirit of military than the “new levies.”
You speak admirably of a cultivated intellect. It is indeed a boon to be highly prized. I had hoped that I might possess a liberal education in its full sense. I wished to pursue a thorough college course. Such hope has withered for by the time I shall have fulfilled my engagement with my venerable Uncle, it will be too late to attempt such an object by my own efforts. These facts have caused me a great deal of thought. I do not feel sufficiently competent with my limited education to undertake the study of a profession and to fill such a position as I should want to if I undertook it and yet that has been my anticipation for several years.
I could enter with interest and enjoyment into other occupations could I become contented to do so. As it is, I have no definite plan for the future adn in this I don’t know as I am worse than the majority of mankind for I firmly believe that the greater share form no “basis of operation” for life until necessity compels them to; but it is not satisfactory to follow in the path of the multitudinous throng when conscious that that is not the true course. Julia has been quite busily engaged lately but I think there must have been miscarriage of either yours or her letters. I will mention the fact to her in my next. When it is possible, I write to her each week and expect to have a return as often. Sometimes, however, she disappoints me. Still I ought not to complain as I get more than my deserts. When I commenced, I did not expect to write much; but I see that I have considerable (in the gross) the net weight though is small.
Please remember me as often as the “Godess” is with you, and if that is not often, please do as I have had to do in this instance—write without her assistance. — Selby
Letter 29
Camp 17th New York near Falmouth November 26th 1862
Worthy friend,
Lide, I was favored with your letter of 10th inst. two days since. But circumstances have forbidden me writing in return sooner, or of writing before its receipt. You can well imagine the inconvenience of writing when in the field, and particularly so when on the march. Just picture the seven Army Corps now under Burnside with their infantry, artillery, cavalry, and ammunition, baggage and ambulance trains forming a column (if extended on one road) over one hundred miles in extent. Mark out this picture and will see but little room for a laboratory or writing desks and you will, I am sure, make all due allowance for a badly written letter; or a seeming loss of time in attending to epistolary intercourse.
Side, I doubt not that the Illinois soldiers are good fighters. I have never heard of them as being headed by “Quaker Generals.” But in the same connection the 69th and 79th New York earned a name for their desperate courage at the first Bull Run battle; the 9th or Hawkins Zouaves at Roanoke, and again at Antietam have made their name immortal; at Hanover St. the steady fire of the 25th & 44th and the dashing charge of the 17th display courage unexcelled; in the “bloody week” the 12th, 5th, 13th, 25th, and 44th and many others reflected the highest credit upon the New York soldiery, and in the fatal 2nd Bull Run the 12th, 17th, and 44th withstood the most deadly encounter of the whole field with an energy and desperation that never would have yielded that bloody field had they been properly supported. These few instances with very many more that might be mentioned will serve to give the “old soldiers of New York” a somewhat fighting character. As to the “new levies,” it will be time to give them a name when they have earned it.
You were inclined to the right opinion respecting the New York vote. Although we are slightly beaten on Governor, we have a majority of the representatives in Congress from the state elected. In New York City and vicinity when many Democrats have enlisted in the army, their (Democratic) majority is nearly the same as two years ago. But in western New York, from whence nearly all the soldiers are Republican, our majority has fallen off amazingly. Another item which operated somewhat unfavorably toward the election of Governor Wadsworth was his antipathy toward Gen. McClellan.
You mention an interview with Conway Young. I am but slightly acquainted with him personally; he has been away from home most of the time when I have been at Marion. His opportunities for mental culture have been very good and I suppose he has well improved them, Well it is for him if his moral and physical character are equally cultivated. Doff Page tells us that it is only by the development of these three characters that the educated man in constituted proper. Perhaps by the intercession of Gen. Wadsworth and others, the New York paroled prisoners at Chicago may be returned East. But they had better not allot too much upon getting home for disappointment maketh the heart sad.
You ask if I am in regular correspondence with Armina. Well I have written to Armina & William nearly ever since I came away and they also to me. Sometimes at longer intervals than I could wish but I was so unreasonable that I would not write to each of a dozen or more much oftener than they to me.
Eliza, I am sorry to see written over your signature such expressions concerning the removal of Gen. McClellan. I well remember how you sympathized with the “Son of the West” at the time Fremont was first deprived of command; hence I suspected you would have charity for those who have an equally strong love for and confidence in the General of the East. McClellan has made mistakes—who in commencing worse than nothing, i. e., with an utterly demoralized army would not?
In the advance onto the Peninsula, he was too confident in his numerical force but after the battle of Fair Oaks, he too well knew that he had not sufficient force to capture Richmond. He would not have again given the enemy battle until the government had been able to largely reinforce him (which was done a few days too late) had he not been compelled to do so by the enemy’s attack. Never was there in the history of this war a better conducted battle than those under McClellan’s supervision. After the siege of Yorktown, his van pursued the foe to Williamsburg. There battle was offered which was at first unfavorable. But the timely arrival of Chief Commander insured a splendid victory. This it was in the first great series of battles before Richmond the foe were driven to their strong defenses at the very outskirts of the city. Again in the second series, when out-numbered by the vast hoards of treason, each day’s fight was in itself a victory and each night’s adventure a skillful withdrawal from an untenable position to a strong one nearer the place where the army could be safe under cover of the gunboats.
The Battle of Malvern Hill July 1st is not excelled in the history of wars. There Mack not only held his position against vastly superior forces but drove them from the field with terrible slaughter. Mack’s failure to accomplish the purpose of the Peninsular Campaign is attributable to several causes other than his own incompetency—not the least among these was the fact that McDowell instead of vanquishing the Rebel Jackson’s force, or at least holding him away from Richmond, was criminally delinquent of duty and allowed that very General to pass through his hands adn turn the right of McClellan’s army. Again a large reinforcement sent to McClellan arrived just one week too late.
When the army was again organized for another attempt on Richmond, it became necessary for them to move for the defense of Washington, Then McClellan’s command was taken from him and his men turned over to Gen. Pope. The result you well know and we deeply deplore. Then, when the army had run the gauntlet for Washington was terribly shattered and demoralized, the enemy had gained strong positions in Maryland and even raided Pennsylvania, the whole country looked with disappointment upon the maneuvers of Gen. Pope and he asked to be relieved from a command he was in no wise able to maintain, the government sought one to again assume the command of the “Potomac Army.” As I understand the matter, it was then offered to Gen. Burnside but he declined assuming it under such perilous circumstances. It was finally urged upon McClellan. His energy, skill, and promptitude until after the Battle of Antietam deserve not censure but the highest approbation of all America. How removal at the time when he had [rest of letter missing]
Letter 30
Camp 17th New York Near Potomac Creek, Va. December 19th 1862
My dear friend,
I opened my portfolio yesterday for the purpose of writing you then, but circumstances prevented and I was afterwards glad it was so for in the evening I was favored with your letter of the 7th inst.
Since I wrote before, we have been in active and exciting scenes, neither have the critical ad disastrous been far removed from the positions in which we have acted. However, your humble correspondent has again great reason to thank a kind Providence that he has in this instance been a favored one.
I tell you, Eliza, you can but faintly conjecture the feelings of a person when entering the jaws of death. Despite the strongest drive and the calmest mind, there are emotions that thrill the whole being of a most uncomfortable character. The feeling is prevalent to a much less degree when in a fair engagement on a charge or otherwise energetically employed than when as our Division was all day Sunday lying under a slight cover but short range from the foe, when but a stir to raise a head was a summons for a score of bullets.
The details of the Battle at Fredericksburg you will of course read in print long before this reaches you. The 5th Army Corps [of] Gen. Butterfield (formerly Gen. Porter) went upon the field Saturday p.m. They gained at dusk a ridge which had been contested for by both armies all day. This we held during the night when we were relieved. There was no general engagement Sunday except such as I mentioned above, which is more properly picket firing than a battle, but I assure you it is more torturing to be on picket where for either party but to show their heads is to call for a death warrant than to fight a fair field battle.
I know the most fictitious minded of us never hugged a delusive hope with greater ardor than we did the ground the 14th December 1862. When night brought relief, it was with ecstasy that we “Schonged posish.” That bloody chapter is ended. Many thousands of brave men have fallen victims of the foeman’s steel; yet no advantage is gained. We are no nearer the close of the war for aught that has been sacrificed to the rashness of the Commander in Chief of the USA. The foe have their position and fortifications in such a manner in the rear of Fredericksburg that will cost the sacrifice of more men than Uncle Samuel has to spare at this time.
I do not think it should be charged to the gallant Burnside that he has slaughtered a legion of freedom’s sons to no purpose; but I do think the military dictator at Washington will have to answer for the lives of thousands if he gave preemptory orders to storm the enemy’s works when the commander in the field and all his marshalls in council assembled decided that it would be of no avail. Burnside managed the fight nobly. His Marshall Corps, Division, and Brigade commanders heartily cooperated and the men fought as bravely and desperately as those engaged in a righteous cause ever could. The fight of Saturday is the true and only Waterloo that has been reenacted during the contest.
The battle opened and closed upon the same fields with but very little change of position. One Brigade and Division was led to the front; and [rest of letter missing]
Letter 31
Oakley Farms, Virginia January 9, 1862 [should be 1863]
My dear friend Lide,
Some time since I received a “short” letter from you with a promise of another on a few days. but there seem to be many days between the arrival of the two letters. I will not say I have delayed writing a second letter since the receipt of yours on account of the non-arrival of the expected letter for I should not, I presume, have written before I had received it as we have been quite busy and I have been quite unwell withal.
The 30th, 31st, and 1st January we were out on a reconnoissance up and across the Rappahannock. In the affair we were three days exposed to very inclement weather, the effect of which many of us still feel.
Eliza, I see that William and Armina are as strong anti-McClellan advocates as you are, and I judge that such is the general sentiment in that vicinity. And this is not the end of the matter. By the clamor of the people, rulers are induced often to do what better judgment and better knowledge of the true position of affairs would dictate. I contend that the soldier is the better judge of the merits of a general—and surely he is more interested in the character of him who is to be the guardian of his life and honor than one enjoying ease and comfort far away from danger. When soldiers have been with a general through many a hard fought battle and have given him their confidence on account of his skill and bravery, and their affections because he has manifested the greatest regard for their interest, it is a bad stroke upon the army to replace than man by some other who has a claim either upon their confidence or regards.
Veteran soldiers must have their wishes consulted or you have no right to expect them to win. Why should their judgment be weaker than their less brave associates who know nothing of military by either experience or observation, but base their ideas upon the flimsy newspaper gossip. With this portion of the army it is a most distasteful thought that at least ten thousand of their number have been shot down as victims of political heresy. One cannot blame us for railing [against] the North with bitter rage for causing such useless and wanton shedding of blood. But you will have read enough of this style.
News from the West is of importance but you get that before us. I will close this epistle andn enclose with it a few thoughts written when in a more pensive mood. — Selby
Letter 32
Oakley Farms, Virginia February 8, 1863
My dear friend Lide,
Although I have been negligent of you this long, I trust you will pardon this once. Excuses can be formed at any time with reason or not and amount to little when offered. I will trouble you with none. January 17th I received yours dated the 2nd and postmarked 12th. The 25th, yours of the 14th came to hand. You partially admit the truth of my statements regarding McClellan, then express the hope they are not true and you wish McClellan to be covered with [____quy] in order to cover the calumny “of President & Cabinet.” Upon this I have no comments to offer; neither do I care about defending or eulogizing the man other than as a sympathetic soldier and skillful General. There is now but little hope that he will be reinstated in his command and since a set of unprincipled politicians are striving so earnestly to claim him as their own, and by his popularity with the legions of voters in the army to gain power for their broken down hobly [?], I claim no prerogative in his case other than to wait the development of future events.
Yes, Lide, “teaching” is indeed a “humble” occupation—particularly in a young lady, or at least we should judge so were we to accept snuffs and puffs of those of their own sex who live upon “tight lacing and French novels.” But Eliza, there may be some consolation in the knowledge of the fact that most of those that rise to eminence in any noble or useful calling come up from a “humble” position; while the more fastidious rise only in their own estimation, pass away and are forgotten.
“Nothing of importance to communicate from the Army of the Potomac.” The above has been the amount of press correspondence from here for several days past, yet I suspect that not many days will elapse before it will be known why theres “nothing to communicate.” The 9th Army Corps have passed down the railroad to Aquia, their destination or who will follow next would be only a matter of speculation at present with us. I hope this army will be so assigned as to do good in the coming season for here is much of our best metal yet here, as a whole, under any man that can now be assigned to its command. I cannot hope for brilliant achievement. My time is drawing to a close. I should hate to be crippled in the last end of my service after being bomb and bullet proof so long; yet if the 5th Corps should be wanted to aid in the reduction of Charleston or Vicksburg, I could not wish the 17th [New York] to be detached.
You have read our “last movement” if you see Harpers Weekly in the number for “Feb. 14th.” You will see a very good representation of our condition near “Camp Stuck in the Mud.” Some features of that movement are not given to the public and I think it well that they are not. Well indeed! for the reputation of the “new troops” and some of the old ones.
Eliza, you are six months minus one day younger than I. Your meditation on your “old age” were to me very natural. Often have I, when musing upon that subject, wondered if other people had such thoughts as my own. When free from the army, I shall be nearly 24 years of age, yet how small a beginning have I made in life’s mission. Two years though, with some addition for reust I can charge to Uncle Samuel, which I trust he will give me credit for in my final balance of accounts. Yes, I too “know that neither William nor Arminia are McClellan men” and I have very much transcended their idea of propriety in my correspondence with them. But then the truth “will out” sometimes with a soldier. The reason that he has done nothing to “command the respect of those not connected with the army is because they only look at his deeds through a colored glass.
No, Lide, I never met the lady of whom you speak—Miss Manchester. Perhaps you are right in the opinion that “man does not expect very much of woman;” but the question now is whether or not man is right in his depreciation of woman. Who can tell? Your resolve is a good one; if for no other reason; regularity and system of habits are great benefits, yet if you knew the laxity of my habits, you would call me a hypocrite—teaching what I did not practice.
I never would advise anyone to fall in with a popular current simply to be popular but by such course it is often easy to accomplish a great good, comparatively easy, which under other circumstances would be much more unpleasant.
You mention the efforts of “Elder Knapp—a great revivalist” in your city. Now let me ask would it not be well for you to make use of the above suggestion and attend to the most weighty matter of your life? In this you will receive the prayer of your sincere friend, — Selby
Letter 33
Oakley Farms, Virginia March 8, 1863
Dear friend Eliza,
It is now my turn to complain of “humdrum life.” We have a little change from snow to rain, then fair weather sufficient to look out doors before it commences to snow again. When we came to our present encampment in November last, we could scarcely see daylight, the forest was so dense. But now we cannot see a tree save those few reserved as ornaments. But in their stead we cannot look amiss of a camp It has been quite awhile now since we (17th N. Y.) have done any picket duty, marching or reconnoitering, and with the monotonous routine of camp duty, times passes sluggishly on.
Your mention of your enjoyment of different works of poetry &c. brings a fait recollection that there is, or was somewhere, something in the shape of literature beside the silly novels and the daily recurring “Herald, Tribune, & Times.” Perhaps, Eliza, your standard of oratory is too high. Wendall Philips is thought by us of the East to be among the best of his kind, but were you to hear John B. Gough, as perhaps you have, you would be sure to like him also, and be highly entertained, notwithstanding he is “theatrical” in his style.
You comment somewhat upon the arbitrary power of the military. Military law is rigid and summary but the very nature of the institution for which an army is formed and the fact that all classes and characters are massed together demand this seeing severity. All have to yield to their superiors in rank, but with a man of reason it is looked upon as necessity and done without humiliation, or “loss of self respect,” although it is by no means an uncommon occurrence to see a commanding officer have under him many who are intellectually, morally, physically, and by position (previous to the war) greatly his superiors and are under him simply from the fact that they were sufficiently zealous in their country’s cause to enlist in her cause without seeking a position.
I don’t know as I feel any more humble or deficient of self respect when associating with a superior than an equal or inferior in rank. This freedom may be owing in a measure to the fact that there is less of that aristocratic distinction between the different ranks in our regiment than in many others.
We expect to “push out” before long though we hear not the least whisper of when, where, or how the spring campaign will be made. But we believe Uncle Joseph [Hooker] will show that the Army of the Potomac is yet alive before the two-year’s men from New York leave him. — Selby
Letter 34
Oakley Farms, Virginia March 29, 1863
Lide,
Your favor of the 20th was received two days since and its contents “devoured” with interest for although I have become emphatically and of “loving to write letters,” I still have an inclination to be exacting of others. Eliza, do not feel in mourning the loss of your sister as one in the agony of despair, for Divine wit informs us that such separations are needful and proper. I shall endeavor to make the acquaintance of your sister and her husband upon the event of their visit East next fall; provided, however, that I am at home then which event there are at present reasons to doubt.
I al glad, Lide, that you prefer “Wendall” to “John B. Gough” but something whispers to me that you must have somewhat modified your opinion regarding the “everlasting nigger”—the subject which alone calls forth the remarkable pathos of “Wendall.”
You ask if you do not write “real stupid letters” and enquire upon me to be candid & uncomplimentary. Hence, I must give a solemn answer or none at all. Now, Eliza, this is really bad in you not to allow me to mention any complimentary qualities of which your letters abound. The good taste, refined sentiment, lively style, near penmanship. As you must have an answer, I shall say—yes! I am writing to my lady friend in the Far West and yet it almost vain that I should do so for by her last letter I am informed that she expected to “blow away.” Should you, perchance, still be of the present tense and receive this epistle, please inform me whether it was on account of age, beauty, or other quality that you entertained such “fairy notions.”
I suppose it would not seem natural to receive a letter from the army with no war items among its contents so here goes to the Army of the Potomac. With Fighting Joseph at the head, they can flog any equal force in front and the combined clan of Copperheads at the North. The army here has improved to an amazing degree within the past two months. Its numbers have been swollen largely by the return from hospital of many that were wounded in action or worn out by the long marches of last season. Also many exchanged prisoners have returned.
The reaction and almost utter demoralization of the army occasioned by the loss of their favorite leader, the defeat of Fredericksburg, and the discouraging sentiments so prevalent at the North have subsided. Gen. Hooker in his zealous efforts to discipline the army has manifested a deep interest in the welfare of his command and is fast winning their esteem and confidence. He is known to be a brave man’ we now think him competent to meet the exigencies of his present position. Many of McClellan’s warmest friends have entire confidence in Gen. Hooker. But give us the support of a united North and we will do our share.
Your true friend, — Selby
Letter 35
Oakley Farms, Virginia April 14, 1863
My dear friend,
Your favor of the 7th inst. came to hand last evening. You state that my former letter came into your possession “about a week ago after an ominous silence of a number of weeks.” My last letter, 29th ult. was written two days after receiving yours, whereas you acknowledge a week between the date of your receipt and writing. Again, your little short letter. But my dear Miss, your letter possesses the same quality in (I think) a larger degree; but I will not scold as that wouldn’t be pretty. I shall be obliged to write a short letter this time also as we are to march early tomorrow and I have two or three letters to write besides getting ready to move to a new home.
At the time of your writing, you were reading that beautiful poem, The Lady of the Lake. When you read that portion styled “The Combat” please, for me, remember your friend as an actor of the part of [ ] due in connection with my old chum, E. M. Allen, a soldier in the 98th New York.
I hope your expectations of coming East with your sister the coming season will be realized.
The report of the “Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War,” recently published has to some degree caused a reaction of feeling here regarding Gen. McClellan. I suppose that your brother William will now depreciate my judgement more than heretofore for my being so recreant to Republicanism as to [ ] upon our leader with any degree of levity. While here I have often been censored for my want of confidence in Gen. McClellan. I do not think this fact is attributable to my attempting to hold a position adverse to my associates but because the position I thought to be reasonable was neither as enthusiastic as most of the soldiers nor as sarcastic as their friends at home.
A large body of cavalry move both to the right & left yesterday with necessary supports of infantry and artillery to allow them to cross the river into rebeldom. The whole army are preparing to move immediately with “eight days rations” and a large supply of ammunition. If Gen. Hooker proves to be as successful with a large army as he has with a smaller force, brilliant acquisitions will result from the campaign now begun. This is to be my last and I hope it will prove that will do honor to the “Army of the Potomac” and efficient service to the country. Hard fighting or fast running will undoubtedly occur within a few days. The same mail that brings the news of victory will cause mourning in many a household of our friends. Our trust is in God and our steel. Cheerfully yours. — Selby
Letter 36
Newark, New York September 8, 1863
My dear friend Lide,
It has seemed a very long period since I wrote you last. And indeed it has been two months. I could not now attribute the non appearance of the highly prized epistle to the :irregularity of the mail.” And after waiting what I thought to be a long time for return, reluctantly concluded tha, from some cause, you had chosen to break our correspondence, and too, without that understanding between us expressed as well as in etiquette always implied: when the party becomes disinclined to farther correspondence. But the receipt this evening of your letter of the 6th inst. in part dispelled my unpleasant inference. Perhaps I did you injustice to entertain such thoughts.
Far from “not missing” your letters, Eliza, during this long vacation, coupled with the inference mentioned above, I have missed them more than at any former period, and partly for reasons hereafter to be made known.
New York [State], since my last writing, you are aware, has been the theatre of active events. Gov. Seymour’s dear friends have enacted a “play” which draws the attention of the world and renders the “Empire State” more conspicuous than ever before. We have also had a malignant epidemic passing, as it were, through the Heavens. So many have caught but a single draft of the infected air, have been smitten by the terrible malady. This has led to divers diseases curable only by an appeal to the learned doctors of Abraham and then in most instances the healing balm could only be obtained by the payment of $300.
I am occasionally interested in my studies but to the beginner in the [legal] profession the antiquated Commentaries of Blackstone are not the most entertaining notes that might be laid upon one who has long been unaccustomed to studious habits. My greater interest, therefore, is in expectancy rather than the obsolete forms I am now drumming over.
Lide, you are pleased that I have chosen the profession that I have, but you remain silent on a point that from our long correspondence I deem you as well, if not better, able to judge than anyone else. To wit: my mental and moral ability to e successful. My grandmother says I should have studied medicine. She says I am too slow of speech for a lawyer.
Lide, allow me to ask you to lend me your photograph in your next letter, if convenient. I am having some vignettes printed and will send you one in my next if you wish. You sent me your Ambrotype some time since but I am sorry to state the “casualties of war” robbed me of it. I believe you have mine with the “army blue” which I prefer you to destroy as I think the civilian becomes me better.
I must close somewhat briefly but will write more at length next time. Hoping for an answer in a few days. I trust I may not be disappointed. Truly, — S. Selby Fish
Letter 37
Newark, New York September 29, 1863
Dear friend Lide,
I have this evening returned from Marion—from a visit thither under solemn circumstances. Cousin Daniel Russell was buried today, vut off in the spring time of life. He was partner with Mr. Norton (of your acquaintance) in the Marion Foundry & Machine Shop. Well engaged in business—life’s prospect was bright before him. But alas, how soon and suddenly is it turned to naught! We would have otherwise; but our will cannot rule the destiny of man.
Were it my lot to be cut off in youth, I should wish it could have been while in the army. However sensitive others may be about their friends being buried on a distant battlefield, denied the presence of loved ones to smooth the dying pillow and to pay the last tokens of respect by a Christian burial, for me (were early life to be yielded to its giver) there could be no higher boon than for my ashes to mingle with the slain thousands of freedom’s sons.
Lide, you probably noticed that in my last letter I wrote vinettes for vignettes. I soon thereafter learned that Webster knew of no such word and I had in that particular become an author.
Your letter of the 23rd was received this evening. I do not think that my manner of writing at times has been owing (as you suppose) to any distrust of your friendship; but while in the army the absence of congenial society and since my return having been most of the time among strangers; I have felt a loneliness and expressed an impatience and puerility perhaps, which, with more consideration I should have avoided. Our intimacy has led me to be free and unguarded in my expressions, writing always upon the first impulse, judging that the less constraint and formality used the better you would like my letters. How far I have misjudged your taste in this particular, I care not to estimate at present.
I am thankful, however, to have my faults brought to my notice that I may amend my ways therein. But my friend, if recollection, or old letters testify correctly, these faults have not been all on one side. Specifications might be made, were it pleasant to do so. Enough has been said on that point.
As to your question, to wit: “Do you know or can you imagine that any circumstances or change of circumstances could occur so that our friendly letters would be no longer pleasant or proper or right?” As this question, I say, is in a form and connection to demand an answer, I will simply say that I do not know of any. But I conceive there might be such “change of circumstances” with either party as, if unknown to the other party, would render a continuance of correspondence by that party improper.
Yes, we do have sad news from Gen. Rosecrans but I can hardly agree with you that “it seems strange to hear bad news from a quarter where we have been accustomed to hear such good reports.” I hold that success or disaster depends as much upon the force brought against an army as it does upon the skill and bravery of that army. When Rosecrans was pressed by overpowering force as the ARmy of the Potomac has often been, the result with his army even, is equally to be lamented, with the worst disaster to that most noble army of the East. And on the other hand no achievements of the “Cumberland Army” or that of indomitable Grant shine with more intense luster than do many of the brilliant deeds of the Army of the Potomac.
You see that I still claim honor for those veterans with whom I have passed so many eventful periods; neither would I cancel aught of the well-earned fame of the Western troops.
Eliza, I deem it best that our correspondence should cease for the present; however, as you have my likeness, you will not hesitate to send me your photograph as before spoken of. Your letters have been a source of great pleasure and of profit to me. I thank you for your kindness. I hope that mine have in some measure contributed to your pleasure during our three years correspondence. Wishing you much happiness, I hope ever to be remembered as your sincere friend, — S. S. Fish
I could not find an image of J. L. Elliott but here is one of Willis Calloway Watkins of Co. D, 4th South Carolina (Photo Sleuth)
These five letters were written by John Lewis Elliott (1831-1863), the son of Lewis M. Elliott (1802-1881) and Winniford Weston Edgar (1805-1898). John was married to Ann Neal Caminade in 1853 and had five children by the time he enlisted to serve in Co. B, 1st South Carolina Palmetto Sharpshooters. He was wounded at the Battle of Wauhatchie on 29 October 1863, a relatively small affair which turned out to be the last best chance for the Confederates to prevent the Yankees from reinforcing Chattanooga. Elliott died of his wounds on 28 November 1863 at Oliver Hospital in LaGrange, Georgia. His remains now lie buried in the “Stonewall Confederate Cemetery” in LaGrange. In the 1860 US Census, John was enumerated in Shallowford, Anderson county, South Carolina.
Serving with him in the same battalion was his younger brother, Edward “Hardy” Elliott (1837-1864), mentioned throughout the letters. Hardy was killed at Spotsylvania, Virginia, on 11 May 1864.
Letter 1
Camp near Richmond July 11th 1862
Dear Wife,
I seat myself this morning to drop you a few lines to let you know that I have got well and I hope that this may come to hand in due time and find you and the children all well. I got your letter yesterday that you wrote the 3rd and I was glad to hear that you was all well but Tete. I was sorry to hear that she had the bowel complaint but I hope you are all well now.
I got a letter from Papa that was wrote the 4th and he said that Jane had got poisoned or something. I hope she is well and I hope and pray that you may all keep well until I get home, and then on.
Dear, I am so glad to hear that you have so many fine Irish potatoes and beans, but I am sorry that I can’t enjoy the pleasure of helping you eat them. But I hope there is a better time ahead for us. I was also glad to hear that my filly had such a fine colt and was so gentle. I would like very much to see it but I would a heap rather see my dear wife and little children. May the Lord grant that I may soon enjoy that pleasure. I want you to pray for my safe return and also for yourself and our children and myself very often and I do hope the Lord in His mercy may hear and answer our prayers.
Tell your Ma that I want her to pray for me and John. Poor fellow—I suppose he is a prisoner. I hope he will get home safe yet. Give my love to all of your Pa’s family. Tell Pa that our men drove the Yankees about 30 miles and gave them an awful whipping but they killed a heap of our men. We had to charge their breastworks and then is when they got so many of our men. I was not in any of the fight. I was not able to be with them. I went to the regiment last Sunday. I have walked about 50 miles since last Sunday morning and I stood it pretty well considering we did not march fast or I could not have stood it. We have got back to our old camps. We got here yesterday but I don’t think we will stay here long from what I can hear.
Dear wife, I forgot to say that I was so glad to hear that our corn and watermelons look so well.
My dear, I do hope England and France will recognize us and stop the war shortly and let us poor fellows come home shortly to our families.
Dear wife, I will now close for this time with my best love and prayers for you and my little children. So farewell for this time. — J. L. Elliott to his wife, A. N. E.
P.S. Hardy is not well but I hope he will soon get well. He sends his best respects to you and the children. Derrick is not very well. He sends his love to you all.
Letter 2
Camp near Richmond, Va. July 4th 1863
My Dear Anny,
I seat myself this morning to drop you a few lines to let you know how I am getting along. I am tolerably well—only I have been sorter sick at my stomach for 3 or 4 days and I am pretty near tired down. We had orders Wednesday night to cook up our rations and I did not sleep much that night. Then we started from camp and marched about 16 miles and then our company was called on to skirmish with 8 other companies. We then advanced on the Yankees and drove them off. We took some prisoners and they say there was three regiments of infantry and one of cavalry and one or two of artillery. Our skirmishers and artillery run them clear off. Then we marched back about 5 miles which took us until about 12 o’clock in the night. Then we lay down and rested until a little after sun up. Then we marched about 5 miles and then we took the train and come back to camp and you would think we were tired and not think far wrong.
I have just been to the doctor and he gave me a big dose of salts. You need not be uneasy about me. If I get worse, I will write immediately.
Well we killed some few Yankees and taken some 10 or 12 prisoners. They run and left a good many of their things. Our cavalry got 4 or 5 haversacks and about the same of canteens. I got one pretty good oil cloth and a half of a little tent. That is all me or Bud got. John Patterson got three haversacks but he gave them to his mess. He has quit the mess I was in. They bursted up the mess while I was at home. Me and Bud has been messing by ourselves till a day or two ago. W. O. Singleton drew with us.
Dear, I do want to see you and the children mighty bad. I do hope and pray this war may soon end so I may come home to live with you the rest of our days. I put my trust in the Lord and I cannot help but feel that He will bless us with the happy pleasure of living together yet. But we must wait until it is His will to do so. We must pray earnest for it and act accordingly and He has promised to answer us. Our Savior says ask, and ask expecting to receive just the same as if you was to ask your Pa for anything with the expectation of his giving it to you. May that time soon come is my humble prayer. Give my love to Pa, Ma, and all of the girls. Tell them to write to me. Give my love to Papa, Mama, and all of the family. Tell them that Bud is well but very tired. I hope these few lines may come to hand and find you and all of our babes well and all of Pap’s folks and Pa’s. Give my love to Jenny and Uncle Lewis and Hannah.
I must now close for the present saying I remain your true and loving husband. Bud sends his love to you all and to Pap’s family. I send a kiss to you and all of the children.
— J. J. Elliott to his dear little wife, Ann N. Elliott and children, Jane, Judy, Martha, John & Susan.
There was nary man killed in our brigade. There was one killed in a North Carolina Brigade and two wounded by a shell. They was in the rear of us.
Letter 3
Camp near Lookout Mountain October 2d 1863
My Dear,
It is with pleasure I seat myself to drop you a few lines to let you know how I am getting along. I am well at this time and I hope these few lines may reach and find you and all the children enjoying the same good blessing. I have nothing new to write to you at this time—only I received a letter from you a few days ago and was very glad to hear you was all well and I was glad also to hear everything was getting along as well as it was. You said something about putting your hogs up early to fatten and you wanted to know what I thought about it. I think it the best to put them up as soon as you possibly can so as to kill about two weeks before Christmas, I am glad to hear Jenny and Hannah has got fodder enough pulled to do them. Tell them I want them to pick just as many peas as they possibly can. Tell them I have not forgot them. Give my love especially to Jenny and tell Lewis there is something else I must tell you. About a few days ago, we got out of bread and had to do without from one morning until the next day dinner and I got so hungry against it come to us I eat such a batch of the coarsest cornbread you ever saw and bacon that it made me right sick for awhile. But I have got over that. We eat our coarse cornbread, husk and all.
They say furloughing is stopped so I am afraid I will not get home soon unless Bud gets me a recruit. Give Bud my best respects. You said you wanted to know whether you ought to go to Papa’s or not without they asked you. My advise is not to go. If they are so mad, they will not ask you. I would not go where I was not wanted.
Our company went out on picket night before last and it rained on us all the time we was out. We was relieved yesterday evening and got a house to stay in for the night and it rained nearly all night. But his is a very pretty day. It has been very dry out here and dusty. I received a letter from Ma a day or two ago which gave me great pleasure. She says for me to write back forthwith but you must tell here to excuse me for I have no paper with me. I got this from E. H. I have not saw my knapsack since we left the railroad. E. H. sends his love to you and children. Give mine and Hardy’s love to Papa, Mama, and all of the family. Tell them Hardy is well. I will now close by giving my best love to you and the children. Give my love to all Pa’s family. — J. L. Elliott
Letter 4
Chattanooga, Tennessee October 20, 1863
My Dear,
I seat myself this morning to drop you a few lines in answer to one I received yesterday from you dated the 11th which gave me great pleasure to hear from you and hear you was all well. I hope you may all remain so. This leaves me well. all to the bellyache. I have got over my head and backache but I have got the bellyache. I reckon it is from eating too much fresh meat. The boys brought a fine chance with them the other day off of the mountain.
I have no news of interest to write to you as everything is quiet here. There is no advance being made on either side. I showed your letter to the captain and he says there is no chance for me to get a furlough. He is perfectly willing to give me a furlough but it is not in his power to do so. The captain says for me to tell you he would do anything in his power for us but it is impossible for him to do anything now. But he says there may be a chance this winter but he says if you could get anyone to come as a recruit for me, I could then get a furlough for forty days. He asked me if I knew anyone that I thought I could get. I told him about Robert Scruggs, if his mother would let him come, but I told him what you said about his Mother. I told him she would not let him come for the war to save all our lives. The captain asked me his age and I told him he was about sixteen and he says if she knew what was best, she would let him come for he says they will take him anyhow before long and and then they would send him just anywhere they pleased so she had better let him come here where he has some friends. So I will ensure her that if she will let him come here as a recruit for me, I will be a friend to him as long as we both live. So you can see Mrs, Scruggs and state the case to her and see what she says and let me know in your next letter. Tell Mrs. Scruggs that I do not wish her son to be obliged to go to the army but it is just as the captain says, he will be certain to have to go before long and it would be better for him to be where all South Carolinians are. Our whole brigade are South Carolinians. But just let her do as she pleases, but when she lets him be taken and they carry him to the coasts and takes sick and dies with disease, then she will wish she had let him come here in a healthy country. And if we leave here, we will be apt to go to Virginia where it’s healthy. We will be apt to be in a mountain country all of the time.
You said you wanted to know if I wanted the woolen shirts made. I don’t care anything much about them so you can make the cloth up for the children. I need some cotton shirts but you need not make any. I aim for the government to find me in clothes as you have so much hard work in getting your cloth wove. I like the color of your dresses very much. I want you to send me my overcoat by Bud when he comes and one pair of socks. Pa sent me two plugs of tobacco. Tell him I am glad he has not forgot me if he don’t write to me, and tell him I do thank him for them and tell him to write to me for I want to hear from him and tell him I want to know if he thinks this war will end any time soon. The most of the people out here think it will end this winter but I don’t know what is their reasons for thinking so without it is foreign intervention. I do hope and pray that it may end soon and that I may get home.
Tell Susan that John is well. He send his love to you all. Give my love to Papa’s family and also to Pa’s. I reckon you and Hardy and Papa has got the letters I sent you by A. J. Litton and I am in hopes Bud will be here soon to take my place for wahile. We will be apt to be through this fight before he gets here. I would like for him to be here now if I knew he would not get hurt. But if he was here, he should not take my place till this fight is over. I send a special kiss to you and also one to the children, — J. L. Elliott
to A. N. Elliott
Letter 5
Oliver Hospital, Ga. November 5th 1863
Dear,
I this evening seat myself to drop you a few lines to let you know that I am still alive and doing as well as could be expected under the present circumstances. I suppose you have heard of me getting wounded before this time. Do not make yourself uneasy about me. We have very good nurses here. The man that dresses my wound is very tender with it. I went before the board yesterday but did not get a furlough. The doctors said my wound was rather bad for me to leave at the present but they saud they would meet again in a few days, then I think I will get off. There was a great many that got furloughs so I think my chance very good.
I must soon close as it is my right shoulder that is hurt and I am afraid it will not do for me to use my hand too much. I hope these few lines may soon reach and find you all well. I hope to see you all before long. I will write to you in three or four days again. I do not expect to hear from you at all unless E[dward] H[ardy Elliott] remails your letters.
I will now close with my best love to you all. — J. L. Elliott
If you have not got wheat enough to do you, buy 5 or ten bushels or get someone to but it for you. As for salt, I do not know what to say to you about that but I hope they will be some way provided to get it. — J. L. Elliott
In this letter, 32 year-old Capt. William Thomas Marsh (1830-1862) of the “Bloody 4th” North Carolina, writes his cousin Maggie just seven weeks prior to being mortally wounded while commanding the decimated 4th in the “sunken road” at Antietam.
This is Capt. Edward Stanley Marsh of Co. I, 4th North Carolina Infantry, who took over as captain after the death of his older brother William. Edward & William farmed together in the South Creek District of Beaufort county assisted in their work by more than twenty slaves. The two brothers probably bore a resemblance to one another.[See State Troops & Volunteers]
A wealthy planter and 1851 Yale law school graduate, Marsh was a Whig representative of Beaufort County in the North Carolina General Assembly in 1861. He enrolled for war service on 6 April 1861 and was commissioned Captain of the “Pamlico Rifles,” Co. I of the 4th Regiment on 10 May 1861 as the regiment was first organized. He was reelected to the legislature shortly before the Battle of Antietam but decided to remain with his men. He was in command of the regiment in the Sunken Road at Sharpsburg on the morning of 17 September 1862 as the senior officer present, and was mortally wounded in action there. The fighting in or near the sunken road resulted in over 5,600 casualties (Union 3,000, Confederate 2,600)—including Marsh—during a 3.5 hour period from 9:30 a.m. to 1:00 p.m.
Marsh died of his wounds at Shepherdstown, VA on 25 September 1862. The news of his death was carried home by his servant who returned to North Carolina carrying the captain’s watch which had been struck by the bullet that caused his death. “The watch is a small gold one, and was in the overshirt pocket on his left breast. The ball struck the lower part of the watch, crushed and bent it, and passed into his body.” [The Standard of Raleigh, 8 October 1862]
According to the survey of Antietam field burial graves done a few years after the war (available online), Capt. W. T. Marsh’s body was found buried alongside those of others from the 4th and 14th NC near an apple tree in Ben Graves’ garden on the north side of the Shepherdstown Road. Sometime later these remains were exhumed and buried at the Washington Cemetery at Hagerstown, Maryland. Capt. Marsh, it seems, was transported to Bath, North Carolina for burial in the Palmer House graveyard. A tall white memorial column in his honor stands in the shade of a giant oak behind the historic Palmer-Marsh House (the family residence) in Bath. It reads: “Fell mortally wounded on the field of Antietam, Sept. 17, 1862, gallantly leading his veteran regiment to battle and to victory. He breathed his last eight days thereafter in the home of strangers, who yet soothed his final hours with their sympathy and kindness.”
The 4th North Carolina’s regimental history described the fighting at the sunken road as follows:
“About nine o’clock the enemy’s line of battle appeared, moving in magnificent style, with mounted officers in full uniform, swords gleaming, banners, plumes and sashes waving, and bayonets glistening in the sun. On they came with steady tramp and confident mien. They did not see our single line of hungry, jaded and dusty men, who were lying down, until within good musket shot, when we rose and delivered our fire with terrible effect. Instantly the air was filled with the cries of wounded and dying and the shouts of brave officers, trying to hold and encourage ‘ their men, who recoiled at the awful and stunning shock so unexpectedly received. Soon they rallied and advanced again; this time more cautiously than before. Our men held their fire until they were within good range again, and again they rose to their feet and mowed them down, so that they were compelled to retire a second time; but they rallied and came again, and the battle now became general all along the line. The roar of musketry was incessant and the booming of cannon almost without intermission. Occasionally the shouts of men could be heard above the awful din, indicating a charge or some advantage gained by one side or the other. Horses without riders were rushing across the field, occasionally a section of artillery could be seen flying from one point to another, seeking shelter from some murderous assault, or securing a more commanding position. Soon Captain Marsh was mortally wounded and borne from the field.”
In the letter, Marsh describes how he contracted pneumonia following the Battle of Williamsburg in early May 1862 and was sent to a hospital in Richmond for recovery, fortuitously enabling him to miss the Battle of Seven Pines on 31 May. He returned to his regiment in time for the Battle of Gaines Mill, VA on 27 June where the much smaller regiment lost another 23 killed and wounded. Marsh also describes the gallant, though reckless death of Captain Thomas M. Blount of the 4th North Carolina who was serving as Asst. Adjutant to Gen. George Burgwyn Anderson.
In his letter to his cousin, Marsh also reflects on the effects the war is having on him: “I have been so often under fire with the missiles of death falling around me, seen so many friends and companions slain that my sensibilities have become callous. Such is war.” He also goes on to discuss the hard life of the Confederate soldiers: “This is exceedingly to be deplored as our brave men are making every sacrifice in defense of this country, abandoning home and all its comforts and should not want for sufficient food if in the power of the Government to provide it yet it is often the case.” Towards the end of his letter Marsh concludes by expressing his ardent desire for peace and his belief that that desire is also felt by other soldiers, not just on the Confederate side, but on the Yankee side as well: “None can hope or wish for peace more ardently than myself. Or than the army generally and if I may judge from the language used by Yankee prisoners, the same sentiment prevails in the army of the enemy. Their letters found in the camps disclose the same sentiment among the people of the North.”
[This letter is from the private collection of Richard Weiner and is published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Artist’s rendering of Confederate troops fighting in the Sunken Road at Antietam
Transcription
Camp 4th Regt. N. C. State Troops Near Richmond [Virginia] July 29th 1862
Dear Cousin Maggie,
Your oft looked for letter of the 27th ult. was received a few days since after many delays in the Post Office to which those of us in the army are particularly subject—especially those whose letters have to pass through the Richmond Office. The pressure upon it for so vast an army in addition to the usual business of that office is the excuse. It is often the case that our letters remain in the office there two or three weeks before they are distributed—another source of annoyance tending to render he life of the soldier more intolerable. To those whose homes are free from the dominion of our invading foe, this inconvenience is a serious discomfort, but to those situated as myself, it only affects a temporary or transient correspondence with a few friends in the army or elsewhere, and a few home folks who are like yourself refugees.
I can well conceive of the condition Washington and New Bern are in. I have seen several places after the enemy has been driven from them. A blight of famine and age rested upon them. I have seen the horrors of this war, though, so much more sadly exhibited in other respects, that those seemed to be light. Where a country is occupied by the enemy without resistance or any irritating causes to arouse the most passions, or give excuse to the basest for the commission of outrage and devastation, it cannot suffer, as where two great hostile armies confront each other, and where the localities alternately are occupied by first one, then the other. Where such is the case, scarce a sign of civilization is left—scarce a green shrub—or herb—everything bears the evidence of devastation.
On the day your letter was written—the [June] 27th—we were having stirring times here. The series of battles on the Chickahominy which resulted in such signal success to our arms were upon that day inaugurated. They commenced the evening before but on the 27th the enemy were routed and commenced retreating. A fortunate fatality—or more properly, the protecting care of a kind Providence—has shielded me from the dangers which environed and brought me through so far untouched. I have been so often under fire with the missiles of death falling around me, seen so many friends and companions slain, that my sensibilities have become callous. Such is war.
Capt. Jesse Sharpe Barnes of Co. F, 4th North Carolina Infantry lost his life at Seven Pines. He’s wearing his South Carolina Militia Uniform (he initially joined the militia in S. C. before N. C. seceded). (LOC)
The Battle of Seven Pines in which our regiment suffered so severely, to which you refer, I was unable to participate in. 1 The Battle of Williamsburg, fought May 5th was upon a very cold, rainy day. The exposure to which I was there subjected, made me quite sick. I was sent forward to Richmond laboring under a severe case of pneumonia or pleurisy, and was still sick there when this battle was fought and for two weeks after, since which time my health has been as well as could be expected under the circumstances though delicate.
Our friend Perry met a brave and gallant death. He fell in the midst of the battle in the full discharge of his duty. Was taken to Richmond but his wound being mortal, he died the next day. He was but one among many noble friends of mine who fell upon that occasion. Also, it would almost seem that our bravest and best men are the first to fall. In my own company I have lost in battle the best men I had. Other officers remark the same thing. Thirteen of my company have thus fallen and eighteen others been wounded, many of them so as to be unfit for service again, crippled for life.
In the last battle, our regiment did not suffer so seriously as others. We were only once ordered to charge and then the enemy did not stand but fled before us, only firing a few shots. In this charge, we lost one of our best officers—as brave and gallant a man as there was in the army—Capt. Thos. M. Blount [Jr.]. He was a cousin of the Maj. T. H. Blount’s family, the Miss Hoyts & Treadwitt’s. Perhaps you have met him in Washington, N. C. just before my company and Capt. [David M.] Carter’s left there last spring 12 months and joined Capt. Carter’s Co. as a private. Was promoted to be Asst. Quartermaster, and at the time of his death was acting as Asst. Adjutant General on the staff of Gen. G. B. Anderson.
Our Brigade being ordered to charge, one of the regiments—the 30th N. C.—seemed to hesitate or did not move forward promptly as he thought it should. Riding up to the standard bearer, he seized the colors of the regiment and called upon it to follow them. Spurring his horse forward, dashed among the enemy far in advance of any of our forces. This act of rash gallantry cost him his life as he was instantly shot from his horse, pierced by several bullets. No man belonging to our regiment has fallen whose death has been more generally lamented.
I might give you many incidents which came under my personal observation during the six days consecutive fighting on the Chickahominy but doubtless you have seen many of them noticed in the papers and he small space allotted to such a purpose in a letter cannot admit of it. I think I wrote you of the destruction of the confederate property at Manassas when we evacuated that point, but there was no comparison between what I then saw and what I witnessed in the many Yankee camps. Their fairly equipped army feeling secure had gathered around them every necessary and many luxuries. In their precipitate flight, these were hastily destroyed or damaged and abandoned. In some instances, we succeeded in getting articles we needed much for our personal comforts and many of those little delicacies to which we had long been strangers, such as cheese, West India fruits, wines &c.
The Union wounded at Savage’s Station. This image was taken the day before Confederate troops overran the location, taking prisoner those wounded soldiers who could not hobble along on their own. Vast stores of provisions were ordered to be set to the torch by McClellan when the location was vacated.
At present all is quiet with us and we are allowed for the first time since we left Manassas to get some repose though our living is very hard. The country is devoid of gardens or any marketing. We pay 50 cents a pound for fresh meats. One dollar apiece for chickens not larger than a partridge. Irish potatoes 50 cents per quart. Onions 15 cents apiece. Small ones 75 cents per quart. Butter from one dollar to one and a half. All other things in proportion. The provisions furnished to the army are very scanty and of inferior quality. This is exceedingly to be deplored as our brave men are making every sacrifice in the defense of their country, abandoning home and all its comforts, and should not want for sufficient food if in the power of the government to provide it. Yet it is often the case.
We do not anticipate any fighting here soon. McClellan cannot get ready to make an offensive demonstration before some time in November. We indulge the hope that e’re that time, there will be intervention or mediation which will bring with it peace. None can hope or wish for peace more ardently than myself, or than the army generally, and if I may judge from the language used to me by Yankee prisoners, the same sentiment prevails in the army of the enemy. Their letters found in the camps disclose the same sentiments among the people of the North.
Give my kind remembrance to cousins Martha and Mary and let me hear from you again sooner.
Yours sincerely, — W. T. Marsh
1 The regiment’s first major battle was at Seven Pines, in which they took part in the attack on Casey’s Redoubt, losing 369 men and officers out of 678 engaged, or 54%. In June 1862, the 4th was placed in an all-North Carolina brigade under their former colonel and now brigadier general George B. Anderson, consisting of the 2nd, 4th, 14th, and 30th North Carolina Infantry Regiments. They would see action throughout most of the major battles in the Eastern Theater, among them Gaines’ Mill and Malvern Hill, the Sunken Road at Antietam, May 1-3 at Chancellorsville, Oak Ridge at Gettysburg, the Bloody Angle at Spotsylvania, the 1864 Valley Campaign, and the Siege of Petersburg. Only 8 officers and 101 men were present when surrendered at Appomattox.
This journal was kept by Captain Samuel Holmes Doten (1812-1906) of the 29th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry. The diary opens on June 12th, 1862 during the Peninsular Campaign with a note: “At retreat from before Richmond, I lost all my baggage and with it my diary of army life up to this date—June 12.” The diary is pretty much continuous from that date onward until he was mustered out on May 30, 1864.
Doten’s handwriting is good, his observations keen and many. The diary includes battle descriptions and accounts of many skirmishes, crossing paths with many Union generals, detailed accounts of what befell men in his Company E and in other companies and regiments from Massachusetts’ south shore area including the town of Plymouth, Doten’s home town, and daily observations of weather, his surroundings, his duties and company assignments, and his health.
Doten first made his living as master of the packet ship “Atlanta” that plied the coastal waters between Plymouth and Boston. His seafaring experience reveals itself in the acute observations of the weather he notates in his diary—particularly the wind directions, and use of such nautical descriptions as “tempests” and “squalls” to record what ordinary soldiers might call storms and showers. He later got into the lumber business and followed it for many years before the Civil War erupted.
Doten was 48 years old when he enlisted in May 1861 in the 29th Massachusetts Infantry and commissioned captain of Co. E. He mustered out of the regiment on 30 May 1864.
There are several newspaper clippings that I have inserted in the journal at chronologically appropriate locations that add color and context beyond what Doten has recorded. The clippings are from hometown (Plymouth) newspapers that were transcribed from letters written by members of the regiment, particularly Co. E that was raised in Plymouth. I feel strongly that many of the anonymous letters should be attributed to Doten. These clippings were found in the book published by Donald A. Dewey, entitled, “Return of the Dead, Plymouth During the Civil War.”
Officer’s Cap Insignia of Lt. John M Deane, 29th Massachusetts, Co. K
[Note: This diary is from the personal collection of Jim Doncaster and was transcribed & published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Note: At retreat from before Richmond, I lost all my baggage and with it my diary of army life up to this date.
June 12 [1862]—Nothing of importance has occurred today. The left wing of the army made a successful advance and the right is endeavoring to cross the Chickahominy. We have had a still day though [ ] Delawa__ came here today.
Friday, June 13, 1862—We have had the usual alarms today. Regiment engaged in entrenchments. Nothing unusual has transpired.
“We are stopping within about 30 rods [@500 feet] of the rebel pickets. We have to stand in line of battle most all the time. We expect to have to go into action every minute. There has got to be a great battle fought at Richmond yet, I think…We have to sleep out doors most of the time. We have to turn out in the night and 4 times in the night. We have to eat hard bread and water most of the time. We don’t get much time to sleep now. I have got tired of such living, sleeping outdoors in the mud and rain. Our sharpshooters are picking off the rebel pickets. There is a large tree close by that we can get up in the top of it and we can see the rebels quite plain, but if the rebels see you, they shoot at you. I went up in the tree yesterday with a Lieutenant. We got fired at twice—both of the balls struck the tree.” — Pvt. George Peirce, Co. E, 29th Mass., 13 June 1862 (Source)
Saturday, June 14—We were on guard at the entrenchments last night at half past 2 a.m. Was called into line expecting an attack. At 10 a.m. was again called into line at a different point and stayed till 4 p.m. when we were ordered for guard at the outside picket.
Sunday, June 15.—At 4 o’clock p.m. my guard was attacked by one and one half regiments of Rebels during a heavy thunder shower. I had command of Co. E, 88th N. Y., and Co.’s E & C 29th Mass. My men fell back from the edge of the woods as the Rebels attempted to flank us. We lost two killed and three wounded. Chas. Klinhaus of my company was wounded. After about thirty minutes skirmishing we got back to our post and soon regularly relieved, tired and wet.
“Wounded. Co. E, 29th Mass. Reg., under command of Capt. S. H. Doten, of this town, was engaged in a skirmish with the rebels on the 15th, in which they came off victorious, and without loss. but one man private C. C. Klinhaus, was wounded; he had a narrow escape, the ball passing through his cartridge box and lodging in his side from whence it was extracted without making a dangerous wound. Nine dead rebels were found on the field after he fight.”
Monday, June 16th—We stood at the breast works till 7 o’clock this morning, wet & cold, with the ground covered with water and mud. The men were most used up. The Capt. that relieved us yesterday found eighteen dead Rebels in front of our lines. We have moved back our camp to good ground to rest the Regiment. Lieut. Collinwood was ordered back to the company yesterday by special order. Gen. McClellan was here today. The troops cheered him as he passed. He told us (it is said) that this was the last stopping place short of Richmond. My wounded man is doing well.
Tuesday, June 17—It has been beautiful weather today. We had quite a still time last night & today. My company has been to work on the Redoubts near the woods. There has been heavy firing towards the James River.
Wednesday, June 18th—Thirteen months since we left home and we are now before Richmond on the advance. We had a night of alarms last night. All quiet today. At 4 o’clock p.m. our skirmishers drew the fire of the Rebels and we were all called into line ready to advance.
Thursday, June 19th—The advance had quite a battle last night. The 16th Mass. lost 56 killed, wounded & missing. We have had no alarm today and hope to have none at night. It has been good weather. There has been quick firing on the right afternoon. Lieut. J[ohn] B. Collingwood has been placed under arrest.
A newspaper article dated 4 October 1862 states, “We are glad to learn Lt. J. B. Collingwood of the 29th Regt. has been ordered to join his regiment and informed that the proceedings instituted against him by Col. Peirce have been quashed as being trivial. This is a fitting commentary upon the proceedings of this Colonel.”
Friday, June 20th—My command was on fatigue today building trenches near the place where we was attacked Sunday. About 2 o’clock the Rebels began to shell the Right and Left Wings and sent a few of their compliments to us. No damage. All quiet. [Capt. William] Windsor returned last night.
Saturday, June 21st—Our pickets were driven in this p.m. & at four o’clock were again driven in by a large force and we had quite a battle on the left of our division. We had four wounded. Loss to Rebels not known. Took some prisoners. We gave them a good shelling. Weather good.
Sunday, June 22nd—The Rebels have kept unusually still today. Everything is quiet. We were turned out five times by alarms and fully expected to have a fight this morning. The alarms were occasioned by the Rebels burying their dead from last evening’s battle.
Monday, June 23rd—This a.m. we had good weather. At M [noon] we had a tempest and at that time was ordered out on picket duty at the place where we were attacked before. At two o’clock we were ordered to advance our pickets into the swamp. We advanced and soon found the Rebel picket and began a brisk skirmish which was kept up till night. No loss on our side. Weather squally.
Tuesday, June 24th—Last night at ten o’clock we had a severe tempest with heavy rain and very dark. This morning at daylight the Rebels opened fire upon us which we returned. At 7 o’clock the sun came out and warmed us up a little as we were very wet and cold. At Nine o’clock we were relieved and returned to camp.
Seven Days’ Battles
Wednesday, June 25th—We have had quite a battle today. A part of our Brigade and a part of Hooker’s & Casey’s division made an advance of some half mile. We met with heavy loss as well as the enemy. We lost many officers. Our batteries have been playing all this p.m. Two hundred men from our regiment are cutting down the forest day and night. Our regiment has been in line all day. Weather good.
Thursday, June 26th—Co. E is again ordered for picket duty. We have had near double picket duty to any other company in the regiment. Our guard is in the swamp where we have made an advance picket. At 4 o’clock a heavy firing of cannon & musketry was heard on the right and we suppose that Porter is trying to make an advance. This evening the bands were playing and troops cheering in all the camps but as we were swamped we could not find out its meaning.
Friday, June 27th—We heard early this morning that Porter was attack[ing] and that he was driving the Rebels and had taken Mechanicsville. This morning at 3:30 o’clock the cannonading began with musketry and kept up till afternoon. At five o’clock our Brigade was ordered at a moment’s warning to march for the battlefield five miles distance at double quick in fifty minutes and arrived just before dusk, formed line of battle, and was ordered to charge over a hollow to the hill beyond. As we filled into the hollow and were getting ready for the charge, a shell killed Lieut. [Thomas] Mayo, cutting the bayonet off J. F. Hall’s musket at the same time. We started up the hill and halted as it was too dark to charge. We were then ordered to “advance till we felt the enemy” which we did and soon felt them, our left drawing their fire. Halted & laid down but were soon ordered to silently retreat back to our old position. We were now at Gainesville near Gains’ Mills.
Saturday, June 28th—At two o’clock this morning we were ordered to cover the retreat of the army. We left the field—the last regiment that crossed the Chickahominy and arrived back at our camp at about five o’clock this morning. We have been quite still all day but are getting ready for a move in retreat and probably shall start tonight. All my sick and disabled are going with the doctor. Where we are going, I do not know but think James River. The Rebels are very still. I have not slept for 40 hours. We have got a few rations ready for a move and are all ready.
Sunday, June 29th—We started from camp at 9:30 o’clock last evening and marched as read guard to the division. We marched down the railroad to Savage Station and waited there till daylight. We again marched back about two miles for stragglers, deployed into a field and waited [—-ments]. Soon after we marched back below the Station near two miles. We were then ordered to march back again and report to Gen. Sumner. After reporting, he ordered us back again. We marched back two or three miles to where the troops were forming line of battle and there halted. The thermometer has stood at near 100 all day and not a breath of air to be felt. Quite a number have been sun struck today and quite a number of officers have been sun struck and given out. At 4 o’clock p.m., I had but about twenty men. At half past five p.m., we again started at the rear of the army. The Rebels attack us this p.m. and we are having a battle. At seven p.m. we were ordered onto the field as it was our division that was at it. Our Brigade went in strong and drove the Rebels hard. We took a few prisoners who say we fairly slaughtered the Rebels. At half past ten p.m. we again took up our line of march in the rear. It has rained hard this evening and made the roads very slippery and it is also very dark. We traveled to the White Oak Swamp Bridge. The bridge is over an extensive mud-hole. We crossed it at about two o’clock Monday morning and encamped on the side of a hill fairly used up, but about twenty of my company held out to get here. I had a slight sun stroke today but recovered in a short time. We have traveled all of twenty-five miles today.
Monday, June 30th—We were ordered into line at sunrise this morning and immediately the Brigade formed into line of battle at the Rebels were pressing in close. We eat what we could hastily from our haversacks which was nothing but hard bread and taking a drink of good water, the first we have had since we left, we fell into line and was after much marching placed in line of battle where we rested till noon. We had hard bread again dealt out to us here but no meat or coffee. At one o’clock we were surprised by a severe attack from a heavy battery that had been placed in position by the Rebels.
Col. Ebenezer Weaver Peirce
There was a stampede of mules about 100 of them being chained or rather harnessed into six mule teams and unhitched from the wagons and they stampeded among the regiments. Our regiment was immediately put in position to support the Batteries. We, not being in the right position at first, we were ordered by Gen. Richardson to march to the left, he executing this movement. Col. Peirce had his arm shot off, three men were killed, and a number wounded. We soon got our position and a perfect shower of shot and shell fell around us for near six hours. We laid as close to the ground as possible. In this battle we had eighty seven killed, wounded, and missing. At five o’clock p.m., the firing slackened and we had time to get some water and to bury the dead. Soon the Rebels began again and we again took our position till near seven o’clock.. At about three o’clock p.m., a heavy sharp firing was opened on the right where General ____ with a heavy force had been sent early in the day to protect our flank. At seven o’clock our regiment was called to go to the battlefield about two miles distant. We started at double quick and soon arrived at the field and was drawn up in line of battle for charging, but the cheering when they saw us enter on the field and the supposition that we were the whole Irish Brigade, served to check the Rebels and they soon ceased firing. It was quite dark and we stood in line till nine o’clock pm. and we were enticed to lay down on our arms. We tried to get water as we were very thirsty but it could not be found.
Our division had whipped the Rebels hard and they had given way before dark and our troops were driving them. Their loss must have been very heavy. Four of my men have been wounded today but none dangerously. at near twelve o’clock midnight we were ordered to fall in and march onward. Gen’ls. Sumner, Richardson, & Meagher showed themselves to be brave men today and they have the confidence of the troops. Gen’l Richardson is called “Fighting Dick.” He is cool, decided and energetic. As the mules had stampeded, we had to burn our pontoon bridges before leaving the first fighting ground. When the shot & shell was flying fastest. Gen’l. [Thomas F.] Meagher walked in front of the Brigade the whole length of the line to the batteries. As he passed our regiment when we were receiving the most attention from the Rebels, he remarked, “Hell boys, at this rate, you’ll soon want umbrellas here.”
“Brian K. Burton’s book Extraordinary Circumstances: The Seven Days Battles makes reference to an account of a fascinating incident that occurred at White Oak Swamp Bridge on 30th June 1862, part of the Peninsula Campaign. The Irish Brigade were positioned here as part of the Union rearguard during the Federal retreat/change of base to the James River. Confederate General Stonewall Jackson was tasked with applying pressure to the Union positions at this location, and the fighting principally manifested itself in the form of an intense artillery duel. William Watt Hart Davis of the 104th Pennsylvania Regiment was also present as the shells began to fall, and he witnessed an extraordinary sight as the Irish Brigade endured the barrage:
An Irish camp woman, belonging to a New York regiment, made herself quite conspicuous during the action. She remained close to the side of her husband, and refused to retire to a place of security. She was full of pluck. Occasionally she would notice some fellow sneaking to the rear, when she would run after him, seize him by the nape of his neck and place him in the ranks again, calling him a “dirty, cowardly spalpeen,” and other choice epithets. The flying shells had no terrors for her. During the hottest of the cannonade, this courageous woman walked fearlessly about among the troops, encouraging them to stand up to their work. Her only weapon, offensive or defensive, was a large umbrella she carried under her arm. In one instance she shamed a commissioned officer into returning to his duty. She belonged to the Irish Brigade, and her stout person, full, red face and broad language betrayed her undoubted origin.” [Source]
Tuesday, July 1, 1862—At one o’clock this morning our Brigade was called into line and ordered to take up their line of march for James River. We traveled about five miles and at sunrise fell again into line at what was called McClellan’s Headquarters, in about two hours after we were ordered out to support the batteries with some six or eight more regiments. We took a good smart shelling from Rebel batteries that we could not silence, receiving no damage. The batteries were ten withdrawn as well as ourselves and our regiment put on picket duty. At 4 o’clock p.m., Gen’l Meagher told us to kill six of the sheep in sight of us and also one bullock for our regiment. The sheep were dressed and divided among the men, fires built ready for cooking, but at that moment there was an alarm and we jumped to our arms and was immediately on the march. Lucky for us it proved a false alarm and we marched back and cooked our sheep. We had no salt but it was sweet and good as we had no meat for some time. The part of the bullock that fell to our share we immediately cut up into steaks and divided and put it away in our haversacks and luckily that we did as the rebels were pressing hard at the battle progressing on the right and for which we were held in reserve.
At five o’clock the time had come for us to march to “Malvern Hills” nearby and do our part of the days duty. We was soon on the field and a hard fought field it was. We were ordered to support the batteries. There was near fifty Parrott Rifle Guns in position. “Magruder,” the Rebel General charged three times on this battery but it was useless and we finally charged on them and drove them from the field. It is said that the Rebel army consisted of 40,000 men. Ours did not exceed 20,000. They lost very heavy as near three thousand lay dead in front of the guns. Our loss was quite large but the victory was ours decidedly. Near 100 guns continued to shell the woods for near one hour. It was a grand sight. [Charles E.] Merriam received a slight wound from a ball in his thigh.
Battle of Malvern Hill on 1 July 1862
Wednesday, July 2—This morning at one o’clock we were ordered to leave the battlefield and take up the line of march. By three o’clock the army was all on the march. Our Brigade bring up the rear as usual. At 4 a.m. it began to rain. Soon the roads were all mud and as we had now come up with our teams who had to take one side of the road while the batteries took the other, and three regiments passing side by side, it was a hard dirty mess. The regiment marched by the flank & by file through woods and fields never losing each other’s lead. We were soon covered with mud from head to foot & it rained very hard all the time. We marched sixteen miles to Harrison’s Landing where we encamped. We had but few tents and many of us had to lay out in the rain. Muddy and wet, wet all day and sleep wet all night with a cold chill wind is not the most agreeable way of resting from a hard days labor. We made shelters of our blankets as best we could and fixed for an uncomfortable night. We have suffered much for want of water on this march. Men have drank from puddles & pools of stagnant water and have suffered severely by so doing and many of these are sick and more will be. Although we have retreated from before Richmond and are sorely disappointed, yet we have confidence in our generals and especially in our Commander-in-Chief, General McClellan. This retreat has as we think been conducted with a masterful hand and a quick eye, and adds to, rather than takes from, his fame.
Capt. Josiah C. Fuller (Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art)
Thursday, July 3rd—We turned out soaking wet. It was a cold night and the most of us were so uncomfortable that we could not sleep. I have not slept any of consequence for a week and am most sick. Most of us are weak for want of proper food. At eleven o’clock a.m. we were called out as we were ed but before we got there, the troops engaged had taken the Battery engaged against us. We are now turned on the defensive and it will be dangerous to meddle with us. We changed to a new camp ground which is far better than the last. The 32nd Reg. Mass. Vol. arrived here today and was fully introduced to the sacred mud of Virginia. Some of the Plymouth boys came to see us. Saw Capt. J[osiah C.] Fuller [Co. C, 32nd Mass]. He was looking well. Some of our men who have straggled came in yesterday and today.
Friday, July 4th—This has been a very hot day. I went to the river and had a good wash. Took off my under clothes and pants and washed them and then sat and waited for them to dry. It did not seem much like the “Glorious Fourth.”
Saturday, July 5th—We were ordered to encamp in a piece of woods nearby. We laid out our new camp and soon removed ourselves to the new abode beneath the sheltering trees. It is better than the hot sun.
Sunday, July 6th—A very hot day. Everything goes on as usual. My men are getting over their fatigue a little, but many of them are sick.
Monday, July 7th—Still another hot day. We have kept as still as possible. At night we went to the James river about a mile distant to bathe. It was a real luxury.
Tuesday, July 8th—Hot again. We moved our camp further into the woods and have more shade though less air. We had dress parade this evening.
Wednesday, July 9th—Still hot. Everything seems to have settled down to the usual rounds. Went to the river and bathed.
Thursday, July 10th—We have shelter tents given out to us and have pitched them. Had them all struck this p.m. and ground well policed. Pitched my shelter tent in a good place and fixed it up quite comfortable. Had company today.
Friday July 11th—It rained hard all day and last night. No military movements today. Wrote home for chest or box.
Saturday, July 12th—Weather pleasant and good. The cavalry made a reconnoissance last night and brought back six prisoners.
Sunday, July 13th—Good weather. We went through inspection this a.m. and dress parade at p.m. I have drawn from the quartermaster shoes, shirts, and drawers and gave them out to the company.
Monday, July 14th—Was invited over to the 18th Reg. to dine with Capt. Collingwood & others. Had a good dinner—the first I have had since I left Fair Oaks. Spent the time quite pleasantly. We had Company & Battalion drills this morning. Weather hot. My men have all come except six and they are to be counted missing.
Tuesday, July 15th—The weather is very hot and sultry. Everything goes on as usual. It rained hard last night.
Wednesday, July 16th—I was sent with seventy-five men this morning to report to Gen’l. Richardson. He sent us to police the plain, bury old horses, &c. It was so hot that we could do but little and was sent back at noon.
Thursday, July 17th—we were again on police on the plain. It was a decidedly hot day.
Friday, July 18th—Just fourteen months since we left home. It rained hard all night and today. I have been quite unwell today with the piles.
Saturday, July 19th—We were mustered today. I made out our pay roll to muster by. We had a drill this morning but I was not able to attend. The weather has been quite cool.
Sunday, July 20th—Everything as usual with the usual Sunday inspection. Weather very hot.
Monday, July 21st—We had company drill this morning. The weather has been quite cool. I have been quite unwell today.
Tuesday, July 22nd—A stormy day and no drills.
Wednesday, July 23rd—It rained this p.m. I have been quite sick today. There is much sickness in the camp.
Thursday, July 24th—I went to the river and bathed today but it was too much for me and I have been quite sick with the neuralgy this afternoon. Cornelius Bradford came up from the Fortress Monroe to see me last night. He brought me some soft bread—the first I have had for a long time. He brought some cooking utensils that I sent down for. He went back today. It was quite hot. Drills as usual.
Friday, July 25th—This has been a very hot day. I have been quite sick today but went on dress parade for fear I should get lazy. It was rather too much but I stood it quite well. Saw William H. Johnston today.
Saturday, July 26th—Sick as usual and a bad head ache.
Sunday, July 27th—Inspection day. The company passed inspection and after that I dealt out pants to them.
Monday, July 28th—I am about the same as yesterday and suffer much with my head. The doctor pronounces my sickness Typhoid Fever.
Tuesday, July 29th—Sick as usual and have lost all appetite for food.
Wednesday, July 30th—Had a bad night last night and a sicker day than yesterday.
Thursday, July 31st—Felt a little better today and with assistance, went to the Brigade Surgeon to get twenty days leave of absence. “No go.” Just my luck. It has rained hard today.
Friday, August 1st—Have had quite a good day today but eat nothing of consequence. We were shelled from the other side of the river last night but it did but little damage.
Saturday, August 2nd—A bad day today. I find I grow weak very fast. The weather is good. 400 contrabands were sent over today escorted by a brigade of infantry to throw up breastworks on the other side of the river.
Sunday, August 3rd—I have been very sick today.
[No entries for a week]
Sunday, August 10th—I am better but weak. I have not been able to keep my journal for the past week. The regiment have gone out on picket guard without blankets or tents. I am very weak now. I took command of the camp by special request of Col. [Joseph H.] Barnes.
Monday, August 11th—Good weather. The Brigade has orders to get ready to move at 2 o’clock p.m.
Tuesday, August 12th—We have not started yet. All our knapsacks are on board transports as well as our tents. The regiment has been out on picket duty since Wednesday week.
Wednesday, august 13th—Nothing out of the usual routine of duty today. Weather warm.
Thursday, August 14th—Weather very hot and oppressive. I had all the sick in camp examined and those not excused I sent to the regiment. I think I am somewhat better today.
The Steamer S. R. Spaulding was used to transport sick and wounded soldiers in 1862
Friday, August 15th—The regiment came in from picket duty today. The sick are ordered to go to the hospital at one o’clock p.m. At two o’clock I was helped to the boat but had to walk near a mile in the hot sun. After a long delay, I was got on board a small steam tug and put on board the steamer, S. R. Spaulding. I was put in a good berth and had good attention shown me by kind female nurses. The arrangements on board the Spaulding for sick are good and they give attention to the sick. It did seem quite good to lay upon a bed again. We have some six hundred sick onboard.
Saturday, August 16th—We stopped at Fortress Monroe till about ten o’clock a.m. for orders and soon after sailed for New York with a cold head wind and strong breeze.
Sunday, August 17th—We have been at sea all day with a strong head wind. It is not very rough and the steamer moves along easily. I feel better than I have for some time. The sea air braces me up. The nurses are very kind and attentive. We expect to arrive by tewlve o’clock tonight.
Monday, August 18th—We arrived off New York at eleven o’clock last evening and anchored off Castle Garden. I got on deck and took my first view of the City. At ten o’clock a.m. two steamers came alongside and took us all on board. One steamer took those who were able to walk about to Fort Hamilton. The rest of the sick, myself included, were taken on board the other steamer and sent Newark, New Jersey. we sailed by Staten Island and sick as I was, I could not help getting up to the window and admiring the beautiful island and its fairy scenery. At 2 o’clock p.m. we arrived at our destination and landed into the hospital. I was much disappointed at not stopping at New York.
Tuesday, August 19th—I did not sleep much last night as it was the first time for near six months that I have slept without my clothes on. I took a little medicine last night and feel rather better today.
Wednesday, August 20th—Slept well last night and feel better today. Eat some fruit. Quarreled with the ward master about the food and had a row generally. Think I feel better for it.
Thursday, August 21st—Things go better with the promise of further improvements and change. I was most agreeably surprised with a visit from two of my New York cousins today—Deborah and Rebecca. Both came down to see me. I was very glad to see them as it is many years since I saw them before. I am very weak as yet but feel that I am gaining. I did not know Deborah at first and mistook her for “Kate.” I walked to the street with help and bought some fruit. Doctor [Henry B.] Wheelwright was here today and promised to do all he could to get the four officers here belonging to the Mass. 29th into Massachusetts “Doubtful.” The four officers belonging to the 29th are myself, Lieut. [William R.] Corlew, Lieut. [Freeman Augustus] Taber, & Lieut. [Henry S.] Braden.
Friday, August 22nd—We have a good hospital and good attendants. Doctor [John H.] Janeway, US Surgeon is at the head of it and the ladies of the city do all that they can to alleviate suffering. They are very kind. There is fourteen hundred at this hospital and the deaths are not over one per day on an average. I think myself better but little appetite, but it’s coming.
Saturday, August 23rd—Today I received a telegraph from Charley that they would break camp tomorrow. I have not been so well today.
Sunday, August 24th—The church bells sound good and I feel glad to hear them. Once more I am better than I was yesterday. I walked out a little way today.
Monday, August 25th—Better than yesterday. I walked to the depot and waited almost all day to see Charley. He did not come as I expected.
Tuesday, August 26th—Cousin Kate came to see me today and brought me oranges and lemons. I was very glad to see her. Lieut. Corlew and Taber started for home this afternoon to be back on Friday. Received telegraph from Charley that he would be here tomorrow.
Wednesday, August 27th 1862—Passed a restless night last night. At eight o’clock a.m. I got to the depot and waited till two o’clock p.m. at which time the cars came along with the 38th Mass. Regt. I saw Charley but had not time to talk with him. Saw other Plymouth boys. got back to the hospital most tired out.
Thursday, August 28th—I am not so well today as I had a bad night. This p.m. Mrs. Nichols and Mrs. Miller took me into their carriage and took me round the City. I was much pleased and it did me good. Newark is a very pleasant place, well situated, but not so business like as I should expect being only seven miles from New York. still it is a fine, healthy place and people kind and friendly.
Friday, August 29th—We were told by the Surgeon that he could give us a permit to go home. I immediately telegraphed home to send nothing to me as I was about to “change station.”
Saturday, August 30th—I got my papers fixed at eleven o’clock a.m. and then took the cars for New York. Went to see my friends and dined & spent the afternoon with them. At five o’clock took the Fall River boat for home. Met Lucius Mott on board the boat and took supper with him on board.
Sunday, August 31st—We arrived at Fall River and took the cars for Middleborough and there took a private carriage for Plymouth where I arrived at ten o’clock a.m. I was glad to get there and they were all glad to see me.
There were no entries from 31 August 1862 until 24 October 1862 while Capt. Doten was at home recuperating from his illness. During his absence from the regiment, the 29th Mass—the only non-Irish regiment of the Irish Brigade—participated in the Battle of Antietam where they fought in line between the 63rd and 69th New York regiments in the assault on the Confederate positions in the Sunken Road. Their losses were somewhat less severe than the other regiments in the Brigade because they were somewhat sheltered by a slight dip in the ground at their position overlooking the road.
Not long after the battle, Mrs. Doten received a letter—obviously a scam—purporting to come from Capt. Doten in New York, asking for money which read:
New York September 23, 1862
My Dear Wife,
I have just arrived here wounded in the arm from the battle. I shall not have to lose my arm but it will lay me up for some time. I am under the care of Dr. Cotton, and get him to write to you as I am unable to write. I shall be on to Plymouth in a day or two, as soon as I can get leave from Washington. Send me on by return mail $50 to pay some expenses. Don’t delay as I need it badly. Direct to me and put the envelope in another directed to Dr. Jesse B. Cotton, New York, then I shall get it safe. Expect me in a day or two. Don’t feel uneasy for my wound is not very bad. Don’t make it public until I get there. Love to all. Your affectionate husband, — Samuel H. Doten
On 6 September 1862, the local Plymouth paper published the following: “Arrived Home. Although sorry to owe it to his illness, yet it afforded us great pleasure to take the hand of Capt. S. H. Doten last Sunday upon his arrival from the Hospital at Newark, N. J. Capt. Doten was taken ill soon after the battles of the Peninsular, and although sick and hardly able to leave his tent he stayed with his company until the evacuation of Harrison’s Landing, when, being unable to proceed with his company he was sent to Newark, from where he had leave to visit his family, and under home influence recruit his health. Although Capt. D looks thin and worn, he is impatient to be again in the field leading his brave comrades against the rebels, and will join them at the earliest possible moment.”
Monday, October 24th 1862—I left home again and started for the army at 9 o’clock a.m. this day. Arrived at Boston and dined with B. Hathaway at Mrs. Goddard’s. Left Boston in the 5:30 o’clock p.m. train for New York by the Fall River route and am now on board the Steamer Metropolis. It is a fine night and cool.
Samuel C. Wright, Co. E, 29th Massachusetts, won the Medal of Honor for bravery at Antietam when he volunteered to run ahead and take down a split rail fence blocking the Iron Brigade’s approach to the Sunken Road.
October 21st, Teuesday—Arrived safe at New York at 7 o’clock this morning. Went to see the Bradford’s and took dinner and supper with them. Saw Sam Merriam, Nickerson, Sampson, & others and took a ride up Broadway. It is a splendid sight and well worth the trouble. Put up for the night at the Courtland House and had a good night’s rest. Went to Newark in the course of the day. Saw Mrs. Nichols but did not see Mrs. Miller. Went to her house. Went back to the hospital and got my discharge and then back to New York [City].
Wednesday, October 22nd—Started this morning for Baltimore at 7 o’clock a.m. and passed through Trenton, New Jersey, and crossed the Delaware River near where Washington crossed in ’76. We passed through a beautiful country, very level and fertile. After crossing the river, we passed through the town of Bristol—a nice farming town—and across the New York canal, passed through Lyconia on the Delaware River. It is an old town to appearance but good farming. Passed through Kensington and arrived at Philadelphia at 10:30 o’clock. Took the horse cars, passed through Philadelphia, and again took cars for Baltimore. At 12 M [noon] crossed the Schuylkill river, passed through Chester—rather a rough looking place, the land apparently good for farming and grazing and appears to be well improved. Soon after left the state Pennsylvania and came to Wilmington, Delaware. It appears to be quite a business place but rather dirty. Took my dinner in a dining car, probably a Yankee invention, w going at the rate of twenty miles per hour. We soon left the little state of Delaware and passed through the towns of Winchester, Perryville, and Havre-de-Grace where the trains cross the Susquehanna River on a steam railroad ferry boat. The river here is near half mile wide. We crossed in about fifteen minutes and arrived at Baltimore at half past three p.m. nd put up at the Eutaw House. W. T. Davis came there in the evening from Washington. I was much gratified to meet Major Christensen there. He is aide to Gen. Wool.
Thursday, October 23rd—This morning took a walk around the city and was much pleased with the appearance. Went out to Camp Emory, saw Capt. C. C. Doten and others belonging to Plymouth. Saw Col. Ingraham, returned to the city, and dined with Capt. C. C. Doten. saw George Cobb and took supper at a restaurant. Saw Joseph P. Maury at the hospital at Camp Emory.
Friday, October 24th—Capt. C. C. Doten stopped with me at the Eutaw House last night. This morning at 8 o’clock a.m. started for Washington and arrived at 10 a.m. went to the hospitals to find my men. Could find but one—Sergt. P[eter] Winsor at the Finlay Hospital. Went to the Patent Office which is filled with sick and wounded. Saw the Post Office Building. The Post Office and Patent Office are splendid marble buildings. Went to the Capitol and into it. Saw all the paintings in the rotunda. They are splendid and beautiful. Went through the Capitol grounds and at night put up at Willard’s Hotel.
Saturday, October 25th—This morning went to the Washington and as it is on the banks of the Potomac River, I had a good view of both. saw Washington Heights so famous in this rebellion as also the residence of Gen. Lee which is on Arlington Heights. Saw the Long Bridge. From there went to the pay masters and got my pay. Went again to the Capitol and got permission to go to the top of the rotunda. It is a splendid sight and beautiful prospect from there. We could see regiments moving mid clouds of dust and the Potomac with all its windings was before us. Got my money ready and sent it home by Adams Express. Saw Lieut. [Abram A.] Oliver [Co. I] and [Thomas H.] Husband [Co. F] and Capt. [Charles] Brady all of the 29th. Saw the Treasury Buildings and went through the grounds. The building is splendid but the grounds are poorly laid out as is all that I have seen yet. It wants Yankee industry and Yankee enterprise and ingenuity as well as Yankee thrift to make Washington what it should be. It is now splendid, magnificent, dirty and squalid and is really neither southern or Yankee. The weather has been fine since I started from home. Got my valise that I checked through from New York.
Sunday, October 26th—It rains hard today. Went to Gen. Banks’ Headquarters and got a pass for Sergt. Winsor. After dinner saw Mr. Bates of New York and in the evening saw Maj. Gen. McDowell. It has rained hard all day.
Monday, October 27th—Went this morning and got a pass for self, Lieut. Collingwood, and Winsor for Harpers Ferry. Went to the White House and went into the reception room. It was splendid. Went to the Smithsonian Institute. Saw the equestrian statue of Gen. Jackson at the grounds of the White House. The curiosities at the Smithsonian Institute are well worthy of a long journey and carefree observation. At 3:30 o’clock p.m. took the cars for Harpers Ferry at a cost of four dollars. Passed through Bladensburg and other towns to the Relay House at the junction where we left the Baltimore Road and took the road for Harpers Ferry.
Tuesday, October 28th—We arrived at Harpers Ferry at 4 o’clock this morning having been delayed by the trains running over a cow. Took a walk round the place and a look at the destruction of public property. Harpers Ferry is surrounded by high mountainous heights. Louden, Maryland, and Bolivar, the last of which our regiment is encamped upon. Went to the regiment at 11 o’clock a.m. and saw the company who were very glad to see me as I was to see them. I found them in shelter tents and at night took up my quarters in camp.
Wednesday, October 29th—Had a cool night with heavy frost. Was busy all day answering letters that had been sent while I was absent, Made out a large lot of Descriptive Lists for men in hospitals, Began my muster notes and pay rolls. At 4 o’clock p.m. had orders to pack up for a march and at 6 p.m. started, bag and baggage. Crossed the Shenandoah River over the pontoon bridge and followed the Potomac River down on the Virginia side beneath Bolivar Heights. It was a rough and hard road, mostly cut out of the solid rocks which were two to three hundred feet high and almost perpendicular. The scenery was grand and beautiful and I did wish to have had daylight to have enjoyed it.
We marched to Pleasant Valley about four miles and at 8:30 p.m. encamped for the night. I stood the march as well as I expected but sweat much, not being very strong. The weather was cool. I reported for duty today and was again placed in command of my company. We sleep without tents on the ground.
Thursday, October 30th—At 4 o’clock this morning the call was beat and the regiment ordered to be ready at sunrise for marching. And just as the sun peeked over the hills, we were in line ready for the march. We have a large force with us and three or four light batteries and all of our train of wagons and a large number of cavalry. At 7:30 o’clock we started and at 10:30 o’clock halted in the valley. This division was then divided and marched on each side of the road in line of battle. The battery, cavalry & teams came up and we proceeded to pitch our tents. I went to work again on my pay rolls. The weather is very good. We are here advancing to protect this valley gap and it is said to be important.
Friday, October 31st—This morning was again busy on muster rolls. Was detailed as Officer of the Day. Got Lt. Collinwood to take my place. About 9 o’clock a.m., the regiment were ordered to fall in for picket duty. We were about two miles from camp and companies were ordered on different roads to reconnoiter. Nothing discovered of the enemy. We were mustered in by Col. [Ebenezer W.] Peirce while out on duty. At night, set picket guard at a piece of woods on the north side of the road, the 116th Pennsylvania Regiment being on the south side. I had the 9 o’clock to one with three companies under my charge. Weather pleasant but cool.
Saturday, November 1st—The relief guard fell in at daylight and stood to their guns till sunrise when they had liberty to get their breakfast and as they had nothing to eat, it was soon accomplished. Some of the men killed a small pig. I bought two chickens and had them cooked. At ten o’clock we were ordered to camp and to pack up and march immediately. At about 11:30 a.m. we started at the rear of our Brigade followed by all Hancock’s Division and five or six batteries and marched about six miles and stopped to rest. At half past 3 p.m. we again took up line of march and marched about six miles and encamped for the night. It was pleasant weather but I could hardly hold out. My feet and legs were so swollen, I could hardly step when we encamped.
Sunday, November 2nd—We were called into line this morning at daylight, broke ranks for breakfast and at 7:30 o’clock started. Marched a short distance and deployed into a field and formed line of battle. We marched in line over fields, fences, &c. near one mile till we were opposite Snicker’s Gap through the mountain. The batteries came into line and took their station. Gen. Hancock was round. He appears smart and active. At 11:30 a.m. our regiment were rested near a fence in front of the gap.
This p.m. Porter’s Corps came up and at night encamped with us. There is a very large army here and we expect to advance in the morning. There has been heavy cannonading to the south of us all day. The weather is light and good.
Monday, November 3rd—Last night was cold with showers and heavy wind squalls. Went over to the 18th Mass. as they were near us, Saw Capt. Collingwood and Drew. Went to the 32nd Mass. but Capt. Fuller & company were detailed for ammunition guard. At 11 o’clock a.m. took up line of march. Went over five miles and encamped on the best farm I have yet seen in Virginia. Our army travels in three lines by different roads. We are now on the road to Winchester. The weather is cold but pleasant. Legs pretty well done for.
Tuesday, November 4th—This morning at two o’clock we drew one days rations and divided it out. Our advance cavalry under Gen. Pleasanton with some five or six thousand cavalry and ten batteries started early this morning and Porter’s Corps followed soon after. We rested here till night and encamped.
Wednesday, November 5, 1862—This has been a good day. At 1:30 o’clock p.m. we were ordered to fall in and march. We went about seven miles and encamped on a rough hillside, the wind high and cold, looking much like a storm. We had a hard march over high hills and deep valleys and a very rough road. I finished my pay rolls this a.m.
Thursday, November 6, 1862—The wind changed to the northeast about midnight and was very cold with rain and the wind blowing a gale. We drew our days rations this morning and at 7 o’clock took up line of march and marched through Piedmont where the railroad passes through. We crossed one other railroad about one mile from the first and encamped for dinner. After dinner fixed our camp and at six o’clock I was detailed for picket guard and sent with 100 men under my command about two miles. It is very cold and having marched near ten miles, I can hardly step but don’t give up yet.
Example of Capt. S. H. Doten’s Journal
Friday, November 7th—It was a very cold night on guard. I laid down on the ground about half hour but gave it up, it was so cold. I walked my guard all night twelve hours and was chilled through. We were not allowed any fire on the pickets. At 10 o’clock it moderated and commenced snowing. Snow fell to the depth of three or four inches. It snowed nearly all day. Got a letter from home. Our tents got up with us tonight and I have pitched mine for the first time since we left the Ferry. It is reported here that the Rebels have taken possession of Snicker’s Gap.
Saturday, November 8th—At 4 o’clock this morning we were ordered to draw one day’s rations and be ready to start early. At even and a half o’clock we started and traveled about 12 miles and encamped at the edge of a wood. McClellan and Burnside passed us today and a very large train of wagons. Our batteries are placed near us to prevent surprise and are placed in good position. This looks rather squally. The weather looks threatening but it is not so cold and the snow is fast disappearing. No tents tonight.
Gen’ls. Burnside & McClellan ride past the troops on the march in November 1862.
Sunday, November 9th—It was a cold night and snowed. At 9 o’clock a.m. we had services and started on the march. We marched about eight miles to Warrington where we arrived at 2 o’clock p.m. This place is Burnside’s Headquarters at present. There is a great number of troops here. We have about one thousand head of cattle with us. At three o’clock p.m. we encamped for the night. Our tents came up and we pitched them. Saw Capt. Fuller of the 32nd Mass. as we came into town. The weather is fine but cool.
Monday, November 10th—This morning we were called into line at 6:15 o’clock as Gen. McClellan was to take a final leave of the army. At 9 o’clock the troops were all in line and soon after the General came past and was saluted by the soldiers. There was many wet eyes as the officers and soldiers think highly of him and felt bad to have him leave us. It has been a beautiful day. We cheered McClellan heartily as he passed. We expect to leave here tomorrow. Got my pay rolls read over today & got clear of them.
Tuesday. November 11th—This has been a good day and as it is warm, I have improved the day to get my writing and correspondence square.
Wednesday, November 12th—We have had a pleasant day. Went up to Warrenton and took a look at the town. It is an old place. Has six churches—two of them Methodist, two Presbyterian, one Episcopal. and one Catholic—three hotels, and quite a number of stores. The business of the place is principally farming. There is some manufactories of cloth ad some small manufactories of other business. There is many quite fine residences and before this war it was called quite a healthy place. The town stands mostly on an eminence overlooking the surrounding country. The place looks squalid and dirty. There is quite a large number of sick secesh prisoners here, mostly wounded in the last battle [Antietam] and as they left here in haste they could not take them away with them. I went over to the 18th Regt. and took supper with Capt. Drew and others. Saw Capt. Fuller at Warrenton. He looked well and hearty.
A sketch of Warrenton, Virginia, appearing in Harper’s Weekly, November 1862
A letter submitted to a hometown paper by an an anonymous contributor from the 29th Massachusetts wrote the following of Warrenton, mocking the village:
We expected before this time to have advanced still farther into the heart of Old Virginia and give the rebels a second revised edition of what they received at Upperville a few days since, but delay seems to be the order of the day whether McClellan or Burnside guides the arms of State or leads on to battle; when the rebels get sufficient distance from us that there will be no danger in following them, we should probably follow in the tracks, but at sufficient distance to secure safety.
Warrenton, near which we are encamped, is what would be called in Massachusetts, quite a village, but is near dignified with the title of a city, it is situated on a high rising ground and like all else in Virginia, has the look of ages past, when architecture was in its infancy, and deformity the ruling passion. Rural and modern architecture would certainly blush at the huge stone or brick chimneys that are generally erected at both ends of the houses on the outside, and at the abortive attempts at portico and piazza, which are as heavy with lumber as a Dutchman’s eyes with slumber. We should as soon look for beauty in form and feature in the wooden Gods of the Chinese mandarins, as to look for beauty or taste in architecture among the F. F. V’s, in Virginia. Nature having formed the foundations, of the street (as it has but one principal street) of this city of a composition almost adamantine, it has been kept in a decent state of preservation, but the sidewalks, that have the appearance of once having been formed of brick have long since passed away and their material, in imitation of human nature, returned to the dust from which they were first created. At the crossings and as further evidence of its antiquity, are heavy stepping stones probably in imitation of the ancient druids, or in fear that the time of which we often read might come, even here, of streets deluged in blood, at which time those who were bootless could pass over and not wet their feet. Having some curiosity in knowing what could possess human beings to locate themselves here, and railroad victims to make a branch railroad to this place, and to understand what could support either, we asked a cadaverous looking specimen of humanity, that looked for all the world as if a spirit had left its earthly home unbeknown to its shadow, and left that God forsaken: “What was the principal business of the place, from which increase could be desired for the support of man and beast?”
Thursday, November 13th—Slight showers last night. Weather moderate. We have had a pleasant day. We were called out to greet Gen. Burnside but as he did not appear, we saved our greetings for another time. Had an invoice of stockings, shoes & overcoats and issued them. The overcoat I took myself.
Friday, November 14th—We have beautiful weather and moderates. Drew two days rations this a.m. and this evening we were ordered to draw one more ration and be ready to start early tomorrow morning. Nothing unusual has occurred today. Got my outside coat fixed.
Saturday, November 15th—Started at 7:30 o’clock this a.m. and marched about ten miles to near Warrenton Junction. Crossed the railroad and encamped for the night at about 4 o’clock p.m.
“You see we are on the move again. we arrived here in Warrenton last Sunday, having made a longer stop here than at any other place since leaving Bolivar Heights. This morning, however, we are to move again, report says towards Culpepper. The order came last evening to be ready for a move, and Chaplain Hempstead had the men got together, when he addressed them upon matters pertaining to the soul. It was a solemn time, for the hour was an unusual one, and the Chaplain spoke with unwonted earnestness. I think the meeting will not be forgotten soon by those who attended.
Since leaving Bolivar Heights, we have been blessed with pretty good weather, with the exception of one day, when we had quite a snow storm. The nights are very cold and with nothing but our small shelter tents, it seems as if we must freeze.
Capt. Doten and Lieut. Collingwood joined the company before leaving Bolivar Heights, much to the gratification of the boys, and this morning I noticed the shoulder straps on Lieut. (late Sergt.) Winsor, who has received a second Lieut’s. commission, and been appointed to our company, another cause for congratulation.
There is nothing of interest occurring with us now. We march day after day without seeing or hearing of a rebel, at least, since leaving Snicker’s. We eat our daily portion of raw salt pork and hard tack, and wait patiently for the “coming event,” for we are all king for a fight, Gen. McClellan is superseded by Gen. Burnside, and something must be done, and that quickly, or Burnside will be superseded, as an officer said the other day, it was nothing but say good bye to one General, and “how d’ye do” to another, in this Army of the Potomac.” — Letter by Pvt. Henry H. Robbins, Co. E, 29th Mass., dated 15 November 1862
Sunday, November 16th—Started at 7:30 o’clock this a.m., our Brigade in advance and our regiment in advance of the Brigade. As we were the advance, so we were the skirmishers for the day. We marched fourteen miles through the woods and fields. The army advances in three columns, one in the road and one on each side of it. We encamped at 4 o’clock p.m. tired and weary.
Monday, November 17th—Got our breakfast and started at 9 o’clock a.m. as rear guard for the teams. We marched to the road and waited till near twelve o’clock before the rear of the train came up when we fell in at 5 o’clock p.m. We encamped having marched about eight miles. There has been heavy cannonading in advance all day. We had quite a rain last night.
Tuesday, November 18th—We were ordered to fall in this morning at 6:30 o’clock. We got our breakfast and was ready. Marched to near Falmouth and encamped. Our troops appear to be in good spirits.
Wednesday, November 19th—We still remain at our camp. Troops have been passing us all day.
Thursday, November 20th—We had heavy showers last night and through the day. I went to Falmouth about one mile distant from our camp. it is an old town and looks like most of the towns in Virginia—about run out. I could not get anything to eat but a few potatoes and some corn cakes. Potatoes are four dollars per bushel and very poor. Potatoes were planted this spring but the Rebels pulled them up when they were about half grown. Consequently they are very scarce. We here get our first sight of the Rappahannock River. The bridges are all destroyed but the river at this place is fordable. I get quite a good view of Fredericksburg on the opposite side of the river. The burial ground of this town has like the place, gone to decay. Saw quite a number of the graves of our cavalry in this burial place. They fell in the battle near here in April last.
Friday, November 21st—We still hold our position as we were. Nothing new transpiring.
Saturday, November 22nd—At 11:30 o’clock this a.m. we were called for picket duty. Our regiment is posted on the banks of the river. We can see the Rebels opposite and they appear to have a large army. Set our pickets, Co. E being the reserve. I went to a house near the river by permission and stopped for the night as I am not well.
An anonymous member of Co. E, 29th Mass. Infantry wrote a hometown paper on 22 November 1862: “There is now for duty in Co. E, 2 commissioned officers, 6 non-com officers, and 17 privates…Co. E, may be, and is, harder detailed than any other company in the regiment; but as to sick, it has less than the general average, but what is left of them the elements, fatigue, and hunger, seem to make no impression upon.”
Sunday, November 23rd—Slept in a house last night on the floor. At daylight we were ready as we expected the battle would open. Rode down the line of pickets with the Colonel. Saw plenty of Rebels on the opposite side of the river and their batteries. The people of Falmouth have most all left. They expect to be shelled today. Mr. Bryan * owns the house and farm [above Falmouth] where we stopped last night. It is a splendid farm. I took breakfast with him. At 1:30 o’clock p.m. we were relieved by the New York 7th Regiment—our old Newport News friends. When we got back to our camp we found it removed about three quarters of a mile to a piece of woods and in a good place.
* The Bryan house was located above Falmouth on the Rappahannock River. In his after action report of the Battle of Fredericksburg, Capt. Jacob Roemer, commanding Battery L, 2nd New York Artillery, wrote of planting his battery in the front yard of the Bryan house and in the peach orchard to the left of it. [Source]
Monday, November 24th— Had a cold night last night. Ice quarter inch thick this morning. I was ordered to lay out the camp and have it regulated. We were ordered to have a day’s ration cooked this evening and be ready to start early tomorrow morning. Everything apparent quiet along the line.
The following extract from a letter sent anonymously from the 29th Massachusetts to a hometown paper was written most likely by Capt. Doten: We have been here since the 18th inst., doing nothing and living from hand to mouth, but provisions are so scant with us that the hand often goes to the mouth empty, and when it will be so as to have it go full, it is hard to predict. We have here at this time about one hundred and ten thousand troops, it being the Right Grand Division of the Army of the Potomac, and in what it consists. The Army of the Potomac has been divided into three Grand Divisions consisting of the second and ninth army corps, and of which the 29th Reg. forms a part, is under the command of Maj. Gen. Sumner, The Center Grand Division, consisting of the third and fifth army corps, is under the command of Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker. The Left Grand Division, consisting of the first and sixth army corps, is under the command of Maj. Gen. W. H. Franklin; and the eleventh army corps, with such others as may be hereafter joined to it, constitutes the reserve, and is under the command of Maj. Gen. Sigel. The grand whole under the command of Gen. Burnside is supposed to be safely moving towards Richmond. We of the Right Grand Division, have located ourselves at this place, nearly opposite Fredericksburg, and have sent threatening notes to and received short answers from the rebels. We have told them if they did not leave within sixteen hours, and did not stop sending goods, cloth, grain, &c., south to Richmond on the railroad, we should certainly shell them. The Mayor of the city said it should be stopped, perhaps he did stop it, but we could hear the cars on the steady run all the time, and at least four times sixteen hours have passed, no shells have whistled through the air and still the cars keep running. We have been correctly informed, as we believe, that when our advance arrived here, there was not over ten thousand rebel troops near here or Fredericksburg, and that we could have easily passed over the Rappahannock and taken possession of the City. Longstreet did not arrive at Fredericksburg till two days after we arrived here, and now with the two Gen. Hill’s Divisions, they probably do not number less than ninety to one hundred thousand; yet still we wait and threaten. Sunday, this regiment was on picket guard on the banks of the river, the rebel pickets were within speaking distance. We could see the lights of their camp fires for miles away; see the brigades of troops moving, and see them throwing up earthworks and entrenching themselves. The rebel pickets are often bright and saucy. One of those punning rascals called out of one of our pickets: “Say Yankee, do you intend to go to Richmond this time?”
“Well,” said the Secesh, “if you do, you’ll have to pass over a Longstreet, between two Hills, and over a hard Stonewall, before you get there!”
Tuesday, November 25th—We have had a pleasant day and everything is quiet along the line. I took command of the regiment on dress parade this p.m. for the first time.
Wednesday, November 26th—I took command of the regiment today at review and inspection, also at dress parade. Made out well. We were reviewed by Gen. Sumner. Everything about as usual.
Thursday, November 27th—This is Massachusetts Thanksgiving Day and the officers of the regiment had a dinner together and it was quite good. Mr. Young, reporter of the Boston Herald dined with us. The weather was fine.
Friday, November 28th—Had the picket guard under my charge. My picket is to the rear of the army where it is said [Stonewall] Jackson is approaching. Had a pleasant guard. Good men and watchful.
Saturday, November 29th—Was relieved from guard at ten o’clock a.m. and returned to camp about three miles distant. Went to work and fixed up my tent, floored it over with small poles and made out my monthly reports.
Sunday, November 30th—Monthly inspection. Was inspected by Gen’ls. Meagher and Hancock. The latter informed us that we we were to be transferred to [Benjamin C.] Christ’s Brigade, [William W.] Burns’ Division, [Orlando B.] Wilcox’s Corps of the First Grand Division under command of General Sumner.
It’s interesting to observe that the transfer of the 29th Massachusetts out of the Irish Brigade may have actually been brought about by the offer of a green flag, emblematic of the Irish Brigade, for the 29th Mass. to carry into battle. Following a heated exchange between Gen. Meagher and Lt. Col. Barnes of the 29th Mass., each insulting the other, the banner was declined. One member of the 29th Mass. wrote a home town paper, “We are now clear of the Irish Brigade in which we have experienced many hardships and much suffering, both in camp and battlefield. We joined them without wish and we leave them without regret; glad to get in any position where reason sets enthroned with solid judgment, and where principle (not ambition) is the fountain of action.”
Monday, December 1st—This morning we were ordered to pack up for a change of camp. We marched about four miles and encamped. We are attached to Col. Christ’s Brigade. There is no general commanding this brigade. We had slight showers today.
Tuesday, December 2nd—All hands employed in fixing camp. Had drills at a.m. and p.m. Weather quite pleasant.
Wednesday, December 3rd—I was Brigade Officer of the Day and was introduced to Col. Christ. He appears to be a fine man. Our regiment was ordered to furnish 200 men for picket. Could muster but 184 on pickets at the river. Weather cold.
Thursday, December 4th—Had a very cold night last night. It froze hard and was very uncomfortable. Ice made half inch thick in my tent. The day has been quite comfirtable. The regiment came in from guard at 5 o’clock p.m.
Friday, December 5th—Had a heavy snowstorm today. Snow fell to the depth of about six inches. Made requisition for clothing, arms, &c.
Saturday, December 6th—Another very cold night. There was a total eclipse of the moon this morning. I saw it at about three o’clock. P[jilander] Freeman, T[homas P.] Mullen, O[rrin D.] Holmes, T[homas] Collingwood, and J[ohn] Shannon returned to the company today. It has been a very cold day.
Sunday, December 7th—A cold still day, from two to four inches of ice made. Had inspection and dress parade. H[orace] A. Jenks and John Washburn returned today.
The following undated letter was sent anonymously to a Plymouth hometown newspaper by a member of the 29th Mass. Infantry. My hunch is that it was written by Capt. Doten: Nothing new, nothing especial, and all quiet along the line, must be our heading at this time. Secesh keeps remarkably quiet, and we as usual, keep remarkably still, and in such a cold snap as we are now experiencing, we hardly see how it can be otherwise. Last Friday, snow fell to the depth of about six inches, since then it has been severely cold, and how men stand such weather in their little shelter tents, with no fires, and with nothing between themselves and the earth, but a rubber blanket, and nothing between themselves and the open air, but their cotton tents and woolen blankets, God only knows, and we think he must be a little surprised to see so many of them live through it; but be that as it may, they do live and move, and have a being, but as Sam Slick says “it is a mighty hard chance” and “won’t stand practice.” Human nature can’t and won’t stand it, and yankees have a large amount of human nature in their composition. We are often told of the soft and balmy air of Southern climes; of gentle breezes; air filled with delicious fragrance; and land flowing with milk and honey. We’ve listened to the song of “Way down South in the Dixie,” and a dozen other songs expressive of sunny hours and heavenly bliss, south of the Potomac, and we’ve had eighteen months experience; we’ve Wintered and Summered in Dixie, and experience tells us that as far as we have been, it is decidedly an unmitigated humbug as far as Virginia is concerned. We hope we are not prejudiced against the mother of Presidents, as Virginia is called, but we do sincerely thank God that, “our lives were cast in more pleasant places,” and that the old Harlot is but a distant connections of ours, and we hope before we leave her disagreeable profile, to reduce her to the lowest terms, and her system of slavery to a vulgar fraction. Since we wrote you last, quite a number of absent ones from Co. E, have returned, and it seems quite pleasant to have them again with us. Among them are Orderly Sergeant H. A. Jenks, John Washburn, James Stillman, T. P. Mullen, Moses S. Barnes, Orrin D. Holmes, Corporal John Shannon, Philander Freeman and Thomas Collingwood. These men have rejoined their company as soon as they were able or free from their detail, but there are a few who are shirking round Hospitals, and Convalescent camps with no sickness or disease upon them accept the “SHELL FEVER,” and nothing to keep them from joining their company, except the disinclination, and lazyness [sic]. In this category is not of course included such as are really sick, but only those who are hanging about Convalescent camps praying for a discharge. Throughout the army there is a great and growing tendency to hospital loafing, and many who are now all doubled up, and who appear older than their grandfathers, walking with canes and crutches, would if a discharge were placed in their hands, straighten up, throw cane and crutch away, and dance as merrily as a jackass in a field of thistles. We see by the papers that the powers that govern us at Washington, have decided that there should be no Winter quarters for the Army of the Potomac. If they will finish up the war through that means every officer and soldier will hold up both hands, and agree to suffer almost any privation to effect that purpose, and although the cold is severe, rations short, and duty hard, we hear less grumbling at this time among the soldiers than we ever have known since we have been in the service, and all this is because the hope and belief of all is, that this is to be the last Winter of our discontent” and another summer will see them wending their way homeward to their own loved valleys, kindred and families, rejoicing that the war is at an end, our honor vindicated, our country united, and the glorious star spangled banner still floating over the land of the free and the home of the brave, so mote it be.”
Monday, December 8th—It was very cold last night but today the weather has changed and it is rather warmer. Had company drill today.
Tuesday, December 9th—Weather more moderate and everything about as usual.
Wednesday, December 10th—Weather still moderate. Had inspection and ordered to have three days rations cooked, sixty rounds of cartridges ready in our boxes, and be ready at a moment’s notice to fall in.
The Battle of Fredericksburg
Thursday, December 11th—We were ordered at one o’clock this morning to issue clothing to the men and at 8 o’clock we were in line ready to start. We waited till 4 o’clock p.m. and marched to the banks of the river when we were ordered back again. We pitched some of our tents. Everything had been got ready to leave this place for the other side of the river. At daylight this morning, our batteries opened and were replied to with spirit. We have 140 guns in position and shelled the woods and city. The city was soon on fire in several places and was burning. We laid three pontoon bridges over but with heavy loss and sent over a Brigade but it was then too dark to send more. The Rebels made some good shots at the bridge. Columbus Adams returned to the company today.
Friday, December 12th—Broke camp at about 8 o’clock this morning and took up line of march for the river at 10 o’clock. We crossed over the pontoon bridge at double quick and into the city and formed line of battle. The city is badly riddled with shot and shell. At 3 o’clock p.m. our batteries begun to shell over us and the enemy to reply. Troops have been crossing above and below all day. At 3:30 o’clock p.m. the Rebel batteries got good range of us and dropped their compliments among us. Lieut. Carpenter [Co. H] was wounded in the arm and many shells struck close to us. At sunset the shelling stopped. I found a Secesh flag—a small one. It was in a house that had been shelled. We held our position for the night and laid down on the ground beside our stacks.
At eight o’clock on the morning of the 12th, the Brigade was again ordered under arms, marched to the river, and crossed on a pontoon bridge. The enemy had previously been dislodged from the formidable works on the water-side of the town, and hence no opposition was made to the crossing of the Brigade. The regiment remained near the river all day, and, except a portion of the afternoon, was not under fire. The air was filled with a thick fog, and was intensely cold; without tents or any adequate covering, the men spent that long, cheerless, winter night on the banks of the river, half paralyzed with the cold, waiting for the day to break, which, as they supposed, was to usher in a terrible battle, and in which it then seemed probable they would take a conspicuous part.When the day came, the fog-cloud lifted, and the sun shed upon the waiting army its cheering beams of warm light. Soon after sunrise, the order came for the Brigade to form in line of battle, but it did not move till near nightfall. For the first time in its field life, the regiment was on the reserve line all day, but within full view of the battle, which raged and roared from sunrise till far into the night. When it was quite dark, the line was advanced into the outskirts of the town; the men not being permitted to enter the houses, remained in the streets. The battle had gone against us, and during the night some of the shattered regiments, which had been at the front all day, filed sadly through the streets on their way to the river, telling their story of disaster as they passed along.[Source]
Saturday, December 13th—We passed a chilly night. Got breakfast at 7 o’clock and at 9 o’clock formed in line of battle and marched down river. At 9:30 the rebels fired the first gun. It is a good day and pleasant but very smokey. The firing has been very heavy on the right and left flanks and at times the musketry has also been heavy. We are the centre division and stationed in front, close to the banks of the river. At 4 o’clock we were ordered to the left. The Brigade formed in line of battle on the battlefield just within reach of the rebel guns. We remained here ready for action but was not called in. J[ames] L. Pettis of my company was wounded by a rile shot.
It was by a mere accident that the regiment did not become actively engaged in the battle. On the afternoon of the 13th, the division of General Burns was ordered to support General Franklin’s corps; in moving towards Franklin’s position, 206it became somewhat exposed to the artillery fire of the enemy, and Lieutenant Carpenter of Company H (Twenty-ninth), was slightly, and James L. Pettis of Company E severely, wounded. The other regiments of the Brigade (Christ’s) suffered some loss, the Twenty-seventh New Jersey, which was next the Twenty-ninth in the line, losing seventeen killed and wounded.
Capt. William Henry Winsor, Co. F, 18th Mass.; He was wounded in the head at the battle of Fredericksburg on Dec. 13, 1862, the ball striking him on the left temporal bone and fracturing the skull for three inches towards the left ear, and leaving him partially deaf in the left ear. He was treated at a temporary hospital established in a house in Fredericksburg, before he was transferred to a Field Hospital on Dec. 17, and ultimately to the St. Dennis Hotel Hospital, Washington D.C. William was subsequently discharged on March 13, 1863 due disability caused by his wound.
Sunday, December 14th—We started last night at about twelve o’clock and went to the bridge to relieve the Brigade, then on guard. When we got there we found it already done by Gen. Sigel so we marched back to where we started from at daylight, position just to the right of the one near the river under the hill. At 7 o’clock we fired our first gun for the day and was quickly replied to. We soon after marched back to near the bridge and then stood all day in the mud. As the City Mayor’s house was nearby, I went into it. It is terribly shattered and torn to pieces. It was an elegant house and surrounded with beautiful grounds. after dinner I heard that some of the captains of the 18th Mass. Regt. were wounded. Went up to a house nearby that was used for a hospital and found Capts. [William H.] Winsor & Drew of Plymouth, both wounded quite severely. They told me that Capt. Collingwood of Plymouth was also wounded but I could not find him. At night our regiment took position on higher ground and aid down for the night.
Monday, December 15th—This morning the sunrise was bright and clear. We found that our troops on the other side of the river had not been idle through the night but had thrown up four batteries for large guns as we cannot make headway with small guns or light batteries against their entrenchments. It is said that we have 10-inch Columbiads in Battery. If so, we shall soon have music about us. Our plans of operation seem to be Hooker on the right, Franklin on the left, and Sumner in the center. Hooker and Franklin were engaged yesterday and suffered severely and apparently gained nothing. Sumner was also engaged and suffered some with a like result. we have lost from six to eight thousand in killed, wounded, and missing. We have stood to our arms all day ready for any emergency. At about eight o’clock this evening we were ordered to be ready to march and all orders to be given silently as possible. Soon all the troops were moving as they have been ever since dark over the pontoon bridge back to the old camps. All the afternoon the ambulances have been very busy carrying over the wounded. We have orders to bring up the rear and to take up the bridge over the creek three in number.
Tuesday, December 16th—We succeeded in taking up all the bridges and loading them into boats and as they were outside of our picket line and the pickets taken off, it was dangerous work but we accomplished it by two o’clock this morning and then took up our line of march over the river bridge and back to our old camp where we arrived at three o’clock this morning, tired and wet through with sweat. Thus ends our crossing of the Rappahannock. We did not expect to get much sleep and was not disappointed at at daylight this morning we had rain and having no tent up, we had to get wet. At about 9 o’clock a.m. it cleared away cold. We pitched our tent and tried to dry our clothes. [James L.] Pettis was carried to Washington. [Benjamin F.] Bates, when he found or rather thought we were going into battle, made good time over the bridge to Falmouth. Six batteries have been shelling the rebel’s batteries. What we are to do next is not yet revealed. quite a number of stragglers left over the other side were taken prisoners this morning. The bridges are all taken up and as far as that is concerned, all is about as it was before.
“Late in the afternoon, after it was decided to recross the river, the regiment was directed to remain until the other troops of the corps had crossed, when it was to remove three small pontoon bridges that had been thrown across a canal or creek which ran between the Rappahannock and the enemy’s works, and then emptied its waters into the river. The Brigade commander, Colonel Christ, intimated that he considered the undertaking a hazardous one, and scarcely worth the risk. The corps commenced crossing shortly after dark, the regiment remaining in its position until all were fairly across, and then moved forward and a considerable distance to the left, and commenced at once the work assigned to them. A captain, with a sufficient number of men, was detailed for each bridge, and the work went on rapidly and noiselessly, the regiment mean-while remaining in line of battle, ready for any emergency. It was remarkable that a work of this nature could be done so quietly; but the men, as well as the officers, fully realized the necessity of stillness. Only once in the course of the labor was any noise made, and this was caused by the falling of a plank against one of the boats. Even this noise was not great; but it seemed to the anxious listeners like a peal of thunder, that was likely to be followed by the crash of the enemy’s muskets. Fortunately it did not arouse the enemy; but it called out a large bloodhound, with powerful voice, which came running down to the opposite shore of the creek, and commenced baying and howling, keeping up its savage cries till the work was ended, annoying the men greatly, as they suspected that the next yelp would be followed by the enemy’s charging yell. Finally, after what seemed an age, but which in reality was only a short time, the three bridges were all removed, without the loss of a single piece, and the boats successfully floated across the Rappahannock. If the enemy had moved forward,—and it is surprising that they did not,—the result would have been disastrous to the regiment, perhaps cost it its very existence; and had this result followed, the attempt would have been deemed an act of folly. As it was, the plan was successfully carried out, and the regiment was warmly congratulated.” [Source]
Reenactors at Fredericksburg pontoon crossings (Pinhole-Civil War 150)
Wednesday, December 17th—It is a very cold morning. Had a good night’s rest last night. At 12 o’clock we were ordered for picket duty. Started after dinner. I had one half of the pickets & Lt. Col. Barnes the other half. Set the pickets above the railroad bridge on the river. They exchanged prisoners today. Saw a lot of secesh prisoners. They were a motley group and poorly clad but full of grit. Said they were tired of the war but could hold out as long as we could. I am acting Major of the regiment. It is very cold weather.
Thursday, December 18th—It has been a bitter cold night but as the sun gets up, it is a little warmer. Everything has been quiet through the night. A fatigue party went over to bury the dead. We were relieved by the 7th Connecticut at about six o’clock p.m. and got back to camp at about 7:30 p.m. Got supper and turned in for the night.
Friday, December 19th—It was quite pleasant this a.m. but after dinner the wind hauled to the N. N. E. and it grew cold fast. David Williams returned today.
The following comes from a letter sent anonymously to the a hometown newspaper by a member of the 29th Massachusetts, Co. E: The long agony is over; the Rappahannock has been crossed, Fredericksburg taken, shelled, and nearly destroyed, the river recrossed, and our troops at their old quarters this side the river. We have been much like the pig, that run through the hollow log and came out the same side of the fence; but not so much surprised. We have lost some ten or twelve thousand men in killed, wounded and missing; laid under the rebel guns four days; fought two hard battles; seen hard work and hard times; crossed the river for a political necessity, and recrossed it from military necessity, and are now, as far as the 29th Reg. Mass. Vols. is concerned, on guard at the river, our Reg’t having one Lieutenant slightly wounded, eight privates taken prisoners, and quite a number that were severely frightened. Co. E, had two who, when we fell in as was supposed for a night attack on the batteries, made as good time over the Pontoon bridge to the opposite side of the river as was ever made on the Cambridge race course. We should be willing to swap off their courage, for a small, yellow, bobtailed pup, but for speed, with a decent scare behind them, we will bet on their heads against any foot-race in existence and throw in the aforesaid pup gratis. Most all of your readers have before this time had all the details of the crossing, the battles, and recrossing, and the final result; and probably you will have a number of correspondents who will be happy to furnish full details of incidents, enough to cloy the most ravenous appetite for all that is horrible and distressing, and fill the sensitive heart of humanity with the liveliest sympathies for the broken-hearted and sorrowing, the light of whom household has gone out forever. As to ourselves, we are humbled in our feelings and wounded in our pride, and we do not feel heart or inclination to write its incidents, or to speculate on its probable results; and as we before said, we shall leave it to others and wish we could as easily take leave of it ourselves, and blot it out of thought and memory. Beyond the incidents of the battle there is not much that is new or interesting. At our pickets there is now going on an exchange of prisoners, and such a looking set as the secesh prisoners are, it would be hard to find short of Falstaff’s Ragged Regiment. Many of them had pieces of carpet for blankets, straw hats, and some of them were in their stocking feet; but they were cheerful and apparently satisfied and full of pluck; said “they were ready to go to battle again and that we did just the best thing that we could do for ourselves, to step back to this side of the river.” Those men were most all from the good Union State of North Carolina, and they were the most thorough secesh, I have yet seen; uncompromising and expressing the most thorough disgust and hatred of Yankees. They all seem to be laboring under a wrong and strange impression as to the right and actual notions of the North. They seem to think that subjugation and tyrannical government is the sum total of the war, and that should the North gain the ascendancy, that the liberty of the South would be in an eternal eclipse, and themselves in a worse bondage than we consider the slave at the South, and yet they tell us that they are heartily tired of the war and wish it to an end. They tell us that they have as many plans to take Washington, as we have to take Richmond, and that there prospect of success is full equal to ours. They laugh at our attempts to take Richmond from this way; but have some fear as to our attempts to take it by the way of the James river. The night we left Fredericksburg, the 29th Reg. was detailed to wait until the Army was across, and to take up three pontoon bridges over the creek outside of the picket. It was done so noiselessly and quietly, that the Commanding General gave us quite a compliment, and seemed much pleased at the result, as we were close to the rebel pickets, and but little noise would betray us and bring a hornets nest about our ears. We did not cross the bridge ’til near three o’clock the next morning and the whole of this grand army had crossed between that hour and seven of the evening before. It was quick work, well planned and well executed. We think we never read or heard of such skillful, and masterly retreats as are made by our Generals: McClellan on the Peninsula, Banks at Front Royal, Pope at Centreville, and Burnside at Fredericksburg, are movements that will stand in history of what they accomplished and of the valor and efficiency of the Union army. In fact if masterly retreats would finish this war, we feel that we have the men to do it and the leaders that seem to understand its principles of action and have proved themselves fully capable to execute its peculiar movements, and wind up all our troubles, trials and difficulties in military parlance, by inversion.
We have very cold weather here at this time, the river was nearly skimmed over this morning and the ground frozen quite deep. It was so cold it was impossible to sleep in our shelter tents, and as we were on picket we were obliged to keep wide awake and perfectly cool.
It looks quite probable that this army will soon go into winter quarters, perhaps not here, and we hope before we write you again that we can speak and show of more decisive action that will differ for from what we communicate to-day and be more pleasing as to its results.
Saturday, December 20th—The night has been very cold and the day the same. We had an inspection of men and teams which looks some like moving.
Sunday, December 21st—The regiment is on picket guard today. It is cold but clear. Our picket is below the railroad bridge on the Washington farm.
Monday, December 22nd—Nineteen months today since we were mustered into the service and it is also the anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims. We were relieved from guard at about 9 o’clock this morning. The Rebels have been throwing up rifle pits through the night near the banks of the river. Our chaplain [Henry E. Hempstead of Watertown] died yesterday. He was a fine, worthy man and he is a great loss to the regiment. He was sent home today.
Tuesday, December 23rd—The weather is moderate and quite pleasant. We had a review of the Right Grand Division. We were reviewed and inspected by Gen. Sumner very closely which seems to indicate a move of some kind.
Wednesday, December 24th—The weather is still moderate. We had slight showers today.
Thursday, December 25th—Fine weather for a Merry Christmas. By special orders, there is no drill today and not any work. Everything is quiet and still. Received today from the quartermaster clothing, kettles, axe, &c.
Friday, December 26th—Went to work today and built a sod chimney to my tent and it works well. Weather good and pleasant.
Saturday, December 27th—The weather is fine today. Helped Lieut. [Peter] Winsor build a chimney to his tent.
Sunday, December 28th—Had company inspection this a.m. at 1:30 o’clock p.m. Were ordered out for division inspection and marched in review. The division was reviewed by Gen’ls. Burnside and Burns. Weather good.
Monday, December 29th—Nothing unusual today. The weather still holds mild and pleasant—a blessing for the soldiers.
Tuesday, December 30th—Col. Barnes is Officer of the Day and I am in command of the regiment. We are hard at work on our muster rolls. Weather pleasant, at night slight showers.
Wednesday, December 31st—Muster day & the last day of 1862. We were mustered by the Lieut. Colonel of the 46th New York. It is a cold, bleak, windy day. So ends the year.
1863
Thursday, January 1st—A New Year and I hope a happy one to my country and myself. The weather is beautiful. It has been made a holiday for the army. Home thoughts and home feelings are thick around us as we think of loved ones at home “far away.”
Friday, January 2nd—Lieut. Augustus D. Ayling reported to me for duty today as 1st Lieutenant but to date of yesterday is yet left in command of Co. H. Weather pleasant & good.
Saturday, January 3rd—Weather still pleasant. Sent my payrolls in to the mustering officer and tried to finish up my 1862 correspondence. Big guns are speaking up river of us.
Sunday, January 4th—Quite pleasant. We are ordered out for review but the order was countermanded. Slight showers this p.m.
Monday, January 5th—Still another pleasant day. Lieut. [Peter] Winsor is in guard. “All quiet along the line.”
Tuesday, January 6th—It has rained all this afternoon. At 1 o’clock p.m. we were ordered out for review with the division. I am Brigade Officer of the Day. The division was reviewed by Gen. Burnside.
Wednesday, January 7th—The weather is quite cold. George T. Bradford returned to the company. He was taken prisoner June 29th. The weather grows cold again fast.
Thursday, January 8th—Samuel H. Harlow was discharged on the 6th inst. and left for home today. I am again Brigade Officer of the Day at the picket for the first time having been appointed Acting Major of the Regiment. The weather is very cold.
Friday, January 9th—Came off picket this morning. All was quiet on the river and I was quite successful for my first appearance as Major of the pickets.
Saturday, January 10th—It rained hard this p.m. and evening. It is very muddy. Nothing new or exciting today.
Sunday, January 11th—A cold morning and very muddy under foot. John F. Hall (discharge date January 9, 1863) started for home today. It rained this evening.
Monday, January 12th—Quite pleasant but very muddy. I took charge of dress parade. We have very hard and discouraging news by the papers. The loss of the Harriet Lane, &c.
Tuesday, January 13th—Everything is as usual. Nothing new or interesting. Weather good and clear. All quiet along the line.
Wednesday, January 14th—A pleasant day and warm. Drew from the quartermaster rubber blankets, dress coats, pants, &c. Took charge of dress parade.
Thursday, January 15th—It has been a blustering day and the wind of course was south. Still it was warm. I have been very busy with my government accounts all the week thus far. Heard today of the death of Thomas P. Mullen. He died January 9th at General Hospital, Washington. In his loss, I have lost a good soldier.
Friday, January 16th—It rained hard all night. This morning it cleared away very cold with heavy wind northwest. It looks this evening like snow. Got all my government returns ready and sent them to the department today. We are ordered to have three days rations cooked immediately and be ready to start early tomorrow morning. I am detailed as Brigade Officer of the pickets for tomorrow.
Saturday, January 17th—Went on picket this morning with 400 men. It was bitter cold. Got my pickets set near the river, found our men in communication with the Rebels by means of little boats that they went across the river on which they put a little coffee and the papers and the Rebs sent back tobacco & papers. Put a stop to it as other “information” might be sent as I think this army is about to make an important movement. We have had a very cold & clear day.
Since late December 1862, the Union and Rebel soldiers appear to have been trading coffee for tobacco between the picket posts on opposite sides of the Rappahannock River, One soldier wrote about it: “Some Yankee, desperately hungry for tobacco, invented [small boats] for trading with the Johnnies. They were hid away under the backs of the river for successive relays of pickets. We got out the boats. An old handkerchief answered for a sail. We loaded them with coffee, sugar, pork, and set the sail and watched them slowly creep to the other shore. And the Johnnies? To see them crowd the bank and push and scramble to be the first to seize the boats, going into the water and stretching out their long arms. Then, when they pulled the boats ashore, and stood in a group over the cargo, and to hear their exclamations, “Hurrah for hog.” “Say, that’s not roasted rye, but genuine coffee. Smell it, you’uns.” “And sugar, too!”” [Source]See also “Beyond the Ritual of Exchange.“
Sunday, January 18th—Had a very cold, disagreeable night on picket and was relieved at ten o’clock this morning. Find we have marching orders. Suppose for tomorrow. Took command of the dress parade. Lieut. [Thomas H.] Adams [Co. B] to get his resignation forwarded.
Monday, January 19th—The weather has been quite cool and pleasant. We have been expecting orders to move all day.
Burnside’s Mud March
Tuesday, January 20th—Cold and disagreeable. Troops are moving and have been all day. We had Order No. 7 from Gen. Burnside read at dress parade saying that we were to meet the enemy once more and under more favorable circumstances and we were to strike a heavy blow for justice, our country, and the right “so mote it be.” It rains hard this evening and it is setting in for a N. E. storm. How unfortunate. It sometimes seems to me as if Providence was against us.
Wednesday, January 21st—It was a dreadful storm last night. It rained very hard and the wind was heavy. About sixty thousand troops have broke camp and were on the march. They must have suffered severely. It has stormed severely all day. We have been waiting anxiously for orders from headquarters. I fear much that this storm will thwart our plans and spoil the movement.
Thursday, January 22nd—It stormed very hard last night. This p.m. it has moderated but the weather is still thick and rainy. Our pontoon teams and batteries have got fixed in the mud and cannot reach their destination. The most determined efforts have been made to accomplish their mission. Some of the troops are returning to their old camps thoroughly drenched and cold. I fear we shall have to give up the expedition and it will result in a failure. Better luck next time.
Friday, January 23rd—The weather has moderated and the sun gave us a good look at its cheerful countenance bot Oh! how muddy. The 27th Regiment N. Jersey Volunteers left our Brigade tonight. I do not know their destination. Albert Robbins returned to camp today. The Rebels the other side of the river stick up boards chalken thus, “Burnside’s Army Stuck in the Mud!” and it is really so. The pontoon train could not get nigher than two miles of the river. It will be hard work to get back and all snug again as they was before.
Saturday, January 24th—The weather has been quite warm and pleasant today. I went over to the 21st Mass, to see Mr. Ball but found he had resigned and gone home. The regiment was about two miles from us. The batteries and troops are coming along back all the time. While traveling over to the 21st, saw a good-looking soldier laid out on the ground. He had just dropped there, probably wore out and heart disease.
Burnside’s Mud March, January 1863
The following was written on January 25, 1863 and submitted anonymously to the editor of a Plymouth newspaper for publication by a member of Co. E, 29th Massachusetts Infantry; I have a strong hunch it was written by Capt. Doten: “It must certainly rejoice your republican hearts to learn from our own lips that we are yet here, safe. We are in no danger from the enemy, for they, the impudent rascals, cannot get to us, and we the great and glorious Army of the Potomac, are ingloriously stuck in the mud and cannot get at them; and what is worse than all, the enemy know it, and no doubt are this day taking advantage of it and sending their troops to the West and to North Carolina to reinforce their troops at those places. Knowing as they do that we cannot cross or even get to the river, they can readily spare twenty-five or fifty thousand men for a short time and use them beneficially in other localities. It does seem to us sometimes as if we were not only fighting the rebels, but the elements. There has been hardly a move of much importance made, either by land or sea, but what have had to encounter severe weather, gales of wind at sea, and terrific storms on land, and always under the most disheartening circumstances. These storms ever making it necessary for us to delay action, which for good and practical results should be immediate, and for which purpose such action was intended. A practical illustration of an elementary idea is now before us, and its results are this day more disheartening to this army than the repulse at Fredericksburg. On Sunday, Jan. 18th, a movement of the army was in progress, but for some probable good reason, was postponed till Tuesday, when at an early hour of the day the sixth Army Corps, Gen. Smith, of Gen. Franklin’s Division, commenced moving from their position below Falmouth up to the right, but still to the rear to prevent observation. About the same time, or rather later, Hooker’s Centre Grand Division took up its line of march towards a place called “Bank’s Ford,” and they, of course to prevent observation, marched some way back from the River. This was but the preliminary movement of the whole army, the pontoon train having started in advance and some of the heavy batteries. The weather, which through the day had been cold, blustering and disagreeable, at sun-down set in with rain and heavy wind from the northeast, and a darkness that would make sunlight glisten through a bag full of minks, and every one of them look like silver stars in a golden firmament, settled down, not only over and around us, but its dark shades penetrated the hearts of the soldiers, and fears and doubts began to mingle with the aspirations of patriotic thoughts and hopes of a bold strike for freedom and the right. Still the longest night (except possibly the night of death,) must have an end; so with Tuesday night, and daylight of Wednesday ushered in as disagreeable a day as one could wish for his most bitter enemy. But in our hearts were wishing that the bright sun would shed its effulgent light and rosy beams this day on our enemies, feeling that we were so near to them that we could not be left out in the cold, and if patience and perseverance were of any account, we should soon make them take the wings of the morning and alight some miles nearer Richmond.
But in this, as in all things else, we were doomed to bitter disappointment. It did seem to us as if not only the windows of heaven were open, but that the whole broad side had fallen out. The gale that through the night had been only singing, now commenced screaming. The rain that is so often described as falling in gentle showers upon the thirsty earth: now seemed to have the idea that the earth had got on a blow and wanted the water in torrents “to” (as sailors say) “cool her coppers.” But men and horses were not to give up at trifles till rifles get too big to contend against. The Pontoon trains and batteries were again in motion, driving on through mud and mire to get to the appointed place of crossing and to accomplish their part of this movement. The army was soon in motion; Generals and men were in earnest and all seemed determined. Confidence was not lacking, for we had all confidence in our Generals and felt satisfied that they would not move this army again, unless, onward to what should to them, seem a sure and decided victory and success. They had laid their plans deep and with caution. They had fully surveyed their ground and thoroughly. They had by threatening the enemy at different points compelled him to scatter his forces over a distance of near twenty five miles, and then in that long distance had truly ascertained its weakest point and had rapidly concentrated our army, reserving only enough to make a feint at different points, that they might not know where the blow was to fall, and was now about to strike that blow sanguine and sure of success. But for some reasons in the all wise Providence of God this was not to be; our star was not yet to shine bright on the horizon, and the finger of Faith was yet to point upward and bid us wait. The rain through the night had taken the frost from the ground and left it soft and yielding as youthful hearts in Hymen’s Market, when it is getting to be about Saturday night with many of them. After an advance of about three miles the wheels of the pontoon train would sink down to the hubs, and it was utterly impossible for the teams to haul them out. Men worked and labored as only men can do. Mules and horses did their utmost, but it was useless, it was beyond their power, and darkness closed the day of labor and toil as cold, wet, and dreary as it had done the day previous. Another night of the pitiless storm drenched the army, and another dark and gloomy night fell cheerless on the hearts of all. Thursday morning broke upon us only to show us the utter helplessness of further effects and that the expedition for the time being must come to an end, and the Army get back to their old quarters as best they could. This has partially been accomplished and we shall soon be in regular trim again. A part of our Batteries and pontoon trains yet remain fast in the mud, but as the weather has cleared and the sun is shining brightly we think it will soon dry up so that we can get all together again.
We believe that the plan of this movement was good—that its full success looked to its projectors certain, and that every caution had been taken and chances carefully weighed that nothing should be lacking to make it all that could be desired. It seems hard that after so much labor and exposure we should be so disappointed and that the utmost superhuman efforts of this army should result in worse than a defeat; but so it is and the morale of the Army, its discipline, and its effectiveness has had a severe shock from which it will be hard for it to recover. To make the Army of the Potomac again effective it must change its ground. It can never be effective here. In all the battles of the rebels, where we have been the attacking party, they have never given us battle at the same place with the same Army. Men who have once been defeated on the battle field dread to try the same field again, but lead them to some other locality, even if it is more difficult, and the old spirit again bursts forth and the old confidence is restored. McClellan knew this when he took the defeated Army of Gen. Sherman up to Arkansas Post and there gained a brilliant victory, and these same soldiers now return filled with fresh courage and flushed with victory and again attack Vicksburg, when before it would have been almost an impossibility to have led them up to a second engagement at the same place.
Gen. Burnside has done all that could be reasonably asked of him. He has been ever active and ever on the alert; and has done all but control the elements that was beyond him; and no doubt this is a bitter disappointment to him and more so than to the country at large.”
Sunday, January 25th—There has been nothing unusual today. The ground begins to dry up again. It rained some last night but it has been a good day/ I took charge of the dress parade this evening. Adams & Albert Robbins went to the hospital today. [George H.] Partridge will soon be out. Received shirts and tents & issued them today.
Monday, January 26th—I am this day Office of the Picket Guard. The weather is quite good but threatening. The Rebels are throwing up rifle pits and redoubts for batteries. They are close to us—not over four hundred yards from our guard and in plain sight. I have five hundred men in my guard and a reserve of 27th New Jersey making about 800 men.
Tuesday, January 27th—Came off guard this morning about 11 o’clock. It began to storm this morning about two o’clock and quite cold and has rained all day. I have been very sick today with the neuralgy in my head and neck having got cold by being wet and laying out in the we last night.
Wednesday, January 28th, 1863—It stormed all night last night and today it snows and is cold. It is a very severe storm from the northeast and snows hard. Maj. [Charles] Chipman returned to camp today having been home to recruit his health.
Thursday, January 29, 1863—It was a terrible storm all night and this morning the snow is quite deep and drifted. It has been quite cold through the day.
Friday, January 30th—The weather has been quite warm but not enough to melt the snow much. Everything is about as usual.
Saturday, January 31st—Made my monthly returns. Sent in requisition for February. Got my January receipts of clothing &c. Had monthly inspection. Weather good but not very warm. The pay master arrives here tonight.
Sunday, February 1st 1863—We were paid off for two months by paymaster Stone today. It is mean and cruel in the government to hold the little pittance of the soldier back from his family. They owe all of the men now three months pay and some of them five and six months. The weather has been quite good till night when we had slight showers. There was a row as usual on pay day. It was between the 50th New York Vols. and the 29th Regiment. Guns were used but no serious injury was the result. Col. Dawes and Major Chipman was into the thickest of it and it was mainly to them credit is due that nothing serious occurred. I enclose two hundred dollars and sent by mail this day, as there is no other way, to send it, I do not like to risk it but see no other way.
Monday, February 2nd—This morning is cool and windy but clear. Most of our men are on picket guard and that will I hope serve to cool their heated imaginations and keep them quiet. Was ordered for inspection. Inspection deferred till tomorrow. 11 o’clock, order to give furloughs read on dress parade. Gave an account of absent men. Weather good.
Tuesday, February 3rd—Weather very cold and sharp—the coldest we have yet had. It has been the coldest day of the season. Nothing unusual & all quiet.
Wednesday, February 4th—The rebels threw three or four shells into Franklin’s camp today probably for diversion and we threw a few back. The weather has slightly moderated.
Thursday, February 5th—Another bitter cold night. It began to snow early this morning and continued through the day. The weather moderated this p.m. Just before dark the Corps had orders respecting a movement of this division to Fortress Monroe and then to report to Gen. Dix. We expect the order to move tomorrow morning. It is raining hard this evening.
Friday, February 6th—It rained this morning but after dinner it cleared up and is now quite cold and chilly. Our Brigade started last night and this morning we are ordered to have three days provisions in our haversacks and the teams to take ten days more and be ready at any time. I got my box last evening. Must of the contents were spoiled.
Saturday, February 7th 1863—It is a beautiful & pleasant day. Columbus Adams was carried from the regimental hospital to General hospital. There was a drunken row in Co. D this evening. The regiment is very much demoralized and but little discipline.
Sunday, February 8th 1863—The Lieut. Col. commanding has established a regimental guard today to preserve better order in the regiment. I am detailed as officer of the day, as usual, when any new guard is to be posted. I drew from the quartermaster shoes, stockings, blouse, &c. last evening and issued them. Had a woods chase for one man of Co. D who had been fighting. Caught him and tied him to a tree till 12 midnight. Then sent him to his quarters.
Monday, February 9th—Quite pleasant but still muddy. Everything quiet as usual. The ground is getting settled but the roads are dreadful.
Tuesday, February 10th—Had a very pleasant day though troops are moving away fast. We received orders to start tomorrow morning at 6:30 o’clock.
Wednesday, February 11th—It began to storm this morning. We received orders last night not to start as ordered as transports were not ready to receive us. It has rained all day with the wind at east.
From the Regimental History: The departure of the regiment did not take place till the 12th of the month, though each day it had received orders to 216march, which were as often countermanded as issued. The men were aroused at four o’clock in the morning of the 12th, and at five o’clock marched to Falmouth Station, where, after some delay, they took the cars for Aquia Creek Landing, arriving there before noon. At this place the regiment embarked on the transport steamer “Hero,” which also took on board Company B of the Twenty-seventh New Jersey Regiment, a squad of the One Hundred and Third New York Volunteers, several of the corps officers, and for freight fifty horses and several tons of baggage; the steamer also towed down into the bay a schooner laden with mules and army wagons. At night it was rough weather, the wind blew hard, and the transport came to anchor off “Piney Point,” starting again the next morning. Before night of the 13th, the steamer had entered Hampton Roads, and come to anchor under the walls of the old fortress. Soon after arriving, Colonel Barnes, then in command of the regiment, went ashore for orders, but received none, making it necessary for the officers and men to spend another night on the crowded transport. On the morning of the 14th, the Colonel again went ashore, and this time received orders to report to General Willcox at Newport News. After some delay, the transport steamed up the James River, and at two o’clock in the afternoon the regiment landed and marched through the fortifications, halting on the banks of the river and forming its camp not far from the old “Brick House.” The barracks erected by the Battalion in the autumn of 1861 had been torn down. With this exception Newport News looked very familiar, and one of the officers remarked at the time, “It seems as though the war is over, and we have all at last returned home.”
Thursday, February 12th—With feelings of regret we packed up this morning at four o’clock and at seven we started through the mud for the railroad adn proceeded by rail to Aquia Creek where after some delay we were embarked on board the steamer Hero with a part of the 27th New Jersey Regiment and stragglers from some of the other regiments to go to Newport News, Virginia. We started at about 2 o’clock p.m. The weather was good til night when it set in thick and windy with rain. We anchored near the mouth of the Potomac. The wind hauling to the north, we started again and made a harbor of “Point of Pines” where we lay in harbor. We have a schooner in tow with a deck load of mules. There was many vessels at the Creek which is a large business place built by government which is still building wharves, storehouses, &c. to be burned and wasted as heretofore when we leave it.
Friday, February 13th 1863—Started from point of Pines this morning at about seven o’clock and proceeded on our voyage. It was quite cool and the Chesapeake Bay a little rough. There was quite a large fleet of vessels in the bay and several steamers having vessels in tow. At about four o’clock p.m. we found York river and shortly after five o’clock arrived at Hampton Roads where we anchored for the night and also for orders.
Saturday, February 14th 1863—At half past nine o’clock a.m. we started for Newport News where we soon arrived and waited as usual for orders some four or five hours when at half past three o’clock we were allowed to go ashore and marched about one and a half miles up on the banks of the river and encamped for the night. We had on board of the transports about one hundred horses which made it very unpleasant, dirty and disagreeable.
Sunday, February 15, 1863—It has been quite rainy this p.m. Got our tents well pitched and fixed but not permanent as we expect to have to change our camp a short distance. We had no inspection today. I was Officer of the Day yesterday. I received a mail today, the largest I have had since I have been over here—nine letters and one paper.
Monday, February 16th—Went to the woods and got poles to fix my tent. The weather is quite warm but threatening. It looks like a storm. We are to have new tents. Had notice of Corp. [Alfred B.] Warner’s discharge.
Tuesday, Febriary 17th—It rained very hard all day. I yesterday had the box come that was sent by the Ladies of Plymouth the first of last August and it has just arrived. Some little of the contents was damaged but the main part was good. There was a large number of bundles for different members of the company. Also “two” for two members that have died since the box started. Our tents leak much and we can of course have no fire [because] it rains so hard and it is very cold and chilly.
Wednesday, February 18th—It is still a hard storm ay N. E. and rains hard. we are all about wet through—blankets, overcoats, and all. George Morey visited us today. He is now stationed at Suffolk.
Thursday, February 19th—Lieut. [Peter] Winsor got leave of absence for forty-eight hours to go to Suffolk and started this morning. The wind has changed to the S. W. and it does not rain. The company had new tents issued them today and have pitched the camp in advance of the old one and it is on higher ground. Maj. Chipman is sick and has gone to the Webster House to stop for few days.
Friday, February 20th—The weather has been pleasant today. We moved our tents today as is usual when we pitch our tents, never getting right the first time. I was ordered to take the general superintendence of the camp and see that it was right this time. Lieut. Winsor came back this evening and William Williams with him. He (Williams) has not seen the company for near one year. He is at Suffolk on Howard’s Battery and stands high in the estimation of his officers. We dried our blankets and clothes. I have got a severe cold by being wet and sleeping in wet blankets. We have got our camp in pretty good shape and hope to keep it so.
Saturday. February 21st—We have had a good day but cool. We have finished our company street and fixing up our tents for bad weather which the weather now threatens. I went to the Landing today for the first time and took a good look around but everything is changed. It looks dirty and disagreeable. For choice I had rather be where we now are. I sent a team and got some brick from Baker Lee’s chimneys. I helped appropriate the house last winter. I little thought that I should in another winter help appropriate the chimneys. William P. Gooding returned today from the convalescent camp. He has been absent since August 15th 1862.
Sunday, February 22nd—Last night we had a very heavy snow storm from the N. N. E. and strong wind. It blew heavy through the night. At daylight this morning it changed to rain. Quite a number of the tents were blown down—more especially the officers tents as they were old and poor. At about ten o’clock this morning, the wind suddenly changed to the south and for the space of fifteen minutes blew from all points of the compass and then settled again at the northeast with rain and cold. It was very uncomfortable, wet and no fires. The water was quite high in my tent.
Monday, February 23rd 1863—Cloudy and cold. The ground froze hard. Some of the new commissions came out today. Lieut. Carpenter was met this evening in a jolly manner.
Tuesday, February 24th 1863—Weather quite pleasant. We had company drill and battalion drill this a.m. The p.m. was ordered to be devoted to cleaning up the camp and cleaning arms &c. for review tomorrow. Lieut. [Augustus D.] Ayling was today taken from Co. E & assigned to Co. H.
Wednesday, February 25th—The Division was reviewed today by Gen. [John A.] Dix. We had a splendid day & review. There was about eighteen thousand troops and six batteries. We had no drills through the day.
From the Regimental History: “On the 25th of February, the corps was reviewed on the old parade-ground—where the Twenty-ninth had often drilled in times past—by General John A. Dix, then in command of the department of Fortress Monroe, the review occupying from ten o’clock in the morning till three o’clock in the afternoon. The corps was destined for active service in the West, and the six weeks spent at this place were almost wholly occupied by company and regimental drills. No duty in the army was so odious to the veteran as that of drilling; he considered it the worst form of the “red tape” regulations of military life, and always went about it reluctantly. There was no little ground for this belief; the majority of the soldiers were very proficient in these matters, and when their pride was strongly appealed to, they never failed to acquit themselves creditably.“
Thursday, February 26th—We have had the usual drills today. I drilled the battalion in Battalion Drill for the first time this p.m. and was quite successful. The weather has been good but night showers this p.m. Busy on my pay rolls.
Aside from completing his monthly pay rolls, Capt. Doten was probably also penning the following letter that was sent to Plymouth for publication in the local newspaper—anonymously of course. It read in part: When we left here [last May], Co. E, numbered eighty-six in rank and file, but long and weary marches, exposed to excessive heat or bitter cold, sleeping on the damp cold ground, often without shelter from rain or snow, the miasma of the swamps, and impure water, the bullets and the shell have done their fearful work and this day it numbers but fifty-four, fifteen of which are now in hospitals, and six away on detached service, leaving but thirty-three to again tread these familiar paths and look again upon our winter home.
The few that are left are hearts of oak, and iron constitutions. A rain storm and wet blankets seem to strengthen them, and they grow fat and thrive on a north-east snow storm, and hungry or cold, wet or dry they will get around the camp fire almost every evening and sing old familiar songs to cheer and comfort each other before crawling into their little tents and damp blankets. We have no knowledge of what is in store for us, or for what reason we have been sent here. Surmise or supposition avails nothing, we only know we are here, and look anxiously for the next move. We were reviewed yesterday by Gen. Dix, and believe the review was satisfactory to the General. There are quite a number of troops here, the Richmond papers say twenty-five thousand, but they only take a Yankee privilege and guess, possibly they may have guessed right, we do not know ther ore cannot say.
It has stormed almost every day we have been here, first a heavy rain storm, then a strong north-east snow storm, there was more snow fell than we saw here all last winter, the next day it turned to rain with high wind, flooding our tents and blowing down many of the officers tents, which are old and what are called A tents, literally tearing them to pieces. There does not appear to be many armed vessels in the river or around the Fortress. One or two of the iron Monitors and Galena lay near our camp, and the Minnesota and six or eight gun-boats are further down the bay. Our camp is one and a half miles up the river above the landing, and a half mile above the “Redoubt Erickson” that Co. E helped throw up while under the command of the late and much lamented Gen. Mansfield. Our Regiment has just received a supply of new A tents, which looks as if we might stop here some time, and another indication of the same is, that we have resumed Battalion and Brigade drills.
There is no dependence to be put in appearances, while writing the last sentence the Sergeant Major put his head into our tent and said “That, the number of men that had no shelter tents must be reported at head quarters before 7 o’clock tomorrow morning.” Well, we are ready. It takes but thirty minutes to put this Regiment in marching order and we are so often on the move that we now hardly speculate as to where we are going, or how, but follow our leaders with a kind of dogged resolution to take what ever comes to us with as good grace as possible, looking for the end of our enlistment as a solace for all the trials, troubles and vexations of this unhappy war.
Friday, February 27th 1863—The officers of the line have received new wall tents today. We had the usual drills this a.m. and this p.m. Brigade Drill under Col. Mindel. Pitched our tents and got all ready to pass the night in it.
Saturday, February 28th 1863—Inspection day and muster. We were inspected and mustered by Lieut. Col. Joseph H. Barnes this a.m. We have a rain storm this p.m. Got my tent well fixed with a frame inside. Got my pay rolls all made out and ready.
Sunday, March 1st 1863—This has been a rainy day and uncomfortable. We did not have our usual inspection but were ordered to inspect quarters, &c.
Monday, March 2nd 1863—We had our usual drills today. The Battalion was drilled by Capt. Richardson at a.m. and by Col. at p.m. The Battalion drilled well and had a good day for it. I got my stove from and took the first comfort of it this evening.
Tuesday, March 3rd 1863—This a.m. the Battalion was drilled by Capt. Tripp very well and at p.m. Brigade drill by Col. Christ. We had a splendid day. Henry [W.] Kimball was detailed on ambulances today.
Wednesday, March 4th—The weather has been quite cool today. We had inspection this a.m. and the usual drills this p.m.
Thursday, March 5th 1863—We have had a beautiful day today but cool. I took the regiment in hand to drill and did it to my satisfaction. Some of the men detailed for recruiting got back today. The Colonel and eight or ten officers and privates have been absent since the 17th of November and have enlisted one man and two drummer boys. Smart work. Cost the government probably three thousand dollars.
Friday, March 6th 1863—Our usual drills this a.m. The Battalion drill by Capt. Tripp. Brigade drill this p.m. by the Colonel [Mindil] of the 27th New Jersey Vols. The weather has been good and this evening is quite warm but the clouds promise a storm. First school of the officers by Col. Danes [?] this day.
Saturday, March 7th—We have had a pleasant day with slight showers this p.m. We have had no drill today and everything is about as usual.
Sunday, March 8th—It rained hard this morning but at about eleven o’clock a.m. it cleared away and we had inspection and a thorough one. The regiment was never in better order and condition since we left here last May. I am Officer of the Day. We had a good dress parade.
Monday, March 9th—The weather was good and we had all the usual drills and everything was quiet as could be wished.
Tuesday, March 10th—I am detailed as Brigade Officer of the Day in place of Maj. Chipman who is sick. It commenced raining about 9 o’clock a.m. and rained hard through the day. It was a cold N. E. storm. I had hard traveling through the day.
Wednesday, March 11th—I visited the guard in all the regiments at 1 o’clock this morning. It was dark and rainy and being alone it was slow work to get along and find the sentinels. It rained this a.m. and we had no drills. At 3 p.m. we with the division was called into line and marched out to where there was to be a flag presented to the Michigan 8th Regiment. It was well done and we was much pleased to see it.
Thursday, March 12th—We were inspected today by the commission for that purpose and think we passed a good inspection. It was very cold. Co. E was all things considered the best and so acknowledged by the officers. We had no other drills today. I took the regiment at dress parade. We were inspected by Stimson, Acting Assistant Major General. I made an application for 48 hours leave absence.
Friday, March 13th—A cold blustering day. I took the Battalion to drill this a.m. and we had Brigade Drill this p.m. Lieut. [John B.] Pizer was this day assigned to Co. E as First Lieutenant. He is now on recruiting service at Massachusetts.
Saturday, March 14th—Brigade Officer of the Day today. The weather good but cool. Nothing unusual happened and “all quiet along the line.” My turn for Brigade Officer seems to come often. Two officers have put in their resignations. Went my rounds as usual at midnight. All well.
Sunday, March 15th 1863—A cold lowery day. Short inspection and but little to do. Was relieved from guard this morning.
Monday, March 16th—Went to Fortress Monroe, Norfolk, and Suffolk. Was much pleased to get to Suffolk again and see the men that belonged to my command. They were much pleased to see me. I stopped with George Morey and boarded with Winslow Barnes.
Tuesday, March 17th 1863—This morning I saw Howard’s Battery drill. It seemed like Old Newport News times. I found the colored woman where I used to board when we were stationed there. She could hardly believe it was me as she had heard that I was as she expressed it, “done gone killed.” Eat steamed oysters for the first time. It being St. Patrick’s Day, the Corcoran Legion turned out. I did not think much of them.
Wednesday, March 18th—I left Suffolk at 10 o’clock this morning in the cars. I was seated with Lieut. Harden * of the 3rd North Carolina Reg. Cavalry. He was taken prisoner yesterday by our cavalry. He appeared to be a well informed man and talked quite reasonable. He did not think that the war would be ever ended by fighting, or that the Union could be ever reinstated.
* Possibly Frederick Harding, 1st Lt. of Co. K, 41st N. Carolina Volunteers (3rd Cavalry). He was promoted to Capt. in August 1863. Nothing about his being taken prisoner in his muster rolls.
I took the steamer City of Hudson at Norfolk and returned to Newport News without going back to the Fortress. There is to be a Ball on board the steamer tonight. At nine o’clock this evening we had orders to draw and cook five days rations and be ready to start at 8 o’clock tomorrow morning.
Thursday, March 19th—We struck tents this morning at eight and loaded all of our luggage on the trains ready to start Soon after it set in a N. E. snowstorm. We waited till about one o’clock p.m. when we marched to the landing. It snowed heavily all the time. At the landing we was put into the old log barracks cold and wet as the steamer was not ready to receive us. At 4 p.m. we sent our baggage on board and a party of men and officers and the rest of us stayed at the barracks cold, wet, and cheerless. I got a good supper at the Webster House. I am again acting Major of the regiment as Maj. Chipman started for home, sick on leave of absence. Two Lieutenants have leave of absence and two were discharged today.
Friday, March 20th—It still storms and the snow is quite deep. Capt. Leach joined the regiment today. We are having a cold, tedious time.
Saturday, March 21st—The storm broke this morning. The snow is quite deep. We went on board of the steamer City of Richmond and at 2 o’clock p.m. left Newport News for the Fortress. At 4:30 p.m. left the Fortress and proceeded to sea with the wind at east and thick. I got my box at the fortress and though myself quite fortunate. It still storms.
Sunday, March 22nd—Twenty-two months today since we were sworn into the service. There was quite a heavy sea in the bay. The boat rolled heavily. The storm continued through the night. This a.m. at about 10 o’clock it broke away and the sea was quite smooth. I have been quite sick all night and day with a severe headache. At about 3 o’clock p.m. we passed Fort McHenry and arrived at Baltimore and at nine o’clock took the cars of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad for the West. At 10:30 p.m. we passed the Relay House.
Monday, March 23rd—At daylight this morning passed Manassas Junction * and arrived at Harper’s Ferry at 8 o’clock a.m. Left at 10:30 a.m. and passed through Martinsburg where the rebels destroyed the machine shops of the B&O Railroad, passed through Cherry Run Valley which is as beautiful and romantic as its name. We followed the various windings of the Upper Potomac River amid hill and dale, through a rich and fertile country. On leaving the valley, we arrived at Sleepy creek where the country changes to hilly and mountainous on which the snow still lingers. We passed through the town of Hancock where Stuart made his celebrated raid into Pennsylvania. we have followed the Potomac all day and at 10 o’clock p.m. we arrived at Cumberland—a coal mining town where rations were issued and hot coffee.
* Capt. Doten surely must have known that Manassas Junction was in Virginia at not on the route between the Relay House and Harper’s Ferry.
Tuesday, March 24th—On arriving at Piedmont we stopped some five hours. We are still passing through the coal regions of Maryland. The Potomac has here got reduced down to a small stream with a quick run. We passed through Bloomington where the road passes on the up grade over the mountains. The grade for 17 miles is 117 feet to the mile, then over a level of twenty miles, and then down a grade same as the up. We had to divide our train into three parts. We passed through the town of Portland which appears to be a large manufacturing town in the way of barrels, shooks, &c. We passed over Cheat Mountain and over Cheat River at a town of that name and through Kingwood Tunnel near one mile long, thence through Newburgh to Grafton where we took dinner. We here found the Union sentiments quite strong. It is the first that I have seen in Virginia. The weather is still stormy.
Wednesday, March 25th—At about seven o’clock this morning we arrived at Parkersburg—a town situated at the junction of the Little Kanawha River with the Ohio. We had hard work to get our men on board the boat as whiskey was plenty. We went on board the stern wheeler Eclipse—a new boat drawing when loaded [only] eighteen inches of water. * There is much Union sentiment displayed on the Virginia side of the river and on the Ohio side. We were greeted strongly in one little town on the Virginia side. They brought out a large new flag for the new State of [West] Virginia. They held it out for us to see. It had the initial of the new state among the stars. We have passed many coal mines and salt works today. The weather has been cold.
* The Eclipse was a 223-ton sternwheel wooden hull packet steamship constructed at Elizabeth, Pennsylvania, 16 miles southeast of Pittsburgh on the Monongahela River for Capt. George D. Moore of Wellsville, Ohio, in the fall of 1862. Construction was completed in early December and ints inaugural voyage from Pittsburgh to Louisville began on December 18th. The Cincinnati Enquirer described her as being “158 feet by 33, with a five-foot hold; cylinders 15 inches in diameter, witf five feet stroke” and could carry up to 500 tons. The ship was sold to W. E. Gibson & Co. of Aurora, Indiana in late January 1863 and soon afterwards was captained by Capt. James S. Wise who had earlier in the war served as an officer in the 48th OVI and was wounded at Arkansas Post. While docked at Cincinnati in mid-March 1863, the Eclipse was pressed into government service by the the US Quartermaster’s Department to be used as a military transport for the War Department.
Thursday, March 26th—The sun shines out today but the wind is strong ahead and weather cold. We have passed out of Virginia and entered Kentucky on the left side of the river. We begin to see vineyards covering the hills on the Ohio side. We yesterday passed the mouth of the great Kanawha River on the Virginia side. We are the first New England Regiment that has been ordered to the West and as such attract much attention. We were hailed from the Virginia side with, “What regiment is that?” — “Massachusetts 29th” — “Bully for Old Massachusetts,” said he. At 12 o’clock we arrived at Cincinnati and were invited ashore where the regiment partook of a fine [meal] and the officers were feasted at the Gibson House by the proprietors. I started and found the Robbins Boys who were glad to see me. At five p.m. we crossed to Covington, Kentucky, and took the Lexington Railroad for Paris about eighty miles distant.
Friday, March 27th—We arrived at Paris, Kentucky, at about three o’clock this morning. We stopped in the cars till morning. At 7 o’clock we marched to a camping ground just outside of the village and near the railroad bridge of which there is two, about eight hundred yards apart and about the same distance from our camp and which is to claim a good share of our attention as a large amount of stores are transported over this road to Lexington. We have been getting our camp fixed and tents pitched. The men have shelter tents and the officers have their old ones that they had at Newport News. things are quite cheap here and it is a pleasant place. The people are kind and loyal—or at least a part of them. Still there is a great number that are secretly opposed to government.
Saturday, March 28th—The weather has been quite pleasant but cool. The 27th New Jersey and the 50th Pennsylvania belonging to our Brigade passed through here last night for Lexington.
Sunday, March 29th—It has been quite pleasant. Most of our men marched to church today and created quite an impression in their favor. Our pickets were driven in this p.m.
Monday, March 30th—Nothing unusual has occurred today. Negroes that came in say that the Rebels are quite near us and advancing.
Tuesday, March 31st—Inspection day. It was quite cold and windy. We had quite a good inspection.
Wednesday, April 1st—We had orders to pack up to join our Brigade at Lexington but the people of this place were anxious for us to stop here and telegraphed to Gen. Burnside to that effect and at night the order was countermanded. We were all packed up and ready to go.
Thursday, April 2nd—Nothing unusual has occurred today. Our cavalry met about 800 of the Rebel cavalry near Mount Sterling and cut them all up, driving them into the river where many of them were drowned. They killed and drowned about 80 of them and took some prisoners. We have orders from the Colonel to move our regiment into the town tomorrow.
Friday, April 3rd 1863—It was a beautiful morning but about 9 a.m. it clouded up and we had quite a snow storm. We packed up at 10 a.m. and marched into town and took quarters at the town house for the men and a room nearby for the officers. Two of the companies had quarters in a building nearby. Officers mostly got their meals at the Paris House.
Saturday, April 4th—A rather good day. The Lieut.-Colonel with twenty-five picked men went out about six miles this evening on a scout. I was invited to Major Dunkin’s to supper this evening and went. Enjoyed myself but just as we ended supper I was sent for to take charge of the regiment as Lieut.-Colonel Barnes was found off in a raid.
Sunday, April 5th 1863—Col. Barnes and part arrived early this morning having succeeded in capturing four guerrillas—one captain and three men with their horses. It was quite an affair. We had inspection this morning and a splendid dress parade this p.m. I have the sole command of the regiment.
Monday, April 6th—Nothing unusual has occurred today and all is quiet in this vicinity.
Tuesday, April 7th—We have had quite a pleasant day this evening. I went out on the Flat Rock Pike about six miles and searched the houses of Mr. Rosebury, Mr. Bishop, and one other.
Wednesday, April 8th—We returned from our trip this morning about sunrise having traveled about fourteen miles. It was a very cold night and froze quite hard. This p.m. we had Brigade Drill under Peirce of Freetown. *
* By now it should be clear to most readers that Samuel thinks very little of Col. Ebenezer W. Peirce who lost an arm commanding the regiment during the Battle of White Oak Swamp only by foolishly maneuvering his men in an exposed position. He returned to command the regiment in November 1862 but Samuel often refers to him in his journal as “Peirce of Freetown” or “Mr. Peirce.”
Thursday, April 9th—We have had a fine day, nothing occurring only the usual course of events.
Friday, April 10th—The 45th New York Regt. left here today to join their Brigade beyond Lexington so that we are left here with the Battery & two companies of the 118th Ohio Vol.
Saturday, April 11th—We took four deserters today and three suspicious men belonging to East Tennessee. It has been a beautiful day.
Sunday, April 12th 1863—We had an inspection and muster this morning. I was invited to dine at Hon. Gerret Davis’s and enjoyed myself well. He is a fine specimen of the Old Whig Party and a strong Union man. Was an intimate friend and associate of Henry Clay. This evening twenty-five men under Col. Barnes left here for a raid out towards Mount Sterling.
A post-war view of Gerret Davis’s home (called “Woodhome”) in Paris, Kentucky, which was used as a military academy after the war. Gerret Davis (1801-1872) moved to Paris in 1823 where he was a lawyer and politician. He favored a more gradual emancipation of slaves and did not support Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation.
Monday, April 13th 1863—I am left in command of this post as Col. Peirce has left for a time. I had the trunk of two ladies stopped and got quite a lecture on politics & Union. They were “right sweet” scolds.
Tuesday, April 14th—We have had some rain today. I am attending to the duties of the post as the Colonel has not got back. We have not had anything of special interest today. The paymaster came last night but as the expedition has not got back, he will not pay off the regiment. Saw one of the ladies of yesterday and she had moderated her tone and got to be quite reasonable.
Wednesday, April 15th—Sent Capt. Wilson and six men out and brought in two suspicious characters. Our detachment came in this evening haven driven the Rebels from a large territory between here and Mount Sterling.
Thursday, April 16th—We were paid off today, most all receiving four month’s pay. We had quite a pleasant day but a bad evening. I stayed up till 12 o’clock and as we had some considerable trouble. Had to see to it and shut up some of the whiskey shops.
The following was probably written by Capt. Doten to his hometown newspaper where it was published: “Since we wrote you last the elections in Ohio have come off and the result is hailed with every demonstration of delight and gratification by the citizens and soldiers in this State. They feel that the attack of Vallandigham and his nest of copperheads has signally failed, and that the stain on the loyalty and integrity of their sister State has been fully washed out.
Could you but see the strong feeling that exists, and the hopes and fears that are expressed as daily the papers give doubtful news of success or defeat, you would then see the deep feeling that exists, and the strong attachment for the good old Union, that is part and parcel of their very nature, of the Union men and women of this State, and you would then see real sacrifice for principle, such as is not seen in any portion of the free States. Father and son, mother and sister, and even husband and wife take different views of the contest, and from loving friends become bitter enemies. Neighbors who have lived in perfect harmony and peace from childhood to age, now pass each other without recognition, and we have seen quite a number of families where one or more of the sons were in each army.
In the absence of the colonel a few days since, the command of the post devolved upon us, by which we had a still better chance to see the evil and misery of which we speak.
Nearly opposite our headquarters lives a family, the husband of which is in the Confederate army, and is, of course, absent; but the wife and daughter cling to the “good old Union,” as she expresses it, and is determined to stand by the flag let the consequence be what it may, she says she does so from principle as a true woman and a Christian, believing that God has pointed the way for her to pursue. Yet she is subject to all the trials of those opposed to the Government, has had her house searched, and we today, as in duty bound, stopped the trunks of the daughter as she was leaving to join her husband, to see if nothing contraband was contained therein. This was very humiliating to the pride of the mother, as she descended from the F. F. Vs. [first families of Virginia] of Virginia, and it was the first time in a long life that even suspicion of wrong was ever fastened upon her. Of course she, as well as the daughter, were very indignant, and your correspondent had about as much as he could attend to under running fire from two such batteries, of the real old Virginia blood, stung to the quick by what they deemed an insult to the honor of a long ancestral line; but still for all this they both remain strong for the Union, while the husband and sister are as strong “secesh,” and if when they are all together their exchange of sentiment bears any comparison to our own experience, the weaker vessel has our heartfelt sympathies and commiseration.
We are making frequent raids out among the secesh gentry, between here and Mt. Sterling and Winchester, and almost daily pick up soldiers and secessionists; they fear us, and do anything but pray for Massachusetts troops while it seems as if the Union people here cannot do too much for us; they are ready at feed the soldiers and do what they can for their comfort, and the sick are objects of especial attention and favor. Truly, for a season “our lines have fallen in pleasant places,” and as we have been for the last year ever on the move, faring hard,, living hard, and those who have died, dying hard, we feel truly grateful to the power above us for this probable unintentional ray of sunlight that is so cheering to the way-worn times soldier.
On Sunday last the field and line officers of this Regiment were invited to dine with Hon. Garrett Davis, who is or was formerly, a member of Congress from this district. Mr. Davis is a fine specimen of the old Henry Clay whigs of Kentucky, and is one of those true conservative Union men who stand firm on the constitution and the laws. Looks at the days of Nullification as the time, and a conflict of Southern interests and aristocratic principles as the first great cause of our present troubles. He was an intimate friend of Henry Clay and justly reveres the memory of this illustrious son of Kentucky. He is heart and soul in the Union cause and is making great sacrifices for country and principle. Such men living in a slave State and advocating such principles would put to shame, if it were possible, those Northern soft-heads, dough-faces, and maudling politicians who pander to the interests and crawl at the feet of a Southern slave-holder. Kentuckians despise such sham democracy, and Southern slaveholders spit upon them, “and use them for their mirth, yea, for their laughter when they are waspish.”
For a circle of ten to fifteen miles around here we keep the rebels well stirred up. Lt. Col. Barnes is among them when they least expect it, and will soon become (if he is not now,) as notorious as John Morgan, he is now out on a raid towards Mount Sterling, and should he attempt to make a search you may depend it will be done thorough.”
Joseph Henry Barnes (1833-1906)
Friday, April 17th—My company set home by Express $1,982—quite a large amount seeing that there is but thirty-two of us left here. Lemuel [B.] Morton came back today. There has been much drunkenness today in the regiment. We had a very cold night last night but quite warm today. Col. Barnes had his photograph taken today. I went with him and am in for one of them sure. It is quite still this evening.
Saturday, April 18th—Just 23 months since we left Plymouth. A scout went out this morning under Pierce of Freetown but accomplished nothing of course. On pickets, men fired upon last night but no damage.
Sunday, April 19th—Had the usual Monday inspection and a slight shower. Went to church at the Presbyterian and heard a god sermon.
Monday, April 20th—Resumed drills. We have two drills per day. The bridge over the Licking river on the Maysville Pike was burned by the Rebels last night. The bridge cost $80,000. It is twenty-two miles from here. The Rebels seem to be concentrating between here and Mount Sterling. I fear that they will give us the trouble of using them up soon. Our scout came in tonight but accomplished nothing as Mr. Peirce of Freetown was with them.
Tuesday, April 21st—We had our first street drill today and practiced firing in the streets. The people were much surprised to see us. We begun our drills yesterday and battalion drill today. It has been quite warm and this evening it rains.
Wednesday, April 22nd—Twenty-three months since we were mustered into the service. Col. Peirce and about sixty men went out on a scout this morning. Lieut. Col. Barnes left for Cincinnati this morning and leaves me in command of the post. It rained hard all night which was much wanted.
Thursday, April 23rd—We have had some little rain today. Nothing new transpired. A part of the company came in that were mounted at about 10 o’clock this evening.
Friday, April 24th—Beautiful weather but cool. The soldiers came in today and left Col. Peirce and the rest of the mounted men out there. They have thus far accomplished nothing. I stopped four men at Mrs. Scott’s today but after examination, let them go.
Saturday, April 25th—Lieut.-Colonel Barnes returned from Cincinnati this p.m. We had no dress parade. Orders were received to join our brigade as soon as possible which is now at Stanford, Kentucky.
Sunday, April 26th—We packed up this morning ready to start as soon as we could get transportation. Col. Peirce returned at 1 p.m. today having as usual accomplished nothing except to insult the people when he stopped. Got me a trunk made for use—good and strong. At 4 o’clock p.m. we started and at 5:30 p.m. passed through Lexington where we stopped near half hour. Saw the Henry Clay monument. It is a beautiful shaft and well worthy of the great and gifted statesman. There is not many troops at Lexington but quite a large convalescent camp. It is a beautiful country, mostly farming land, much of which is devoted to the culture of hemp, 6:30 o’clock we arrived at Nicholasville—a small town at the end of the railroad where we took up our line of march and marched half mile from the town and encamped.
Monday, April 27th—Broke camp and took up line of march at 8 o’clock a.m. for Camp Dick Robinson. At 12 M crossed the “Kentucky River.” The country has changed to hilly land and not so good. The country is mountainous, high cliffs and deep valleys. It has been very dusty and at times we can hardly see the regiment. At 4 p.m. we reached Camp Dick Robinson and encamped just beyond it. Our men are much used up and footsore. We have marched 16 miles today.
Tuesday, April 28th—We took up our line of march at 8:15 o’clock a.m. It begun to rain at three o’clock this morning and was showery all day. We marched to Lancaster and about 1.5 miles beyond the town and encamped at about 1:15 p.m. The country has again changed to large, handsome farms. We marched about ten miles today and have a good camp for wood and water.
Wednesday, April 29th—Took up line of march at five a.m. for Stanford. We had slight showers and a good road. At 7:15 a.m. crossed Dix River. The bridge had been burned and a temporary bridge thrown across. We marched through the town of Stanford to about 1.5 miles beyond and encamped at 10:30 a.m. ere we found the rest of our brigade. We have had heavy showers this p.m. The ground of our camp is very wet.
Thursday, April 30th—We had a cold, disagreeable night. The ground was cold and wet. we received orders to take two days rations and be ready to start at 8:30 a.m. which we did. We had to leave much of our baggage. We stopped for dinner at 12 M where we received letters from home. We continued our march on the Danville Pike to the town of Houstonville and about five miles beyond to Carpenter’s Creek where we encamped about 6 o’clock p.m. We marched 17 miles today and all our men kept up.
Friday, May 1st 1863—May day. We were ordered to lay out a camp and as usual it fell to my lot to do it. We have a good camp. Wood and water handy. At 9 o’clock we received orders to be ready to start at 4 o’clock tomorrow morning.
Saturday, May 2nd—The orders to march this morning were countermanded so we have a chance to rest. Our men are short of shoes but are well and hearty.
Sunday, May 3rd—It has been quite rainy today. Nothing unusual has taken place and we should hardly know it was Sunday were we not told of it.
Monday, May 4th—I have been quite sick today. We had orders to have two days cooked & 4 days rations in wagons & be ready to start at 1 o’clock tonight.
Tuesday, May 5th—We struck officer’s tents at 1 o’clock this morning at at 4 o’clock took up line of march. Raining hard. We marched over the [Pine] Knob (as it is called) in a very bad pathway, our teams going by a different route as well as the battery. At 7 o’clock a.m. we came up with the rest of our division at Middleburg. Waited there a long time for the battery and train. Crossed the Green river and at 6 o’clock p.m. encamped for the night. We have had a rough hilly road, muddy and wet. Made 17 miles.
Wednesday, May 6th—Started at 7 o’clock a.m. We crossed Fishing Creek and ascended the mountain south of it. At the summit of the mountain we stopped and I was detailed with 100 men to go back and assist the train up the mountain. This delayed us some three hours. We passed through the town of Mount Gilead, sometimes called Nunkim [?]. Marched ten miles and encamped in the rain, ground wet and muddy.
Thursday, May 7th—A hard, cold, rainy night and day. Weather very uncomfortable. All our blankets and clothing wet and but little to eat. Good news from the Rappahannock.
Friday, May 8th—Still cold and rainy. We started at 9 o’clock a.m. and marched three miles to Somerset and encamped near the town. Went to the town and got a main spring put to my watch for the modest sum of two dollars. It is quite a village—probably come 800 to 1,000 inhaboitrants. Weather this p.m. good & warm.
Saturday, May 9th—we got our camp in good order and condition. The weather is good.
Sunday, May 10th—Inspection this morning. Guns of my company in good order. I took command of Co. E again today. We have another pleasant day. Had dress parade this evening.
Monday, May 11th—Orders were received last night to have two days rations ready and be ready to march at a moment’s notice. Had dress parade as usual. Weather good. A private of the New York 46th fell dead getting a newspaper and was buried close to our camp this evening.
Tuesday, May 12th—I am Reg. Officer of the Day. The weather is beautiful. Our supply train arrived today. It is rumored that the rebels are in quite large force on the south side of the Cumberland river about five miles from here.
Wednesday, May 13th—Our regiment was inspected today by the Brigade Inspector this p.m., and evening it rained.
Thursday, May 14th—The weather good. Nothing new. We are well. How are you?
Friday, May 15th—A pleasant day. Went this morning to the mouth of what appears to be quite a cave near our camp and near to which a large stream gushes out among the rocks that form the hillside. It is a beautiful place.
Saturday, May 16th—Another pleasant day. Went with two others and explored the cave that I saw yesterday. It is but about two hundred yards deep and very low. In no place could we stand up higher and most of the way we had to crawl. Sometimes it was not two feet high but it was quite wide—often ten to fifteen feet. It was evidently once the bed of the stream that now gushes out near to it and has been changed from its original channel by falling rocks. The entrance to the cave is a high overhanging cliff of stone hanging over some twenty or thirty feet and as many high. It is grand and lofty & worth seeing.
The following was probably written by Capt. Doten in mid-May 1863 to his hometown newspaper: “We are now encamped on the battlefield where our Gen. (Carter) engaged Gen. Pegram and drove his army across the Cumberland river, which is about five miles from here. It was a sharp, short, and decisive battle, and every little hill-top covered with rifle pits show with what energy and determination our troops contended with the enemy at every point, to finally win a victory as complete as it was successful. John Morgan has taken position on the south bank of the river, and, as he says, intends that to be the impassable bounds for the Union army. Perhaps John is a true prophet and will keep his intentions good, but we Yankees always have a doubt till we have a fair trial, and then, (as in law) take the benefit of the doubt. Before this Brigade came here Morgan, although driven across the river, seemed to feel equal to the task of regaining a foothold on this side, and was continually making raids near here, but now he seems to have a wholesome dread of ‘McClellan’s old troops’ (as they call us here) and is very quietly waiting for the spirit to move us, to give him battle. We are not one of the anxious kind and are not “spoiling for a fight” like many that have only “snuffed the battle from afar;” our regiment has been in seven regular stand up battles, where the rebels have thrown their shot and shell among us with a “perfect looseness” and without regard to human life. We have seen the elephant in his different positions; admired him when he stood on four legs, and wondered when we see him stand on two, and are no longer anxious to see him again even if he should stand on one leg; but just at this time, and under all the circumstances, we should like to be near enough to exchange cards and take his photograph. We are daily expecting fifteen to twenty thousand troops here, and when they arrive there must be a move of some kind or we shall all starve, as we do not have but two-thirds rations now. And here let me possibly enlighten you and your numerous readers by giving you the true reason, for often after a decisive battle in which our troops have been victorious, and when it seems to you at home that that victory should have been followed up, it is not done, and our army retreats back. This army is now in exact position to illustrate. Should we move forward and defeat the rebel army we could not possibly follow them twenty-five miles without waiting for our supply train to come up, and as we are now on two-thirds rations, the supply then would be, of course, very short. All our supplies have to be carted sixty miles, as the country has been foraged by both armies till the inhabitants themselves are suffering for the common necessaries of life. There is neither hay nor grain to be found for a great distance around us, and the horses look as if they had passed through the first year of the Egyptian famine. This may explain to you why in this country the many victories are not followed up, although it may not explain why Hooker did not follow up that great victory for which he thanked God and the soldiers. Paris, Ky., is still a military post, but for what purpose I cannot tell. At this time the shadow of six defunct old ladies would afford sufficient protection for the town, and a dozen or two of Hoosier soldiers would keep the railroad bridges from harm or danger; and why the War Department should deem it necessary to keep some three hundred good men at that place is hard to understand, when their presence in the field of active service would be more for the benefit of the country, more especially when so many are leaving whose term of service has expired. It is a good safe place for those who in the hour of battle have “their hair stand on end like quills upon a fretful porcupine;” but it is no place for those who wish to see our beloved country once more at peace and again blessed with the smiles of God, prosperous and happy.
Major Chipman is again with us restored to health and as ready as ever to do good service in battle for his country, and while the regiment is under the command of such men as Lt. Col. Barnes and Major Chipman you need have no fear for the result when in action, as they are composed of that stern, solid material that makes men heroes and patriots. Co. E has been twice disgraced by desertion; two of its members have ingloriously deserted the flag of their adopted country, and have not only disgraced the service but have doomed their friends to bear the stigma of the disgraceful and dishonorable act. These two worthies bear the cognomen of john E. Morrison and Patrick Smith. If they should return to Plymouth, don’t for Heaven’s sake send them back here, but keep them as select specimens of how low a man can degrade himself and still live and breath in this land of liberty…”
Sunday, May 17th 1863—Sunday inspection as usual. We got a large mail of papers today that had been at Stanford for some time. We have had a very pleasant day.
Monday, May 18th—We are having fine weather. I took a stroll to see what troops we had around us. Saw the 45th Ohio—a fine regiment. 112th Mounted Infantry—a fine regiment. 32nd Kentucky—a very poor regiment. 2nd Ohio Cavalry—very full and good. Mountain Howitzer Battery—good. Rhode Island Battery—excellent. Illinois Battery—fair. There were a number of others I did not visit.
Tuesday, May 19th—I am Reg. Officer of the Day. Have five teams and twenty-five men detailed to get trees to shade the camp. This does not look much like moving soon.
Wednesday, May 20th—The weather has been quite hot today. Nothing unusual has occurred. we hear that the Rebels have crossed the river at or near Richmond.
Thursday, May 21st—A warm day. We have been through the usual round of camp duty. I went to the town today but did not stop long.
Friday, May 22nd—Two years of our time has this day ended and we are now on our last year of our enlistment. There is forty-eight members of this company on the rolls and thirty are present in all. We have had in all (with recruits) ninety-one.
Saturday, May 23—We have received orders for the officers to turn in their wall tents and receive shelter tents instead. This looks some like moving. Weather hot.
Sunday, May 24th—A very warm day. inspection in company streets. I am on duty as Officer of the Day.
Monday, May 25th—A rather warm day. I began work early on my tent as I drew shelter tents yesterday and got enough to make us as large a tent, if not so good as we had before, and I have a good one made like my old one—all call it the handsomest & best on the line of the brigade. We had an alarm this a.m. and have drawn up in line of battle as the Rebs crossed the river and had a little skirmish with [Col. Frank] Wolford’s Cavalry. There was a few killed on both sides and we took five prisoners & they about as many and recrossed the river.
Tuesday, May 26th—Nothing new or interesting today. It has been very hot. we have good news from the West from Gen’l. Grant. It puts the troops in good spirits.
Wednesday, May 27th—We still have good news from the West. The day has been very warm. I had a sick night last night but am quite well again.
Thursday, May 28th—The 50th Pennsylvania of our brigade changed their camp today. We had orders to keep all the men in camp. The batteries were harnessed up and ready. Lieut. [Peter] Winsor is on picket guard. It rains lightly this evening.
Friday, May 29th—The day has been rainy with a strong wind at east and south-east. My tent stood well and did not leak much. We were ordered to be specially on the alert at night and guards to be very vigilant.
Saturday, May 30th 1863—This p.m. we had a heavy squall of rain accompanied with thunder and lightening. Our little shelter tents were but poor protection as the rain beat right through and wet our things and ourselves. Luckily It did not last long. all our tents were flooded. Our cavalry with the pieces of the battery crossed the Cumberland today and gave chase to the Rebels some ten or fifteen miles and took—it is said—eighty prisoners. I am Officer of the Day today.
Sunday, May 31st—We had the usual Sunday inspection this morning. With good weather and quite cool. I did not go on inspection.
Monday, June 1st 1863—We had a rain squall last evening. The weather is quite cool today. Our pontoon train came in today.
Tuesday, June 2nd—We received orders today to send all extra baggage (over thirty pounds to each officer and more than one shift of clothes to a private) to the rear, and that the men shall have three days rations in their haversacks and five days rations in their knapsacks making eight days rations. Accordingly, our extra baggage has gone and we have taken as I think a “last fond look” at it as I doubt if ever we see it again. I am Officer of the Day and quite busy today. A part of our pontoon train arrived last night. All the troops in this department have the same orders with ourselves.
Wednesday, June 3rd—Nothing new or exciting today. Everything goes along about as usual. Weather fine. Capt. [Thomas William] Clarke [of Co. A] returned to the regiment today after being absent nine or ten months “beating it” round Washington. Got the headache tonight. Wrote to the [Old Colony] Memorial [& Plymouth Rock Newspaper] today.
Here is what Capt. Doten wrote to the newspaper on 3 June 1863: “The symptoms of active warfare begin to assume a serious aspect in these regions, and our little army stationed at this place are kept in constant readiness to move at a moment’s warning. Last week the rebels became quite troublesome, and quite a body of them made a raid across the river near the mouth of “Fishing Creek” and “Mill Spring” about twelve miles from here, and captured some of our pickets and a few horses. A cavalry force under Col. Krantz, of the 2d Ohio Mounted Infantry, was immediately dispatched to the scene of action, which not only made the rebels double on their own track, but doubled quite a number of them up, marked and labeled for a ground sweat, besides taking a number of prisoners and horses. These raids are getting most too common and the enemy too familiar with our pickets, and orders have of late been given to shoot whoever appears on the south side of the river in the shape of soldiers, let them be pickets or otherwise. This has had a salutary effect and the rebels give the banks of the river a wide berth, although they show themselves on the highlands beyond. Some eight hundred cavalry exposed themselves to the admiring gaze of our pickets a few days since, but accidentally a section of the Mountain Howitzer Battery got sight of them and sent a few compliments on their first appearance in the shape of a shell, that so astonished them that the place that knew them for a moment will probably know them no more at present, if ever. A day or two since our cavalry crossed the river with a section of the Mountain Howitzer Battery and made a raid of ten or twelve miles, taking eighty prisoners, securing quite a number of horses, and returned. With our cavalry it seems to be a perfect mania to secure horses, and frequently on a raid if they find a horse better than the one they have and they have no means to bring it to camp, they change saddles and turn their horse loose to shift for himself, while they flourish and curvet [a leap of a horse from a rearing position] the new one, and probably give him his first introduction to the use of the spur and carbine, and it is astonishing how soon they become accustomed to both. On Sunday that never-failing sign of a forward movement, a Pontoon train, arrived here, or at least the first section, the other having been delayed…No provision is made for soldier’s blanket or tent, but we suppose he will be allowed to carry them if he can possibly stand up and travel under his load. As to the officer’s baggage the valise or trunk generally weighs from ten to twenty pounds, the books and papers of his company as much more, so that if he goes according to regulations he will have to march in about the same uniform that clothed our first parents when they left Eden. We have a hard march before us, and when we shall have out where we go to, probably you will say the same troops that have been on a part of the route give hard descriptions and think that hunger will follow close upon us, as it did upon them, and if we look for hardships, hard fare, and labor, to say nothing of fighting, we shall not be disappointed, however, we shall anticipate, but take it as it comes, and having got pretty well used to it for the last two years, we think we can stand most anything reasonable. As frequent inquiries are made about who are with Co. E at this time, we give below the following list of officers and men present – true it is small, but it is good: Captain, S. H. Doten; 2d Lieut., Peter Winsor. Sergeants, H. W. Jenks, G E Wadsworth, J S Holbrook, H Kimball. Corporals, S W Paty, S Wright, J Shannon, J K Alexander, M Barnes, T Hayden, T Collingwood. Privates C Atwood, E D Barnes, B F Bates, G F Bradford, N Burgess, G E Burbank, S L Churchill, W P Gooding, O D Holmes, W. Howland, LB Morton, WT Nickerson, G H Partridge, GT Peckham, A R Robbins, J. Stillman, W Thompson, J Washburn, J B. Whiting, David Williams. The above list comprises all of Co. E present or that came with the company into Kentucky, except Frank H. Simmons, who not only has proved a disgrace to his friends but a disgrace to his company and regiment, by deserting his country’s service in the hour of peril, and deserting that flag that has been his protection of the ocean and on the land. Any man that will steep his brain in whiskey and then let a courtesan seduce him from his duty, clean, and then clear him out, has certainly drunk deep at the bitter fountain, and his hopes of happiness in this world must rest on a small foundation.“
Thursday, June 4th—We received orders at one o’clock this morning to get ready for a march at daylight and soon had all hands getting ready and something to eat. At 5:30 o’clock a.m. we started on the march to Stanford. Marched to Waynesboro eighteen miles and encamped for the night. It was a hot day but everyone of my men came in on time. Capt. Thomas W. Clarke returned to the regiment today having been absent near ten months “beating it” round Washington.
Friday, June 5th—My birthday. We started this morning at 5:30 o’clock and marched to Stanford where we encamped having arched sixteen miles. My men all kept up or was in very soon after we got to our camp. We encamped on the same ground that we left the 13th day of April last. We got here early and as the paymaster was here, we had our pay rolls signed and have the promise of receiving our pay here, as we are to march tomorrow. It has been hot and dusty today and hard traveling.
Saturday, June 6th—Started from Stanford at 4:30 o’clock a.m. & marched to Camp Dick Robinson. It is good weather but very hot and dusty. I was very tired and had the chills very hard after we arrived here. We suffered much on the march on account of dust. Often we could not see the regiment ten yards distant. My ankles were much swollen. We marched seventeen miles.
Sunday, June 7th—Started this morning at 5 o’clock and marched to Nicholasville where we arrived at about 1:30 o’clock p.m.—a distance of fourteen miles. The dust was the same as yesterday. The men are very much used up with forced marching. We encamped in a field about quarter mile from the depot. I was Officer of the Day but had to give it up to Capt. Clarke who had a horse and I assisted him what I could.
Monday, June 8th—Took the cars for Cincinnati where we arrived at about 7 o’clock p.m. and where we were furnished with a [ ] and at about 10 o’clock p.m. we took the cares for Cairo, Illinois. I have had a hard job as Officer of the Day.
Tuesday, June 9th—We traveled all last night with poor accommodations in box cars—no place to lay down or to rest. We passed through a number of towns on the line of the road and stopped at Washington, Davis county, Indiana, where we were supplied with refreshments by the ladies who were very kind and would take no pay for anything. One lady sung to us the beautiful song of, “May Brave Boys Will Fall,” which was listened to with much pleasure by the regiment. Many cards were exchanged, bouquets of flowers presented and kind greetings given. We sped away with hearty cheers for the kind-hearted people of Washington, Indiana. At about 5 o’clock p.m. we crossed the Wabash river and entered the State of Illinois and crossed over some of the rich prairie lands of the state. It was the first time I ever saw the grand prairies of the West.
Wednesday, June 10th 1863—We changed cars at the junction and took the cars for Cairo about two o’clock this morning. It is about 120 miles to Cairo. We are still on the great prairies. They are level as far as the eye can see. The towns and villages look strange and setting level as they do, make anything but a pretty appearance. It has rained all the morning. We have been kindly received all along the route. No log cabins so poor but what the kind-hearted inhabitants waved their handkerchiefs. We arrived at Cairo at 4:30 o’clock p.m. and embarked on board the steamer Mariner and waited for orders. It is 365 miles from Cincinnati to Cairo.
Thursday, June 11th—At 11 o’clock last evening we received orders to start and was soon out of the Ohio river and on the broad Mississippi. We sailed along down river all day. The scenery does not meet my expectation. The river is not so wide as I expected and but few settlements. We passed a few settlements and passed Fort Jefferson, Kentucky, and the famous Island No. 10 where we stopped for orders. Passed Fort [ ] and Fort Harris.
The following was no doubt written by Capt. Doten to the editor of his hometown newspaper for publication: “Our steamer has just stopped at this famous place for orders, and as we promised to drop you a line “on the wing” thought this would be a good place to begin it.
When we wrote you last we fully expected at this time to be in East Tennessee, foot-sore and weary, traveling o’er the Cumberland Mountains. We had our rations ready and were under orders; but soldiers are creatures of chance and change; they know where they are on the hour, but where they will be the next is as uncertain as a crop of corn in a sheep pasture, or the codicil to a bankrupt’s will. On the morning of June 4th we expected to start for East Tennessee, but at one o’clock of that morning we received orders by telegraph to break camp immediately and march to Nicholsville, about seventy miles distant. We started at daylight and marched eighteen miles and encamped; the next day we marched about eighteen miles, and on the next reached Nicholsville. We had a very hard journey, as it was very hot, dry, and dusty; oftentimes the regiment could not be distinguished at ten yards distant on account of the dust, and the men and the officers were so covered with it that it was difficult to recognize them. Many of the regiment and brigade (as the whole brigade was on the move,) gave out, and were left behind to come up through the night. If they could, which some did; all of Co. E were up at ten o’clock that night, but some of them were so lame and foot-sore that they could hardly walk, but a determination not to be left behind, overcome all other feelings, and they marched along over many a weary mile, where others less determined sank by the roadside. No other company in the whole regiment did so well or stood the march so well as Co. E. On the morning of June 8th we took the cars for Cincinnati, passing through Paris, where we stopped for a few moments and saw some of the others of the 29th, who are as they say, very anxious to make their mark, yet loafing around Paris under detail, so as to keep out of the hardships and dangers of field service, where they would possibly be of some service to their country, instead of hanging around a place where they are of no more use than a boot black would be in the kingdom of Heaven, or a pair of red plush breeches to a young cherub. In all cases there are honorable exceptions. It is so here and if ever called upon we are ready to give our opinion. We arrived at Cincinnati late in the afternoon, and the whole regiment was provided with a bountiful (illegible], and at ten o’clock on that same evening we took cars for Cairo, Illinois. On the road to Cairo we passed through the States of Indiana and Illinois, and it was easy to see the difference between slave and free labor, even in comparison with old Kentucky, where slavery assumes its most favorable phase. The face of the country seems changed. Farm houses look more comfortable. The eternal log cabin of all slave states has disappeared, and in its place the small but neat cottage dots the roadside, and an air of thrift pervades the whole farming districts. Comfort and happiness sit upon the door-step, praying with bright eyed, healthy children and rosy cheeked, blooming lassies full of health and spirits, greet us at the homes and by the roadside as we pass through their villages. When we passed over the Wabash River and entered the State of Illinois, we soon opened on the immense prairie lands of that State. As far as the eye can see the broad expanse of land is level; cultivated and dotted over with farm houses and villages, and at this season of the year it is really beautiful to see the broad fields of grain waving in the wind, giving promise of abundance in the seed time and harvest of God’s promise. To us there is nothing beautiful in the look or appearance of a prairie village. The beauty of hillside and valley is lost in the dead, flat prospect; the eye catches and comprehends the whole in a moment, leaving nothing to admire or interest. When we arrived at Cairo we were immediately embarked aboard the steamer Mariner, bound down the river, but where we do not know, but suppose Vicksburg. The whole brigade had already embarked and were waiting orders. (There were five large steamers loaded with troops, and one battery on the boat with ourselves.) At 11 o’clock at night orders were received, and we were soon out of the Ohio river and steaming on the broad Mississippi; and here we are at this famous Island No. 10 receiving orders to still keep our course down river. Island No. 10 is quite pretty place, but as stronghold it does not come up to our expectations. It is about thirty feet above the level of the river now, and about twenty when the river is full. The forts have been probably leveled, as they was nothing to be seen of consequence, but it must have been quite well fortified to resist and hold out so long against the force brought against it. Still we cannot see why it should not be easily reduced at any time from the main land, and why it should be very difficult to take possession of the main land for that purpose we cannot comprehend. We don’t think so much of it as we did, and don’t think so much of the exploit of taking it as probably it deserves. We have just passed Fort Wright on the Tennessee shore, and if no untoward event happens, we expect to arrive at Memphis at about midnight, when we shall have to stop to report, and when we hope to mail letters for home.“
Friday, June 12—We arrived at Memphis, Tennessee at two o’clock this morning and proceeded to “coal up.” We are to meet the boats at the mouth of White River and proceed under convoy of gunboats. We remained here all day waiting for Gen. Potter who commands our division. Went ashore and bought e a suit of clothes and took a hasty look at the city. It seems to be a thrifty growing city, well located, and well laid out. Saw the Jackson monument, The inscription of the Federal Union must be preserved had been mutilated in the word Federal. It is in the center of a very pretty grove. Three dead bodies floated down past us today, one of which was searched by some of the river pirates who found quite a sum of money & a watch which they of course took and turned the body adrift again. A large boat came up from below with sick and wounded.
While docked at Memphis, Capt. Doten wrote the editor of his hometown newspaper: “We arrived at Memphis, Tennessee, at two o’clock this morning and found the rest of our brigade here; the other brigades of our division are ahead of us, we are to meet at the mouth of White River and all proceed to Vicksburg under convoy of gunboats. We have to stop here to coal up, and it takes a long time to do so. We are not allowed to go on shore, and for that reason have to take our view of the city from the river; but that view is rather favorable to the place and its location. It seems to be well situated on a high bluff, and the buildings built in that good substantial character that is so characteristic of the West. In traveling through the West, one cannot fail to observe the singular massive style of architecture so prevalent in the cities and many of the villages. Many of the farm houses are large, massive brick houses, such as often grace the suburbs of Northern cities, and to all appearances are palatial residences, fitted up and adorned with all the elegance and taste of the most refined society. There does not seem to be any intermediate grade (or, at least, it is seldom seen) between the brick mansion and the log cabin, and society seems to partake of the same nature, more especially in Kentucky, the wide gulf between master and slave is as wide between rich and poor, and is as hard to cross. The height of learning and the lowest depths of ignorance live side by side in the villages, and in the city vice in all its forms takes the highest seat in the temple, and is caressed and petted by all grades of society.“
Saturday, June 13th—Two more dead bodies floated past today. It has been a very hot day. We are still waiting the arrival of the general.
Sunday, June 14th—Went to church this forenoon and took some of my men with me. It is a very hot day. Gen. Potter arrived today and about 4 o’clock p.m. we started down the river. Our fleet of steamers consists of the Dakotah, Diamond, Meteor, Lenora, and Mariner.
Monday, June 15th 1863—Stopped at 12 o’clock last night and laid till daylight when we proceeded. Stopped at the town of Helena for orders adn at 4 o’clock p.m. stopped at the mouth of the White River (or of the cutoff) for the night. We had to go on shore and throw out pickets which were fired upon and half of the regiment kept under arms all night.
Tuesday, June 16th—started again at daylight. Good weather but very hot. I am Officer of the Day. This a.m. we were fired upon by guerrillas which we returned with our battery as we have one on board as well as with our rifles. No one hurt. The gunboats stopped and shelled the woods and then went ahead and did the same. At 4 o’clock p.m. we had a severe squall across the river which blowed one boat ashore, we hardly escaping. Just at this time our boat took fore over the boilers but was soon got under. We arrived at Lake Providence about 6 o’clock p.m. where we stopped for the night. We had a second tempest this evening. This place is guarded by the 1st Kansas Regiment and a Negro Regiment.
Wednesday, June 17th—Started at 4:30 o’clock this morning for down river. Weather good. At 10:30 o’clock a.m. we entered the mouth of the Yazoo River and at 1 o’clock p.m. we arrived at Snyder’s Bluff and landed. There is some fifteen large transports here and thirty below about three miles.
The Siege of Vicksburg
Thursday, June 18th—We marched last evening about three miles towards Vicksburg and encamped and today have pitched our tents. There is a very large body of western troops around here. I traveled three miles and back over to the 40th Iowa thinking that probably the Cooper that is Lieut.-Colonel might possibly beWm. Cooper but found him to be Samuel F. Cooper—a native of Stockbridge, Massachusetts—a fine, sociable man. It is hard work for officers to get anything to eat here. I had to lay out the camp as usual.
Friday, June 19th—It has been a very warm day. I have been busy getting my accounts ready for the quarter. There was heavy cannonading this morning. Everything seems quiet in this place. Some of our stragglers came up today.
While encamped some three miles from Snyder’s Bluff, north of Vicksburg, Capt. Doten finished his letter to the hometown newspaper begun at Memphis: “We waited here for the arrival of Gen. Potter, who commands our division, till Sunday at four P. M., when we started on our voyage down river. Our fleet consists of five large steamers: the Dacotah, Diamond, Meteor, Lenora, and Mariner, all well fitted with troops. Ours (the Mariner) has on board besides the 29th Regt., one New York battery with all their horses, guns and camp equipage, making a crowded mess of men on one of the meanest steamers, or rather one of the meanest conducted steamers probably on the river if there is any other whose officers are meaner or more despicable, we pity those who have to take passage with them; for ourselves we would sooner take passage from Cairo to New Orleans in a good sized alligator a la Jonah, than to be at the tender mercy of such a set of Jews, and narrow, contracted, half-souled Israelites, whose sole idea seems to be how to get the most money for the smallest compensation, and how to rob the soldier of his hard earned gains in the meanest, smallest, and most scientific manner. We told them we would give them a first rate notice, and we again say that a man can get starved for the most money on that boat than on any other in the river, and if this boat is a sample of the living on board of the Mississippi River steamboats, God pity the river travelers. We proceeded on our voyage down the river to the mouth of White river, where we stopped for the night, and in the morning was taken under convoy of two gunboats. Our pickets were fired upon here, as we were obliged to picket the woods for fear of a surprise, but no damage to our side. On Tuesday we were fired upon by guerillas from the shore, and returned the fire from our battery, the gunboats shelling the woods at the same time. During a severe squall one of our boats was blown ashore, and our boat grounded once, and in the height of the squall took fire over the boilers, which was soon got under without material damage. We again stopped at Lake Providence for the night, and Wednesday morning started for the Yazoo river. We arrived at Snyder’s Bluffs at noon, and disembarked, and were marched about three miles toward Vicksburg, where we now (June 19) are encamped. You need have no fear for Vicksburg, it is surely ours, and we believe the large part of Johnston’s army will be so in a short time. Our government is at work with a will and determination to end this war on the Mississippi, and is exerting all its energies for that purpose, and it will be accomplished. As the mail is about to start we must close. We are now in Christ’s Brigade, Potter’s Division, 9th Army Corps, near Vicksburg. In giving you the names of those who are now with the company, and who went with it to Kentucky, we omitted the name of Charles E. Tillson of Plymouth, one of our best men, and one who has always been with his company, faithful to his trust and to his duty. Company “E’ has received thirteen recruits since it left Plymouth, of which, only Tillson and G. F. Peckham have been able to stick the fatigues incident to camp life, and they are the only ones with the company at this time.“
Saturday, June 20th—There was very heavy firing this morning and through the night towards Vicksburg. It has been a good day though warm.
Sunday, June 21st—I have been sick today with my head. It has been very much swelled up & I can hardly see out of my eyes. It is said that the rebels made a sally out of Vicksburg yesterday morning and took one of our batteries. Our troops got a cross fire on them & they had to leave it. Also we took one of theirs. Had some blackberries today.
Monday, June 22nd—I have had a sick miserable day’s excessive pain in my head and my eye’s so swollen that I could hardly see. There was heavy cannonading all night at Vicksburg.
Tuesday, June 23rd—I have been a little better today but had a hard night. My head is not so painful. Lieut. [Peter] Winsor is out in fatigue duty and one hundred men from this regiment under Maj. Chipman digging entrenchments, rifle pits, &c. Weather good. We expect Gen. Johnston down on us soon as it is said he is making a move to try to relieve Vicksburg.
Wednesday, June 24th—We had a good shower last evening but it did not wet down much. The heavy guns have been firing all day and night at the rate of near two per minute.
Thursday, June 25th—A very warm day. Regiment again on fatigue digging rifle pits and entrenchments. Johnston crossed the Big Black River and attacked Grant’s rear but was defeated and recrossed the river, eaving his dead and wounded.
Friday, June 26th—Yesterday our troops sprung a mine and blowed up quite a piece of one of the rebel redoubts and immediately tool possession with a loss on our side of fifteen and quite a large loss to the enemy. It has been a very hot day. The cannonading has been steady for the last forty-eight hours.
Saturday, June 27th—One year today since the Battle of Gaines’ Mill where Lieut. Mayo was killed. We have one hundred and thirty men detailed for fatigue on the trenches. Nothing much has occurred today. We had orders to have 60 rounds per man & five days rations ready.
Sunday, June 28th—Finished my muster rolls today and they are ready.
Monday, June 29th—Started from Millville [Milldale], Mississippi, and marched about six miles. Thermometer at 100 in the shade. It was very hot and near one half of the regiment fell out. Captains Clarke and Lee were sun struck and other officers had to fall out. I stood it through quite well. We camped in the woods near half way to the Bog Black River from the Yazoo. Water is very hard to get here.
Tuesday, June 30th—We were mustered today by Lieut.-Col. Barnes. We left all our things at the old camp as we have no transportation. went blackberrying and went through a canebrake for the first time and I think it will be the last of my own accord. Weather very hot.
Wednesday, July 1st—A detachment of the 9th New Hampshire are cutting down the forest at our camp and our officers have to remove their quarters. The weather is very hot. We have no tents now.
Thursday, July 2nd—Heavy firing at Vicksburg. All else quiet. Got a paper from home but no letters. Still very hot.
Friday, July 3rd—Ninety-five men were detailed under my command for wood cutting. We cut over several acres of good tiber to expose a ravine to our shells and keep it from being used as a cover by the Rebels. Weather good and cloudy.
Saturday, July 4th—Vicksburg capitulated today. We received orders to march with four days rations and at 3:30 o’clock p.m., started for the Big Black river. We marched till 9 o’clock and encamped. We received all our back mail today. I have twelve letters and lots of papers.
Sunday, July 5th—Marched to near the Big Black and encamped. Had considerable skirmishing through the night. The 4th Iowa lost 4 killed and 40 wounded as they were the skirmishers. Very hot and dusty.
Monday, July 6th—We still remain in camp. Our skirmishers are still at work. We are advancing in (it is said) three columns, one crossing above & one below us—we holding the center. We have orders to march this evening. A heavy squall prevented our advance. Lieut. [Peter] Winsor received his discharge today and left for home.
Tuesday, July 7th—A splendid morning and nothing to eat. We took up line of march at 1 o’clock p.m. It was very hot. We crossed the Big Black at 3:15 o’clock p.m. and marched till about 11 o’clock p.m. At 8 o’clock we had a heavy, severe tempest and made it very heavy traveling. It was so dark that we had to take hold of each other to keep our way and the lightning very blinding. We did not advance more than two miles in the last two hours. We were wet through and laid down so.
Wednesday, July 8th—We had for our comfort another thunderstorm during the night and at 4 o’clock this morning, we again took up our line of march, [but] as we had not but little sleep, it was hard work. The roads were good today.
Thursday, July 9th—We marched till two o’clock this morning and encamped and at 7 o’clock a.m. started again. It has been very hot and men have fallen out in large numbers. Four died from sun stroke. We marched till 8 p.m. and encamped. we passed near Clinton, Mississippi, at 10 o’clock. Our regiment was ordered on picket. A fine house near us that the owners had left was burned with all its fine furniture by our troops.
Siege of Jackson, Mississippi
Friday, July 10th—We came off picket this morning and having piled up our knapsacks as per order and left a guard on them, we started for our position near Jackson, Mississippi. We marched through woods and fields of corn to the north of the city and stopped to rest about four miles from the city, it being very hot. We have marched through splendid fields of corn that were miles in extent and looked beautiful. At 9 o’clock p.m., we took position near the city on the Jackson & Memphis Railroad to support a battery (as usual). Our troops burned a large number of cotton presses & one fine mansion today as we passed along.
Saturday, July 11th—This morning our skirmishers opened on the Rebel pickets and drove them in and at 6:30 o’clock our batteries opened with shell. We support the New York Battery “L.” We passed the Insane Asylum belonging to the State. It is a beautiful structure & grounds well laid out. we had a severe tempest today. The 2nd Michigan lost severely by storming a redoubt which they took but could not hold, not being properly backed up & the 36th Massachusetts lost severely by skirmishing. At 7 o’clock p.m. we were ordered to throw up six barbettes for the 20 rifle guns of “Benjamin’s Battery.” All my men are present tonight.
Sunday, July 12th—We worked all night and at 6 o’clock this morning finished our work. Our men are pretty well used up with hard labor and no sleep and half rations. At 6:30 o’clock we were ordered to take position on the left near the woods. At 7:15 a.m. all our batteries opened on the Rebel batteries and the city. At 9:30 o’clock a.m., the batteries in front of us ceased to reply except occasionally. We are close to our line of skirmishers and are the support. At ten o’clock the Rebs get good range of our regiment and their shot truck close. One of our sergeants was sun struck today.
Monday, July 13th—We held our position through the night. The skirmishers were relieved this morning by the 7th Rhode Island. The Rebels are popping away quite smart this morning. The Rebels in front of us was supposed to be reinforced by three regiments last night and were at work all night supposedly on rifle pits. Lieut.-Colonel Barnes and myself went out to the skirmishers and each took a shot at the Rebels—he at the battery, I at the flag. At 2 o’clock the Rebs attacked our line of skirmishers but were driven back. Lieut. Colonel [Thomas S.] Brenholtz of the 50th Penna. was severely wounded.
Tuesday, July 14th—We were relieved this morning and sent to the rear to rest as we have been to the front so long that the men are most used up. Yesterday on our right we got a raking fire on the rebel rifle pits and killed a large number. We have given then under a flag of truce till 4 o’clock p.m. to bury their dead. At 6 o’clock p.m. my company was ordered out for picket.
Wednesday, July 15th—Was relieve from picket this morning by Co. D and returned to the regiment. Mended up my clothes & haversack. We are ordered to keep a good look out as we expect a sortie from the rebels. We have been shelling the city to try to provoke it all night.
Fires broke out in Jackson, Mississippi, from the shelling of the city during the July Siege.
Thursday, July 16th–At 3 o’clock this morning our regiment relieved the line of skirmishers in our front. Soon after daylight, got in position and deployed. At about noon the whole line was ordered to advance till we met the rebel kine. We advanced and exchanged a large number of shots, but the right could not advance. We stood under fire near half hour and then fell back to the old line again, [John] Scully—a private in Co. A—was killed.
From the regimental history:
“On the morning of the 11th, the Brigade was relieved and ordered to the rear, resuming its former position near the lunatic asylum; but in the afternoon of the same day it was again ordered forward, and again supported Captain Edward’s battery. Here it remained till the morning of the 16th, when an advance of the whole line was made, the Twenty-ninth passing up under a heavy fire to within forty rods of the enemy’s works, bristling with cannon, the right of the regiment going into the rifle-pits. Once in the pits, there 246was no such thing as leaving them while it was daylight, and here the “boys” spent the day, constantly engaged with the enemy’s sharpshooters. Though considerably exposed, there was but one casualty during the day, Private John Scully of Company A being instantly killed, the ball penetrating his brain. The regiment in this position held the extreme left of the picket line of our army, its right resting in the rifle-pits, and its left in dense woods, retired so as to form nearly a half-circle.”
Friday, July 17th—We were relieved at about three o’clock this morning and put on the suppers at 5:30 o’clock. It was supposed that the enemy had evacuated and left. We were immediately ordered to advance and found that the rebels hd left. We found two formidable redoubts in one of which was a rifled 32-pounder and plenty of ammunition. We marched to the city. entered the principal street & stacked arms. We here ascertained that Johnston had about 25,000 troops and that he crossed the Pearl River with his army last night with all his baggage and artillery. We also ascertained from the inhabitants that we killed a large number of them in and out of the city. The inhabitants of the city hd dug large holes in the ground and covered them so as to protect themselves from our shells. Our men were allowed to go into the stores and help themselves. The officers of the 29th stopped at the home of [ ]. He had left. Most of his things had been appropriated. At noon we marched back to our old camp. Our troops set fire to many fine buildings and the destruction of the city will be the end. One of the Massachusetts regiments (the 35th as I am informed) raised their flag on the state house first of all in Jackson, Miss.
Saturday, July 18th—We are now at our old camp near the Asylum and are resting the best we can this hot weather & trying to clean up a little. We have burned many buildings near here today, most all nice, handsome buildings.
Sunday, July 19th—I washed out my underclothes today as we are expected to move. We have orders to march back to Milldale, about 60 miles. Our regiment is the provost guard of the division for the whole march & Lieut. Col. Barnes Provost Marshal. An order was read a day or two since that as there was some trouble marching down as regards properly. the best regiment would be selected provost guard.
Monday, July 20th—We started today. One half of our regiment in front of the division, the rest at the rear. We marched ten miles and encamped for dinner. In the afternoon we marched ten miles and encamped at 11:30 p.m. Weather very hot and dusty.
Tuesday, July 21st—We were called at 3:30 o’clock this morning to draw half rations as we were to start at 4:30 o’clock. We halted at ten o’clock having marched ten miles. At 3:30 p.m. we started ad marched till 8 p.m. and encamped in a corn field about 1.5 miles from the BigBlack river. We traveled 20 miles today. One of our wagons filled with young negroes upset today. The team running away with them. Four reported missing. Water very scarce and bad. Our men live on green corn. A few peaces are found on the road & some ripe melons.
Wednesday, July 22—We started this morning and marched a short distance ot the woods and encamped to wait for stragglers as more than half of the division had given out in the march. We yesterday passed through the town of Brownsville which is quite a village. I had but eight men with me last night when we encamped. It is stated that some fourteen men died in the march from the effects of the sun and over exertion. We started from the woods at 4 p.m., crossed the Big Black river at 5 p.m. and at 9 p.m. encamped in a wet field. wet through, and covered with mud. While we were crossing the river, we had a very heavy tempest for two hours. It rained very hard and the road that over shoe with dust in twenty minutes was half leg deep with mud and water.
Thursday, July 23rd—We started at 5 o’clock this morning and marched to Milldale where we arrived at 8 o’clock a.m. and encamped in our old camp ground. Found our baggage mostly safe but many who were left behind sick with the chills which is very prevalent here. We have a great many men behind. Wagons have been sent to gather up the hardest cases and let the rest hobble on.
Friday, July 24th—There is nothing unusual today. It is said that we are to stay here some time. I hope not but fear that it may be so. It is very hot here.
Saturday, July 25th—It has been very hot today. My Orderly Sergeant [Horace A.] Jenks is very sick at the hospital. It is now said that we are to leave here as soon as transports can take us. It is very sickly here.
Sunday, July 26th—Orderly Sergeant Horace A. Jenks of my company died this morning at two o’clock. Disease—typhoid fever. At 4 o’clock p.m. we buried him close to a large Gum tree on which was cut in deep letters, Lieut [Sergt?] Horace A. Jenks, 29th Reg. Mass Vol., died July 26, 1863, aged 31 years. It is on a side hill about three hundred yards from a log cabin and about as far from and close to the farm of our camp. As but one chaplain could be found and he was sick, I made some remarks at the grave and he was buried under the Episcopal service. He was escorted to the grave by the whole company and the drum corps of the 50th Pennsylvania Volunteers. Three volleys were fired over the grave. We had a very hard tempest at half past four p.m. The lightning striking near us several times.
Monday, July 27th—We had a very heavy shower last night and the weather has been cloudy all day. Had quite a sick night last night & have not been out of my tent much today.
Tuesday, July 28th—This p.m. had very heavy showers and high wind. Got everything wet and the water run right through my tent. My leg troubles me much today.
Wednesday, June [July] 29th—Quite a pleasant day with a god breeze of wind. I am Officer of the Day today but do not feel like doing its duties but as I have had but little to do have got along quite well. There is no movements making. Expect to make coffins for which there is a goodly call and nothing new transpiring.
Thursday, July 30th 1863—Quite a warm day. Our sick are ordered away which looks like a move somewhere. Hope so as it is very sickly here.
Friday, July 31st—a warm day. Most of the men have boils and eruptions consequent on our manner of living. I have been and am now troubled with a large one. I got my clothing accounts done today which is some relief. At 5 o’clock had inspection by company officers. Guns in better order than could be expected.
Saturday, August 1st 1863—A warm forenoon but pleasant afternoon. Had heavy showers at noon. It is said we are to start from here tomorrow. The 100th Pennsylvania [Roundheads] have gone to the Landing to embark. I sent my ordnance returns today. took it back from the mail.
Sunday, August 2nd—Nothing unusual today. Had a heavy rain this p.m. No inspection.
Monday, August 3rd—A warm day. The 20th Michigan & 2nd Michigan left here today.
Tuesday, August 4th—A very warm day. The 35th & 36th Massachusetts went to the Landing today.
Wednesday, August 5th—Another hot day. Nothing unusual occurring.
Thursday, August 6th—I traveled to the Landing and went on the steamer Catahoula to Vicksburg with the commissary. We arrived at Vicksburg at four o’clock p.m. and I had about two hours to look about the city. It is a rough-looking place—very hilly and situated in high bluffs. The Court House is on the highest bluff and can be seen a long distance on the river. The river makes a deep bend here but the land is low on the opposite side so that it does not interfere with the sight, or interfere with the use of the batteries as they could and did shoot across it at our boats. The river appears to be at this place not over one third of a mile wide and how our boats could run the batteries with safety or but little injury is hard to tell. It looks about impossible. There is a great number of places dug into the banks on the streets to get into when the city was shelled. The city is dirty and rough about the levee but probably in time of peace looks better. But there is not that air of thrift that there is about Memphis. Its whole dependence is the surrounding country, the Yazoo & Big Black Rivers, for support. I also saw where the attempted canal across the bend was to be. The river is so low now that the bed of the cut off is six feet above the river. The bottom of the canal is hard blue clay and would not wash out and the force of the water could not start it.
We left the city at six o’clock and slowly steamed our way back to the Yazoo. The city looked pretty by lamp light as we could see it for a long distance across the land. We arrived back to the bluffs at about ten o’clock p.m. Many of the houses were destroyed and I saw one church where a shell had entered and burst almost destroying it and many houses were hit but little injured.
Friday, August 7th 1863—Slept aboard the steamer as I did not feel able to walk back to camp. Eat breakfast on board and at ten o’clock got into a team and rode back to camp. Our regiment is out on picket duty. There is many negroes at the Landing trying to get away from here. Tey are real objects of pity as they wish to escape from slavery but only escape to suffer more than ever and many of them are glad to get back to their masters again, sick and weary and disappointed. It is a beautiful day. Slight showers this p.m.
Saturday, August 8th—Regiment came in from picket this a.m. Weather very hot. Bought five cents worth of butter—the first I have tasted for a long time.
Sunday, August 9th—We were ordered to pack up and march to the bluffs but when we were ready to start, tents all struck &c, the order was countermanded and we pitched our tents again. Hot day.
Monday, August 10th—Got our breakfast at 3 o’clock this morning and at about 6 o’clock a.m. marched to Snyder’s Bluffs. When we got there, it was found that the boat would not hold the [entire] brigade. The 46th New York, 50th Pennsylvania, & one battery embarked on board of the steamer South Wester and our regiment was left behind. We pitched our tents on the bluffs for the night.
Tuesday, August 11th—The Catahoula steamer came up today and after taking on teams, &c. we were ordered to go on board at about 8 o’clock p.m. we struck tents, fell into line, and marched on board. We have the upper deck.
Wednesday, August 12th—Started at daylight this morning. The weather hot but good. Came down the Yazoo and turned into the Mississippi. I am Officer of the Day and plenty of work. Yesterday the gunboats left Yazoo City and cane down past us at the Bluffs. We passed Millikin’s Bend, also Tompkin’s Bend. At each of these there is a post of infantry and cavalry. At about 10 o’clock we found Lake Providence where there is also a strong force and at about 12 o’clock at night settled at Island No. 93 till daylight. Placed a picket on shore.
Thursday, August 13th—This morning at daylight, started on our journey with good weather. The night was excessive hot and no sleep. I had a hard 24 hours work. Was relieved at 8 o’clock a.m. by Capt. Leach. We had a pleasant day but hot. In the afternoon had showers and a cool breeze. At 9:30 o’clock p.m. stopped on the Mississippi side of the river for the night. This p.m. we passed the place where we were fired into when we went down river.
Friday, August 14th—Started this morning at 3:30 o’clock. Weather good. Went through the new cutoff at the mouth of the [Ar]kansas river and arrived at the mouth of the White river. At 1:30 o’clock p.m., as we was nearly out of coal, stopped here and got a little out of a wrecked barge and at 6:30 o’clock p.m. started again up river. Last one of Major Chipman’s horses overboard soon after we started.
Saturday, August 15th—The last night was very dark and it was hard work for the pilots to run. Had to stop at three o’clock this morning to clean out our furnaces as the coal we get was very dirty. At 4 a.m. started again and at seven a.m. stopped at a bend in the river about 40 miles below Helena to pick up driftwood as we had used up all our fuel. The weather is hot and our men are getting sick very fast. We have but five captains for duty today. Got what driftwood we could and started again at 11 a.m. At 12 M. met Gunboat No. 26 and put on board of her a bearer of dispatches. Stpped at about 12:30 p.m. at a wood yard and wooded up. Started at 3 o’clock and at 11:30 p.m. reached Helena. While at the wood yard, one of our men [George W. Sprague of Co. G] was drowned while bathing.
Sunday, August 16th—Left Helena at about 3 o’clock this morning and made good headway under wood and coal. Just as we were turning into Helena, we lost another horse overboard. We arrived at Memphis at about ten o’clock p.m. I have been very sick today.
Monday, August 17th 1863—I am rather better this morning. The doctor thinks I was threatened with the Yellow Fever. Hope it is nothing more than that. We steamed up to the coal barge to coal up. The 53rd Massachusetts came in last night. They are 9-month’s men bound home from New Orleans. After coaling we steamed down to the Landing and took on board our quartermaster stores and at about six o’clock started for Cairo.
Tuesday, August 18th—Nothing unusual occurred last night and as I have slept all day under the influence of opiates, I know nothing of occurrences except at about 6 p.m. we run aground but was off in a few minutes. I was very sick all night with a pain in my head & could getno rest. I have eat nothing for days. The opiates make me feel stragely.
Wednesday, August 19th—We stopped at a wood yard and wooded up at about midnight and worked our way slowly up the river all day. Weather very hot and myself getting sick fast.
Thursday, August 20th—I was quite sick through the night. We did not run a part of the night and arrived at Cairo somewhere near noon where we disembarked and took the cars and at about midnight started for Cincinnati. The weather still warm and oppressive.
The following portion of a letter was written by some anonymous contributor from the 29th Massachusetts, not believed to be Capt. Doten:
“We left Milldale on the 10th inst., marched to Snyder’s Bluff, and there encamped. We remained here till the night of the 11th, when we embarked on board this steamer. On the morning of the 12th we left the bluffs and passed out of the Yazoo, with the hope that it will be a long time before we again visit its malarial regions, drink its dirty water, or breathe its infectious air; and as we have before said, we would not swap our right to a decent burial place in good old Massachusetts for the whole region of country laying between the Yazoo and Big Black rivers, if we were obliged to pass our days upon it.
As we sailed out on the broad Mississippi, it was with a gratified feeling that now in its length and breadth it was free for commerce of the world; that the rebels had no foothold upon its banks, and that the good old 29th had done good service in assisting to accomplish this great result, and now after our object has been accomplished we are returning North to the scenes of our former labors, decimated in numbers by the bullet and disease, many sick with the pestilential fevers common to this region, but all hearts beating with hopes of rest when we reach the soil of Old Kentucky. God grant that it may be so, and that we be permitted to recruit our wasted energies in some good place, where some of the necessaries of life may be within our reach, and a paymaster to give us the means to sustain ourselves.
Our boat is a slow old boat and well loaded. We have the lower deck filled with wagons, one hundred mules, and twelve or fifteen horses. There is no room on the second deck except forward, and that is used for a hospital. So the third and upper deck is for the regiment; where under a broiling sun the men must try to live to the best of their abilities. When it came night to our infinite astonishment as well as disgust, we had to tie our old steamer up to stump, our pilots not being acquainted enough to run nights.
On Friday, 14th inst., we arrived at the mouth of White River, where we endeavored to procure coal from an old coal barge that had been shipwrecked, and nearly covered with mud; after working some four hours, we obtained enough to start with, and proceeded on our journey. Just at dark a beautiful horse belonging to Major Chipman, stepped overboard, and that was the last we saw of him. The next morning we stopped at a bend in the river to pick up drift wood, as we were out of coal and no wood yard in sight. With what drift wood we picked up here we reached a wood-yard, where we wooded up in good shape. While here our men took the opportunity to bath in the river; one fine young man by the name of Sprague, belonging to Co. G, in diving from the boat, struck his head against a snag and sunk to rise no more. In the course of the evening another horse stepped overboard. We reached Helena, about midnight, where we stopped till morning, and where we buried one of our men that died that day; on Sunday night we arrived in Memphis. We stopped at Memphis through the day, loaded up, took on board our rations, and again wheezed our way up the Mississippi.
We arrived at Island No. 10, and as we have to take the east channel past the Island, the current made it hard work for our old boat, and it was a long time doubtful which would beat, the Island or the boat; but we finally worked up abreast of the Island, when a gun from the fort admonished us that we were to stop and report, which we did, when we put out again, and after a severe struggle of near two hours, as nigh as we could judge, the Island dropped down stream and let us go by; and here let us say, that we have more respect and a better feeling toward Island No. 10, than we wrote you when we passed it going down river. We had a good full view of it this time, and must say it is a port of superior strength, and by patriots in a good cause, could be held against almost any power that could be brought against it. On Tuesday, the 20th inst., we arrived at Cairo, having been eight days on board the boat, and for all that time not one single breath of wind from any quarter to cool the fevered brow; but the hot sun all day with the dread malaria, striking one after another, till but very few officers or men are fit for duty. And a more thankful set of men we never saw than when our old boat wheezed up to the shore and our feet again touched the soil of a country free from the pestilential vapors and dread malaria of the Mississippi river and its tributaries.
Friday, August 21st—We left Cairo about midnight. The weather warm and oppressive. There was more air this morning and as we advance into the state of Illinois, the air seems to change. Fruit plenty and at reasonable prices. We stopped at the town of Tamaroa some time and got well supplied. We again crossed those beautiful prairies waving with crops nearly ready for the harvest. At 2 o’clock p.m. we stopped at Centralia and arrived at the junction at 4 o’clock p.m. The junction is at a place called Sandoval [Marion county, Illinois]. Lieut. Col. Barnes, Capt. Tripp and myself went to the American House and took a room to try to get some rest but was not very successful. The landlady—Mrs. Stearns—got us some supper of nice tea ad toast, but I could eat nothing, but drank some tea. I have had the fever very hard this p.m. We started from here about 11 o’clock p.m. The landlord charged us all but one dollar.
Saturday, August 22—I have been very sick through the night. Took a Dover’s powders and slept near two hours. We crossed the Wabash river at about 11 a.m. We stopped at Vincennes for dinner and rations and started again at 12:30 p.m. We arrived at the town of Vernon and waited orders. I am very sick and my fever is running high.
Sunday, August 23rd—We remained here all night. We should have been in Cincinnati this morning. This delay is dreadful. I fainted away in the cars from exhaustion. We got into Cincinnati about 11 o’clock a.m. and I was left at the depot till near 4 p.m. when I was taken in an ambulance and carried to the Soldier’s Home here. I was put on a bed and had my clothes changed. Col. [ ], Superintendent, was very kind and obliging.
Monday, August 24th—I got into a bathing tub this morning and had a good bath. Stayed here till three o’clock p.m. and then was taken in an ambulance to the railroad for Camp Dennison where after a tedious time, I was finally got into a shanty and put to bed nearly used up with a pulse at 100 and a hard fever.
Tuesday, August 28th—I am of course very miserable today, but rested. Lieut. Pray and Goodwin are in the same building with me.
Wednesday, August 26th—Feel somewhat better today. Have a large abcess forming under my right arm. I sent to the regiment, which is at Covington, Kentucky, and got my trunk today. My old stove came with it.
Thursday, August 27th—I am much better this morning but my arm troubles me much.
Friday, August 28th—This morning the surgeon opened the abcess under my arm and ran freely. The weather was quite cold last night and there was considerable frost.
Saturday, August 29th—My fever has nearly left me and I feel quite encouraged. Have to take great care of my arm. No appetite for anything.
Sunday, August 30th—Had to exert myself and make out two descriptive lists for two of my men that are here—[David] Williams & [James E.] Stillman. Did very well.
Monday, August 31st—I still continue in the poultice business. Have no appetite. Got some stuff today called milk [ ]. The cooking here is dreadful.
Tuesday, September 1st—Walked out a little way today but found I was too weak to do much. Very little fever.
Wednesday, September 2nd—About as usual today. The fever still hangs round. Went into the next ward to see the doctor dress a sore on the back of one of our regiment. It was dreadful. It was 4.5 inches square and near an inch deep and when he came here it was full of maggots. The doctor says he will cure it up. We have a first rate surgeon. He is a young man but kind and knows his business. He is a mason.
Thursday, September 3rd—I think I am on the mending hand. Walked out a short distance.
Friday, September 4th—Slept but little last night. Today went into the next ward and saw two more of our regiment very sick. No appetite yet.
Saturday, September 5th—About as usual. Nothing new.
Sunday, September 6th—We had a heavy thunder shower at three o’clock this morning and cleared the air nicely. It is very still and quiet in the camp. We had no mail Saturday.
Monday, September 7th—We have fine weather here. I received two papers from home. Drummer [Alonzo F.] Howe of Co. H died today. He belonged to the 29th Regt. Thus they go.
Tuesday, September 8th—Took quite a walk this morning but the weather warm and it was hard work. I was very tired when I got back. “Howe” was buried today.
Wednesday, September 9th—Think I am better today and took a good walk as the weather was cool and bracing.
Thursday, September 10th—The paymaster is paying off in the camp today and I am in hopes to get my pay tomorrow. I am about as yesterday.
Friday, September 11th—I was much and agreeably surprised this p.m. by seeing J. C. Cooper from Boston. He stopped here on his way west and stayed five or six hours. It made my heart glad and I enjoyed it. He brought me some little presents from Mary which was very acceptable. Lieut. Pray and myself tried to get our pay today but was unsuccessful. We have got to go to Cincinnati & get leave of absence first.
Saturday, September 12th—We went to Cincinnati today and did not accomplish anything except as it come on to rain with a chill wind, I took cold and am again down with the fever this evening. Saw Samuel Robbins at Cincinnati. J. Whiting came up with me in the cars, he having been ordered to this camp.
Sunday, September 13th—I had a feint spell last night and today have lost my appetite which was getting very good. Hope it will prove nothing serious.
Monday, September 14th—I walked down to the paymaster this morning—tis but a short distance—to try again for my pay but did not succeed. While there, I was taken with the most violent ague I have had yet and vomited. They put me to bed down there and then the fever set in “nigh smart.” The hospital attendant came and with his assistance. I got back to camp used up. The doctor being gone, I did not get any medicine till evening. David Williams of my company died 5 o’clock this morning and was buried this evening.
Tuesday, September 15th—Took good strong medicine last night and had a very quiet night and this morning am quite bright but with loss of appetite and strength. Did not dress myself today but kept my bed. Had an ague spell at noon and high fever all the p.m. got my pay & sent $400 home by the Adams Express Company. Had a hard sweaty night all night but no fever of consequence, but very weak. I sent yesterday to Cincinnati and got some good beef, sweet potatoes, and fruit and oysters & onions. I don’t eat fruit. Have eaten but little a yet. Started my furlough [request] today with the hope of getting it.
[Wednesday, September 16th]—Eat onions & part of sweet potato for breakfast and tasted quite good. Dressed myself today.
Thursday, September 17th—Dressed myself this morning and did not sweat so much. As usual, our doctor leaves us today and a new one is to be tried. I dread it. He has been a good one for us all. My furlough was signed by all the officers here today and I will go to Cincinnati tomorrow where I shall hear from it again. it is impossible to tell. Had a letter from home.
Friday, September 18th—I feel decidedly better today as I slept well last night. Had a good night. Stillman goes home on a furlough today. It rained hard last night all night and today the wind is northwest and cloudy so that I dare not venture out today.
Saturday, September 19th—Lieut. Pray went to Cincinnati today and our new doctor gave us his first visit. Doctor [George S.] Courtright * left us this morning. he came in and took leave of us. We were sorry to have him go. He gave me his address. The weather has been cold and cheerless so that I have not ventured out. My doctor ordered me to take some wine. On sending to the dispensary, no such thing was to be had. This camp is the greatest one-horse concern that I ever saw. It has somehow acquired quite a name for a great place but if I am any judge, it is an unhealthy, miserable concern for the purposes for which it is used. It is situated on the bottom land near the Little Miami River and enclosed with high hills all round. It would make a great drill ground & Camp of Instruction, being originally designed for that purpose, and that is its best use. The cooking and furnishing department are poor, and the commissary department decidedly mean. I have but little cause to find fault at present as I did it when I first got here and soon had all right as far as self was concerned.
*I feel certain that the physician was George Stout Courtright (1840-1915), of Pickaway county, Ohio. His biographoical sketch on Find-A-Grave states: George S. Courtright attended school in Walnut Township and later was a student at South Salem Academy and in 1862 in the Medical College of Ohio. In 1861 he was resident physician of St. John’s Hospital and later of the old City Hospital of Cincinnati. In November, 1862, he entered the Union Army as a surgeon and continued a contract surgeon until August, 1863, when President Lincoln appointed him an assistant surgeon in the U. S. volunteers serving in the Department of Ohio, under General Burnside. In September of the same year he received an order from the Secretary of War to report to the general commanding the Department of New Mexico at Santa Fe. At that time the only railroad constructed reached no farther west than St. Joseph, Mo., a small branch being projected a little farther to touch Fort Leavenworth, but he found that his best method would be to travel by boat to Kansas City and during the voyage an exciting incident was the lodging of the boat on a sand bar. After finally reaching Kansas City he traveled the intervening 1,000 miles in the Government mail coach, along the mail route, stopping only long enough to change horses at irregular distances. The young surgeon finally reached his destination and served until December, 1865, his headquarters having been at Santa Fe, New Mexico, and later at Fort Craig, N. Mex. During 1866-7, he was demonstrator of anatomy in the Miami Medical College, Cincinnati, in 1867 was resident physician of the Cholera Hospital at Cincinnati, Ohio, and in 1868 he came to Lithopolis, where he has been established ever since. While he had charge of the Cincinnati Cholera Hospital, there were 2,000 victims in that city. He was also one of the four physicians who survived the succeeding epidemic of smallpox. He is a member of the Hocking Valley and Fairfield County Medical Association and is an honorary member of the medical society of Middleport, O. For four years he served as president of the Pension Examining Board and has often been particularly honored by various medical bodies.
Sunday, September 20th—The day has been cold and I have ventured out but little. Nothing unusual occurring, Have nothing to record.
Monday, September 21st—Walked out to the station but found I was very weak. Many of the privates here are getting furloughs. Hope to hear from mine today.
Tuesday, September 22nd—Nothing unusual through the day. The weather good and fine. Lieut. bought us some native wine.
Wednesday, September 23rd—Went to Cincinnati to get furlough. Stopped at Soldier’s Home and was kindly entertained by Col. Andrews from whom I have received many favors. Dined with him and then returned to camp having been through Col. Andrews successful as to furlough, and at 8:30 o’clock p.m., took cars again for Cincinnati and put up at the Walnut Street House. Had rather close quarters.
Thursday. September 24th—Got up at 4 o’clock a.m. and eat breakfast. Started for home on the Little Miami Railroad at 7 a.m. We passed through many very pretty towns and following the course of the Little Miami River to Freeport where I think we left the course of the river and arrived at Xenia where we stopped some time, and at 11:15 o’clock a.m. reached Columbus—a distance of 120 miles. The corn crop in the country through which we passed is very fine and most of the land seems devoted to its culture. We again started and arrived at Cleveland at 3:30 p.m., a distance of 138 miles, where we dined and at 4 o’clock p.m. started for Erie, distance of 95 miles, where we arrived at about 6 o’clock p.m. Left Erie for Buffalo where we arrived at 10:30 o’clock p.m., a distance of 88 miles. Started for Albany….
Friday, September 25th—where we arrived at 8:15 a.m. this morning. I took the sleeping cars and got some rest, being much exhausted. Distance from Buffalo to Albany 300 miles. Started for Boston at 9:10 a.m., arrived at Springfield at about 1 o’clock p.m. where we dined and arrived at Boston at 5 o’clock p.m. It has been a hard storm since we left Cleveland. Had to stop in Boston & so took carriage up to 64 Newton Street.
Saturday, September 26th—It is a cold stormy day. went downtown and bought some things and at 5 o’clock p.m. started over the O. C. Road for home where I arrived at 7 o’clock p.m., tired & sick. Rather guess they were all glad to see me as I was them.
1864
Monday, January 18th 1864—Started from home for Boston on my journey west to join my regiment. stopped at Boston. Went to Surgeon Dale and got my furlough extended twenty days.
Tuesday, January 19th—went down to Long Island, saw Capt. Smith and dined with him. It was very stormy and rained all day.
Wednesday, January 20th—The 25th Regiment arrived at Boston today and very well received by the Governor. Gen. Burnside was present.
Thursday, January 21st—Did nothing worthy of note. Was dull in feelings and deep in thought and was rather miserable in general.
Friday, January 22nd—Took the 2:30 o’clock train for Worcester and stopped at Mr. Farley’s as I did not feel able to go further.
Saturday, January 23rd—The weather is good and I took a good range round the town and was much pleased with the looks of the place and its industry.
Sunday, January 24th—Repacked carpet bag and got ready to start i nthe morning for Cincinnati. Selected some things to send home.
Monday, January 25th—It is fine weather. I started at 10 o’clock a.m. from Worcester and at 12:30 p.m. crossed the Connecticut River. At 5 p.m. crossed the Hudson river at Albany on the ice and at 6 o’clock p.m. started for Buffalo.
Tuesday, January 26th—Arrived at Buffalo at 7:30 o’clock this morning and took the Lakeshore road. Lake Erie is frozen as far as the eye can see. At 3:30 p.m. we arrived at Cleveland and dined. as I had some spare time, I took a stroll around the city, Found it to be a very thrifty place. Well laid out and good looking but rather muddy. There is much business done here and everything indicates prosperity. At 7:30 p.m. took cars for Cincinnati.
Wednesday, January 27th—At 9 o’clock this morning, arrived at Cincinnati and stopped at the Gibson House. Our Col. Christ, who told me that the 29th Regiment had reenlisted and advised me to go to headquarters and see about it, which I did and was told it was correct.
Thursday, January 28th—Went to headquarters and reported myself for duty and was ordered to stop in the city for the present & to report myself daily. Went to barracks and saw [one of my former men] Joseph Whitten [Joseph B. Whiting]. Found him in [Co. G, 7th Infantry] Invalid Corps well and hearty.
Friday, January 29th—Went to Camp Dennison and saw [James E.] Stillman of my company, and others of the 29th Regiment. Found things much changed since I left there. At 10 o’clock returned. Went over to Covington, Kentucky, and took the cars for Paris, Kentucky, where I arrived at 6 o’clock p.m. and took up my quarters at the Paris Hotel. In the evening, called upon Doctor Griffin.
Saturday. January 30th—Saw many of my old acquaintances but everything looked about as usual except they have had quite a fire in the business portion of the town and destroyed many stores.
Sunday, January 31st—Did not go to church today and have not heard anything from the regiment. The weather is good. It is rather dull here and one day is as good as a week to see all that there is of this place.
Monday, February 1st 1864—Court day at this place is quite amusing to a stranger. it occurs on the first day of each month. It is a day of general sales of stock which is disposed of in large numbers. Much young stock is disposed of to grocers and large numbers of mules for work. We saw it was put up at auction and $1225 bid but withdrawn as the asking price was over $2000. The people for miles around attend this [ ] & stock market and it is quite a gala day.
Tuesday, February 2nd—Saw Mrs. Scott today. She told me she had been to Washington and saw ex-Governor [George Sewall] Boutwell of Massachusetts and he told her that Peirce of Freetown [Col. Ebenezer Peirce] was not thought anything of at home. She despises him as thoroughly as all others do. It is a rainy day. Paid my bill. Ready for a start for Cincinnati n the morning.
Capt. James Farrand (1830-1864), 2nd Michigan Infantry. He was killed at the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House on 12 May 1864
Wednesday, February 3rd—Arrived at Cincinnati this morning and reported at headquarters. and was ordered to Camp Nelson. Capt. [James] Farrand of 2nd Michigan being also ordered to the same place, we went in company. It is supposed that the 29th will come through Camp Nelson and I shall be with them sooner if there.
Thursday, February 4th—Started in company with Capt. Farrand for Camp Nelson and arrived at Nicholasville at noon. Got dinner and took an ambulance for the camp about seven miles distant. Reported at headquarters and put up for the night at Mrs. McKenney’s about 1.5 miles from the camp. Saw [William T.] Nickerson of my company at the camp.
Friday, February 5th—This morning walked out to some graves that I passed and found the graves of [Thomas W.] Hayden, [George E.] Wadsworth, and [Thomas] Collingwood. My company fixed up the head boards. At noon went to camp and reported. Saw [Benjamin F.] Bates and [Sylvanus L.] Churchill of my company at the camp.
Saturday, February 6th—Have been quite sick today and could not get up to camp to report. Capt. Farrand reported me. The weather has ben quite cold and it commenced snowing at night.
Sunday, February 7th—Was so unwell as to be confined to the ouse for the day and could not go out. Weather cold and roads muddy.
Monday, February 8, 1864—Was ordered to bring my things into camp today and occupy a tent that had been just vacated by some officers going to the front. Capt. Farrand and myself did so and slept in tent for the first time since leaving home [last month]. Weather cold.
Tuesday, February 9th—Went to headquarters this morning and saw Capt. [William D.] Tripp of the 29th. He is command of Crab Orchard. He is quite bitter on [Col.] Peirce. He dislikes him much. Had a severe attack of the shakes and fever and had to turn in. Was rather better at night.
Wednesday, February 10th—Have been very miserable today. Had the shakes again this evening and quite sick. I am detailed as Officer of the Day for tomorrow.
Thursday, February 11th—Was sick with ague and fever most of the night but managed to do my duty as Officer of the Day, The rounds are a long distance and much to be attended to. Had a good day and did not feel much worse for the duty.
Friday, February 12th—Was very lame today from riding so much. Gooding of my company is here. He came to my tent. Wrote home.
Saturday, February 13th—Weather pleasant and good today. Do not hear any news from the regiment that can be relied upon, Had a hard night last night. Coughed most of the time.
Sunday, February 14th—This Sunday passed as Sundays usually do in the army. It is hard to tell when Sundays come, so little is thought of it. A large train of pack mules left here for Burnside’s Point today. They each carry about the heft and bulk of four bushels of corn.
Monday, February 15th—It has rained hard all day and it is very muddy. Nothing certain from my regiment. Other officers have been out into my tent.
Tuesday, February 16th—a few regiments came into camp today from the front. They bring no news of the 29th.
Wednesday, February 17th—It was very cold last night. Froze my ties but not very bad. Snow squalls all night.
Thursday, February 18th—The weather is yet cold. No troops moving. A few came in from the different convalescent camps to be sent to the front. It is thirty months today since we left home.
Friday, February 19th—A beautiful, pleasant day and but little duty to perform.
Saturday, February 20th—Quite a number of troops are going to the front today. The weather is cheerful and bright and I begin to feel more at home.
Sunday, February 21st—Capt. Farrand started today for Cincinnati as his regiment has arrived there. I expect to be sent off with a detachment of convalescents. I do not like the job.
Monday, February 22nd—Again on duty as Officer of the Day. Rode out beyond the lines with Capt. Heald and took a good range outside.
Tuesday. February 23rd—Nothing has transpired today beyond the usual routine of camp life.
Wednesday, February 23rd—No news of the regiment yet. Had a letter from Capt. Farrand saying that the 29th had not arrived at Cincinnati.
Thursday, February 25th—It has been very muddy today. I slept at a house near the camp and had a good bed but it was not like sleeping on the ground. My cough holds on. Had my first letter from home today.
Friday, February 256th—Everything is as usual at the camp. There are many troops coming and going with good weather for marching.
Saturday, February 27th—Capt. Wells of the 9th Michigan Cavalry who tents with me left today on a visit to Nicholasville. No news of the regiment yet.
Sunday, February 28th—A dirty, rainy, muddy day. I drew a cavalry overcoat today by the way of Ellis Barnes. The price is 8.75. I am detailed for tomorrow, Telegraphed to Capt. [Edward S] Leadbetter [Co. G, 27th Michigan] at headquarters at Cincinnati to telegraph if the 29th should arrive by the railroad route from Tennessee.
Monday, February 29th—Had a severe snow storm all day and on duty as Officer of the Day. Major Stewart, Inspector Camps, inspected the camps in this place and I had to be with him. We were in the saddle till after dark and did not get through them [all]. Many of the camps are in good condition but some are very dirty.
Tuesday, March 1st 1864—It stormed all night and nearly all day today. The snow is six inches deep and weather very cold.
Wednesday, March 2nd—Capt. T[homas] W. Clarke of our regiment was here today. He came last evening and stopped with me. He gives me much information about the regiment. He comes to get all the baggage of the regiment that was left behind and have it sent to Cincinnati—if he can find it.
Thursday, March 3rd—The weather is good but camp very muddy. Capt. Clarke left here this morning. I have eight reenlisted men to take to Cincinnati. Got my order and transportation ready to start tomorrow.
Friday, March 4th—Started this morning with eight men. Went to Nicholasville and then took the cars for Covington, Kentucky. Arrived at Covington at dark, crossed the ferry to Cincinnati and marched to the Soldier’s Home. Got supper and had a chat with Col. Andrews. Stopped at the home for the night.
Saturday, March 5th—Went to paymaster [William] Cumback to see about my pay. Found I had been reported as absent without leave and could not be paid till the regiment came here. Saw Capt. Clarke. He took steamer for Louisville. Reported at headquarters and took a team around the city.
Sunday, March 6th—Pleasant but cool. Saw J. Whiting & others of the 29th Regiment. Reported at headquarters. Went to meeting at the home—had a good one.
Monday, March 7th—Saw the copies of the Memorial. A communication of mine was put before the board of commissions in which I have spoken highly of the Soldier’s Home and its influences. They were much pleased with it. Engaged clothing as I am pretty well wore out.
Tuesday, March 8th—Have no news from the regiment as yet. Saw [ ] Robbins. went to the theatre in the evening.
Wednesday, March 9th—Borrowed money of Robbins and bought gloves, straps, &c. and shall try to look a little more decent in clothing.
Thursday, March 10th—Bought me jacket and vest today. There has nothing transpired out of the usual course of events.
Friday, March 11th—It being a cold day, put on my new rig and felt more respectable. The 8th Michigan returned today from [veteran’s] furlough bound to the front. Bought me a haversack and wrote home.
Saturday, March 12th—The world moves as usual, but today it adds nothing new or interesting to my first idea of its cause and effect.
Sunday, March 13th—One of those cold, stormy, cheerless days that humanity dreads. went to headquarters. saw steamer come in with troops. Felt most sure that it was my regiment. Got disappointed. Besides too late for church in the evening. Went to Methodist Church.
Monday, March 14th—Cold and stormy. Streets all mud. Rain in torrents. Noah’s Flood. Dull and gloomy. Shut up tight Realy glad when it is night.
Tuesday, March 15th—The same as yesterday. It stormed all day. It stormed all night. I hear the regiment is coming through Cumberland Gap.
Wednesday, March 16th—“Older yet and yet, still colder.” Snow and rain, then rain and snow.
Thursday, March 17th—Snow and hail, fire and vapor. How it tingles round my ears.
Friday, March 18th—Today the gentle sun is shining on the snow and ice so bright. Hope this little bit of rhyming will not keep me wake at night.
Saturday, March 19th—Warmer!!!
It seems likely the following anonymously submitted letter to the hometown newspaper also came from Capt. Doten:
Whenever we have spoken of Kentucky we have always spoken of her as a discontented, disaffected and largely disloyal state. Such she has ever been since the first day that the hydra of secession dared openly to show its ugly head or dared to take the initiative step towards the separation of these United States. She has been from first to last secesh to the heart, although strongly professing Union sentiments and acting with the Union party. But there is not now, nor never has been, any heart or vigor in her actions to repel invasion or to disperse even the guerillas in her own borders, but she has been continually calling upon the general government to protect her and her slave property, and government has done this to an extent that we fully believe is a gross injustice to all other slave States where the loyal citizens are endeavoring to again return to the Union, and by the protection of her slaves, a gross insult to the free Northern sentiment. The slaves of Kentucky should have been freed by the President’s proclamation just as much as the slaves of Tennessee, and Tennessee is this day far the most loyal State, and will give the government much less trouble to protect it. All that has kept Kentucky from being first and foremost in the ranks of secession is her geographical position and her fear for her peculiar institution. Had she been in the place of Tennessee, there would have not been a more bitter State among the Confederates; but bordering on the glorious State of Ohio, where freedom is one of the strongest institutions in the body corporate, she has smothered the sinister feelings of her black heart and shown miserable pretense of loyalty.
Gov. Bramlette in his address to the people of Kentucky, talks of Unionism and of Union sentiment; advises obedience to the laws and tells about driving to an ignominious distance those who in the agony of our conflict have perverted their sacred trusts to the base uses of partisan ends and fanatical purposes, when but a few days previous he presided at a sword presentation to Colonel Frank Wolford, and when the Colonel in answer expressed the strongest disloyal sentiments, advising resistance to the draft and armed resistance to the taking of slaves for government use, calling President Lincoln a traitor and usurper, and intimating that he was ready to draw the aforesaid sword to make good his words, Gov. Bramlette instead of rebuking the Colonel, by his silence, gave full assent to the sentiments presented. Finding however that public sentiment was pressing hard upon him, and that he was holding a very equivocal position before the country, he has issued a proclamation to the people of his State, coldly advising them how to act under the pressure of circumstances.
We have passed through the length and breadth of Kentucky; we have studied her people, their character and disposition, mingled with her citizens at their homes and with her soldiers on the battlefield, place our feet beneath the mahogany of the Hon. Gerritt Davis and eat of the good things of this world, and sat beside the black in the humble log cabin and eat of the infallible and eternal smoked hog that morning, noon and night helps sustain Kentucky poverty and gives tone to her principles; we have traveled on her poverty-stricken railroads, where they depend upon the Almighty for depots, being either too poor or parsimonious to furnish them; we have seen her huge distilleries, where liquid damnation is distilled for the multitude, and seen her tobacco consuming citizens trying to strengthen their nerves by the insidious poison, and we fully believe that if Kentucky had joined the Southern theifocracy at the first it would have been better for the government and for the State. Had she done this, Gerritt Davis’s weak, insolent voice would not have been heard in the Senate, and her grumbling, fault-finding, and bitter opposition of all the acts of the administration would have been met with a decided change. Slavery would have been abolished, and her State government been administered to those whose firmness and integrity would need no proclamation to defend their position. Gov. Bramlette claims that fifty-one thousand of Kentucky’s sons are in the Federal army, and we speak what we honestly believe when we say that clear of their troops that are kept at home for their own protection, and those in hospital, that there is not fifteen thousand effective men in the field belonging to that State. Thank God, things are fast approaching a crisis in Kentucky. The day and hour has come when she must be true to her motto, and stand united and firm with her sister loyal States, or she must fall ignominiously into the dirty pool of secessionism, only to feel the weight of her degradation, and then shorn of her besetting sin of slavery and humbled in her pride, she must return to the fold of liberty, of which Abraham Lincoln is the shepherd.
There is no war news here at this time. Several expeditions are getting ready and we think that the west of the Mississippi will give us but little trouble. Most all of the old regiments have been home, and are now returning with filled ranks to the front, and the army of the Cumberland is now fully able to do all that is required of it.”
Sunday, March 20th—Went to church!!!!
Monday, March 21st—I am tired of waiting here for the regiment and have applied at headquarters to be sent to the front. I took a long range over to Covington. Don’t like the place but it is quite neat for a slave city. Better than the average.
Tuesday, March 22nd—Heard nothing new from the regiment.
Wednesday, March 23rd—weather good and cool.
Thursday, March 24th—News that 300 of those who are unable to travel of the 9th Army Corps will be here soon by rail. This looks as if the whole Corps will come out from Tennessee.
Friday, March 25th—Cold, rain & snow. The 300 arrived today and men sent to the 5th Street Barracks. Went to see them and found a number of my company and many of the regiment also. Lieut. Long and [Henry S.] Braden have arrived at Gibson’s . Lieut. Braden is quite unwell The regiment has stared with the Corps to come over the mountains. Col Peirce has leave of absence for sickness for thirty days and as they would not give him transportation for his horse, he has started over the mountains on horseback to save the freight of his horse on the railroad.
Saturday, March 26th—A few more of the 29th have arrived here today and yet more are on their way. The weather is better. Col. Peirce, Captains Oliver & Wilson arrived here this p.m. from Paris, Kentucky. The Colonel looks rusty, seedy. The others first rate. All the soldiers that have arrived have been sent over to the Covington Barracks. Orin D. Holmes of “E” has arrived. He is a good soldier.
Sunday, March 27th—Quite a number more of the 29th arrived today from Camp Nelson. The weather is pleasant.
Monday, March 28th—The first brigade baggage arrived today and three more of my men. Lieut. [Augustus D.] Ayling came through in charge. The mun have been unruly and drunk but none of my company. I have no fears from them. They are under too good discipline.
Tuesday, Mach 29th—Weather dark and cloudy. Some rain. Last night seven hundred of the 9th Corps started for Wheeling, Va. , on their way to Annapolis. Most of the 29th stopped back as usual. Went over to Newport and at the Barracks. Walked round the town, It is quite a good looking place—much better than Covington, but not so large. It is laid out in squares like Cincinnati. Many of the houses are of brick. There is some manufacturing going on here, principally iron work and large rolling mills. The streets are quite clean and tidy. Went across the wire bridge over the Licking river to Covington and up to the barracks. Went back to Cincinnati and got a letter unexpectedly from home. Was much pleased ot get it. Capt. Oliver has the shakes and fever today. Wrote a letter to wife & one to William Lane at Illinois.
Wednesday, March 30th—Cold and disagreeable. Wrote to the Memorial. Mr. Peirce of Freetown [Col Ebenezer Peirce] dined with us at the Soldier’s Home today. Capt. Richardson arrived today.
Thursday, March 31st—It is said that the regiment is one day’s march from Nicholasville. If so, they will some of them be along tomorrow night. The weather is yet cool and cloudy. Saw Capt. [Daniel C.] Buswell of the 9th New Hampshire. He left here tonight.
Friday, April 1st—The regiment arrived last night and camped over to Covington about a half mile from the barracks. Went over with Peirce to see them. They look rusty and hard. They had a hard march over the mountains. In the afternoon they came over to Cincinnati and went to the 6th Street Barracks. Reported myself to Maj. Chipman, he being in command of the regiment.
Saturday, April 2nd—Dark and cloudy. Took my men up to the barracks and ordered them to report to their several companies. A court of enquiry was called and I am ordered to appear and show cause why I had been absent. I produced my papers &c., was examined. The court was called by Lieut. Col. Barnes, then in command of the brigade and consisted of Maj. Chipman, Lieuts. Brown and Whitman. Capt. Tripp, Oliver & Wilson were before the court, they having been reported the same as myself. Got muster rolls and filled them out for my men who had reenlisted at Camp Nelson. all the men who have not reenlisted were transferred to the 36th Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers.
Sunday, April 3rd—This day get my enlistment papers for Bates & Nickerson and had them examined. It was a vexatious job. Got the decree of the court that I was all right as I expected. Peirce of Freetown was very good to me. Wonder what is wanted. He told me lots of vulgar stories as usual. I reported to Maj. Chipman and was ordered to duty Co. E.
Monday, April 4th—A muddy, rainy day. Got my pay after much trouble. Paid Sam. Ribbins borrowed money & lent Bates and Nickerson twenty-five dollars each.
Tuesday, April 5th—Officer of the Day. Got my rolls signed. Drew clothing & ordnance and issued them. Charged and got receipts. Went to the gift swindle and got took in a little.
Wednesday, April 6th—The men were paid off this a.m.—all but those who reenlisted here—and they have spent their money freely. I sent five hundred and fifty dollars home by Adams & Co. Express and wrote wife about it. We are ordered to be in line tomorrow morning at 6 o’clock to start for home.
Thursday, April 7th—Regiment in line at 6:30 o’clock and marched to the Little Miami Depot. The men are in box cars and an old car for the officers. Started at 8:30 o’clock. Changed cars at Cleveland at midnight and proceeded onward.
Friday, April 8th—Arrived at Erie at sunrise this morning. Weather cool and good. Arrived at & left Buffalo at 12 M. Sick with the headache very bad this p.m.
Saturday, April 9th—Arrived at Albany at 2:30 a.m. and started for Boston at 7 a.m. where we arrived at 5 p.m. and were quartered in the Beach Street Barracks.
Sunday, April 10th—Stayed ay Beach Street Barracks all day . Weather cold and stormy.
Monday, April 11th—Regiment got into line at 11 o’clock a.m. and were escorted by the City Guards and Band through different streets to the State House where they were joined by the Governor and then proceeded to the American House where a bountiful entertainment was provided by the City of Boston. After an introduction by Mayor [Frederick W.] Lincoln [Jr.] and a speech from the Governor [John A. Andrew] and having partaken of the splendid repast, the regiment was again formed into line and marched to the Beach Street Barracks where the men were furloughed for thirty days form the 12th inst.
Tuesday, April 12th—Got my men furloughed and state pay roll signed and at 2:30 p.m. started for home where I arrived at 4:30 p.m.
Veteran Furlough for 29th Massachusetts
Thursday, May 12th 1864—This day reported at Boston as per order and returned home again at night.
Friday, May 13th—Reported at Boston gain in the early train. Was detailed Office of the Day. Had considerable trouble as the soldiers were quite drunk and troublesome. Wife came up in the late train.
Saturday, May 14th—Weather thick and foggy. Not more than four men stayed at the barracks last night as thy had passes. Most of the men were around the city.
Sunday, May 15th—A stormy, dirty day. Went to church. Heard Mr. Webb and went out to Dorchester in the afternoon.
Monday, May 16th—Received orders to leave Boston at 5 o’clock p.m. Got ready and formed line at 4 p.m. and marched to O[ld] C[olony] Depot and and started by the Fall River line for New York. Took the steamer Metropolis. Weather thick and foggy and sea rough.
Tuesday, May 17th—Had a thick and foggy night on the Sound. Arrived at 9:30 o’clock this morning and was landed at the New Jersey Railroad [and] at about 11:30 a.m. took cars or Philadelphia. Passed through Trenton and Princeton. they are very pretty places. We have been riding along the banks of the canal. The country is beautiful and looks good as everything is issuing forward fast. There is very large peach orchards on the road. At 4:30 p.m., we came to Schuylkill River where the canal ends. At about 5:30 p.m. we arrived at Philadelphia where we were provided with a colation and at 9:30 p.m. left for Baltimore.
Wednesday, May 18th—Rode all night and at 5:30 a.m. crossed the Delaware river on the boat at Haver-de-Grace, the cars going on the boat. We arrived at Baltimore at 8:30 a.m. and left for Washington at 12 M and arrived at Washington at 3:30 p.m. in a hard rainstorm. The regiment was put into the Soldier’s Retreat and the officers went to the U.S. Hotel for the night.
Thursday, May 19th—weather good. We have orders to march at 8 o’clock tomorrow morning. Have drawn clothing &c. Are ordered to have five days rations and 100 rounds of cartridges. Got my pay today and sent home $260 dollars by Adams & Co. Express. Bought carpet bag. Ten of my men that had been turned over to the 36th Massachusetts arrived here today to be discharged.
Friday, May 20th—Regiment in line at 7 o’clock this morning and marched to the steamer Wawashe for Belle Plains. We started at 9:30 a.m. and arrived at Belle Plains at 1 p.m. and encamped near the Landing. Three of the 29th who were at Washington returning home cheered us heartily as we passed.
Saturday, May 21st 1864—My three years service expires today. Capts. Leach, Oliver, Lieuts. Braden, Whitman, Conant, Darby, Atherton, Goodwin, & Ayling have got permission from Gen. Abercrobie who commands here to go to Washington to be mustered out of the service. These are nearly all of the officers of the Old Battalion. I do not like to be left alone so this p.m. I made a separate application and got it approved. I have been very busy getting ready. It is hard to leave though I have but six men in my company. But this is the only good time I could take for the purpose and shall improve it. The weather is good and troops are passing here both ways—some for home, and some for the front.
Sunday, May 22nd—I have been hard at work today to get ready and to turn over to Lieut. Long my ordnance stores and camp & garrison equippage and get receipts for it. I dislike much to leave but I never could stand another term of service like the last and I think it best to leave with the rest. My men took my things down to the wharf for me and we started for Washington at about three o’clock p.m. where we arrived and put up at the National Hotel. there was a number of Rebel officers on the boat with us as prisoners. They said they were full of hope as to the final result and believed that they should accomplish their object.
Monday, May 23rd—If the Nation was like the National Hotel, it would not be worth fighting for. Provisions small and bugs large. Think the latter fare better than the boarders. Moved my quarters to the Clarendon Hotel and fared rather better. Got my papers ready to go to Boston to be mustered out of the service. The other officers got theirs and started at 5 p.m. I have concluded to stop and settle up with the departments before I leave here. I have begun today. It looks like a hard job to go through all the departments.
Tuesday, May 24th—Capt. Leach is yet here but is mustered out of the service. I have worked hard all day but made but little progress. We had a heavy squall today that cooled the air. It has been very hot here today. Had green peas and strawberries for dinner today. Sergt. Holbrook’s Father and Mother-in-law is here looking for him. Made some progress in my accounts.
Wednesday, May 25th—A good cool day and weather fine. Found Sergt. Holbrook at the Finlay Hospital. He has a severe wound in his foot—the ball passing through his great toe. I was often at the Ordnance Department and made good progress.
Thursday May 26th—Got through the Ordnance Department and begun in the clothing department and made good headway. Took supper with Capt. Charles Drew. He is in the Veteran Reserve Corps and has a good place.
Friday, May 27th—My accounts are all settled up with all the departments satisfactorily at 4:30 p.m. All the officers of the departments have used me very gentlemanly and I have received all the attention possible with the result. At 7:30 o’clock took cars for Baltimore and Philadelphia and New York, leaving Washington gladly as it is in my estimation the meanest place of note in the United States and deeply steeped in secessionism.
Saturday, May 28th—Arrived at New York this morning and had the gratifying intelligence that the baggage cars run off the track near Philadelphia and that probably the baggage would not get along for a day or two. Put my check in the hands of Boyd’s City Express and took the New Haven train for the East and arrived at Worcester at about 3:30 o’clock p.m where I stopped tired and sleepy. Found wife had left for home this morning.
Sunday, May 29th—Went to church this a.m. with Mr. Farley with whom I stopped. Stayed at home in the afternoon and after supper, took a turn around the city.
Monday, May 30th—Took early train for Boston and the 2:30 train for Plymouth where I arrived in due time to make all my friends glad to find that I had got safe home from a three years experience of the service and hardships of war. I have not yet been mustered out of the service nor shall be probably for some time yet as my men that came home are not mustered out yet.
Spared & Shared 23 