The following letters were written by Benson Miles Jones (1843-1876), the son of Lambert Jefferson Jones (1813-1894) and Mary Eliza McHardy (1822-1894) of Newberry county, South Carolina. It does not appear that Benson ever served in the Confederate army. We learn that he was working as a Government clerk in Richmond in 1863 and such personnel were routinely drilled with the local militia.
Benson wrote the letters to his cousin, Belton Oscar Mauldin (1839-1874), son of Samuel Easley Mauldin and Caroline McHardy Mauldin. Belton attended Furman University from 1852 to 1859. Belton’s orphaned mother and her siblings fell under the guardianship of John Belton O’Neall (1793-1863)—a chief justice of the South Carolina Supreme Court. At the beginning of the Civil War, Belton enlisted 12 June 1861 and was mustered into Co B, South Carolina (Hampton’s Legion Cavalry) and transferred 15 Aug 1862 to Co I, 2nd South Carolina Cavalry.
Letter 1
Addressed to Mr. B. O. Mauldin, Signal Corps, Care of General J. E. B. Stuart
Richmond [Virginia] August 9th 1863
My Dear Cousin:
A few days ago I was very much delighted to receive a letter from you as it had been a very long time since I had that pleasure before. But I thought the reason you did not write was because you were always on the march and could not write or could not get our letters. I am sorry you have been changed from your position, both on your account because you wished to remain, and on my own for I was in hopes I could get with you and I do not wish to go anywhere unless you are there. Can you not get me on the Signal Corps of Gen’l Stuart? I would like so much to be with you and in fact I do not want to go anywhere but with you if I can help it. I would not care if you were in a company just so I could be with you & have you as my bed fellow, &c.
I suppose you have written to Willie and told him not to come on as he intended riding his horse here. I saw Billy Maudin here about three weeks ago. He has left now tho’ with his brigade. I see by the papers that Gen’l Hampton is to be made Major Gen’l, and it is likely your former Major Butler will be Brig’ in his stead. I saw Butler when he was here. He did not seem to mind his foot being amputated for he said he always did suffer with cold feet, and now he would only have one foot to keep warm. I suppose it will be sometime before he can return. 1
How is Capt. Williams getting along? Col. Butler spoke very well of him to me. I asked him if he saw Pa to try & persuade him to let me go to the army in the cavalry. Thought he might have some place he could give me. Gen’l Hampton has also gone home wounded.
Tell Jno. Willingham I still have his overcoat in my room and if he wishes it this winter, he will know where to send for it. I also have your old sword still. Do you think you can get off any time and come down to see me? I would like very much to see you. Am living finely now, keeping Bachelors Hall. Jack & I [are] alone now and we live very well. Can get something to eat now—plenty of vegetables, &c. I have not received a letter from home this week but have heard through Joe Ward [that] all [are] well. I am standing this summer finely. Have not got sick yet and do not think I will. Hoping soon to hear from you, I remain as ever your loving cousin, — Benson
1 Colonel Matthew Caldwell Butler of Hampton’s Legion Cavalry Battalion was wounded in the Battle of Brandy Station on 9 June 1863 and had his foot amputated.
Letter 2
Addressed to Mr. Bo. O. Mauldin, Signal Corps, Care of Gen’l J. E. B. Stuart
Richmond, Virginia August 30, 1863
My Dear Cousin,
Your very long and kind letter was gladly received some day or two ago. I should have received it before but the P. O. was closed for four or five days in consequence of a rebellion among the clerks who “struck” for higher wages and that of course delayed all mail arrangements.
I was sorry to hear your corps, under Gen’l Jones, had been broken up, for I know you had a nicer time than you will have now. I have written to Pa as you told me about seeing Gen’l Hampton and I hope he will see him and get both of us on his corps when he returns to his command. Pa does not try to get me a place for he does not want me to go in the service, and he will wait till it is too late and I will have to go just any where, for I am confident that as soon as Congress meets, the first thing it will do will be to turn all Government Clerks out. Even if I did not think so, I think it is time now for me to go, and I must go, and I don’t wish to go any where, where I cannot be with you. So we must try and make arrangements to get together somehow.
I have been looking a little for you down this past week, and when you do come, you must come immediately to my room (same place) and stay with me, for I am keeping Bachelor’s Hall all alone now, for Jack and his brother-in-law could not agree & Jack has gone to boarding and Mr. Wolford goes up every Saturday night to see his wife and returns Monday morning about day & brings enough provisions to last him till the following Saturday and he only pays $25 for his eatables & the days he stays up there. So you see I am all alone now and I have a fine time, for I do not have to adapt my expenses in marketing to suit Mr. Wolford and live much more like I have been accustomed to. There are two beds in my room now. Have moved that lounge out, so you can have aplenty of room and we can have a fine time together.
Do you still think you will be sent down to learn telegraphing? I hope so. We were out on another soldering expedition Friday & Saturday. Came in Saturday afternoon. Did not have such a hard time as before, for they sent us blankets, cooking utensils, 3 skillets & 2 pots to a company and aplenty of bacon, crackers, peas & some sugar & salt and then carried our blankets & utensils back for us. I went out foraging Saturday morning for things to make a Brunswick stew. Got two haversacks full of tomatoes, irish potatoes & butter beans & my arms full of corn for $1.50 and two chickens for six dollars. We cleaned the chickens nicely & cut them up & cleaned all the vegetables & divided them in half & borrowed another pot, and putting a chicken & some bacon & half the vegetables in each pot, and then filling with water, we put them on to boil, seasoned with salt. It was a delightful dinner and there being ten of us, it only cost us seventy five cents each, and we have the two drummer boys in our mess. There were only six of us at first but we had to make ten so as to get a cooking utensil as there were only 5 to a company. I have all the nice men in our company in my mess. We had just finished our dinner when we were ordered back to town.
I do wish you could be down here with me, for I am very homesick now and if you could be here I would feel better & not so lonely. I never hear from your house now except through Mother. They have quit coming to town entirely. I don’t think I have got a letter this year—I know not since you went home. They were well the last I heard, except Helen who had the mumps. Sissie is up there now. With much love & hoping I hear soon, I remain your loving cousin, — Benson
The following letter was written by John Smith Carter (1823-1905) while serving in Co. F, 89th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). John enlisted in the regiment in August 1862 and served through the end of the war, mustering out on 7 June 1865 was Washington D. C.
John wrote the letter to his wife of twenty years, Sabrina Butler (Barton) Carter and three children, Martha (b. 1848), Charles (b. 1855), and Anna (b. 1857). Before and after his service, John worked as a teamster and lived in Cincinnati’s 16th Ward.
Transcription
Addressed to Mrs. Sabrina B. Carter, Cincinnati, Ohio
Camp five miles south of Holly Springs, North Carolina April 24, 1865
My dear wife & children,
This is a pleasant Sabbath morning. It finds me in good health. Hostilities has ceased and Johnston’s army is surrounded and it is reported that he has surrendered—not only him but the entire force from the Potomac to Rio Grande rivers in Mexico. And I think in the course of 10 days, we will be on our way towards home. It is said that the 14th [Army] Corps goes to Hagerstown, Maryland, to be mustered out so I suppose in the course of one month or 6 weeks, I will be at home.
We have a yellow boy that lives one mile from here to cook for our mess. He is a good boy. Bakes cornbread almost every meal so we have plenty of sugar and coffee. If you only had part of the coffee, I should be glad for we have got more than we hardly know what to do with it.
Our camp is in a nice pine forest rolling ground so if it rains, the water will run off. We have a good bunk made with pine boards about 16 inches from the ground and two dog tents over the bunk. Mr. Cal[vin W.] Vance & Preston Bishop & myself sleeps together in this tent. I have nothing more to write that I think will interest or amuse you so I send you three leaflets for letters sent to the soldiers by the American Tract Society to be sent in letters to his friends so each one of you can take your choice of them. So I bid you good morning trusting it will not be long that we shall see each other face to face.
From your affectionate husband and father, — John S. Carter
The following letters were written by George Henry Hilton (1831-1901), the son of Dearborn Henry Hilton (1803-1860) and Eliza Ann Cummings of Chester, Windsor, Vermont. He was married in November 1853 to Miriam Helen Lowell (1833-1911) and had one child named George Lowell Hilton (b. 1856) at the time these letters were written in 1863.
George was employed as a clerk in the office of Mr. Joseph Hartwell Barrett (1824-1910) who was the Commissioner of the Pension Bureau in Washington D. C. in 1863. The Evening Post (New York) described Barrett as one of “the few bold, radical and consistent anti-slavery men at the head of bureaus in Washington.” Barrett grew up in Windsor county, Vermont, and graduated from Middlebury College (Vermont) in 1845. He entered the printing and publishing business and by 1860 he was living and working at his trade in Cincinnati. He is best known for having written a biographical sketch on Abraham Lincoln when he was running for President in 1860 and when Lincoln was elected, he was rewarded with the patronage job. Barrett was married to Harriet Whiting Lowell in 1853 so Hilton and Barrett would have been brothers-in-law, having married the Lowell sisters.
In the years following the Civil War, George worked in the dry goods business in Chester. In 1872 he had his business in the new Fullerton Block on Main Street in Chester where he offered “ready made clothing” and groceries.
Letter 1
Washington D. C. April 13, 1863
My dear wife Han,
Joseph Hartwell Barrett, Commissioner of Pensions
Han, I am writing to you so that you may get it as soon as possible for I know (or think at least) you will miss the letter at the usual time & perhaps be disappointed if you do not get it, I did not write you & mother as usual yesterday for I was at Fortress Monroe & Norfolk all day. Mr. Barrett asked me on Friday if I dare go with him if he would get passes. I told him yes, but did not suppose he could get passes for since they commenced fighting, they issued orders not to grant them to anybody. Well. I thought no more of it until Saturday morning at 10 a.m. [when] he came in the room and said he was ready I dare risk it. Well, I dare and started.
We went to Baltimore, waited and went all over the city (beautiful warm day) until 5 p.m., then went on board the steamer & had a beautiful ride. Had supper and went to bed at 9. Got up about 5 a.m. and looked the country over until 6:30. We had breakfast and at 7:30 landed under the guns of Fort Monroe. Went about the fort and down on the beach. Picked up a lot of shells &c. &c. (as usual). Saw the big Lincoln Gun, the largest one ever made. We stayed about till 11 a.m. then took steamer (government transport) down to Norfolk. Went past Sewell’s Point, rip raps, Newport News, &c. as you can see by the map to Norfolk. Arrived at 12:20. Went all about town. The citizens—women and children—were leaving according to orders issued after we got there. The rebs were expected every minute—were fighting only 17 miles below all Saturday & Sunday up to 12 noon, so we went on board of boat again. 1 Saw the Monticello & Juniata (gunboats) swing out into the steam and open their port holes and point their guns on the town, ready to shell it at any moment the rebs should come in sight. It tell you, it was quite exciting. We left directly after that with a load of refugees and secesh ladies. Came on to where the Merrimack gave the Monitor battle. Saw the Cumberland was sunk with her two masts just sticking out of the mud & water. Back to the Fortress at 3:30 p.m. All along up the Elizabeth river saw peach orchards in full bloom & the lilacs just filled the air with the sweetest odor from the land I ever smelt.
Well, we found the people of the fort under the most intense excitement. A British Man-of-War had come in port and another was in sight coming in, and they didn’t know what to make of it. Hawkins Zouaves 3 were leaving for Norfolk and lots of other troops & everything was hurly burly. Well we “poked” round amongst them for about an hour. Officers came up from Charleston and reported one ironclad sunk & soon the officers of the sunken boar arrived and everything and everybody was in an uproar. Finally we got off and started back at 6 p.m. Commenced to rain at 8:30. We retired at 9 & the storm increased & the old boat rolled and pitched & was so dark you couldn’t see anything but could hear the breakers thump against the boat and feel her go over them & pitch in the hollow or trough. At 12 midnight we struck a schooner and stove in the stern railing of our boat and damaged her pretty bad. I got up when we struck and managed to get down but it was all I could do to keep right side up and I couldn’t only by hanging onto something, Went all about the boat and finally went to bed again. There was too much work in sitting up although I wasn’t a bit sick nor Barrett either.
Well, it cleared up at about 3 a.m. and was calm as Greenland. Had breakfast at 6 and landed at 7 a.m. Stayed in Baltimore two hours and came on to Washington. Have been to the office and done my Saturday’s work & today’s too and you can safely guess I am tired. But I got your kind letter and of course will not let an opportunity go by till I write you. I have not seen R. R. C. as yet & don’t care to either as I know of. I feel liker an old “punkin.” I thought going down there would relieve my mind of your troubles but it didn’t one bit. I thought of you all the way down & back & God bless you, I wish I was with you this moment. You are so sick, I know, & those —– —- will do no good either more than to aggravate your sickness to your —- —- but do as you think best and that will be right. I would kill Old Mother H. and a few more of those old “rips” = if you don’t want them to call so often though you can very easily shorten their visits both in length and numbers. I am so glad Georgie is so well. Darling little boy, tell him papa got his pictures & they made him laugh too. Papa loves him & wants to see him very much indeed. He must be a good boy.
I want to write you lots more but I han’t got strength & am so sleepy I can hardly keep my eyes open & “spose” I must write Mother or there will be an “orfull” howl. So I will bid you goodbye for now & write you again & send some papers tomorrow. With much love for you, — George
1 The excitement in Norfolk was due to Gen. Longstreet’s investment of Suffolk in April 1863.
2 The two British ships anchored in Hampton Rodes were the Vesuvius and Petrel. There was speculation that the Brits were there as part of a plot to recapture Norfolk that was being threatened by land by Longstreet’s men.
3 The 9th New York Volunteers (“Hawkins Zouaves” ) were ordered from Falmouth, Virginia, to Norfolk where they remained until May 1863.
Letter 2
Washington D. C. June 3rd 1863
My blessed wife,
I received your kind letter this morning. As I wrote you yesterday, I expected then your Father has returned without the [ ]. Well, it’s just as well, I think (because we can’t help it). The Demming tribe must be cutting quite a [ ] from your description. Well, let [ ] has a different way of enjoyment. You & I can enjoy ourselves perhaps together by ourselves as they before the public and I think our turn will come some time. What a trial of feelings it must be for Marion & Rowe to be thus left alone together especially o’nights. Oh, oh tis too bad poor critters. I should not think Rowe could stand it long (or perhaps short).
I think this weather will cook all God’s creation into one great “Pudd’n” if it keeps on. It is damn hot, I notice. I am reading the Last of the Mohicans. You have read it, I suppose. It is quite interesting to me as I never read it before.
“Mrs. Comish”, wife of Commissioner Barrett
This town is not taken yet, 1 but people get awfully frightened and at Alexandria they are today barricading the streets expecting an attack through the lines. That place you know is only eight miles from here. If we get “tuck” all right. I would like to have them try it once. Perhaps they wouldn’t get in.
Mrs. “Comish” called the carriage & she and Mrs. Duvall went out to the Soldier’s Home yesterday evening. She is getting quite gay since the Comish has been absent. From the late order just issued, no person can go out of the city limits now on foot, horseback, or in carriages without being searched. So our little Mrs. Comish was subjected to that little inconvenience.
I rather think my bringing the Long Tom Spy Glass to bear upon the ladies opposite has silenced their Battery of Flirtation as I did not see them yesterday at all. That was pretty good on them & I guess they will mind their “Biz” now. Do you hear anything more about Henry’s drinking? I have not heard from him since I came back either by letter or paper or anybody but Fitch. I have the B. F. Times regularly from the office. I should like to go home very well as you say, but I think I shall stay here for the present if I can possibly stand it. You know you are and have so exposed yourself very much opposed to my going into troth [?] again or making an investment in the hotel and Mother too is very anxious that I should remain in Chester son on the whole, I think, unless sickness should call me home, I shall stay through the month of July. At least ’tis true I would like to be with my family & be at Chester, but can stay here a while I guess. How does the little Hiffins? He is happy I hope. He has got quite a notion of stooping over and if he is not checked and made to stand straight, he will grow up round shouldered & have the consumption. I don’t think you can too strongly impress that upon his mind—to stand straight. Poor little fellow. I do want to see him very much indeed. Kiss him for me & tell his papa gives him and thinks of him very much. He must be good too and mind Mama till papa comes home and then we will have grand times.
Saw Abel Putnam here yesterday. The [ ] said Tom Clark was well and doing well. Hope he will continue so….
With much love for you, my own little wife. Goodbye, – George
1 The “scare” was over the advance of Lee’s army that was once again making a push toward and beyond the Potomac River without a clear understanding of which way he was headed.
The following letter was written by Marshall McMurran (1842-1910) of Centre, Vanderburgh county, Indiana, who first enrolled in Co. H, 65th Indiana Infantry. He was later transferred to Co. H, 120th Indiana Infantry.
Transcription
Camp of the 129th [120th] Indiana Raleigh, North Carolina August 26th 1865
Dear Father and Mother.
After the lapse of several days, I sit down to answer you letter of August 9th which I received August 16th. I delayed in answering it immediately for several reasons. We had just been paid off and I wished to write you in this letter that I would send you some money and I also wished to wait till we arrived at this place. We left Greensboro August 19th arriving here the same night. Today just makes one week that we have been here and I have concluded not to send money home by express because there are so many risks that the company will not be liable for it. Most of our company sent their money by express the first part of this week, the captain tending to the business. When the captain brought down the receipts to the boys, I saw some of them and they were not liable for a great many risks that might occur. So as there is a talk that the regiment will not have to stay much longer, I thought I would keep it with me. I do not know why it is that we have been brought here, for we have not yet been detailed out through the city. While at Greensboro orders came from the Headquarters of Gen. Ruger for each of the six Indiana regiments to send on the date of their muster as a regiment, as three regiments were to be sent home. The three were to be those whose organization was the oldest. The adjutant of our regiment whose business it was to forward the date, sent on our date as being the 15th of March 1864 when it was the 2nd of March 1864. So instead of our regiment being one of the three, we have o remain although our regiment was the first one that was mustered in. Our Colonel did not learn of the mistake till four hours after the dispatch had been sent in by telegraph. He immediately telegraphed to Headquarters to have the mistake rectified, but it was too late for the dispatch had been sent pn to Washington. The 23rd, 124th, and 129th are thus the regiments that are to go. So you see what a mistake causes. This is the story of it in camp. I know that there are a good many officers in the service who wish to keep their regiments in as long as they can in order that they may be promoted still higher. The Colonels as also Captains and Lieutenants look for still higher promotion which brings still higher pay. Men that here receive between 100 and 200 dollars a month will on returning home sink into their former trades of farming and even working by the day.
I am with my company again, my duties having ceased on leaving Greensboro. There is talk now that all the white troops in this Department are to be mustered out as soon as possible. I am well at present and hope this will find you the same. All is business and a activity at this place. The streets are crowded every morning with market wagons and we can have the chance of buying right from the citizens. Splendid potatoes, both Irosh and sweet, are abundant and sell from 80 cents to $1 per bushel. Butter is plenty and cheap. In fact, the citizens are so destitute of money that they are obliged to sell cheap in order that Greenbacks may be realtered through the state.
Our regiment is camped on the very same camp that the 65th was while here and I cannot refrain from thinking of my old messmates every time I pass over the ground. It was while the 65th lay here that Johnston surrendered and Sherman’s army started on its march for Washington. It was three months and a half from the time we left here till we came back. I wrote to you last on the 30th of July which I expect you have long ere this received. I also sent word by William A. Holcomb, a mess mate of mine, of how I was getting along. He started for home on furlough on August 4th and he knew you, as you worked on a mill in his neighborhood. I am looking for him to come back soon as his furlough expires on the 3rd of September. I though that he would be as good a letter as I could send to you and I think that he will be a good envelope for you to send your letter to me in—at least I am looking for him to tell me all about you as he promised to go and see you.
John Marshall Neely (1836-1897)
The weather here begins to be cooler. The nights are quite cool and the mornings also. I, by an accident, became acquainted with a son of Doctor [Joseph] Neely who is no other than the surgeon of our regiment, and I never heard his name till a few days ago, although he has been with the regiment ever since I came into it. He happened to be in the office of the Provost Marshal one day as he came up every day to chat with the officers, and after observing me closely he asked me if I was not your grandson and I told him yes. He then went on to tell me all about you and having seen you on the wharf at Evansville while the boats were passing which contained the troops of the 23rd Army Corps. I never knew him personally but well remember Old Doctor Neely as he used to stop with you often. Of course there was a regular scraping up of old recollections of old times in which he asked me what John Stanfield and a good many others. So you may judge of how little trouble I give the doctor. If he had never spoken to me, I would never have known him for after all our conversation was over. I had to ask him what hi name was.
We are getting along fine, having plenty to eat and wear. I drew $94.45 which with some little coming to me amounted to 112 dollars. If I find out that we are to be here till winter and that there will be a safer way to send the money, I will try and send it, but the state is not yet perfectly quiet nor civil law established so there are bands of lawless men roaming around in different parts of the state robbing and making their living by stealing and various outrages. The express companies will not be liable for what these roaming bands of Confederate soldiers may do.
Hoping his will find you and mother all well, I will close. I have had no letter from Henry as yet. Hoping to hear from you all soon, I will close for the present. I remain your affectionate grandson, — Marshall McMurran
Almon Joel Pierce’s Diaries. His Civil War diaries alone are nearly 200,000 words! For comparison, if we were to add Almon’s missing diary of 5.5 months duration, the amount of material describing his Civil War experience would be equal to the size of Gen. Grant’s 2-Volume Memoirs (whichwere not confined to the Civil War alone).
What follows is an astonishing collection of diaries that has captivated me like no other in my journey through primary source materials. These diaries, the gripping tales of Almon Joel Pierce (1842-1900), son of Clark Pierce (1814-1900) and Mary Serepta Royce (1822-1888) from South Haven, Van Buren County, Michigan, beckon with their incredible detail. Almon wasn’t just a writer; he was a relentless chronicler of life. For nearly the entire second half of the 19th Century, he penned daily entries that reveal his deepest thoughts and experiences. I have poured over ten of these diaries, starting in April 1861 and wrapping up in March 1865—a staggering four-year chronicle. Yet, I have chosen to transcribe and unveil only those written during his time in the 19th Michigan Infantry and the Mississippi Marine Brigade, totaling seven diaries. Devoting my spare moments to this labor, I have poured almost seven months into transcribing these seven diaries, which amount to a formidable 190,215 words—an achievement that would demand nearly 17 hours of an average reader’s time to absorb. I hate to think how many hours it took me to transcribe them.
I wish to acknowledge the Michigan’s Military Heritage Museum, and Scott Gerych in particular, for bringing these diaries to my attention and offering me the opportunity to transcribe and publish them on Spared & Shared. They were donated to the museum in December 2022.
Apparently Almon was often asked about his interest in keeping a journal, which prompted him to record the following:
“It might be asked by some whether I ever get tired or feel an inclination to abandon or discontinue this habit which I had begun? I answer that I have not yet, but, on the contrary feel more obliged than ever to continue the practice as long as I can hold the pen. It seems absolutely necessary & unavoidable. I first began the practice on a smaller scale on the first day when we started for Illinois in the spring of 1855…”
The three sons of Clark and Serepta Pierce; Almon (b. 1842), Irving (b. 1844), and Quincy b. 1846). This image would have been taken in the latter half of the 1850s.
In his diary of 1861 we learn that Almon’s younger brother, 15 year-old Quincy, had his leg amputated by Dr. Bolivar Barnum in Schoolcraft, Michigan on June 4th, 1861. He does not reveal how it was that Quincy had injured his leg. An earlier diary would surely contain the answer to this question. It apparently shortened his life, however. Quincy died in 1872.
Almon’s first mention of the war in his diary was on 26 April 1861: “Great war news. Fort Sumpter is in the hands of the South. It was taken 12th and 13th of April. The President of the U. S. has called for 75,000 men to protect the city of Washington.”
Almon reveals his first thoughts of military service in an entry on Sunday, September 22, 1861: “I don’t think there will be much danger of drafting, but if they do, I believe I shall volunteer my precious self. I don’t think that I am qualified for such a glorious duty but I can do something. Oh, if I was only a full grown man.”
Finally, on 14 August 1862, Almon recorded the following: “This day! What shall I say of it? I am on the eve of an epoch, a turning point in my life & which way the scales will turn, the morrow will decide. What stirring, thrilling scenes are just now transpiring throughout the land! how many family ties are and are about to be severed! I introduced the subject of enlisting to Pa for the first time. I wanted to know what his individual opinion was, if he had any. He has been mum, formant, or non curative concerning my liability of having to go. When I introduced the subject & he asked me if I wanted to go, I said yes. He then said that if I want to go that he shouldn’t hinder e, but thought if I wasn’t fit to go, could not stand it, &c. We did not come to any definite conclusion but I took that I shall perform something of the sort in the morn if nothing happens…Mother gives me all the encouragement possible. It’s a holy cause & I should bear my share. Perhaps after I get a thousand miles from home, Father will come to his senses.“
The following day he records:
Almon J. Pierce and his wife Annie in 1888
August 15th 1862. Well the fearful ordeal is past. The first step is taken!! I am now a U. S. man of war! We got underway for South Haven about half past 12 o’clock. Pa and Ma, Al. and Q. in company. Got there just before noon. I went directly to the tavern at the headquarters of the War Department & had not been there two minutes before the two chief officers, Captain [Charles W.] Bigelow and Mr. [Archibald] McLachlin attacked me with a broadside & in about two minutes more, they had me encaptured. They didn’t ask me half a dozen questions. First my age & if I was round, then if I could stand it to travel to which I replied that I once walked 110 miles in one day and went to work again the next. That was enough. Then followed the usual preliminaries of enlistment. I am obliged to sign my name twice. Father stood nearby but did not say a word. He was also required to sign his name. He had some talk with the captain then. Pa had Al. go along to see if he get in as cook but they would not take him. He is bound to go anyhow. He is going to quit work and get ready to go to Rhode Island. I wish that he would go along with us as he would be so much company. I couldn’t get lonesome then. He don’t fancy going as cook anyway… The captain appears a smart energetic man & guess pretty well qualified for the responsible office. I like his appearance. They say that he has served five years in the standing army. I took dinner with the rest at the tavern on Uncle Sam’s expense. The news spread like wild fire about the town that I had enlisted….”
ABOUT THE MISSISSIPPI MARINE BRIGADE
“The concept of a mobile force of mixed combat arms troops borne by modified river boats belonged to BG Alfred W. Ellet Jr. The commander of the Union’s brown water ram fleet had grown disenchanted with the routine duties that were assigned to the surviving rams by the end of 1862 and wanted to move on.
Brig. Gen. Alfred W. Ellet (Dennis Hood Collection)
Wanting to be more actively engaged in the war effort along the river Ellet proposed the formation of the Mississippi Marine Brigade as a means to subdue guerrilla activity along the inland waterways. The idea was accepted by Admiral David Porter and forwarded to Washington for consideration. Desperate for a means to secure extended lines of communication the idea found favor at the War Department. When personal recruiting efforts for his new force lagged Ellet petitioned his old ram fleet benefactor, Secretary of War Stanton, for authority to recruit convalescents from the Union hospitals around St. Louis. As before, Ellet’s radical proposal appealed to Stanton and in December of 1862 he granted the requested permission. Ellet immediately sent two recruiters, CPT James Crandall and CPT William Wright, to scour military hospitals in hopes of filling the unit with recovering soldiers announcing in a recruiting poster that recruits could “become famous in the annals of the Mississippi River warfare.” Pvt. Allan McNeal, writing to his father from the hospital in St. Louis on 15 January 1863, noted the excitement caused by these recruiting efforts. He explained that there was “some excitement about volunteering on board of a fleet” and describing that “they got about 50 out of this hospital.” McNeal, himself, was unconvinced and told his father that “I have no notion of going in to it.” Many others remained unconvinced as well. Despite promises of “no hard marching” and “no carrying knapsacks” and a $100 recruitment bonus the two men failed to attract the necessary manpower to establish the unit. With the idea of the innovative new unit threatened by lack of personnel Stanton again came to the rescue. Responding to a request from Ellet that active duty soldiers be assigned, Stanton used his authority to transfer the 59th Illinois, 63rd Illinois, and Company K 18th Illinois (previously on ram boat duty) to service in the brigade. The recruited men and transfers gathered at Benton Barracks in St Louis to begin their training as “horse marines” under the tutelage of LTC George Currie.
One of the modified steamers used by the Mississippi Marine Brigade, the USS Baltic (Paul Russinoff Collection)
Ellet, meanwhile, concentrated on the other necessary component of his plan; the boats needed to transport the unit. CPT James Brooks, with financing made available through the War Department, was able to purchase seven large steam packets at Louisville and New Albany for a total of $350,000. Five of the new craft, Autocrat, B. J. Adams, Baltic, Diana, and John Raine, were significantly modified for the expected duty. The boats were stripped down to carry 125 cavalry and 250 infantry each. They were given expanded fuel capacity by enlarging the coal bunkers, the boilers were encased in heavy timbers, the pilot houses were clad in boiler plate, and a crane operated gangway capable of disgorging the mounted troops two abreast was fitted out. Of the two remaining boats, the E. H. Fairchild was to serve as a supply vessel and the Woodford as a hospital ship.
On 21 February 1863 all arrangements, except the retrofitting of the Woodford, were complete. The Brigade was mustered for review by Ellet at the Fairgrounds. A total of 527 infantrymen, 368 cavalrymen, and 140 artillerymen stood inspection in standard army uniforms with a distinctive hat complete with a wide green band trimmed with gold lace signifying the special service on which they were about to embark. While still considerably short of the recruiting goal the Mississippi Marine Brigade was declared ready to begin operations.” — Dan O’Connell [Mississippi Marine Brigade]
In this tintype Josiah Goodwin (l) sits with a companion wearing the distinctive headgear of the Mississippi Marine Brigade. This consisted of a cap made with full round top, broad straight visor, and a broad green band trimmed with gold lace. The rest of the brigade member’s attire consisted of various army uniforms – reflecting their recruitment from a number of different units. Goodwin served as a musician on the flagship USS Autocrat which was the headquarters for the Mississippi Marine Brigade. The brigade was a U.S. Army unit created to serve the needs of the Ram Fleet. They became controversial due to their seizures of property along the river and were disbanded in August of 1864. (Al Luckenbach Collection)
There are relatively few books on the Mississippi Marine Brigade (MMB). Official records for their activities seem to be lacking and this may be because they were a new branch of service—neither Navy nor Army—and were not compelled at all times to file the same kinds of traditional reports. Lieut. Colonel George E. Curie of the MMB summed it up best when he wrote, “This you see makes us in the military parlance neither Army or Navy, the one or the other, and yet both.”
Readers looking for more material on the MMB may find information from the following published sources:
Ellet’s Brigade. The Strangest Outfit of All, by Chester G. Hearn, 2000. An excellent relatively recent book describing both the Ram Fleet and the MMB.
Warfare Along the Mississippi, The Letters of Lieutenant Colonel George E. Currie, by George E. Currie; edited by Norman E. Clarke, Sr. 1961. Curie was the first officer selected by Capt. Alfred W. Ellet to join the MMB.
Life in the Mississippi Marine Brigade, the Civil War Diary of George Painter, Edited by Beverly Kerr, 2021 Painter was a private in the cavalry aboard one of the MMB’s vessels. Unfortunately his diary entries are cryptic and do not reveal the details of operations that Almon’s diaries do.
MMB: A concise history of the unconventional, untethered and unruly warriors of the Mississippi Marine Brigade, by Paul Rusinoff, Military Images, June 2021. A great recent article summarizing the activities of the Brigade and highlighting a chapter of their history from the one piece of Almon’s diaries that is missing (the diary from mid-April through September 1863).
History of the Ram Fleet and the Mississippi Marine Brigade in the war for the Union on the Mississippi and its tributaries, by Warren D. Crandall and Isaac D. Newell, 1907. In writing his book, Capt. Crandall quoted Almon’s diaries and from one diary in particular which I think Almon may have sent to him which was never returned. In the description of Warren Daniel Crandall’s papers at the Illinois State Historical Library in Springfield are the letters and diaries of several members of the MMB, including the “Letters and Diary” of Almon J. Pierce. It may be that the missing diary is housed in Springfield.
During the fall of 2024, I reached out to Christopher Schnell at the Lincoln Library (repository for the former collections held at the Illinois Historical Library in Springfield). Christopher informed me that there were no diaries of Almon J. Pierce’s within the Crandall collection; however, the log book of the Diana contained handwritten extracts from Pierce’s diary which he agreed to send to me and I intend to transcribe these as I have time. I also enquired about a letter in the Crandall Collection that was supposed to have been written by Pierce, entitled “The Raid Upon Port Gibson and What Caused It.” This three and a half page typed “story” was attached to a cover letter written by Pierce dated 8 December 1899 in which he makes it quite clear he was not author of this story and yet sometime since it has been repeated and attributed. He, in fact, denies any truthfulness in the story. The story claims that the MMB was ordered to “capture and carry back to Vicksburg as prisoners fifty of the most aristocratic Confederate young ladies” of Port Gibson to be held as hostages until they could be exchanged for Northern women school teachers taken prisoners by Confederates. The story was retold recently in the June 2021 issue of the Military Images magazine (see The Mississippi Marine Brigade was a novel Civil War force) and after transcribing Pierce’s diaries, I was left wondering why the episode was not even mentioned, let alone described in great detail as was his custom. To read Pierce’s letter (and scans of it), go to “The Raid Upon Port Gibson.” Since Pierce clearly informed Warren Crandall of the “hostage story” prior to the publication the publication of his book on the Mississippi Marine Brigade in 1907, either Crandall agreed with Pierce that that the story was a wild fabrication or he chose not to include it. I’m inclined to agree with Pierce, “that it’s a huge fake.”
See also previously published letters on Spared & Shared:
Diaries Transcribed & Published on Spared & Shared
(Click on the active link for each diary to go to the transcriptions)
14 September 1862 to 13 October 1862“This book contains just one month of time….There isn’t another one in the company nor the regiment as I can learn that is keeping so extensive & complete an account of daily transactions as myself. There are a few who occasionally make short notes of the most important events only. I don’t think after this that I shall have so much opportunity for writing as I have had but I shall do the best I can. It’s more important I think, or as much so at least, as letter writing.”
14 October 1862 to 26 November 1862“Containing the accounts of our march from Covington to Lexington, Kentucky, & my entry into the hospital at Lexington. The events recorded in this book were written or sketched down generally under trying circumstances & when laboring under oppressive difficulties. The fore part contains the occurrences attending the march & was for the most part written late at night by the campfire or early in the morn, or sometimes I would snatch a few moments of leisure in the day. Then after the 1st f November, I continued the task under the disadvantage of disability. Here I ran up a big batch of sketching.”
1 February 1863 to 6 March 1863“This book is peculiarly interesting as it contains the account of my exit from the hospital where I had been confined for over three months & my introduction into the “Marine Service,” there to lead an altogether new & different life, form new acquaintances & associations, & behold sights and scenes never before conjectured. I think I may safely say it has proved more advantageous to me in more ways than one.”
Other images of members in The Mississippi Marine Brigade
Two unidentified member of the MMB, believed to be descended from the Brown Family in Missouri. (Dennis Hood Collection)James M. VanCamp of Branch Co., MI. Co. B, 11th Michigan; later in Co. E, 1st Mounted Infantry, MMB.(Dale Niesen Collection)Wellington Peck, Co. E, 1st Mounted Infantry, MMB. (Dennis Hood Collection)Possibly a member of MMB. (Sara Thompson Collection)Possibly a member of the MMB. (Dan Binder Collection)An unidentified member of the Mississippi Marine Brigade(Chris Magewick Collection)Capt. John R. Crandall, Co. A, 1st Battalion Cavalry, MMB. (Dennis Hood Collection)Lt. Perry Gregg, Co. A, 1st Battalion Cavalry, MMB (Dennis Hood Collection)Capt. Oscar F. Brown, Co. E, 1st Mounted Infantry, MMB.William Peters, Co. D, 1st Battalion Cavalry, MMB (Lawrence T. Jones III Collection)Three CDV’s of Hiram G. Parker of Jacksonville, Illinois, who served in Co. B, 10th Illinois Infantry, and then in Co. B, Cavalry, MMB; served on the Baltic & Autocrat. (Cowan’s Auctions)
An unidentified member of the Mississippi Marine Brigade, or Ellet’s Brigade (Paul Russinoff Collection)
The following letter was written by 21 year-old Henry Gray (1844-1900), the son William T. Gray (1814-1856) and Gracy Ann Bates (1815-Aft1865) of Gadsden, South Carolina. He wrote the letter to 18 year-old Unity Anne Gray (1846-1927), one of nine siblings ranging in age from 10 to 32 in 1865.
This unidentified South Carolina corporal has a Palmetto Tree embroidered on the top of his kepi. (Larry Munther Collection)
Not certain which South Carolina regiment Henry served in, I looked for Henry’s obituary, and found it published in a Columbia newspaper in July 1900. It informs us that “Mr. Henry Gray of lower Richland, a prominent citizen and successful planter, after a brief illness, died at his home in Gadsden…aged 56….He was a gallant soldier in the Confederate army…” No specific regiment identified. Since he mentioned a comrade named Frank Joiner in his letter. I searched for him and found Frank Joyner (1842-1910) of Gadsden whose obituary in 1910 claimed he was “a brave Confederate soldier and was wounded once during the war but fought until the surrender,” but again, no regiment was identified. Finally, in Fold3, I found J. F. Joyner, who enlisted on 8 April 1861 at Gadsden, So. Carolina, in Capt. Ray’s Co. H, 6th South Carolina Infantry. I could not find Henry on the roster with Frank so concluded they were not in the same regiment but obviously serving near each other in the Richmond defenses. By process of elimination, I concluded that Henry Gray must have served in Co. I, 1st South Carolina Infantry (Haygood’s) who manned the Confederate lines below Richmond—quartered in their log huts for winter at the time—but who fought to the bitter end at Appomattox. [See—Memoirs of the First South Carolina Regiment of Volunteer Infantry in the Confederate War for Independence from April 12, 1861 to April 10, 1865.]
In his letter, Henry expresses grave concern for his property in Richland county—some twenty miles southeast of Columbia, fearing that Sherman’s army might pass through there and “destroy my home.” While a portion of Sherman’s army marched through Orangeburg, they remained west of the Congaree river as they converged on Columbia. Henry also shares his thoughts on the Confederate Congress’s proposal to add Negroes to the ranks of their regiments and the dilemma it posed.
Transcription
Addressed to Miss Unity Ann Gray, Gadsden (P.O.) Richland District, South Carolina
Richmond, Virginia February 12th 1865
My dear sister,
Received your kind letter some [days] ago and you may be sure I was very glad to hear from you and to hear that you was all well. I received the box that mother sent me some time ago and for which I return my most grateful thanks. Give my love to my mother and to all of the family.
I have no news that would interest you. The Yankees here are lying quiet, but I understand that Sherman is making considerable progress in our beloved old state and I am so afraid they will get my home so l cannot hear from it. I sincerely hope that our men can be enabled to whip and [ ] Sherman’s vagabond horde of vandals before they ever reach and destroy my home.
It is generally talked and is given considerable credence by some that it is the intentions of our authorities to bring in the negroes and I hope they will if by that means we can accomplish anything. But I fear that if they take any more hands from the fields we shall all perish to death in a heap together for I have not drawn but one quarter of a pound of meat in the last six days and the commissary says he does not know when we will get any more. If we cannot get enough to eat now, what will we do if they bring in the negroes? At that rate, it will all be the consumers & no producers. And again, if we do not bring the negroes in, the Yankees will overrun our country and destroy everything so that we would be forced to surrender.
I will let this dark matter rest and bring my short letter to a close by saying write soon while you have the chance to your affectionate brother, — Henry Gray
(P. S.) Frank Joiner is a going to have a box sent him from home and can you send me anything you wish by or in his box. I would be glad for you to send me a chicken or two anyhow. Nothing more. Write soon. — H. G.
The poignant letter was penned by Robert Wilson Sherrod (1827-1887), a native of Virginia, but a physician practicing in Raleigh, Saline county, Illinois prior to the Civil War. As stated by himself in this letter, Robert volunteered and was offered a commission as surgeon on the US Gunboat Tyler—a “timber-clad”—which saw lots of action in the western waters early in the Civil War. By early 1864 he had resigned his commission in the Navy and volunteers as a hospital steward in Co. D, 29th Illinois Infantry. Later that same year he was commissioned a 1st Lieutenant in his company.
The letters bears intelligence of the death of Sherrod’s first-born child, Susan Anneliza Sherrod (1853-1862), who was born in Medora, Macoupin county, Illinois, but died at the age of 9 in Rockbridge county, Virginia in July 1862—two and a half years before this letter was received. Sherrod’s wife—the mother of Anneliza—was the former Susannah P. Hileman, the daughter of Daniel & Clerinda (Trevey) Hileman of Centreville, Rockbridge county. Susannah died in December 1853 when Anneliza was but 9 months old and Sherrod returned her body to Virginia to be buried, at the same time delivering Anneliza to be raised by her grandparents (a customary practice in those days).
The Hileman family were avid supporters of the rebellion and two of Susannah’s brothers—Daniel J. Hileman and Phillip C. Hileman served in the “Bloody” 27th Virginia Infantry of Stonewall Jackson’s Brigade. As might be expected, the stoppage of the mails between family members who were on opposite sides of the war made communication difficult, if not impossible, particularly if one was not inclined to correspond with in-laws who held political views that were diametrically opposed. [See A House Divided: The Civil War Letters of a Virginia Family, by W. G. Bean published in 1951, The Virginia Magazine of History & Biography, pp 397-422]
Sherrod wrote the letter from Kennerville, Louisiana, where the regiment remained a few days before marching off to New Orleans and then on to Mobile Bay.
The timber-clad US Gunboat Tyler
Transcription
Kennerville, Louisiana—18 miles Above New Orleans January 30th 1865
Dear Brother,
I have just received a letter from Mrs. Housh enclosing one from you, in which was the painful and heart-rending intelligence of the death of my child. This blow falls heavily upon me and breaks one of the strongest ties that bound me to this world. But it becomes us as intelligent beings to submit to the Devine will of our Maker without a murmur, however hard it may seem. And I can do so the better feeling confident as I do that she has gone to join her sainted Mother in that abode of peace and happiness prepared for the righteous from the foundation.
I have not heard from any of you before in some three years and upwards. I have been in the U.S. Navy and Army ever since the rebellion began. I was surgeon of the U.S. Gunboat Tyler for a long time. I have been in several hard-fought battles—viz: Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Shiloh, Corinth, Haines Bluff, Vicksburg, & Helena—and so far it has pleased God to let me escape unhurt. At this time I am 1st Lieutenant of Co. D, 29th Reg. Illinois Vols. If I live, I will likely remain in the service until the close of the war.
I am sorry that you and I do not see this wicked rebellion in the same light, but be that as it may, I hope the time is not far distant when the sweet harbinger of Peace will spread his golden wings over our entire country. I want you to remember me kindly to your Father and family. Also to your brother Phillip. Tell him to write to me. And I wish you to write as soon as you receive this, Please let me know what is the date of Anneliza’s death and if she had a protracted illness and all the particulars of the sad occurrence.
Hoping to hear from you soon, I subscribe myself your brother, — R. W. Sherrod
William Henry Straw was a 33 year-old farmer from Hill, Grafton county, New Hampshire when he voluntarily enlisted on 14 August 1862 to serve as a corporal in Co. D, 12th New Hampshire Infantry. His father, Sargent Straw (1783-1871) was still living at the time, but his mother, Priscilla Bennett Sanborn (1794-1858) had already passed on. Staying home to tend the farm and their two young children was William’s wife, Caroline (“Callie”) (Thorne) Straw (1833-1889).
William wrote this letter to his hometown friend, Wilbur Henry Morrill (1836-1908) who was married in 1859 to Ann Woodford in August 1859 and had a young son of 18 months. It was datelined from the regiment’s camp opposite Georgetown in Virginia where they had recently arrived. In less than a week they would receive orders to move to Point of Rocks, Maryland, and then see their first action at the Battle of Fredericksburg.
Sometime during the winter 1862-63, William fell victim to typhoid fever and he died on 20 June 1863 at Alexandria, Virginia—his singing voice silenced forever.
William Henry Straw and Caroline Leighton (Thorne) Straw of Hill, Grafton Co., N. H.
Transcription
Addressed to W. H. Morrill, Hill, New Hampshire
12th New Hampshire [In camp opposite Georgetown in] Virginia October 12, 1862
Friend Morrill,
I will write you a few lines to let you know how I am prospering. It is Sunday but don’t seem much like Sunday in New Hampshire. We have meeting here, however. One service at 11 o’clock, & prayer meeting in the afternoon, & one every evening through the week.
We have moved three times since we got into Washington. We are in camp now near Georgetown on the opposite side of the Potomac but are under marching orders & expect to move every day but don’t know where. It is quite cool here today—need an overcoat and mittens. I have seen some very warm weather within two weeks. Our boys are quite sick—a number of them. Two have been shot since we went into camp, one by accident, one supposed by a rebel. And another shot one of his hands off himself by accident. He was in our company—Prescott Y. Howland 1 from Sanbornton, a first rate fellow. Had to have his right arm cut off. I saw it done and it looked pretty hard, but nothing to what I expect to see.
I will resume my writing now. I stopped to go to meeting though don’t have to go far—only two or three rods. Elder Dunbar preached—a Methodist preacher, a private soldier, a young man, or rather not very old. I wish you could have heard him though I suppose you are hearing something like it for he is about such a preacher as Burden, only he has a voice like a lion. He is a grand singer. He is the one that composed the sheet music that we have at home—some of it at least.
I should like to be there today but I should hate dreadfully to have to be back here if I was once at home, though I am quite contented & am well & hearty as a bear. Give my respects to all your singers. I should like to see them all. Tell them I have sung so much that my throat is most worn out though I mean to save it to sing with you when I get home—if I should be lucky enough to ever come there.
It is one o’clock & am going to meeting again. Will write a few lines more perhaps. Got home again. We have 4 or 5 ministers in our regiment. One tents with me. Five men tent together. R[obert] Martin tents with me. He has had the shakes but is some better now. It is 2 o’clock and is raining. A cold northeast storm.
I hear you are getting ready to draft in Hill, or rather getting ready not to be drafted. I want you to write me when you can. Don’t know if you can read htis. Give my respects to Mrs. Morrill & all the rest of your folks. Morrill, stay with your wife and child while you can & as long as you can.
I have seen Hattie Knox’s brother twice since we got here. Saw him last Friday in Washington. He was going to his regiment Saturday. He had a slight wound in the finger. Have seen quite a number from our way. Don’t many of them think much of the war. Hope you will excuse this poor writing for haven’t anything to write on or sit on. We live just like pigs and if dirt will make us happy, we shall all enjoy good health. From your friend, — W. H. Straw
[P.S.] Tell Gusta Marshall that [James] Frank [Marshall] is well & hearty now & is growing fat. It is Monday now—cold and stormy. It rained all night. Some of the boys woke up and found themselves swimming around like ducks. Please write all the news about drafting &c. Ed Cilley was here Friday and Saturday. Looks well & hearty. I sent a letter to Cally yesterday. I have sent 4 since I left Concord. I got one from home Wednesday. Some of the boys have a letter from Hill most every day. Direct your letter o Wm. H. Straw, Co. D, 12th Regiment N. H. Vols., Washington D. C.
1 Prescott Young Howland (1828-1876) was 33 years old when he enlisted as a corporal in Co. D, 12th New Hampshire Infantry. We learn from Straw’s letter than Howland accidentally shot his own hand off which necessitated an amputation of his right forearm. As a consequence, he was discharged from the service on 22 November 1862.
A post war cabinet card of Lawrence B. Worth (Ancestry.com)
The following letter was written by Lawrence B. Worth (1834-1891), the son of Alexander Worth (1803-1875) and Adeline B. Vermilya (1811-1842) of Mooresville, Morgan county, Indiana. In 1854, Alexander Worth—an early day merchant in Mooresville, moved with his second wife and family to Indianapolis where he became Secretary of the Indianapolis, Cincinnati, and Lafayette Railroad. At the time or shortly after his father moved to Indianapolis, 21 year-old Lawrence struck out on his own and settled in Indianola, Warren county, Iowa. The 1860 Census enumerates him employed as a carpenter in Oskaloosa, Mahaska county, Iowa, with a wife of two years, Zerilda (Kinsey) Worth (1841-1893) and a one year-old son Frederick (1859-1935).
At the age of 26, Lawrence volunteered in July 1861 and was mustered into Co. C, 7th Iowa Infantry as a private. He was promoted to a corporal in January 1862, and mustered out of the regiment as a sergeant in July 1865 after four years service.
In his letter of 11 April 1862, Lawrence gives a detailed account of the 7th Iowa’s experience at the Battle of Shiloh from the time their encampment was overrun on Sunday morning until their retreat over a mile to the very heart of the Hornet’s Nest where they fought valiantly until after dark when the position could no longer be held. Although Gen. Grant had previously praised the 7th Iowa for its gallant service at Belmont and Donelson, Lawrence was less than impressed with Grant’s leadership. “General Grant should be courtmartialed for allowing himself to be surprised. He was notified time after time that the enemy were near his lines in strong force & intended to attack him. He hooted at the idea of them attacking him & for two days suffered things to go on in this way & his army to be surprised. I have always disliked the man & worse now than ever. He is not fit for a military man,” he wrote his father.
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. A. Worth, Indianapolis, Indiana
Pittsburg Landing April 11th 1862
Dear Father,
I take a few moments to write you to let you know that I am still alive. You will receive word of the tremendous battle fought here on last Sunday & Monday and a great many more minute events than I will be able to write you.
The enemy attacked us on Sunday morning at day [break] & they whipped us badly during the day. Their attack was a complete surprise & they over powered us. Our forces were camped on too much ground & the line of battle was too large for our forces to defend. They attacked the two outer divisions first & early in the morning & before the forces could be brought to their assistance from the other 3 divisions, their lines were cut up & broken—the soldiers flying in consternation by our lines which discouraged many of our men who had yet to come up the work. But our men fought valiantly—stood their ground well for several hours & did not retreat till in the evening when they bore down on the weak & wavering portions of our line, causing them to fall back. And then began a flanking movement on the part of the enemy. We were ordered to retreat which was done in good order for some distance, but the enemy bore down on them so strong that soon all became confusion, & then became a general stampede equal to Bull Run, I suppose.
We retreated back, formed a line running along up & down the river near the landing & out for some distance. There was a howitzer (64 pounder), three or four 24-pound siege pieces placed on the hill near the landing [and] with these & one of the gun boats, they rained such torrents of shot & shell into the enemy that they dare not advance. This was kept [up] for one hour or more when Buell’s forces began to come up over the hill from the landing just in time to save us. Had it not been for the reinforcements of Buell, we would have [been] entirely annihilated, killed, or taken prisoners.
During the night the reinforcements were disposed of in the best manner possible for action in the morning. Our guns kept throwing shell all night every half hour into the lines of the enemy till they had to fall back during the night over a mile. How they did it, I do not know, but some that were taken prisoners & wounded say that every shell was thrown during the night [landed] immediately into their lines.
On Monday morning at daylight, the fight commenced again. This day the battle turned the other way. The enemy were routed entirely & driven back. All the guns they took from us were retaken & a number of theirs were also taken. The loss on both sides was great. They took a great many prisoners the first day & we took some of them prisoners the second day. How many, I do not know. I suppose they took 2,000 of our men on Sunday. On Monday we took, I think, near 1,000 of them prisoners.
The enemy is about seven miles from our lines & the supposition is they intend attacking us again soon. Johnston & Bragg were killed & Beauregard is wounded in the arm. The enemy lost some of their best officers & they had the flower of their army here—most of the Manassas troops.
John Wesley Pierson, 7th Iowa Infantry, ca. 1862; Worth described him as a “man of iron will and determination.”
Two of our Belmont prisoners came to us yesterday—one of our company by the name of John W. Pierson. He is a man of iron will & determination. He escaped from them [for] the second time. He left them the first time at Memphis [but] was retaken at Jackson [and] was on the way to Tuscaloosa, Alabama. When they arrived at Corinth Monday evening in company with other prisoners, they had him in a house where they were to remain for the night. He slipped upstairs unnoticed by the guard, made a rope of carpet, fastening it to a bed rail which reached from one house to the other. Letting themselves down (he & his comrade) made their escape through the guard lines, passed on their way the retreating portion of the secesh army, shunned their camp & came into our lines safe. 1
General Grant should be courtmartialed for allowing himself to be surprised. He was notified time after time that the enemy were near his lines in strong force & intended to attack him. He hooted at the idea of them attacking him & for two days suffered things to go on in this way & his army to be surprised. I have always disliked the man & worse now than ever. He is not fit for a military man.
The 7th Iowa Regiment lost 10 Killed & 12 wounded, the 8th, 12th, and 14 Regiments of Iowa Volunteers were taken prisoners. They were cut off, surrounded, saw there was no chance of escape, laid down their arms & surrendered. I was in the fight, tried to do my duty, did not run like some others, but rallied on our colors with others, obeying the commands of my superior officers. Laid in line Sunday night in a drenching rain & am yet alive & safe for which I thank God for I am nearly sick from the exposure of 3 days but feel better this morning.
I remain as ever, your son, — L. B. Worth
The enemy did not destroy any of our camp more than plunder knapsacks & tents for Beauregard told them they would have all themselves.
1 An excellent article by Ron Coddington entitled, “The Great Escape” chronicles the saga of Pierson’s capture at the Battle of Belmont and weeks of captivity until he made good his escape.
The following letter was written by John Milton Richard (1843-1864), the son of Samuel Richard (1800-1882) and Christiana Denniston (1809-1891) of Buffalo township, Butler county, Pennsylvania. John and his younger brother, Robert Quillan (“Quill”) Richard (1845-1864) both enlisted in August 1862 to serve in Co. H, 139th Pennsylvania Volunteers. Neither survived the war. Robert was killed on 5 May 1864 in the Wilderness, and John was killed at Fort Stevens two months later. The Rolls of the Adjutant General inform us that Orderly Sergeant John M. Richards was killed on the skirmish line before Washington D. C. on 12 July 1864—his loss most assuredly felt deeply not only by grieving parents but by Susan (Schuster) Richard who had married John on 31 July 1862, just before he marched off to serve his country.
This letter was datelined from the encampment of the 139th Pennsylvania near White Oak Church some two weeks after the Battle of Chancellorsville where the regiment suffered heavy casualties—123 men killed and wounded. They went into the fight on the Union left as reserve elements, waiting and watching as other regiments overran the Confederate entrenchment above Fredericksburg, and then were brought into the fierce fight at Salem Church. They were finally forced back across the Rappahanock river at Banks Ford on the night of 4 May 1863. Their failure of success, he wrote his mother, appeared to be leadership. “I’m sorry to say that our leading officers (generals) cannot win laurels of fame and distinction on this so called Grand Army of the Potomac for they have the means & also the men to do it if they only will.” [See also—1863: Jacob W. Strawyick to Andrew Strawyick]
It should be noted that John spelled his surname “Richard” but he was carried on the muster rolls as “Richards.” His headstone in Battleground National Cemetery (stone #40) also bears the name Richards.
A company of the 139th Pennsylvania Infantry (LOC)
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Bryan A. Cheeseboro and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Camp near White Oak Church, Virginia Sunday morning, May 17th 1863
Dear Mother,
It has been some time since I wrote to you. But this morning I seat myself in the attitude of a fellow on the ground floor of my tent, to let you know that we are both in excellent health. The weather here is very warm now. Part of our company is out on picket. Quill nor I did not go as it was not my turn, and I do not go now for I have enough to do in camp.
I have been looking for a letter from home for several nights back. The last we received was one that Martin wrote which I answered. I have not had one from Lee for near two weeks but still look earnestly every mail for a letter from someone from home. You cannot imagine how bad we feel without getting any letters from home. I lost all my things over on the other side of the river.
Matthew Greer of the 137th Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers, ate supper with us last night. He is well. They expect to leave for home this week. John Allen—Lizzie Atkinson’s man—has been here several times. William Bickett also. They are all hearty but tired of soldiering. I am not. I never got at anything that I enjoyed so well or rather that enjoyed with my health as the life of a soldier. I do not like the way that some of our leading officers use us and arrange things sometimes, but all in all, I am proud to say I am a soldier of this grand army—the Army of the Potomac. But [I’m] sorry to say that our leading officers (generals) cannot win laurels of fame and distinction on this so called Grand Army of the Potomac for they have the means & also the men to do it if they only will.
I will put a couple of small cards in this for Allie and Mary. You can see how they are directed for each one. I wrote George a letter yesterday. I want him to answer it. I hear that James Sedgwick is dead. Is it true or not? I received a letter from John McClosky a few days ago. I also received one from his sister in Clarion. She sent me John’s address in a letter that Sue Delo wrote for I asked Sue to get it for me and the next day she got a letter from John stating he was in Pittsburgh. So she sent me his address. It was a very nice, polite, as well as an interesting letter and she appeared to think that I had done a great deal for John for he wrote to her to that effect. I will close with my love to Father, Mother, Sisters, Brothers, and all inquiring friends. From your Son, — J. M. Richards
Co. H, 139th Regiment Care of Lieutenant [James J.] Conway 1
Direct the letters in that way, or if the “H” is made plain, you need not put Conway’s name at all. Write soon. — J. M. Richards
1st Sergeant, Co. H, 139th Regiment Penna. Vols. 3rd Brigade, 3rd Division, 6th Army Corps, Grand Army of the Potomac
Write soon. Farewell for this time. Goodbye. Kiss Allie for me.
1 James J. Conway was promoted from Lieutenant to Captain of Co. H, 139th Pennsylvania on 21 July 1863 shortly after the Battle of Gettysburg where the 139th helped turn back the Confederate assault on Little Round Top. He was later wounded in the Battle of Cold Harbor on 2 June 1864—a severe wound of the thigh which kept him out of action for a time.
Spared & Shared 23 