This letter was written by James Franklin (“Frank”) Drenan (1847-1866), the son of James Drenan and Clarissa Bill, of Woodbury Vermont. Frank enlisted in Co. L, 11th Vermont Infantry in May 1863 and was mustered into the service on 11 July 1863. He was wounded in the fighting at Petersburg on 2 April 1865 and discharged for disability in August 1865. He died only a few months later.
Lt. John Silas Drenan, 11th Vermont, 1st Vermont HA (Ed Italio Collection)
In this letter, Frank breaks the news to his mother of the capture of his brother, Lt. John Silas Drenan (1840-1894) who served with him in the 11th Vermont Infantry (also known as the 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery). He was taken prisoner on 23 June 1864 when the II Corps was ordered forward to retake its lost ground, but they found that the Confederates had already pulled back, abandoning the earthworks they had previously captured. Under orders from General Meade, the VI Corps sent out a heavy skirmish line after 10 a.m. in a second attempt to reach the Weldon Railroad. Men from Brig. Gen. Lewis A. Grant’s 1st Vermont Brigade were ordered to begin tearing up track and did not have their weapons handy when they were attacked by a larger force of Confederate infantry. Numerous Vermonters were taken prisoner and only about half a mile (0.8 km) of track had been destroyed when they were chased away.
Readers are referred to the book entitled, “A Melancholy Affair at the Weldon Railroad: The Vermont Brigade, June 23, 1864” by David Farris Cross. The date 23 June 1864 came to be called “Black Thursday” in the Green Mountain State. “Cowardliness, negligence and inept behavior by multiple officers resulted in the needless capture of more than four hundred Vermonters” and many of the enlisted men were sent to Andersonville and later to other Confederate prisons where 60 percent of them perished.
Transcription
Camp on Weldon Railroad, Va. June 28th 1864
Dear Mother,
I think I will try and answer your letter. Mother, I am lonesome today. No one with me. My company is gone to Richmond—all of the officers with them. One of our men got away from them. He said it made John swear some when he had to throw down his sword. Our captain and three lieutenants are taken prisoners.
Mother, you must take this as cool as possible for if the rebs fight like this, they will get the whole of our army. I have got all of John’s things—all of his letters and everything—but mother, he is a prisoner. They took all of our company but 19 men but they did not get me. All I have to do is to care of their things and keep my old pack horse thins.
Mother, John has had rather hard luck. He has been wounded twice. He had just come back to his company. He had the offer of going to the general hospital but he did not want to go and now he is worse than deal, I think. Hope he will be exchanged before long. He may not.
Mother, I have sent home three or four times and you have not sent any. You can’t write as often as I would if I had stamps.
Mother, we had 17 hundred men when we started from Washington and we have got eight hundred left. The rest are all gone. This afternoon we are going on picket where the rebs shall be considerable. Send me some stamps. I opened that letter that you wrote John. — Frank
A very grainy image of Sgt. Nelson Garey sold by Cowan’s Auctions in 2020. He’s wearing a state jacket with sergeant stripes and NCO sword at his side.
This letter was written by Sgt. Nelson Garey (1835-18xx) who wrote the letter to his wife while serving in Co. B, 38th New Jersey Infantry. Nelson was drafted and entered the service on 5 September 1864 and mustered out of the service at City Point, Virginia, on 30 June 1865.
The 38th New Jersey never participated in any major battles—only minor skirmishes. They were attached to the Army of the James, Department of Virginia and North Carolina. Most of the time was spent in garrison duty at Fort Powhatan on the James River.
When Nelson registered for the draft in June 1863, he was enumerated in Hunterdon county, New Jersey, and identified as a carpenter and married.
In the 1885 State Census, Nelson Garey was residing in Harmony, Warren county, New Jersey. Their boys names were Wilson and George.
Fort Powhatan on the James River below the Pontoon Bridge. Alfred R. Waud, artist. (LOC)
Transcription
Addressed to rs. Mary Garey, Stockton Post Office, Hunterdon county, New Jersey
Camp of the 38th N. J. Vols. Fort Powhatan, Virginia Christmas Sunday in Virginia December 25th 1864
My Dear Wife,
I now sit down to answer your kind and welcome letter that came to hand night before last and was glad to hear from you and the children and to know that you was all well. I would a have wrote yesterday but I had to go out on picket and I had no time and I am glad I did not for I got a letter from sister Mary and one from her daughter Anna and now I can send them to you to read.
I am well at present and I hope this will find you in the same state of health. It is Christmas today and I have not received them things yet. I think I will get them about New Year. [Just] so I get them, I don’t care when.
Our artillerymen on the fort has got trees set in the ground. They have all kinds of things hung on them for Christmas trees. They are boxwood and we have got them all around the fort and it looks very nice.
My company went out last night on a scout after rebs and they did not get in camp till this morning about five o’clock. Our negro cavalry went out yesterday and they met with some five or six rebel scouts and they killed three of them and the other three got away and our company and Company D went to hunt them up but they did not find none. One negro got wounded in the breast with a pistol ball but it is not dangerous. It won’t kill him.
I was not with my company last night. I had to stay in camp. I was Sergeant of the Guard. We have to guard the camp when the company is gone so I saved a twenty-mile march, but I wanted to go.
I have not heard from brother yet. He is on the march yet and he cannot write when they are on a march. You spoke about that money. I got the money all right. I have got all the things you have sent me yet but the box and that has not had time to get here yet. They don’t through as quick as a letter does.
Well, they talk of giving some furloughs when the weather get so bad that we cannot drill. I don’t know whether we will get them or not. You need not tell anyone about it. Maybe we won’t get them. You need not look for me till I tell you. I will write to you if I should have such good luck. I hope they will. I would give a farm if I could see you and them little bubs of our’n. They are almost crazy up in the pine swamp since I told them I was a going to come up and bring you up to see them when I come home—if I lived and kept my health.
Well, I have not much more to write this time. I have told you all the news that I can think of so I will close hoping to hear from you soon as possible. You wished me a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year. I will say thanky for it but it would be more merry and happy if I was home with you. But keep good spirits. The time will come yet to see you all and I hope for the best.
I will send you Mary’s letter and Anna’s letter to read for yourself. Them little locks of hair was very nice and I cherish them very dear. Well, goodbye for this time. Write soon. Take good care of the children and my tools. Give my love to all the people and friends if I have any. Well, I will close so goodbye from your affectionate husband till death. My best love to you and the children and many kisses.
From Sergt. Nelson Garey
I am a going to write to sister this afternoon and Anna, you can write too. Remember me when this you see, though many miles apart we be. Write often as you can. Goodbye.
Both of these articles belonged to Sgt. Nelson Garey. The rubberized canvas rainproof cap with visor was a private purchase (not government issued) . The Model 1858 smooth side canteen with pewter spout and jean cloth cover is marked “N. G.” (his initials) in black paint.
This letter was written by 17 year-old Pvt. Lewis A. Stow (1845-1862) of Co. K, 2nd Vermont Infantry. Lewis enlisted on 20 February 1862 and a couple of months later he participated with his regiment on the Peninsula Campaign. Though he survived that ordeal, he suffered continued ill health, was discharged from the regiment for disability on 2 October 1862 and died at home a week later.
I could not find an image of Lewis but here is one of an unidentified soldier believed to be wearing the uniform of the 2nd Vermont Infantry. His grey state jacket, gray Chasseur-style cap and Vermont seal buttons suggest he was in the 2nd or 3rd Vermont. (Dan Binder Collection)
Lewis was the son of blacksmith Alonzo Stow (1810-1894) and Eliza Hall (1812-1886) of East Calais, Washington county, Vermont. In his letter, Lewis mentions his older brother Theodore Stow (1836-1915) at home who later served in Co. H, 13th Vermont. He also mentions being with “Bill” who was his older brother William Stow (1840-1864). William had enlisted in the 2nd Vermont Infantry (Co. F) when it was originally organized in May 1861. He rose in rank to corporal before he was killed on 5 May 1864 in the Battle of the Wilderness.
Lewis does not mention him but his oldest brother was Lorenzo Stow (1834-1863), a carpenter, husband and father when he enlisted in July 1861 as a corporal in Co. C, 12th Rhode Island Infantry. He died of typhoid fever in January 1863. Thus, Alonzo and Eliza (Hall) Stow was plagued by loss during the war, losing three sons in consecutive years.
While researching this letter, I found that there were a number of Stow family letters at the Jack & Shirley Silver Special Collections Library at the University of Vermont under the title William Stow Civil War Letters.
Transcription
Camp near Williamsburg, Virginia May 8, 1862
Dear Friends,
Once more I will try to write a little more home. The 4th we left Camp Winfield Scott. The rebels had left and I had the mumps so the captain told me to get out there the best that I could and I feel in with Hooker’s Division & [on the] 5th we came up with the rebels about 7 in the morning and fought till night. They gave me a gun and I fought about two hours and a half, then I helped carry off the wounded. And I carried off a secesh and gave him some water to drink and he gave me one $2 bill in Southern money. He said that he had got to die and it wasn’t of any use to him. He was shot in the side with a shell. I am a going to send it home.
“And I carried off a secesh and gave him some water to drink and he gave me one $2 bill in Southern money. He said that he had got to die and it wasn’t of any use to him. He was shot in the side with a shell.”
We shall be paid off soon and I can send you fifty dollars and how I shall send it to have it come safe.
Bill says that he is too sleepy to write. I should [have] wrote before but I wanted to look round some. I have got to go on guard now.
They did not use me so I will write some more. I want that you should send a fine comb for if you don’t, the lice will fetch me home. You can send it in a letter & send some stamps for I can’t get them. Tell [my brother] Theod[ore] that pocket handkerchief that he gave me I tied round a man’s leg to stop the blood and they carried him to the hospital.
Did you get my picture and that money that I sent from Burlington? What are they all up to in No. 10? Tell Orville that I hain’t froze my ears lately but I have roasted them some. I can’t think of any more to write now.
This letter was written in two parts—the first by William B. Kirk (1822-1901) and the second part by Ann (Jenkins) Kirk (1825-1917). The couple were married in 1845 and resided in Flushing, Belmont county, Ohio, at the time of the Civil War where William earned a living as a dry goods merchant. Their children in 1860 included Cyrus H. Kirk (b. 1847), John J. Kirk (b. 1849), and Ralph W. Kirk (b. 1858). We learn that the couple also had an 1 year-old infant named Elwilla (“Ella”) when this letter was written in April 1863.
Presumed to by Cyrus H. Kirk, eldest son of William and Ann (Jenkins) Kirk
William entered the service in August 1862 as the Captain of Co. B, 126th Ohio Infantry. He mustered out on 23 June 1863—a little more than two months after this letter was written—discharged for disability. By 1870, William had relocated his business and family to Morristown, Union township, Belmont county, Ohio. In addition to the mercantile business, William did well in the wool-buying business.
We learn from the letter that Ann has gone to Martinsburg, Virginia, with her 1 year-old daughter to visit her husband who was posted there on duty as “Permit Officer.” The letter was addressed to their other children who were staying with their grandparents. The letter was was really addressed to the oldest boy, Cyrus who would have been 15 years old at the time. A picture was included with the letter that is not identified but was probably Cyrus H. Kirk. Another period image of Ralph, who would have only been five years old, was found on Find-A-Grave.
Transcription
Addressed to Ann Kirk, Flushing, Belmont county, Ohio
Martinsburg, Va. April 19, 1863
Dear boys,
This is Sabbath evening. Mother and I are comfortably situated at sisters. She got here yesterday by the noon train & is quite well. Ella also except she is a little cross from her ride. I hope you are well and enjoying your visit at Grand Pops. I hope you will be good boys and give Pop & Mother as little trouble as possible as they are very kind indeed to take care of you while mother comes to see me. Give them my very best respects and tell them I remember them in very great respect. Hope I may live to see them again at their old six-mile run house when the mantle of peace is spread out over these United States and our glorious old flag unfurled to the breeze from every capitol in the Union. Then—and not until then—will I be willing to lay down my arms & return to my home, to remain with the dear ones there.
We have news last evening that Fairfax Court House is take by our forces & that the Rebels are about to make a run down the valley. But let them come. We will give them a warm reception, I do assure you.
Ralph W. Kirk (ca. 1864)
I hope you will be careful of dear little Ralph. I should be sorry if he gets hurt while mother is away. Get Minor Hamell to cut that cancer out oof the mare’s nose again. Yet I expect it will do no good. But if it not done, she will die and if she dies from the operation, let her go. It will not be the first mare that ever died. You can see fifty dead horses here in an hour’s ride. I am still Permit Officer and will be in town perhaps all the time mother remains. Well, as mother wishes to write some, I will close.
Ever your affectionate father, — Wm. N. Kirk
Martinsburg, Va.
Dear boys,
This is Monday morning and a very rainy morning. We have got a very nice comfortable room to stay in and have the nicest family to board with. John, I tell you Estella is the prettiest girl and the nicest girl I ever seen. She is tending Ella for me. She kept her while I went up to camp yesterday. In fact, she nurses all the time. I am going to bring her likeness home with me. She says she would come if her mother will let her.
Well, I got here all safe. I got to Wheeling at five o’clock and took the cars at eight and I took a sleeping car and Ella and me went to bed and slept real good all night. I slept some. We was almost to Cumberland when I got up in the morning and I got to Martinsburg at eleven o’clock. I guess I was glad when I saw your Pap on the platform waiting to meet me.
Simeon looks as fat as ever and was real glad to see me. I did not see John Morris but he is well again. I hope you will all keep well and be good boys and help grandmother and take good care of Ralph and when I come home, I’ll tell you all about things I have seen. Give my love to grand pop and mother. I must close. Write soon. Goodbye. Your affectionate mother, — Ann
P. S. Ralph, be a good boy and I will fetch you something nice when I come home. Goodbye. Every yours, — Mother
I could not find an image of Eben but here is one of John A. Hartshorn of Co. A, 19th Maine Infantry (LOC)
This letter was written by Ebenezer (“Eben”) Eastman Colby (1844-1892) of Belfast, Maine, while serving in Co. G, 19th Maine Infantry. Eben was wounded on 5 May 1864 while fighting in the opening stages of the Wilderness Campaign and was transferred to 1st Main Heavy Artillery on 15 December 1864, and later still to the 14th Veteran Reserve Corps (VRC). Before joining the 19th Maine, Eben had previously served in the 2nd Maine Infantry, Co. K, for two years, his enlistment being witnessed by his father, Charles S. Colby, who attested that his son was at least 18 years of age. At the time of his enlistment, Eben was described as five foot six inches tall, with blue eyes and brown hair. But Eben was no alone in his enlistment—his father also enlisted in the same company as his son but did not survive the war. He was killed at the Battle of Gaines’ Mill on 27 June 1862.
Following the war, though Eben did not leave the country as he threatened to do in the following letter, he relocated to Santa Cruz, California, where he could resume his blacksmith trade as far away from the liberated Negroes he obviously despised. He was married to Flora A. Collins (1847-1941) on 11 September 1864 in Liberty, Waldo county, Maine.
To read letters by other members of the 19th Maine Infantry that I have transcribed and published on Spared & Shared, see:
Camp near Catlett Station, Virginia October 25, 1863
Olive,
I will pen you a few lines today as I have nothing to do. We have got marching orders and we don’t know when we will have to go but go wnen or where they will, I am with them.
Olive, I have nothing very new to write today. Everything is quiet along the lines. The rebels are not far from here but what there is near us are peaceable as can be.
Eben was most likely reacting to this article appearing in the Daily Eastern Argus (or some other Maine paper) published on 14 September 1863
Olive, if you take the Belfast Journal, I wish you would send me one once and a while for I am fond of reading papers. If you will send me one every week, I will pay all postage on them, I was reading a piece in one that a fellow had in our company. It was about some of Abraham’s negro soldiers where they murdered—or rather massacred—a whole family of whites. Damn ’em. They all ought to be burned at the stake. What in hell will this country come to if the negroes are all free.
Olive, I never mean to help free them anymore than I have. I mean to leave the army one of these days and then let them whistle if they get me. I am going to leave this country one of these days. I wish to God that Abraham and all of his followers was in hell. This war would be stopped shortly, I suppose. If some of the damned abolition curses down there was to hear me say what I have written, they would be mad enough to hang me. I wish I was down there—I would tell them what I think of Abraham and his black brethren. Damn ’em.
Olive, I will close this short letter for I have written more that you will want to read. No more today. Goodbye. Ever your friend, — E. E. Colby
P. S. Please write soon and write all the news. Give my love to Ed and all the folks.
The signature of the soldier writing this letter looks like it might read, ” J. F. Hall” and there is a a second signature following a post script that looks like “Foote”—possibly his middle name. However, I have not had any luck confirming his identity. He refers to Col. William Elisha Peters and informs us that he has a horse so I’m inclined to believe he is a member of the 21st Virginia Cavalry. There was a John Hall in Co. B of that regiment; there was also a John F. Hall in Co. K of the 22nd Virginia Cavalry. I’m leaning toward the latter (if it’s not the same person) since these two regiments rode together in the last month of the war in McCausland’s Brigade.
The letter was addressed to Joel Cormany (1826-1900, the son of John Peter Cormany (1795-1863) and Christina Weaver of Wythe county, Virginia. Joel was married to Barbara Ann Buck in 1850 and remained in Mt. Airy (now Rural Retreat), Wythe County, as a farmer the remainder of his life.
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. Joel Cormany, Mount Airy, Wythe county, Virginia
Petersburg, Virginia March 27, 1865
Dear Friend,
I got to Lynchburg three hours after my Brigade left so I stayed in town all night and had fun. From Lynchburg I went to Charlottesville to Gordonsville to____ C. H. to Hanover C. H., then overtook my Brigade in four miles of Richmond. On Sunday we pass through the City of Richmond. There is fighting going on now in five or six miles of this place. We will get into it tomorrow.
Men are going over to the Yankees. I do not know what to think of this war. Gen. Lee has the finest fortifications in the world.
My horse stood the trip. I do wish I was at your house so I could get something good to eat & drink. We got a little meal & bacon, three handful of corn for our horses.
If I am not kill[ed] or taken prisoner, I am coming home this summer. Keep me a little good whiskey. Excuse this as it has been done in a hurry.
My love to all the family and Uncle John Staley,
Your very best friend, — J. F. Hall
I will write to you again just as soon as I find out where we go. Col. [William Elisha] Peters says we go to North Carolina. — Foote
This letter was written by Mirza Leander Weller (1829-1862), the son of Rev. Sidney Weller (1791-1854) and his second wife, Elizabeth McCarroll (1803-1870) of Brinkleyville, Halifax County in eastern North Carolina. His father was the founder of the Medoc Vineyards, a major winery in North Carolina which, by 1840, was the largest wine-producing state in the United States. In 1850, the vineyard boasted of cultivating more than 200 types of grapes. A history of the Vineyard says, “After Sidney Weller’s death, three of his sons, John H., Merza Leander, and Joseph McCarroll, operated the Vineyards. The oldest son Merza was a salesman and did much of the traveling.
Wine making in North Carolina using slave labor.
In the late 1850’s, Weller settled in Hernando, Mississippi, where he not only sold wine, but also like his father, became a minister. He also became a member of the Hernando Masonic Lodge. Weller graduated from the University of Mississippi in 1856. Minutes of the Episcopal diocese of Mississippi from April, 1861 indicates he was “ministering at Hernando and Panola, and intervening places.” These minutes also record the bishop’s daily journal; he wrote on May, 1860 of “the zealous labors of Mr. Weller” as deacon for Hernando, and on July 29, “In St. Andrew’s Church, Jackson, I conferred the office of Priesthood upon the Rev. M. Leander Weller.”
In the 1860 Us Census, Weller was laboring as the Episcopal minister in Hernando, DeSoto county, Mississippi. He was enumerated in the household of John Clark Thompson—a lawyer farmer. When the Civil War erupted, he served as a fighting chaplain in the 9th Mississippi Infantry until he was killed in battle at Shiloh, April 6, 1862. Brigadier General James Chalmers noted Weller’s death in his field report, calling him “a pure man and ardent patriot and a true Christian . . . .” He is reportedly buried in Halifax County, NC.
The 9th Mississippi Infantry at Camp DeSoto, Florida in 1861
Transcription
Camp DeSoto, 4 miles from Warrington, Florida June 5, 1861
Mr. John H. Weller Dear brother,
I have been waiting anxiously to hear from home but so far I have not been gratified by such a letter. I should not write perhaps so quick but we want some wine in our camp. Direct 1 bbl of Halifax Port to Major A[lbert] R. Bowdre, care of Judah & Lebaron, Pensacola, Florida. He—Maj. Bowdre—who had formerly bought wine sent and brought some bottles from Hernando. It was so pleasing that several want each five gallons. If the barrel holds 40 gallons, it will be still better as it all will be used. Send as soon as you can. You know whether it will need any other intervening house to send the wine to the care of. If you have not the port, send some red wine near as you can like it.
I am getting on very well. There is not much prospect of a fight for some time. I have my appointment regularly. I will write more some other time. Now I must close as the drum has sounded now to blow out the lights and I have just been informed of the desire of these gentlemen for the wine as soon as possible.
Give my love to mother and all the children. Hoping soon to hear from home, I remain your affectionate brother, — M. Leander Weller
I could not find an image of James but here is one of James Parson of Co. D, 16th Maine Infantry. He was taken prisoner at Weldon Railroad and died at Salisbury Prison (Peter Pett Collection)
This letter was written by 43 year-old James Thomas Dakin (1821-1886), a farmer from Amity, Aroostook county, Maine, who was drafted into the army in the fall of 1864 and served in Co. G, 20th Maine before transferring to Co. K, 16th Maine Infantry in December 1864.
James wrote the letter to his wife, Louisa Estabrook (1817-1884), the aunt of George Franklin Estabrook (1845-1865) who death was disclosed in this letter.
To read more letters that I have transcribed by members of the 16th Maine Infantry and published on Spared & Shared, see:
I wrote a letter last night to you but this morning I have heard some bad news which I am sorry to relate. I heard by Herbert [J.] Ham—he has been over the 20th [Maine] Regiment this morning—and he brought word that George Franklin Estabrook was dead. 1 He died at City Point with a fever but when he died I don’t know. Word came back to his company that he was dead so there can be no mistake about he matter. I feel bad this morning about George. I can wet my sheet with tears. I am writing but I must not give away to my feelings here. You can tell [your brother] George what I have told you. I was a going to write to him but I thought I would let you or some other one tell him so I have told you all I know about the matter so I will stop.
I wrote to you last night about my sending one blanket, one dress coat, and one shirt in a box with Herbert [J.] Ham and they will be directed to Mrs. Ham in Hodgdon. When they get there, you pay one half of the express bill and take the things likewise. I wrote to you that I expected to leave here this morning but I have not left yet but I can hear the guns very plain. It is very warm and pleasant here. The bugle has called for drill and I must go so I will write more when I come back.
Well, I have got back. Well, I must close. I am well. — James T. Dakin
We have got word to fall in so I have got to go, so goodbye for the present. Write soon. I would write more if I had time. I suppose when [your brother] George hears this letter read, it will make him feel bad. When I signed my name above, we was called to fall in the ranks but I am ready so I will write a little more. I believe George died yesterday and the word came up here this morning. So no more. I remain your absent husband with the best of wishes, — James T. Dakin
Looking over my letter I find I have made some mistakes so excuse these.
1 George Franklin Estabrook, Jr. (1845-1865) died on 21 March 1865 and is buried in Arlington National Cemetery, Section 13, Site 9700. George was the son of George Frederick Estabrook (son of Hammond and Catherine Estabrook) and Frances Ann Estabrooks. He enlisted in the 20th Maine Infantry Volunteers, Co. H. He fought at the Battle of Gettysburg—saving Little Round Top—along with his uncle Glazier Estabrook and two cousins, Jewett Williams and Albert Hartford Williams. He was 19 years old when he was killed in the Civil War. Before his death, he was promoted to Sergeant.
This statement was recorded on 6 June 1858 by 53 year-old Samuel Allen McCoskry (1804-1886) who was the first Bishop in Michigan in the Episcopal Church. Samuel attended the United States Military Academy for two years, then graduated from Dickinson College in 1825. He was ordained deacon and priest in 1833, and after serving as rector in Reading and Philadelphia, was elected bishop in 1836.
Samuel’s statement records his acquaintance with a runaway slave named Henry Garret and the circumstances surrounding his manumission by Julia (Wickham) Leigh (1801-1883), the widow of his former master Benjamin “Watkins” Leigh (1781-1849) of Richmond, Virginia. Watkins was an 1802 graduate of William & Mary College who became a successful lawyer and politician, serving in the US Senate as an Anti-Jacksonian Whig in the mid 1830s. They lived in a home on Clay Street in Richmond (still standing) that was a gift for Julia and Watkins given to her by her father. After Watkins died, however, the property was sold. Sometime in the 1850s’ Julia relocated to New York City were she likely took up residence with her son-in-law, Charles Meriwether Fry (1822-1892), a New York banker and the husband of her daughter Elizabeth (“Lizzie”).
Julia’s son, Benjamin Watkins Leigh, Jr., served the Confederacy and was killed at the Battle of Gettysburg.
Left: Benjamin Watkins Leigh; Right: Julia (Wickham) Leigh
[Note: This document is from the personal collection of Adam Fleischer and is published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Was well acquainted with Henry Garrett (a colored man) from Canada. He visited me frequently. He stated to me that nearly twenty years since he had run away from his master Watkins Leigh, Esq., of Richmond, Virginia, but that he had never felt free—always apprehensive that he would be arrested. He stated that he had by appointment met Mrs. Leigh and her children at Clifton House [Niagara Falls], Canada, that they had never lost their attachment to him. I at once advised him to go and see Mrs. Leigh who had removed to New York after the death of her husband. He followed my advice. He went to New York and brought to me his free paper given by Mrs. Leigh. I read the case fully. They contained a full and entire relinquishment to his services and that from the date thereof he was a free man. I think these papers were dated in the autumn of eighteen hundred and fifty-seven.
— Samuel A. McCoskry, Bishop of Michigan, Detroit, June 6, 1858
Major Benjamin Watkins Leigh, Jr., 42nd Virginia Infantry. Killed at Gettysburg, Reverse of card reads, Benj. Watkins, son of Julia Wickham and Benj. Watkins Leigh, born Richmond January 18, 1831, killed at Gettysburg July 3rd 1863. He had dashed forward to rally some retreating troops up to a breastwork where both man and horse were killed instantly. Their bodies were found the next day by a clergyman who buried the officer and informed his family of Major Leigh’s death. He said that his attention was attracted to the officer’s splendid figure and face.” He was said to be one of the soldiers who carried the wounded Stonewall Jackson from the battlefield at Chancellorsville.
This letter was written by Stafford Gibbs Cooke (1820-1894), an attorney and the son of William Cooke (1786-1847) and Mary Elizabeth Gibbs (1793-1871) of York county, Virginia. Stafford was married to Sarah Virginia Gibbs (1828-1887) in 1845. In the 1850 Slave Schedules, Stafford was identified as the owner of 11 slaves ranging in age from 4 to 70 years of age.
We learn from the letter that out of fear of being caught between enemy lines when McClellan’s army marched up the Peninsula towards Yorktown in the spring of 1862, Stafford and his family fled their home one and a half miles below Yorktown. Prior to this date, the Confederate army had purchased from him various provisions and fodder, logs for the building of winter quarters, and hired some of his slaves for the construction of nearby fortifications. Receipts indicate he was fairly compensated by the Confederate quartermasters though this letter suggests it was entirely against his will.
Alexandria Gazette, March 5, 1867
His letter describes the losses he experienced due to the Union occupation of his property throughout the war and afterwards when it was used as a settlement by the Freedman’s Bureau against his will and though records survive to show that he was compensated in the post-war period by the Freedmen tenants, it was a paltry sum of money that he had difficulty collecting (see the adjoining newspaper article published in March 1867). I can’t find any evidence that Stafford was successful in getting additional compensation for his losses and the use of his farms which he called “Newmans” and “Edgehill” in York county but the Virginia legislature, in 1875, did award him relief from paying taxes on those properties for the years 1865 through 1871 when the farms were “withheld from him.”
Stafford wrote the letter to his friend, John Newton Van Lew, a Richmond hardware merchant, who was during this postwar period regularly billing the Freedman’s Bureau for various commodities and rents. John was the brother of famed spymaster Elizabeth Van Lew, sometimes called “Crazy Bet.” John assisted his sister in her espionage efforts even while serving against his will in Co. C, 18th Virginia Infantry from February 1864 until he deserted in August of that year and spent the remainder of the war in Philadelphia.
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Adam Ochs Fleischer and is published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Contraband put to work by the Union Army near Yorktown in the summer of 1862 (LOC)
Transcription
Gloucester county, Virginia September 15, 1868
To Jno. N. Van Lew, Esqr. My dear Sir,
In accordance with your suggestion made during our last interview, you will find a subjoined statement containing the circumstances which caused me to leave my home when Gen. McClellan appeared with the “Union Army” before Yorktown. Also my reasons why the U. States Government should indemnify my losses sustained at that time, by its use of, and consumption of my personal property, and for the use of and injury to my real estate by Freedmen, they being first settled on my lands by the military authorities in the winter of 1863 & 4, and continued to occupy it by authority of the Freedman’s Bureau until the close of last year, 1867.
1st. My home being one and a half mile below Yorktown and lying immediately on the public road leading from that place to Fort Monroe, was between the contending armies and consequently, I with a wife and seven children—six of whom being daughters—could not have remained at that time between those armies. That about four days previous to Gen’l. McClellan’s arrival before Yorktown, I with my family and a part of my furniture were taken and carried by Confederate wagons in the night and placed on the shore at Yorktown to seek shelter wherever we could find it. On the same day we were sent up York river in a sail vessel and on the third day thereafter found shelter about twelve miles above Yorktown between Bigler’s Mills and the City of Williamsburg where we remained until nearly the close of the year 1862 when we removed across the river to Gloucester county and since resided where we now are.
All my crops made in 1861 were in my farm houses which together with all of my stock of horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, &c. were taken and consumed by Gen’l McClellan’s Army excepting my crop of oats and a portion of my crops made in 1860 and on hand, were impressed by the Confederate authorities.
I could have disposed of all my crops made in 1862 and stock to the Confederate Army but declined and withheld them because I wished to take no part in the unfortunate sectional strife, and believed there would be a great scarcity of bread stuffs and stock among the people of my own and adjoining counties, because of having been consumed by the Confederate Army.
Now in as much as I could have disposed of all my crops, stock, &c. to the Confederate Army, but did not, and refused for the reasons above given, and as the Union Army had the entire benefit of them, is it anything more than just and right that I should be allowed by the U. States Government a fair and reasonable compensation for what it thus used and consumed of mine?
2nd. General Howard (Chief Commissioner of the Freedman’s Bureau) published his Circular dated the 5th day of September 1865 defining abandoned property, in strict accordance with the Act of Congress approved July 2nd 1864; which says, “Property real or personal shall be regarded as abandoned when the lawful owner thereof shall be voluntarily absent therefrom engaged either in arms or otherwise in aiding or encouraging the rebellion.” Now I did not voluntarily leave my home nor was I ever engaged in arms or aided the rebellion in any capacity whatever; and therefore I do not believe my lands should have been declared abandoned, and if necessarily used as they have been by the U. States Government for the occupancy of Freedmen, thus I submit the following query. If I neither voluntarily left my home, and never aided the rebellion in any way whatever, could my lands be fairly considered abandoned according to the Act of Congress and Gen’l. Howard’s Circular before referred to. And if not abandoned, and of necessity used by the U. States Government for the occupancy of its wards, should I not be allowed a fair and reasonable amount for its use and injury?
At the close f the war, I found on my tillable land (amounting to about 400 acres) 219 families of Freedmen. They remained thereon until March 1867 when they were removed by the Bureau except 86 families to which the Bureau gave permission to remain to the end of the year 1867; as they had paid the nominal amount of $5 each to rent for the preceding year (1866). These lands were turned over to me on the 1st day of the present year (1868) with this 86 families on it, many of them being unable to pay any rent; and I have never received any more for their living on my lands than what they have thought proper to pay me, which has been very little; and consequently the approbation of my lands to the use and occupancy of Freedmen by the U. States authorities causes me at this time to be a resident of Gloucester county, although I have repeatedly requested and begged of the Bureau to remove them and I be allowed to return to my home and engage again in agricultural pursuits to support my large and expensive family. About 250 acres of my woodland has been entirely stripped of its timber which included about 2,000 cords of pine on a navigable creek and very saleable for cord wood. The large amount of chestnut trees on this land, and now required to re-enclose my farms, has with a large quantity of excellent ship building timber, has been consumed by the Freedmen in firewood.
You will also find a subjoined statement of the items of my losses and what I consider to be their respective valuations, but should you consider any estimate of mine too large or small, you can alter the same to what may be regarded as right and proper. I have now, my dear friend, given you a true statement of this matter and said nothing more than I can prove, and hope you will put forth your strongest efforts, and give me the benefit of all your influence to get something allowed as indemnity for my losses—use and injury of my real estate—for which I am willing to allow liberally a portion of the same, even to the extent of one-third if it will not be attended to for less. Please let me hear from you at your earliest convenience about what you think of this matter. Also about the Bureau buildings.
Kindly & truly yours, — Stafford G. Cooke
Statement of Losses, &c.
700 Bu. white wheat at $1.50 per bu. $1050.00 1500 Bu. corn 80 cents per bu. $1,200.00 15,000 lbs. Fodder 1.5 per lb. $225.00 8 Horses and mules $1,000.00 30 Head horned cattle at $10 each $300.00 40 Head horned sheep at $5 each $200.00 60,000 new bricks $600.00 Farm machinery $300.00 Buildings $7,000.00 4 miles of costly substantial chestnut enclosure $2,000.00 To use of 400 acres of tillable land for four years as $3 per acre per year $4800.00 2,000 cords of merchantable fine timber at $3 per cord $6,000.00 To timber on 250 acres consumed by Freedmen in firewood Say 50 cords to the acre at $1 per cord $12,500
[Total] $38,725.00
Hoping again to hear from you and something that may indicate the success of my claim and that you are in the enjoyment of good health.
Spared & Shared 23 