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Indiana Homefront, New York Draft Riot

1862-63: Will Johnston Jr. to Burritt Keeler Lawlin

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Calhoun Street in Fort Wayne, Indiana, circa 1852

The following are from a collection of letters found in an antique store by Cianna Lee who made them available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent. They were written by Will Johnston, Jr. of Fort Wayne, Indiana to his friend Burritt K. Lawlin of New York City, both written during the American Civil War. The main topics pertain to recruiting and the drafts—a frequent topic among civilian males of military age. The content suggests that Will and Burritt were warm friends and grew up together in New York City.

Root & Co. in Fort Wayne, Indiana

I could not confirm Will’s parentage but I did find evidence of him in Fort Wayne, Indiana, where he appears to have remained for some time. It appears that he was a junior partner in Root & Company—a wholesale and Retail Dealer in Dry Goods, Notions &c. located at 90 Columbia Street. In 1864, he was boarding at the Hamilton House. In 1866, he was boarding at the Aveline House. I also found a 28 year-old William Johnston, a native of New York, working as a clerk and insurance agent in Fort Wayne in the 1870 US Census.

Will wrote the letters to his friend, Burritt Keeler Lawlin (1843-1916), the son of sea captain Richard Edmonston Lawlin (1808-1861) and Maria Keeler (1816-1896) of New York City. He graduated in 1858 from the New York City Free Academy. It appears that Burritt lived with his widowed mother at their home at 180 W. 21st Street in New York City at the time these letters were addressed to him. Burritt was married in January 1864 to Louise Johnson Orrell (1843-1931). In the 1880 US Census, Burritt was enumerated in Brooklyn where he superintended a chemical works.

A stern-faced Burritt Keeler Lawlin stands between his sitting father and mother surrounded by his younger and old sisters. Circa 1850.

Letter 1

Fort Wayne, Indiana
July 25, 1862

Old friend Burritt,

Your very interesting & lengthy letter of the 19th inst. came to hand on the 23rd and although considerable time has elapsed since I wrote you (May 7) and as I had commenced to entertain the opinion pretty freely that you were a bad egg in the way of corresponding, yet your reasons for the delay are quite acceptable & I excuse you freely, and exonerate you entirely for I know that you must have suffered considerably by the accident that occurred to you in the way of smashing your finger & I can assure you that I sympathize with you deeply in the loss of part of your hand, but at the same time I congratulate you that the same thing did not happen to your right hand, which would have been considerably worse, for then I would not have received a letter, for an awful long time. I would have had to wait until you had become proficient in left hand writing which I think would have been quite some time. But I am very, very happy to receive one from you at this late hour and hope that by the time you write again your left hand will be entirely healed.

Your description of the dissolution of the partnership heretofore existing between Coutant & Lawlin is very graphic as is also the selling out of your remaining interest in the concern. But I suppose you made it pay or else you would not have sold out. But Burritt, I think the smoking arrangement was a pretty good joke on the person that was so generous as to buy you out. I suppose you told him all about the smoking arrangements & the defect in the flue previous to the purchase—ahem. Yes, I guess so. But Burritt, you done well I think by selling out if that was your fix. So both you and John T had withdrawn from business & returned to your Country seats? John T did sent me a paper & there was an article in it that stated the object of his withdrawal from the firm was in consequence of business in Europe that required his services but that while gone and on the other side of the water, he would bear in mind the happy hours he had spent in the business and would work while there in whatever way he could for the interest of the paper—ahem—when decidedly good. So he has retired. He has gone to Europe to engross his mind in business & lo and behold, he is rusticating in a sweet little town in the centre of the state—Tuthill, Ulster Co. by name. Why Europe must have been condensed to a considerable extent since I last heard it spoken of. But so the world goes & my best wishes for John T wherever he is or wherever he goes—Europe or Tuthill.

But I suppose now he will be going to war in consequence of the late call for 300,000 volunteers. I think the Government are going to get all the men they want without any trouble for recruits are coming in from all parts. Indiana’s quota I think will be raised very easily. It is eleven regiments of Infantry and 6 batteries of artillery. I believe the New York quota is 56,000—I mean the state. But that grand Union Meeting must have been a big thing. I would like to have been in New York at the time. I expect the meeting was as large as the one last April—if not larger, was it not? The papers state the number at 50,000. Quite a crowd.

There is to be two regiments raised in the county and I guess they will get them very easily for recruiting is very brisk. They raised 30 or 40 men in this town alone the other day—Tuesday I think. It seems small to the eyes of New York folks but 30 or 40 men from this little place in one day is considered big. I expect those men authorized by the Governor to go around to the different houses and ascertain the names of all able bodied men have got all the boys down so that in case of emergency they can call on them.

Do any of the boys talk of enlisting? If so, who? I suppose there will be some out of that vast crowd of bummers around 577 Eighth Avenue or do you ever get up that far now as I see you are away downtown as it were. But by the way, our big friend John P. Gunn went and came back again. How is that, eh? All right I suppose. Has Bill Wallace got back yet? But I guess Bill will stand it a little longer than Johnny Gunn—at least I think so. Jack Yannett I hear is nurse in the hospital on Lexington Avenue at a big salary and I hope he may get along for Jack is a good-natured boy and I think a great deal of him. I suppose you know very little about things that transpired around 42nd Street and thereabouts, but I expect you get up there occasionally as you are not altogether down town. Just a nice little walk up there

I heard about Geo. Menzies being wounded at that Battle on James Island but did not know the nature of his wound until I heard it from you. But I must say, take the thing all through, he met with several very narrow escapes and he must feel quite thankful to think that that button was in the way of that bullet that flattened and also that musket stopped several other bullets that might otherwise have injured him for life. But I think, take it all in all, he came out quite lucky and I suppose by this time he has entirely recovered from his wound so that he is able to resume active duties.

I had a letter from brother Tom last week and he underwent considerable hardship during those six days battles on the Peninsula. He does not mention any narrow escapes from the fact that he was not in the humor for writing but he may tell me something about it in another letter—if he is spared to write another, which is hard to tell but I sincerely hope and trust he may and also that he may be spared to return home again. But it is left with God to do as He thinks best of course. It is impossible for us weak creatures to overrule His actions and must therefore yield to His kind
Providence and abide by them.

Things around here are brisk. The farms are getting over harvest time and now are coming in to dispose of their wheat and convert the proceeds into Dry Goods &c. Consequently it makes trade brisk. Burrett, this is the greatest, biggest, littlest town for business I ever saw. Our sales amount on an average to about $400 a day which is pretty steep and we do the second best trade in town—if not the first. And what helps trade, aside from the farmers, is this. There are machine shops in the town belonging to the Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne and Chicago Railroad and there is about
$30,000 paid out every month by the R.R. in this town alone which also helps trade to a considerable extent. And I think, take it on the whole, Fort Wayne is about the most flourishing town anywhere. You can judge for yourself. Take New York for instance & I doubt if there was much trade done there as there is here at the present time—that is retail. I am not speaking of wholesale because the wholesale houses supply us.

But so much for Fort Wayne. There are 14 church, 1 great big court house, two large hotels, and several smaller ones. So you can form some idea of the town. It is very compact which I suppose accounts for the trade done here. As to gals, there are lots of them but the biggest lot of old maids ever was & the pretty young girls are few and between. But the rising generation seem to be the pretty part of the congregations, if I am not mistaken.

Burrett, the junior partner of our firm left for New York one week ago today to see the place & also his brother whom he has not seen since he left Germany eight years ago. He has become quite civilized since being out west and can talk very good English & puts on a good many airs for a German. But he left for New York & I gave him a letter of introduction to Alec. He said he would go there. Also one to Sam Houghton. But I suppose he has seen them both ‘ere this & made their acquaintance.

But Burritt, I must close & as I think I have granted your request in writing a long letter & hoping that you will not be so long in answering this as you were my last, II will finish up. Present my kind regards to Misses Tuthill & Craft & hope they are salubrious. Also remember me to Alec & all the boys & all the gals. In fact, remember [me] to all enquiring friends—also your folks, & I will write to John T as soon as I can make it convenient & as I have scribbled you off quite a long letter, I will close, hoping it may be satisfactory by subscribing myself your true friend & brother in the Lord, —
Will Johnston Jr.

Letter 2

Fort Wayne, Indiana
September 5, 1862

Friend Burritt,

Your esteemed favor of the 30th ult. reached me on the 3rd inst. & I now hasten in the most delicate manner possible to answer. In commencing, I will state that my headache has passed away and I am now all right with the exception of a cold in my head which makes me snuff and snort rather more than necessary but I guess that will soon pass away & I will be all right again. I hope this may find you enjoying that good health which is the greatest of all blessings.

There seems to be nothing else but war now-a-days and there is scarcely anything else to talk about. But war news just about now is getting exciting for between the big fight at Bull Run & Manassas, papers reported marching on Baltimore with 40,000 men. Our army falling back to Washington and I am afraid badly whipped, with the loss of some of the best generals—Stevens among the rest—and the defeat of our troops in Kentucky & the arrival of the rebels on Cincinnati all tend to make the thing look bad. Burritt, what’s the world coming to? I think that the North ought to get a good thrashing for their drowsiness in the last year’s action for we have been doing all with gloves on. Oh Burritt, I think it is time to have our eyes open and to be up and doing for the Rebels have taken advantage of our carelessness and now playing Old Ned with us on all sides. But it is not too late yet to make amends. We can go at it with a will yet. But we have got to do it at once. All they think about in this town is business. War don’t seem to trouble them much whereas they ought to suspend business every day at a certain hour and drill the men into a state of efficiency and then if they were called out, the would be all right. But no, they don’t think of that. But Burritt, they will get their eyes opened when it’s a little too late. But it’s all right, I suppose. I am getting to be so that I don’t care one snap and I don’t care how soon that draft comes for I want to know my situation. If I am to be drafted, all right; and if I ain’t, it’s all right. That’s whats the matter.

Burritt, the third regiment from this place is nearly full and is ordered off tomorrow for Kentucky. We have sent over two regiments away already and still they are going to draft. I expect the 79th [New York] Regiment was in the battles in Virginia as I see Gen. Stevens was killed and I know they will avenge his death. I am very anxious to hear from the boys in that regiment and I guess you are too. But I suppose you will know by the time you write your next. I expect that you will also see brother Tom before you write again & may have some good news for me.

I have not as yet received that answer from John T. yet but I expect it every day—it being three weeks today since I wrote him. But I expect he is having suc a nice time with those young ladies that he has no time to write to his friends. Well, it’s all ok. I don’t blame him. Burritt, there are very few pretty women here to have fun with—very few and far between. But they’re good enough for the place. The softest lot of individuals you ever saw and regular saps. But I don’t care, Burritt, as long as I don’t claim any of them. I have one at home—that’s good enough.

Letter 3

Addressed to Mr. Burritt K. Lawlin, 180 W. 21st Street, New York City

New York Store
Fort Wayne, Indiana
July 29, 1863

Friend B.K.,

Your valued favor of the 18th came to hand in due time & contents noted & appreciated. The Riot of which you give such interesting particulars must have indeed thrown the City into a state of extraordinary excitement as it was a new thing & particularly such a magnanimous affair. The atrocities committed by this pack of thieves & murderers seems to be unparalleled and innocents seemed to have shared alike the fate of the guilty and it is a great wonder to me that more lives were not lost for it was indeed fearful. Would that every one of these cutthroats had shared the fate of some of those inoffensive Blacks who were allowed neither time nor space to prepare but were hurled into eternity. That row—or riot rather—carried with it a stigma which shall hang on New York for years to come.

It was a sad day for Col. [Henry F.] O’Brien 1 when he opened on the rioters with blank cartridges for he paid dear for his foolish acts. Why didn’t he charge on them with grape & canister in the first place? The idea of trying to subdue a crowd by reasoning—perfectly ridiculous. But they saw the folly of it after it was too late. I am glad however to know that through the influence of the police & military, the riot has been [s]quelched. I hope the Draft will be enforced and right away too and I would like as you say to see every one of these tarriers drafted for they deserve to be drafted half a dozen times.

I noticed on the list of drafted men in the 22nd Ward the names of J. R. Frith & Sam Cornish and I could not but laugh and say Bully for them and thats so. I think the City Fathers has been doing a very sweet thing in appropriating such an enormous amount of money to buy these tarriers off. But I hope it won’t pass. It has already been vetoed by the Mayor, but it seems likely that the council will pass it over his veto—the contemptible Red months. But it’s all you can expect from such a set of Demagogues as compose that Board and the sooner they get kicked out the better. I do not think that the row is going to help the Democratic Party—so called, but will decrease it considerably.

The Draft has not yet taken place in Indiana. Neither can we tell when it will but the enrollment has been completed some time and they are awaiting orders from Washington. I expect to see a little row when it does come and will feel disappointed if we don’t have it, altho the squelch in New York may teach them a thing or two.

Your [New York] Herald came to hand this morning for which accept my thanks. I noticed by pencil mark that Alec has lost his wife which is indeed a severe blow to him as death seems to have been sent to his thresh hold in rapid succession. I sympathize with him and trust that he may be sustained through all these dispensations of Divine mercy. My health is good and am doing as well as can be expected. Hope you are well. Trade is moderate & a fair chance for increase.

My Kind regards to all hands and my love to you, sweet one—ahem, and that’s whats the matter. Tell my enquirers that I am O.K. & still remember them altho’ in a Hoosier country & amidst new scenes. As time is short, I will close hoping to hear from you soon & believe me, your true friend—
Will Johnston Jr.

1 As the Draft Riots in Manhattan spiraled into their second day of violence, Colonel Henry F O’Brien of the 11th New York Infantry, the Fire Zouaves, found himself in the sights of the rioters. O’Brien, an Irish immigrant, had been a captain in the 155th New York part of Corcoran’s Irish Legion. He had resigned in February of 1863 and at the time of the riot he and his family lived on Second Avenue between 33rd and 34th Streets. In the spring of 1863, O’Brien had been named colonel of the 11th and charged with rebuilding the decimated regiment by recruiting in Manhattan. Early in the day on the 14th, O’Brien’s home was targeted by the mob because of his support for the draft and recruiting efforts. After harassing the family, the rioters spared the house from being burned and moved on. In response, O’Brien led his truncated regiment to the relief of a group of NYPD officers who had been assailed and beaten by the mob on Second Avenue and 23rd Street. During the clash, a number of shots were fired and rioters and civilians killed including a child. After the mob ran away, O’Brien set off alone to find his family and ensure their safety. A group of rioters recognized the tall strong O’Brien in his army uniform and attacked him at 34th Street and Second Avenue. Initially able to drive several men away, he stumbled into a drug store just three doors down from his house. The mob returned in greater numbers clamoring to get at O’Brien. As the mob broke the store’s glass, the colonel strode out into the July sun and was pummeled by the mob. Beaten with clubs and kicked, he was burnt, dragged by his hair and feet over the cobblestones and half lynched. O’Brien, beaten and bloody, survived the mobs torture for hours. In the evening, someone summoned a priest to give the last rites. After they were concluded, the priest was chased off and O’Brien’s torture continued. At 8pm, having been dragged into his own backyard and stripped of his uniform, his torment came to an end as his body finally gave out. Two priests bore his broken body in a wheelbarrow to the morgue at Bellevue Hospital. Colonel O’Brien’s hours long torture was a testament to the fury of the mob. He was buried in a paupers grave and eventually moved to a plot in Cavalry Cemetery that remains unmarked to this day.

Brutal Murder of Col. Henry F. O’Brien

Letter 4

New York Store
Fort Wayne, Indiana
August 12, 1863

Friend B.K.,

I received your letter of Aug 3 in due time & as a few leisure moments present themselves, I thought I would seize the favored opportunity & make an attempt (at least) to answer your document of interested matter pertaining both to home & foreign relations.

In regard to the [New York City Draft] Riot & the consequences, I will say that I see by the papers that some of them are coming in control with a just reward which they really deserve. One has been sentenced to 15 years
imprisonment which is too good a sentence. It should have been, as you say, a coming in contact with a hemp rope which is far more appropriate, but it is as it is & I don’t see how I can make their sentence any more severe although I wish it lay in my power for if they wouldn’t swing higher
than the poor black man they hung in Clarkson Street, then I don’t know anything. I hope not one of them will escape a sentence for they are alike as far as intentions are concerned & would have committed more atrocious crimes if it lay in their power. But I will pass on merely wishing them “Bad Luck” meted out to them in a legal manner for District Attorney Smith is a brick & will do the thing right.

One of the first victims to the insane fury of the rioters was a negro cartman residing in Carmine Street. A mob of men and boys seized this unfortunate man on Monday evening, and having beaten him until he was in a state of insensibility, dragged him to Clarkson Street, and hung him from a branch of one of the trees that shade the sidewalk by St. John’s Cemetery. The fiends did not stop here, however. Procuring long sticks, they tied rags and straw to the ends of them, and with these torches they danced round their victim, setting fire to his clothes, and burning him almost to a cinder. The remains of the wretched negro hung there till near daylight on Tuesday morning, when they were removed by the police. Harpers Weekly, 1 August 1863

I do not apprehend a renewal of these crimes in New York for they will be laboring under too great fear to attempt a renewal & the draft will take place & be put through in reality & inasmuch as Mayor [George] Opdyke has vetoed the Appropriation Bill, I hope the draft will take every one of them—old & young. But I can afford to wait a while in patience to see this thing transpire.

The draft in Indiana has not as yet been announced but we are looking for it every day & everything is in preparation to begin. I did think we would have a row here in case the draft took place, but I do not believe we will for these Copperheads are beginning to realize that this “Damned Abolition Administration”—as they call it—has got the screws turned on them and they must either yield or perish, the former of which they will most probably do and it is altogether likely that no grumbling will come out of their mouths. But if they do feel disposed to so act—all right. We’ll show them how it’s done and that’s whats the matter. We have a Governor who is a wholesome man & who understands the wants of the people & he is the soldiers friend if there ever was one & he is bound that the rights of the soldier shall be protected and that the law shall be enforced in the entire state for his name is [Oliver P.] Morton, who is ever on the alert for Copperheads & D[emocrat] uprisings which have for their object the overthrow of law & order.

I grieve to learn of Alec’s misfortune which has come this time with a terrible blow for he has been deprived of his bosom companion who has ever been his joy & portion. The news to me was unexpected for it had never been intimated to me by anyone that she was sick & of course her demise coming as it did grieved me as I said before but these afflictions are the all wise dispensations of God & although they are terrible bereavements to the afflicted ones, yet we must abide by them as all wise & powerful for we are not our own keepers. “The Lord gave & the Lord hath taken away.” Blessed be the name of the Lord.

One other thing troubles me and which you make the subject of your special remarks & that is Mr. Rankin’s intended departure from his congregation after a stay of a dozen years but my curiosity is excited as regards his destination for you say he would like to come West & I would
like very well to have him too for he is one I would dearly long to see and hope if he does come West I may be thus privileged. I rather estimate that he is going to Illinois if at all but of course do not know for certain. Please ascertain if possible & report for I am anxious to know.

Trade is picking up and we expect that by the 1st of September we will be in the midst of a busy season for it promises to be very busy. Weather good. The boy is well and flourishing & if he could only have some New York friends & acquaintances and his little—-you know, he would be all right. My compliments to your lady love when you write for presume she
is still rusticating & my regards to all enquirers. Don’t forget to remember me to Sam & tell him “his time is up” & I am getting [im]patient. Am glad to hear your Mission School is flourishing & that your concerts are so interesting. I wish I could drop in for an evening and listen to familiar voices for I would relish it so much. Nothing more “just now” but remain as ever your true friend, — Will Johnson, Jr.

The Hoosier girls are bricks. I wish you could get a glimpse at some of them. It would make your mouth & eyes water, but I cannot do justice to them through this medium & will therefore desist hoping that you
may one day see for yourself. — Will

A later vintage envelope with the Root & Company emblem
105th Ohio Infantry

1862: Ferdinand Fitch Fobes to Catherine (Fitch) Fobes

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The following letter was written by Pvt. Ferdinand Fitch Fobes (1842-1863) of Co. I, 105th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). Ferdinand was the son of Simon Perkins Fobes (1815-1891) and Catherine A. Fitch (1815-1901) of Wayne, Ashtabula county, Ohio. He died of disease while in the service on 4 September 1863 at Murfreesboro, Tennessee. He is buried in the Stones River National Cemetery.

Ferdinand wrote his letter in late November 1862, several weeks after the Battle of Perryville where they had their baptism of fire. Of the men from the regiment who were engaged in the battle, one-third were killed or wounded. Following the battle, the regiment moved to Danville and then to Munfordville where they garrisoned the town and guarded the bridges.

Transcription

Camp near Munfordville, Kentucky
November 29th 1862

Mother Fobes,

I received your letter just about one hour ago that was written the 22nd of November. I am well.

Yesterday the 105th Regiment got orders to pack everything by two o’clock so to take the cars for Nashville. We was marched down to the depot and put up the tents supposing we would take the cars in the morning but here we are. Company I [was] detailed for the controlling guard. We put up a tent a few rods from the camp so as we can see that everything will go on straight and good order. The order [came] a few minutes ago to have our guns in a clean and good order for general inspection tomorrow morning if we don’t move. I suppose the whole Brigade will leave this place soon and the Kentucky regiments will be left to guard this place and the bridge just as sure as the railroad bridge be left in the hands of the Kentuckians just as sure the bridge will be burnt. The bridges will be as safe without any guard as with the Kentucky troops. That is the general opinion of the regiment.

Jesse’s health is good now. Hip has got well. My back and hips has not troubled me since i was in Danville. My health is good and my appetite never was better. I never had a pair of boots suit me better. I sold my shoes that I [had] drawn a short time before I got my bboots. I have got four pair of stockings. I think they will do me this winter. I have not worn the stockings you sent me while in Louisville. The army socks wear like iron. I have darned them once. My mittens will last me this winter. I am going to draw some undershirts and the drawers will last me this winter. If you have a chance to send me anything by Rod or someone else, you may send me a small light quilt if you are a mind to. I can have it to lay on. It will make the cold side of the ground a little warmer. And send me what eatables you think best. If you send me any butter, don’t send just enough for an aggravation. If you have lots of dried apples and berries, send me some. If you have got apple butter, send me. I can off it and some loaf sugar.

If we leave here, I think it will be safe to send a box by Rod, or someone. A little cheese for the soldiers is the best thing they can eat. I had what I called an extra Thanksgiving supper. I was guarding a barn [that] had corn and oats in about a mile from camp. A cow came along [and] I thought to myself, if she was not milk[ed], her bag might cake before she got. I got a quart of milk from her. I took some of the hard tack, shaved them up fine, had a fine, good supper. I have not any more time and space to write tonight so goodbye from your son, — F. F. Fobes

2nd Battle of Cabin Creek, Gano's Brigade

1864: John M. Davis to J. S. Beers

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Jacket Cover of Steven L. Warren’s book, “The Second Battle of Cabin Creek.”

The following rare letter was penned by John M. Davis while serving in Gano’s Brigade in the fall of 1864. He datelined his letter from their encampment near Boggy Depot following a raid north of the Arkansas River to capture a federal supply train from Fort Scott. The combined Confederate force of Texans and Native Americans found and captured the train after a pitched night battle at Cabin Creek, Cherokee Nation on Sept. 19, 1864.

“Watie’s mounted infantry and cavalry excelled at conducting raids on Federal supply lines and outposts. As time went on, Watie’s command included pro southern members of other tribes along with Cherokees. On September 19th, 1864, Watie’s command, along with some white Texas cavalry units under Brigadier General Richard Gano, teamed up to carry out an attack on a large Federal supply train and haying operation that was gathering forage for horses. The train consisted of 205 wagons, and left Fort Scott, Kansas on September 12th, bound for Fort Gibson, Indian Territory, and Fort Smith, Arkansas. It was escorted by both white cavalrymen from Kansas cavalry units as well as Union Cherokee cavalry. This successful and destructive raid occurred near Cabin Creek in the Indian Territory, and is often referred to as the Second Battle of Cabin Creek.” [Source: Iron Brigadier]

The letter was written on scraps of CSA Provision Forms, further evidence of the scarcity of paper. In his letter, Davis claims that “The boys are [now] dressed in Federal uniforms which saves our women a good deal of hard labor,” after raiding the federal stores.

Transcription

Near Boggy Depot, Choctaw Nation 1
October 6th 1864

Dear sir, I received your favor of the 1st September and I hasten to respond grateful for the blessings of Almighty God in being able so to do.

In relation to your inquiries, I am sorry that I am not situated to answer your questions satisfactory. Mr. Huddleston made a crop on the place this year. It produced good wheat every year it has been sown and made a good corn crop this year I am told by a neighbor that came from there a few days ago.

I went into the war the spring of ’62 and served one year and was discharged and last November I joined this command—Gano’s Brigade 2—and have had but little opportunity of seeing anything about your timber, but my impression is that it has been but little disturbed as there is but little improvement going on in the country.

This Brigade is moving toward Red River now, their horses being worn down by hard service. When we get to Red River I may get to go home. Then I will take a pleasure in giving you any information I can. Excuse this scribble. I am writing you on my mess box with a bad pen and am tired having marched 12 miles today. This Brigade is just off a heavy tour north of Arkansas River where we broke up two Federal stations, killing about 100 Indians and Federals, wounding a good many, taking 111 prisoners, destroying and bring off two million and a half of property wagons, mules, and supplies generally. The boys are dressed in Federal uniforms which saves our women a good deal of hard labor.

I would give you a full detail but duty calls me. I will frank this as I have no stamps. Yours, — John M. Davis

P. S. I use your old envelope as they are scarce in camp. Two million and a half dollars worth of property was destroyed and brought off taking in hay to the account. — J. M. Davis

Richard Montgomery Gano (1830-1917)

1 Boggy Depot was the location of the first Chickasaw agency in the West and served sometimes as the capital of the Choctaw Nation from 1858 to 1860. During the Civil War it housed the principal Confederate supply depot in Indian Territory. After the war a flour mill and a cotton gin operated northeast of town, and a salt works was established along nearby Salt Creek.

2 Gano’s Brigade existed from its formation in the summer of 1863 to its reassignment under Gen. Hamilton Bee in early 1865. Though the units that composed the brigade changed throughout its existence, they were the Twenty-ninth Texas Cavalry Regiment, the Thirtieth Texas Cavalry Regiment, the First Regiment Arizona Brigade, the Fifth Texas Partisan Rangers, the Thirty-third Texas Cavalry Regiment, Welch’s Texas Cavalry Company, Wells’s Texas Battalion, the Eleventh Texas Field Artillery Battery, and the Seventeenth Texas Field Artillery Battery. Throughout its history Gano’s Brigade fought alongside Confederate Indians, led by Gen. Stand Watie. The brigade’s actions mainly consisted of raids on Union supply trains and troops maneuvering in Arkansas and the Indian Territory.

97th New York Infantry, Battle of Hatcher's Run

1865: Unidentified “Henry” to his sister Mary

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I had hoped to be able to identify the author of this letter, known only as “Henry,” who wrote to his sister Mary and his mother from the camp of the 97th New York Infantry near Hatcher’s Run, Virginia, in mid-February 1865. Unfortunately I was not able to do so. The only clue in the letter was a reference to some hometown boys from the Construction Corps named “Padson” but I suspect the surname was misspelled. It may have been Pattison or Patterson instead.

In any event, the letter contains a description of the fight at Hatcher’s Run (aka Dabney’s Mill) where the two sides fought back and forth for three days, ending in a tactical draw. The Union advance was stopped, but would not be forced back. The Federals dug in, having moved three miles closer to the vital railroad that kept Petersburg and Richmond alive. Grant was unable to permanently cut the Boydton Plank Road but found that the Confederates were already barely using it due to the threat of being raided. There had been almost no traffic on the road to sweep up. The fighting extended the Union siege lines another three miles and forced the Confederates to do the same, even though they were already dangerously near the breaking point.

The 97th New York regiment, Col. Charles Wheelock, was organized at Boonville, and there mustered in the service of the United States for three years February 18, 1862. In May, 1863, it received by transfer the three years’ men of the 26th Infantry; June 7, 1864, the men of the Sad Infantry, not mustered out with their regiment, and August 10, 1864, 103 men of the 94th Infantry. At the expiration of its term of enlistment, the men entitled thereto were discharged, and the regiment retained in service. The companies were recruited principally: A and C at Boonville; B in Lewis county; D and F at Salisbury; E at Prospect and vicinity; G in Herkimer county; H at Utica and Lowville; I at Little Falls; and K at Rome

Transcription

Camp of the 97th N. Y. State Volunteer.
Near Hatcher’s Run, Virginia
February 21st 1865

Dear Sister,

I now seat myself to write a few lines homeward to let you know that I am well and I can thank the Lord for it. We had a pretty hard time on this last raid on the left of the line. We had 10 killed and 20 wounded. That is a good many for one regiment. Mary, I saw the Padson boys last night. You know that they are in the Construction Corps. They was surprised to see me. We had a good old chat together. They are about half of a mile from our camp and so you see that I see them often now.

There is good news in camp now. The news came to our regiment last night that Charleston is evacuated. If it is true, it is a glorious victory. We have got them fenced in now and I hope that we may drive them out of Richmond next summer. I guess that Old Grant will try and flank them as he did last summer. Well Mary, a few words to mother. — Henry

Dear Mother, I must not neglect in writing a few words to you. I received your letter just before we started on the last raid and had hardly time to read it. We had a very hard time of it. I will tell you as near as I can about the raid and you can judge for yourself. We started on the morning of the 5th, crossed Hatcher’s Run and laid in line of battle all night and in the morning we fell back over the run again and laid in most in the forenoon and at one o’clock we attacked the enemy. We succeeded finely at first. We drove them about one mile as I thought into their works and then they received reinforcements and drove us back at a double quick. And when we was falling back, one division of the 6th Corps fired upon us.

Well the morning of the 7th we tried them in another place and there we lost a good many of our regiment. I could not see what the whole thing amounted to. It did not amount to shop [?] I don’t think.

Mother, we are putting up new shanties and when we get them finished, I will write a good long letter to you. Give my love to all. — Henry

16th Massachusetts Infantry, Battle of Glendale/Frayser's Farm

1862: Asa Dennis Smith to his Family

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The Boston Globe, 25 November 1911

In 1971 an article entitled “Asa Smith Leaves the War” appeared in American Heritage Magazine detailing the story of a Union soldier, Asa Dennis Smith (Co. K, 16th Massachusetts Infantry), who received a grievous facial wound on June 30, 1862 at Glendale/Frayser’s Farm and, after being refused medical help was left for dead but somehow managed to survive. The article was based in large part on Smith’s handwritten autobiography (which I have not been able to locate) and details his determination to survive in spite of what was believed to be a mortal, and untreatable wound. Later in life he even became a physician himself, practicing in Boston and Dorchester.

The following extract comes from the American Heritage article:

“…. I turned my head to the right to speak a word of defiance in the ear of Corporal William E. Eldridge, and before it was turned square to the front something hit me. It felt as though an immense timber had struck me end first, with great force. It was not painful; but seemed to partly daze me. I did not fall, but dropped my rifle and put my hand to my chin, and found that it felt as though torn to pieces. Lieutenant Meserve saw me and told me to go to the rear as soon as possible. From the direction that die ball came, I am of the opinion that it was fired by one of the sharpshooters in the trees.

I started for the yd Corps field hospital, which was established in the Willis Church, a small building on the Quaker Road (so called) leading to Malvcrn Hill. It was but a short distance in the rear, and the nearest way was through the wood and was marked by small hospital flags at intervals. On my way I found two or three small, coarse towels which evidently had been thrown away by some soldier, and used them to try to staunch the hemorrhage, which was quite severe. On arriving at the field hospital station, I found several surgeons busily at work, with men wounded in apparently about every conceivable manner. The operating tables were made from the seats of the church, placed upon empty beef or pork barrels.

I got a seat beside a young rebel who was shot in one foot and waited for a time, but as nobody came to my assistance I went outside and found D. Harris Clark of Co. B, who was on detail and was an old acquaintance. He found a young New York surgeon and prevailed upon him to attend to my case. Upon his coming (as I could not talk) I made him understand that I wished to know if I would recover, upon which he shook his head and said, “Doubtful.” And, after a short interval, “I have seen men recover who were hurt as badly as you are.” This was not very encouraging; but somehow hope was strong and I made up my mind to try for it. The surgeon took a bandage and, passing it under my chin, pinned the ends together on the top of my head, and said, “This is all I can do for you now.” Then he ordered Clark to take my equipment oil and get a board and lay me upon it alongside the church, which he did, using my cartridge box and haversack for a pillow.”

Five of Asa Smith’s letter were acquired recently by Richard Weiner who has made them available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared. There is some excellent content within the letters—particularly the last letter written from a hospital two weeks after his injury, conveying the optimistic spirit and fortitude which was responsible for his survival and his being able to establish a future life marked by a high level of accomplishment. I agree with Richard, his story would make a great movie.

See also—

1862: William Wallace Smith to Asa Dennis Smith, Spared & Shared 9, posted November 2015.

Collection of Asa Smith, K Company, 16th Regiment, Massachusetts Infantry.

“The Civil War: The Second Year Told By Those Who Lived It” Stephen W. Sears, 2012. (Asa D. Smith: Narrative of the Seven Days’ Battles)

Letter 1

Camp of the 16th Massachusetts in “Camp Hamilton” near Fortress Monroe

Camp Hamilton
April 27, 1862

Dear Sister,

I am sorry to hear that mother is no better, but hope she soon will be. Am afraid she frets too much about Wallace. 1 Nothing of importance in this department. The Galena has arrived and yesterday struck her masts, having nothing but her smoke stacks above the deck, which is shot proof. She is a wicked looking craft and as the [CSS] Virginia, is daily expected. They may soon have a chance to try her. It seems to me that the three vessels can whip anything the Rebs can bring along.

The Michigan 1st has got to Newport News to be brigaded but I don’t know whether they will go farther or not. The darkies are at work building a railroad from the fort to our camp where the new store houses are and I shouldn’t wonder if it was extended farther.

We are all in an uproar as we have got new tents. We had just got fixed up around our old tents when they were condemned and the Sibley’s given to us. We have got them floored but have not built the porch yet and are all littered up with boards and tools. I think it is wasting labor to make the improvements as we are soon coming home. The fall of Yorktown must soon take place and soon after you will see me at hoe.

There are men here who are willing to bet that the 16th will be discharged in less than six weeks but I am not quite so sanguine as that. I have written to Wallace once since he left here but have not heard from him excepting what you have written. We hear firing every day but no great move has been made as yet. It would not be strange if they were waiting for Banks and McDowell to come nearer before they strike.

Wounded men are brought to the Chesapeake Hospital nearly every day and a few prisoners have been brought to the fort. Never fear but “Little Mac” will come out all right. Give my love to mother and all the rest of the folks and excuse the looks of this.– Asa D. Smith

I reckon there is enough on the card.

1 William “Wallace” Smith enlisted in the 22nd Massachusetts Infantry on September 17th, 1861 and the two brothers exchanged letters about the soldier’s life. Some of Wallace’s letters to Asa, as well as a few from the family at home to Asa, are available in the Gilder Lehrman Collection 13742.

Letter 2

Gosport Navy Yard
May 12, 1862

Dear Mother,

Here I am in Dixie, safe and secure. We left camp last Thursday and went on board a steamer where we staid until the next morning when we went back and pitched tents again feeling blue, you may believe. I was detailed on guard and if I ever wanted to be out of the army, it was then. In the afternoon our boys started for the boat to escort the body of our late comrade, but before they had gone half way there, orders came to pack immediately and they were sent back. I went to the Officer of the Guard, Lieut. Flagg, and got released from that duty and got ready for the tramp, and in less than 15 minutes we were on the way to the fort where we embarked on board the Nelly Baker, the old Nahant boat. We lay on board all night and kept crossing and recrossing the [Hampton] roads till we landed at 7 in the morning near Willoughby’s Point where we expected to [ ] as the Monitor and 4 war vessels had been shelling Sewall’s Point during the afternoon and the Rip Raps had kept up a steady fire all the evening.

We immediately took up the line of march for Norfolk (Gen. Wool with Generals Mansfield and Weber being with us). We pushed on at an awful rate. It was very hot and dusty so you could hardly see 20 feet at times, and soon the boys began to throw away overcoats, blankets, and oftentimes knapsack and all its contents, and for two or three miles the sides of the road were lined with cast away property, but I had left everything I wanted to spare in the old camp and hung to mine, though it seemed as if I should drop sometimes. I believe nothing but pride kept me in the ranks. But anyway, I stuffed my hat with leaves and pressed on. A great many fell out and one sergeant of Co. A was sun struck but will probably recover.

We passed a deserted cavalry camp early in the morning and were told that they left it about three hours before. We expected a fight which did a great deal toward keeping up our pluck, and some tall walking was done. After marching several miles the cavalry reported the bridge burned and we had to countermarch a considerable distance to take another road but we pushed on at no time stopping to rest over 10 minutes until within three miles of the city when the word passed down the lines, “a battery ahead to be carried,” and the order was given to “unsling knapsacks” and pile them up on the side of the road.

The lightening us of our load and news of a battery started us a nearly a double quick but soon a clearing showed us volumes of smoke—a sign that they were leaving, and when we came in, not a “Secesh” was to be seen. The 20th New York entered first and planted their colors on the ramparts. The 16th was the 3rd regiment to enter. We found the works strong but there was no regular ditch in front so they could have been easily stormed. They are said to be between 5 and 6 miles long & to mount 92 guns. Part of the barracks were burned but they did not wait to finish the job nor even to spike a gun.

Col. Powell T, Wyman, 16th Massachusetts

We stopped here and rested and each man made a dipper full of coffee as we had had nothing but hard tack and cold water for about 36 hours and at length the 16th started for the city. Col. [Powell T.] Wyman claiming the honor by right of seniority, we entered it a little before dark and showed them the first Yankee flag that they had seen for some time, and I assure you I never felt prouder in my life than when marching through the streets of Norfolk. The greater part of the people looked on in sullen silence but our welcome was a great deal more cordial than I expected. One old man approached the color bearer and taking off his hat exclaimed, “I thank God I’m all right now.” Another one took off his hat at the sight and said, “I bless God that I have lived to see the star spangled banner once more.” One woman waved her handkerchief saying, “Oh! how I have longed to see this day,” and many similar scenes I witnessed.

As we drew near the city, we saw the light of a tremendous fore and rightly guessed that it proceeded from the Navy Yard. They had set fire to all the shops but two (one machine shop and the foundry) and all the vessels at the yard, 8 in number. They also burned the cotton warehouse in Portsmouth and threw some 500 boxes of tobacco overboard, some of which we fished up for our own use. On halting in the city we found out the cause of our crossing the roads so often, and saw its effects as it was reported in the city that Wool was advancing with over 40,000 men while we probably numbered less than 6,000, but we took care not to undeceive them, giving them to understand that the main body had camped a few miles back, as the Merrimack was within 5 miles with 500 men on board.

At about 9 o’clock the right wing crossed the ferry and took possession of the yard, the rest remaining in Norfolk till last night. Co. K was put on guard in the city of Portsmouth and we had a hard night without overcoats or blankets and nothing but the pavements for a bed. Ater sweating so through the day, it seemed as if we should freeze and we are no better off now as our knapsacks have not arrived and our tents are at Old Point. We had not got the first relief posted before we heard a crash and soon found a gang with some boxes in the street. We charged on them when they scattered leaving us 4 boxes of flintlock guns, 1 of sabers, and 1 of cartridge & cap boxes. We also found two buildings occupied by the rebels as commissary stores which we took possession of and yesterday we fed on secesh ham and hard tack, and during the night we found several soldiers. They are the worst dressed men you ever saw.

About 5 yesterday morning we heard a loud report which proved to be the blowing up of the Merrimac. Three of her crew were brought here—two of them Lowell men. The rest landed at Craney Island and were taken by the garrison to Richmond. They say they could not get out nor touch us without shelling their own cities so they blew her up. They say that the Monitor used her up badly.

Yesterday 4 men-of-war came up and anchored between the cities, broadside on. They were greeted with cheer on cheer from the citizens, and during the day the American flag was hoisted on a great many private houses.

Last night Co. K was on patrol and ordered all citizens indoors at 8:30 o’clock. The watchmen objected to going but were told their term of service had expired. The streets were travelled all night. What little sleep we got was on the sidewalk in from of the Ocean House. A flag of truce from Gen. Hager came down last night to the Colonel who commands this side of the river. I hear that Gen. Viele is to command here. I forgot to state that Old Abe came round every boat at the fort and bid us God speed. Co. H is at Craney Island.

We have no certain news since Thursday. How is Wallace? I hope this may find your health improved. Can’t tell half the news. We make it too fast. Direct as usual to the fort. Send me 1 dollar if handy. Suppose we have taken at least 200 cannon and any quantity of other stuff. Am first rate. Love to all, Asa.

Letter 3

Camp near Fair Oaks
June 20th 1862

Dear Mother,

I intended to have written before but was unable and am taking my chance now, only on picket reserve. I have received but one letter from you since we left Suffolk but got a paper yesterday. Did you receive that note?

I got a line from Wallace yesterday. He has joined his regiment. He was at White House when the 29th landed, only two or three days before our arrival. I suppose before this reaches you, the papers will have notified you that we have smelt powder but I will tell you our movements as well as I can.

Sunday afternoon [15 June 1862] we had a smart thunder shower and in the midst of it, the Rebs made a dash at our pickets and took a captain and forty men. Some two or three were killed, including Gen. Sickle’s aide. We were under arms and stood through the shower formed in line of battle. Again at three the next morning we were turned out by skirmishing on the pickets toward our left and several times since Sunday they have thrown a few shells amongst us, but without doing much hurt. On Wednesday the 18th at about 10 o’clock, the bugle sounded (the signal for a general alarm) and the whole Army of the Potomac was under arms. After standing in line about an hour, we were dismissed with orders to fall in at half past three, ready for action.

At the appointed time we formed and marched to the line where the 69th New York were picketing where we found Gen. Hooker & Grover, and were ordered to deploy in the woods between the Williamsburg road and the railroad, and drive in the enemy’s pickets as far as it would be safe in order to find out the chances for taking artillery through.

We started in with good relish, well pleased at the chance of meeting some rebels, and as for myself, I had a curiosity to know how I should feel under fire. After going a short distance through a very thick wood, we came to a swamp where we waded above our knees in water. We soon pushed through and very soon after the firing began on the left and in a few minutes became general along the whole line. We advanced so rapidly that we could not keep their cover, but left as quick as possible, and here they met their greatest loss, our boys raking them terribly. We were so eager that we paid little attention to cover, and before long we received a whole volley probably from their reserve which took off some of our boys. But we pushed them through the woods clear to their rifle pits although we suffered badly.

It was at the time of the volley that I first thought of cover, a son of Dr. Sherman of Waltham, and a number of our company falling dead within five feet of me. There were four of us standing in a small open space when a dozen or more bullets whistled by us and he fell, shot in the mouth. I got behind a stump and the others behind trees and watched for a chance to return compliments, the rebels all bring hid, and for the first time I felt mad. We kept our position and when one showed himself, we fired. But soon the order came to fall back and we slowly retreated. We were obliged to leave our comrade where he fell as it would have been death to have approached him but it seemed hard although we knew he was beyond surgical aid.

Our loss in this skirmish of 3/4 of an hour was 18 killed, 25 wounded, and 11 missing—more than the 1st Regiment lost at Williamsburg in ten hours of skirmishing. Lieut. Rogers of Co. F was instantly killed and Capt. Donovan of Co. D is missing. The loss in my own company in killed—Orderly Sergeant Charles F. Coburn, & Private Robert Sherman; in wounded Gregg. Smith, James Leverton, and Henry J. Miller (neither of them dangerously); and missing Joseph Corrigan. Both of our dead were left where they fell, it being impossible to bring them off. The death of Sergt. Coburn is a great loss to us as he was a general favorite.

The wounded were sent to White House yesterday, We don’t know the loss of the Rebs but it was certainly greater than our own. I know of 5 killed by Co. K alone. I believe we performed out duty to the satisfaction of the General and the other regiments call it a spunky affair. I heard an officer of the 26th Pennsylvania say that it was the most dashing affair that has happened on the peninsula.

I am certain of one thing—that the boys are not so anxious to get into another fight as they were the first one but will fight as hard as they feel rather sore to think we got cut up so. As for me, I have seen enough of it though I thought but little of it at the time and we were actually laughing and joking when we entered the woods, we were so pleased to get a chance.

I was detailed to work on the redoubt yesterday and so am on the reserve, although the regiment is on the advance. I hear that two men were wounded out there last night. There is a brisk cannonading going on to the right of us. I forgot to say that we brought in 7 prisoners with us. While we were in the woods one of our guns threw a few shells which it is said did good execution. I am in good health and feeling first rate but have a good deal of duty to do. With love, — Asa

Letter 4

Addressed to Mrs. E. Smith, Newton, Lower Falls, Massachusetts

Fair Oaks
June 27, 1862

Dear Mother,

There was a fight here day before yesterday. The attack was made by our division and Kearney’s was also engaged. We got possession of the belt of woods in the front of us. My company was not engaged but was under fire a good share of the day. Seven companies were in the fight, and the loss of the regt was 26 in killed, wounded, and missing. Lieut. Flagg was wounded in the arm. Keyes was hit in the head by a shell but it did not explode and only stunned him. The 1st [Massachusetts] lost 86 in killed, wounded and missing. The 11th had 20 wounded.

The enemy attacked of General [Fitz John] Porter yesterday and dispatches were read to us last night stating that he had turned their left and whipped them at every point. The bands played on receipt of the news for the first time since they have been here. The cannonading has been going on all the morning and we are under arms, expecting they will try to break through near us. I am all right so far. Expect Wallace has been into it. Meagher’s Brigade captured 18 pieces of artillery yesterday, We have lost all our rubber blankets. We left them outside the woods when we went into support the 2nd New Hampshire and have not seen them since.

This life is a hard one but we hope to get through soon. Give love to all the folks. — Asa

Letter 5

In hospital
July 13, 1862

Dear Mother,

I just received your letter and was glad to hear that you took it so well. I don’t know where the story could start from that I was dead for I am sure I don’t intend to die at present, though I didn’t know yesterday but I should. It seems there is a vein on the inside my lip which is inclined to trouble me. It had bled a little once before but yesterday morning when I woke, I found it had bled freely during my sleep. I called the nurse and while cleaning my mouth, it commenced to bleed again and continued until the nurse got frightened and went for the doctor who came, but before it stopped I was so weak that they had to hold me up. I never came so near to fainting in my life.

If that will not bleed any more, I shall do first rate but I am a little afraid of it. The doctors told me yesterday that they thought I should not be badly disfigured but would never be able to chew anything and I guess that so for most all my jawbone is missing but I can stow away spoon victuals beautifully.

Just before you letter came, I received letter from Ben Hall saying if I wanted any assistance to telegraph him. I suppose it has been on behalf of the Engine Company so you see the boys don’t forget us.

I am in hopes to get along well and come home in the course of a month or two and tell M. there’s little danger of my joining the regiment. I have no cartridge teeth. 1 I shall be discharged as soon as I get well. I am obliged to the neighbors for their kindness. Should like to see some Boston papers. Will try and write oftener. Love to all, — Asa

Monday morning. Am first rate.

1 Despite his severe injury, Asa retained his sense of humor. Here he reassures his family he won’t reenlist given that he no longer has teeth with which to bite open a cartridge to load his musket. Medical records reveal that Asa was admitted to the hospital at the Naval Academy, Annapolis, Maryland, on 4 June 1862 with a compound fracture of the lower jaw. The treatment consisted of the removal of that portion of the jaw lying between the molars of the opposite sides. The secondary hemorrhage described in this letter was arrested by the application of ice. He recovered and was discharged on 27 July 1862 with very little disfiguration. In 1866 it was reported that the bone had reunited though he was still unable to masticate solid food. The disability was considered total and permanent.

4th New Hampshire Infantry, Morris Island

1863: Asbrah Pike Howe to Eddie A. Warner

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I could not find an image of Asbrah but here is a cdv of Albert Henry Clay Jewett who also served in Co. D, 4th New Hampshire Infantry until he was commissioned an officer in Co. I. (Dave Morin Collection)

The following letter was written by 32 year-old Asbrah Pike Howe (1831-1897) of Acworth, Sullivan county, New Hampshire. Asbra was the son of Ephraim Howe (1791-1865) and Charlotte Pike (1795-1884). He was married in 1853 to Diadema Hull (1825-1910) and had a two year-old son named Frank when he enlisted in Co. D, 4th New Hampshire Infantry.

Asbrah wrote the letter to his hometown friend, informing him of siege operations his regiment was involved in on Morris Island near Charleston, South Carolina. From the regimental history we learn that, “The spring of 1863 opened with an attack upon Morris Island, then followed the siege of Charleston. Gen. Q A. Gillmore commanded the expedition. The division in which the Fourth New Hampshire found itself was commanded by Gen. A. H. Terry. The Fourth brigaded with the Third New Hampshire, Sixth Connecticut, and a battalion of sharpshooters. This brigade was commanded by Col. Louis Bell of the Fourth. Two long sand-bar islands on the coast just south of Charleston harbor formed the basis of an attack upon Charleston. Folly Island was captured with very little resistance.

The Fourth New Hampshire worked twenty-one nights in building batteries to attack Morris Island, which is separated from Folly Island by a narrow creek. On the 10th of July the Fourth participated in an attack on Morris Island. The successive charges on Fort Wagner were repulsed by the enemy. On the 23d of July the Fourth dug the first trench and planted the first chevaux-de-frise, for the long siege of Fort Wagner. From the 23d of July to the 7th of September may be looked upon as one continued battle under the blazing sun of South Carolina—digging trenches, advancing lines, repelling attacks and doing severe out post duty. The morning of September 7, when the line was formed for the final charge, the news came that the fort was evacuted. The capture of Fort Wagner resulted in the immediate capture of the whole island.” 

Transcription

Addressed to Master Eddie A. Warner, Acworth, New Hampshire; postmarked Port Royal, S. C.

Camp Morris Island, South Carolina
4th [New Hampshire] Regiment, Co. D, USA
August 22, 1863

Friend Eddie,

I was somewhat surprised and pleased to receive a letter from you which came in due time under date of August 9th. I had almost begun to think that I had no friends in Acworth outside of my own family for I have received but very few letters since I left home except those which came from home.

The bombardment of the defenses around Charleston commenced the 17th of this month and still continues but we are strictly forbidden by a General Order from Gen. Gilmore to write any particulars in regard to the progress of events.

Suffice it to say, therefore, that the general features of the case are favorable to the Union cause. Some casualties occur daily but the loss of life on our side has not yet been very great. Last night one of the sergeants of this company, while on picket, was hit by the fragment of a shell thrown from Fort Johnson from the effect of which he died this morning. I suppose all eyes are turned anxiously in the direction of Charleston waiting to see it in the hands of the Federal army but you must wait patiently for it is no small thing to subdue a city so strongly fortified.

My health is middling good at present but I have not been able to do duty for about a month, but am on duty now. I must draw to a close by wishing these few lines will find you in good health and spirits and hoping to hear from you again soon. Convey my compliments to all inquiring friends. With much respect, I remain your sincere friend, — A. P. Howe

31st New York Infantry

1861: John C. Allen to his Father

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The following letter was written by Corp. John C. Allen who was 22 years old when he enlisted at New York City to serve two years in Co. D, 31st New York Infantry. He entered the service as a private in June 1861 but was shortly after promoted to corporal. During the Peninsula Campaign, John was wounded and captured at Gaines Mill on 27 June 1862 but was paroled and exchanged a month later. He mustered out with his company in June 1863.

The 31st New York was sometimes called the Montezuma Regiment or the Baxter Light Guards. They left the state and served at or near Washington D. C. from the time of their arrival in late June 1861 until joining the Army of the Potomac (AOP) in its Spring 1862 Campaign. At the time this letter was written in late December 1861, the regiment was in General Franklin’s Brigade of the AOP.

TRANSCRIPTION

Alexandria Camp
31st New York Vols.
December 22d 1861

Dear Father,

I take my pen again to write to you. I have been out on picket since I last wrote to you. Was gone four days. We had very mild weather. I suppose you have had good weather.

Here I will tell you a story about this place that we last went to. I think we have been to this place four times. We stacked arms in front of a farm house and posted a guard, about three in number, on the road not far from the house. The barn is opposite the house so the guard challenges people as they pass, allowing no one to pass without a pass. The house or barn was not entered the first time. The second time we went at midnight. There came some officers on horses and entered the house, barn and other places, taking from the barn three horses leaving but one horse and entered the house and found the owner as was told them. It appears that this man was in the rebel army and was in the Battle of Bull Run and was wounded in the leg and was taken there to his home. He then showed them his wound. He had seven slaves and they were all freed and he had two sons old enough to join the army so it appears that he volunteered and was a rebel of the blackest kind.

So then they took from him cattle, pigs and some other things but he is sworn into the Union now and they don’t trouble his things. I saw him come out of his hog house when we was there last—the first time I had seen him. One of this slaves I saw a few days since near our camp. He told me he was taking care of horses for one of the Generals for ten dollars a month so you see that the Government has the power to take horses or slaves or any other property from the rebels and an officer told him the night they got wind of him when he was laying in bed helpless that the law of war was they should burn his house over his head. The ways for the transgressors are hard.

That man I saw shot was not worse than he. He has a very good farm but I suppose he has that same old heart. The woodland is all cut down. Gen. Lee of the rebel army has a large tract of land there—the wood being all cut down last fall and now they are cutting it in four feet [lengths] and carting it to the different camps.

Nothing very uncommon took place [on picket]. We came in on Friday. I took as much tobacco as I wanted out of a field that was left by a rebel, I suppose, as it is too late to gather it at this season of year. I venture to say that 99 out a 100 of the inhabitants of this neighborhood are rebels.

It is dark. You see I don’t get on the line. Will say if there is any tax for me to pay, let me know and I will send it on. It begins to rain. Without any regard to receiving your letters from you, I write to you. It may be some time before I write and it may not so if you do not receive letters from me regular, you must not think strange. I hear that in New York there is three feet of snow. If so, it is much milder here than there.

I was on guard last night in the camp. I did not get much sleep. The guard duty is not very hard for me. Some of them think it is hard. There was three reliefs—two hours on post and four off. There were nine posts. I will give you an idea of the guard duty. The guard is mounted in the morning soon after dress parade. They appear on the parade ground and inspected. They then march to the guard house. The band play for them. There is about twenty-five in the band, mostly brass pieces, and then there is about twenty-five more drummers and fifers that play for the reveilles. Well the guard march to the guard house or tents and the old guard present arms and then they leave and the names of the guard are taken and the number of the post given them.

General William Buel Franklin

Yesterday I was on Post No. 2, it being on the road in the camp where all the officers pass in and out. Gen. Franklin, who is the general of our brigade, whose quarters are near ours, passed out and I presented to him and he returned the salute with his hand, so I passed none in without they showed me their pass.

Last night at about one o’clock, I saw a party coming towards me. I commanded to halt and say who comes there. The answer is Grand Round and Field Officer of the day. I then say, “Advance Sergeant of the Grand Round, and give the countersign.” He gives me the countersign, then I say, “The countersign is correct. Advance Grand Round.” If you can find this out, you can do more than I can. Your son, — J. C. Allen

22nd Tennessee Infantry, 3rd Kentucky Mounted Infantry

1864: Confederate Diary, 22nd Tennessee & 3rd Kentucky

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This diary was kept in 1864 by an unidentified Confederate soldier who was probably residing in the vicinity of Clinton, Kentucky where he enlisted in June 1861 to serve the Confederacy and his company was made a part of the 22nd Tennessee Infantry. As he states in his diary, he was with the 22nd Tennessee at the Battle of Belmont which was fought on 7 November 1861. The 22nd Tennessee was one of four Tennessee regiments with the 12th Arkansas and Betlzhoover’s Battery under Gen. Gideon Pillow’s command on the Missouri side of the Mississippi river when the battle began. They were caught in an open cornfield under heavy fire where they suffered heavy casualties.

The diarist apparently deserted his regiment at this point and returned to his home in Kentucky. According to the Goodspeed History of Tennessee, vol. 12, the only company from Kentucky joining the 22nd Tennessee was Co. F (“The Kentucky Braves”). It notes that many men from this company later became members of Co. M, 3rd Kentucky Infantry. While in the 22nd Tennessee, they were led by Captains Francis M. Stewart, William Lindsey, and J. Clay Horne.

Two and a half years later, in April 1864, he informs us that he enlisted a second time in the Confederate service, this time joining Co. M, 3rd Kentucky Infantry which became mounted infantry about that time. They became part of Maj. Gen. Hylan B. Lyon’s Brigade in Gen. Nathan Bedford Forrest’s Cavalry Corps.

The diary itself is made from a ledger that has been cut into smaller pages and hand stitched with string. Most pages are blank but there are a few pages at the beginning describing the movements of the 3rd Kentucky Mounted Infantry including the mention of the Battle of Brice’s Crossroads and more particularly the Battle of Harrisburg, Mississippi—both attempts by Gen. Forrest to disrupt Gen. Sherman’s supply lines during the Atlanta Campaign. There are a few names of members of Co. M in the diary but I was unable to identify any of them as the author. There is a name on the back cover of the diary with Pine Bluff, Ky. but I could not match possible names against the regimental roster. I do not have the company rosters for both Co. F, 22nd Tennessee and Co. M of the 3rd Kentucky to compare them, however. Perhaps someone else can narrow it down further. The scanned pages of the diary are in the footnotes of this post.

It’s possible that the diarist did not survive the war given that the diary has many pages left unfilled and it ends abruptly in early October 1864. Perhaps he was killed at the Battle of Franklin a few weeks later.

Map Showing the Battlefield of Harrisburg, Mississippi

[Note: This diary is from the personal collection of Greg Herr and was offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

Com[pany] M 3 Ky. Reg.
The travels of our company.

I joined at Clinton, Ky. 1861. June 15th was organized in 22nd Tenn. Regt. 18th July of the same year at Trenton, Tenn. Moved to Union City the 1st of August and moved to Columbus, Kentucky September 5th, to Matfield the 15th, back to Columbus 22nd, to Camp Beauregard 27th, back to Columbus November the 1st.

Battle of Belmont, Missouri. Two killed and four wounded. Here I left the company and rejoined at Clinton the second time in April 1864, from there to Jackson, Tennessee, and from that to Corinth. Here we joined the Third Kentucky Regiment.

May the 1st, 1864, to Tupelo, back to Corinth the 10th, and the 20th back to Tupelo the 28th. Little Bear River, Alabama, June the 1st. Back to Tupelo the 3rd. Boonville the 7th. On the 10th, the fight at Brice’s Crossroads. 1 killed, 3 wounded. To Guntown the 15th. Baldwin the 20th. Tupelo 23rd. Elizabethtown July the 7th, Pontotoc the 8th before Harrisburg the 13th, 14th, 15th—three days fighting, 1 killed, 2 wounded. Shannon Station 18th, Pikeville the 20th, Egypt Station 21st. Shannon Station 27th.

Review of troops at Okeana August 3rd to Pontotoc the 6th. Sarepta the 10th. Lafayette Springs the 14th, Oxford the 17th, 14 MS back cross the Yocking the 20th. Back to Oxford the 22nd. [Nathan B.] Forrest went to Memphis and returned to us here to Springdale the 25th, back to Oxford the 30th, to Water Valley September 1st. Grenada the 2nd. The 4th started to Verona. Got to Coffeeville the 5th, to Sarepta the 6th, to Pontotoc the 7th, Verona the 8th. The 13th started to Tibbee Station, to Shannon the 14th, to Pikeville 15th, to West Point the 16th. Stayed two days.

Got to Tibbee [Station] the 19th September. October the 5th started to Corinth. Five days travel.

…returned to Guntown and staid until we got the [ ] off of the battlefield. Then went to Baldwin Station and stayed one day and then come back to Tupelo. Staid there [ ] weeks and then Smith wants to try his hand [ ] in the saddle on the Elizabeth [ ] from Tupelo to Elizabethtown that day Smith and [illegible]…

[ ] to the west side of the town [Harrisburg] seven miles and stopped to skirmish with them and tried to bring on a regular engagement but he would not come out. We staid here three days. On the thirteenth we formed a line of battle and started in and soon found that they had left for Tupelo that morning before day. We then too the Verona road that runs about three miles south of the Tupelo road for twenty miles. Then it was who should get to Tupelo first. We had thirty-five miles to make while they had only twenty [illegible] hours the start of us. They was in as big hurry as we was. We run into them five miles southwest of Tupelo causing them to burn twenty of their wagons with one small brigade of Tenn. Bell’s Brigade. Fought their whole army for one hour. Our Kentucky Brigade came up in the time, dismounted and crossed the creek and charged them. They passed by and went to Harrisburg three miles west of Tupelo and made breastworks that night.

The next morning the two brigades—Bell’s Tennessee and [Hylan B.] Lyon’s Kentucky Brigade [carried] on the fight. They charged them, drove them from their first line of works but was not strong enough to hold them for there was at least ten or twelve to one. They fell back to our line of works but they [the Yankees] would not follow. That night General [Stephen D.] Lee’s Brigade of Tennessee and Mississippi on our right charged them. They admit a loss of five hundred men that night. The next morning the attack was renewed and by twelve o’clock there was [ ] and on their way for [illegible]…Tupelo. They halted and ambushed for us. They got us good this time. They killed or wounded pretty near every commanding officer that was there and fell back to Harrisburg for headquarters that night. Our army followed up the enemy now and then some fight to get here with burnt wagons or an awful lot of fresh graves of their dying wounded. Our Brigade left the front here. It has been hard work for tewm days, never resting day or night.

We staid [illegible] move to [ ] Station. Here [illegible]…from Pikeville to Egypt Station.

The Confederate Memorial dedicated to the Confederates who died at the Battle of Harrisburg on 14 July 1864. It is in the NPS Park on Main Street in Tupelo.

32nd Ohio Infantry, Camp Dennison

1861: Henry A. Jackson to Miss Tina

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This letter was written by Henry A. Jackson (1841-1862) of Co. A, 32nd Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). Henry enlisted as a private on 12 July 1861 and was killed in action on Bolivar Heights near Harper’s Ferry on 15 September 1862.

I believe that Henry A. Jackson was the son of Isaac and Mary (Manful) Jackson of Augusta, Carroll county, Ohio. See also—1861: Thomas J. Hendrix to Miss Haskey.

A view of Camp Denison later in the war, showing the railroad and the Little Miami River.

Transcription

Camp Dennison
September 7th 1861

Miss Tina,

It’s with the greatest of pleasure that I take my pen in hand to let you know that we are all well at present and are getting along well. We are all enjoying [ourselves] very well. We have a very nice camp. It contains five hundred acres and a very good well water. It is hard but very little. There is three regiments and a company of cavalry. They expect 23 regiments in the course of two or three days, We expect to stay here two or three months. I can’t tell when we can get to come home. Captain has promised to give us a furlough when James Watson comes back but I don’t know whether he can get a furlough yet or not. But he will if possible.

We are not homesick yet but our folks wants me to come home. If it was not for that, would not come for a year. We have good times here. We have made our bedsteads today and I think we will get along a great deal better. We have Mr. [Henry] Chain and Sam McClellan in our mess and they keep us boys straight.

The Miami River runs through our camp and we get to go down to it every day or two. Our Colonel went to Cincinnati yesterday to get our arms but he said that it was an Independent Regiment and he would not give us arms. If he does not after we get drilled, we will go in another state. We are only twenty miles from Cincinnati and only 18 miles from Kentucky. The railroad runs through our camp ground. The cars run through perhaps a dozen times a day.

The latest news is that Jeff Davis is dead and I guess it must be so for the papers say so every day. All I hate that the State of Ohio will not get his head. We did expect to get it but if dead, we cannot.

This picture is for you. It is not a god one but I could not get any better one. Please write soon as you get these few lines of scribbling and tell all the news. This is all at present. Please excuse bad spelling and writing. From your friend, — Henry A. Jackson

Direct to Camp Dennison, Ohio 32nd Regiment, Company A, in care of Captain Lucy. Yours truly, H. J.

Battle of 2nd Bull Run, Civilian Correspondence

1862: Andrew Jefferson Sagar to Abram P. Pruyn

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This interesting letter was written by Andrew Jefferson Sagar (1830-1900), a son of William C. Sagar, Jr. (1800-1877) and Dolly Wheeler (1803-1880) of Steuben county, New York, who moved with his family to Virginia in the 1850s to farm in Fairfax county. Andrew married Hannah Atta Bentley (1843-1913) on 7 February 1861.

Sagar wrote the letter to Abram P. Pruyn (1836-1918), the son of Henry Pruyn (1812-1893) and Ann Putnam (1816-1888) of Auriesville, Montgomery county, New York.

Andrew’s letter provides us with a civilian account of the Rebel army’s occupation of Fairfax county after the Second Battle of Bull Run in late August 1862. As natives of New York, and Unionists in Virginia, the Sagars were not anxious to suffer through another rebel occupation as they had following the First Battle of Bull Run when there were no less than three rebel encampments on his property [See newspaper clipping below from the New York Tribune of 20 July 1861.] Andrew informs us of the rebel army taking several Unionist citizens as prisoners.

Andrew wrote the letter from Steuben county where he and his wife and parents took refuge for some time among relatives. In June 1863, he was still there when he registered for the draft. Land records show that he purchased the property in Fairfax county from his parents in 1865.

Transcription

Addressed to A. P. Pruyn, Auriesville, Montgomery county, New York

Cohocton [Steuben county, New York]
November 30th 1862

Friend A. P. Pruyn,

You have been anxious undoubtedly to hear of our whereabouts & prospects since our reverse last August & I feel as though I had hardly done right in not writing to you sooner.

We are all well as usual now except bad color. We have had a pretty hard time of it but not as hard as many others. At the last Bull Run battle we packed a few things in an old spring wagon left by the rebel army, hitched on our team and started leaving all else behind for Washington but not till the fight had been going on all day up to four o’clock & the rebels were then in the woods near Germantown skirmishing with the 13th Massachusetts Regiment. We got as far as Mr. Demmings that night [and] next day went on to Washington & stayed there till the next Wednesday (just a week from the day we run) in hopes our folks would drive them back so that we could go home again but the prospects grew worse all the time so that we anticipated a raid into Maryland & the probably uprising of the sesesh in Baltimore & knowing our property was all gone, we concluded the sooner we were in the Free States the better so we started bag & baggage & were twelve days getting here. We got through all safe.

Mother’s health was very poor but she has recovered, but is not as tough as before the war. It nearly used her up. Father’s health is very good at present. It is hard to leave home & property all behind & run for life but I guess it was well we did for the rebels had possession of the [Fairfax] Court House that night & the next day captured Mr. Smith (of Flint Hill) & Mr. Thorn 1 & Mr. Brice. 2 They were in prison in Richmond the last I have heard from them. Mr. Thorn was caught at Mr. Terry’s, Terry getting under the bed & they supposing Thorn to be the man of the house, took him & did not search the house & Terry in his wife’s clothes escaped a few minutes after to the woods & got to Washington.

The most of our Yankee neighbors escaped, some with their families & some leaving their families behind. We left full forty tons of as good hay as ever was put in a barn, about nine acres of corn and potatoes on the ground, 4 acres of buckwheat, pork & bacon to last a year left by the army last spring, one barrel of flour not opened, 120 lbs. candles & soap enough for our use a year or more, and other necessaries in proportion & had to leave them all. We brot away the best of our bedding & our newest clothing. In fact, we took all we could carry and left all the rest—nearly all tools, &c. &c.—so you can imagine what a condition we are in to winter.

Our house was used as a hospital the last have heard from there & our out buildings very much injured & may be destroyed before this time.

I think of nothing more of importance to write at present. Please write to me soon and direct to Cohocton, Steuben county, New York.

Our respects to your family & all enquirers except Democrats. Yours truly, — A. J. Lagar

In the letter, it is stated that Rebels were in the woods near Germantown which is located at the lower right on the map.

1 Possibly Talmadge Thorne.

2 Matthew Bryce (1807-1863) was Unionist from Oakton, Fairfax county, Virginia. He died a prisoner of war in Richmond, Virginia, on 17 March 1863 at the age of 55.

New York Tribune, 20 July 1861