My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
The following letters were written by James Chauncy Lopus (1841-1897) who enlisted at the age of 21 to serve three years as a private in Co. F, 112th new York Infantry on 30 August 1862. He was discharged for disability on 28 October 1864 at Buffalo, New York.
Chauncy was the son of Francis Chauncey Lopus (1814-18xx) andRosanna P. Linnet (1810-1880) of Busti, Chautauqua county, New York. Chauncy was described at a 5′ 8″ farmer with blue eyes and dark hair when he enlisted in 1862.
Letter 1
Addressed to Mr. Francis C. Lopus, Chautauqua county, New York
Camp Suffolk, Va. January 24, 1863
Dear Parents,
Having a little time this morning, I thought that I would write a few lines to you to let you know that I am well & hope these few lines will find you enjoying the same blessings. I have been on duty almost every day for two weeks. The details for fatigue have been heavy for some time on account of building rifle pits and finishing Fort Nancyman [Nansemond] & Union & slashing for the range of guns. I have been chopping for the last two days. There has bee some 150 out each day. That makes it quite musical to have them all together & there is some dodging to do to keep out of the way. There was one of the men in the Massachusetts 6th Regiment come very near getting killed with a tree. It struck him on the head and knocked him senseless. The timber was mostly pine and oak cedar. The pine was quite large.
The details for fatigue out of our company is 21 for camp guard, five for picket. Our Major General Peck [is] commanding the Division. The Sixth ARmy Corps has been expecting to be attacked for the last two weeks. The Rebel General Prior commanding the Black Water forces sent word to Peck that he was going to take the place on such a day but he has not done it yet. But they have been in large forces on the Black Water & it is reported that the movement of Burnsides Army is all that saved us from being attacked. But they would of found us fortified to the eyes. If I have time, I will draw a map of the fortifications and their location.
Today is Saturday. Tomorrow will be my turn for guard. We have to guard two camps—our old camp and the one where we now are. All there is at the old camp is logs that have been left in tearing down the tents. They are not worth a farthing but there must be a guard kept there. It is the Colonel’s doings. He thinks a private soldier ain’t much, but they have got feelings as a Colonel or any other officer and I hope the day is not long absent that we will be liberated from the tyranny of these shoulder straps.
This is not what men left their families—to be abused by these officers, They came to defend their liberties and what have we accomplished? Nothing in the least. Only an expense to the government and what benefit has the last 600,000 men been? When these was raised, they was going to be something done. The Rebellion was going to be put down. But what has been done? There was some of the last call in the Fredericksburg Battle and that was the greatest defeat of the war. Since that, the men have give up all hopes of the war ever being settled by fighting. The only talk is I am going to get out of it and I wished I was. But what will be done when the 9-months men’s time is out which is out in June or July, and also the 2-year’s men which will be out in June or July. There has got to be something done before that or never for there never will be so large an army in the field again. If we can’t whip them now, when can we? My only desire is to get out of it and let them [go].
The paymaster is expected today. I think we will get our pay in a few days. He has been here and paid off a part of them. I am looking for a letter every mail. Give my respects to all. Your affectionate son, — Chauncy Lopus
Letter 2
Camp Suffolk, Virginia April 17th [1863]
Dear Father & Mother,
As I came off of picket this morning and having a few spare moments, I thought I would improve them by writing to you to let you know that I am still in the land of the living and how goes the battle. There has not been any general engagement yet but there is some heavy skirmishing on all sides. The Rebels content themselves with skirmishing. Sometimes they get too near our forts for they have to skedaddle when they open on them. Yesterday they had quite a heavy skirmish on the south side of Suffolk. They drove in our skirmishers and picket and opened on our fortifications with artillery but soon our forts got range on them and soon compelled them to withdraw out of range of our guns.
Yesterday our regiment was most all detailed on chopping and digging. They dig night and day to strengthen our position. There is troops arriving every hour and also siege guns. The Rebels are hovering [over] us on three sides adn they are trying to cut off our supplies from Norfolk and I think they would be successful only for the gunboats on the Nansemond [river]. There is 7 or 8 on this little stream—one monitor. They carry guns of large calibre. They are shelling the woods on either side, five miles from the river. They are continually passing up and down the [river] to watch the enemy to see that he don’t obstruct the channel or cross the river and tear up the railroad.
Our force is estimated at from 40 to 50 thousand. By every appearance, there will be a heavy battle fought here within the next two days. The Rebels are using the railroad from Petersburg almost to Suffolk. We can hear the cars as they come and go. The Rebels is commanded by Gen. Longstreet. It is thought that they will fortify themselves and plant their siege guns, then shell us out, but that will be tested by the ones that have the longest range guns. There is some killed on both sides. There was one of our men killed yesterday and one of their that was found. Last night there was 20 men called out to strengthen their posts. Therefore I went for one, but it was quiet last night. Some of our Boys in our company come very near being taken prisoners. They was surrounded but cut their way out. One of them was David Broadhead, Vonomer’s [?] father.
I have had some close calls but as yet I have missed being hit. Father, today I sent $40 to you by Express. The captain is taking the Boys’ money and expressing the whole company’s money to the [ ] Bank so you can go there and get it. It will start today or tomorrow. It is not safe to carry much money at this period. The Boys are all well in this tent…
Our gunboats is shelling the woods this afternoon. Give my love to all. — Chauncey
Lt. Alfred Bergen Hutchinson of 5th N. J. Vols. (AI sketch drawn from tiny image on Ancestry.com)
These letters were written by Alfred Bergen Hutchinson (1840-1921), the son of George A. Hutchinson (1810-1885) and Ida Van Nest Bergen (1813-1851) of Trenton, Mercer county, New Jersey. Alfred enlisted on 19 August 1861 in the 5th New Jersey Infantry and was promoted through the ranks to 2nd Lieutenant of Co. D. When Alfred first enlisted, he entered in Co. E with his brother-in-law, Captain Henry Harrison Woolsey (1836-1864).
The 5th New Jersey Volunteer Infantry Regiment was organized at Camp Olden, Trenton, New Jersey, in July 1861, and was mustered in on August 22, 1861. It participated in a number of important engagements, including the Battle of Fair Oaks, Seven Pines, Malvern Hill, Second Battle of Bull Run, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, the Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, Cold Harbor, and the Siege of Petersburg.
Alfred wrote all three letters to his younger sister, Sarah M. Hutchinson (1842-1897). Many more of Hutchinson’s Civil War letters can be found in the Special Collections of Chapman University. See Hutchinson & Woolsey, 1861-1888.
Letter 1
Addressed to Miss Sadie M. Hutchinson, Trenton, New Jersey
Camp near Falmouth April 14th, 1863
Dear Sister Sadie
This is a charming spring morning & I imagine I can see you all at Homedell walking about the yard, or some of you sitting in the house with windows hoisted. How I would love to be with you enjoying this splendid weather.
Last week we had a Grand Review. President Lincoln came down & reviewed several corps at the same time. I would give a great deal to have you see such a review. Although I have seen several Grand Reviews, it does not fail to awaken the ideas to the grandeur & vastness of the event. It takes hundreds of acres to give enough room for the troops. The ground is rather uneven & as far as we could see were the troops & flags—a perfect sea of men. You would hardly think there were so many men in the United States. The column passes the President by divisions front—that is, two companies abreast. In this way, regiment after regiment passes & hours are consumed or nearly a day passes & the one who reviews them is tired waiting for all to pass.
Your interesting letter came last night but I had been expecting it several days. You said you expected to hear of our moving every day. Your expectation will soon be realized for we are under marching orders. Our orders came this morning. Every officer & man are to carry eight days rations with them. What do you think of that? The men are ordered to leave nearly all their clothing with the Quartermaster & carry their rations in their knapsacks. The officers are to leave their extra clothing also & to carry their rations the best way they can.
The whole cavalry force left yesterday & also some infantry. It is expected that these forces will get in the rear of the enemy & then we will attack them in front. I hope we may be successful & capture & destroy the whole rebel force in Virginia. As we go out again, I feel the danger we must be subjected to, but God is my shield. I know if we call upon Him, He is ever ready to hear. His eye is upon us at all times, in prosperity and adversely, in security and in danger.
My chum, Lieut. Flannigan, will send on the order & his discharge & wishes father to draw his state pay & send it on by Adams Express. Put it in an envelope and direct it to Lieut. J[ohn] M. Flannigan, Co. K, 5th New Jersey Volunteers. Even if we move, the express company will keep it all safe until he calls for it. He wishes it sent without delay. Harry is well.
Now, dear sister, I must close. Give unbounded love to all the dear ones and I am as ever your own brother, — Alfred
Letter 2
[Camp near Falmouth] June 6th, 1863
Dear Sadie,
Yesterday our usual quiet was disturbed by receiving orders for a march. We packed up & the regiment formed line, then stacked arms in readiness to march at a moment’s notice. At night we received orders to take in our arms and be ready to move at daybreak in the morning. Morning came but we did not go & here we are now, waiting & not knowing what moment we will go.
Yesterday afternoon heavy cannonading was raging along the Rappahannock & our troops are crossing again. A part of the 6th Corps is over this morning. I hope & pray that we may meet with better success this time than heretofore. The crossing seems to be conducted about the same way it was last time. Part of the troops above and part below Fredericksburg. Now and then a cannon booms forth today showing that something is going on & that either one part of the other is not quite satisfied with the proceedings. I dare say we will cross in a day or so.
Hutch and Breasley were over here yesterday but they left rather abruptly upon hearing the army was on a move. When they left camp in the morning, all was quiet & their orders must have come in suddenly & must have started in a hurry for one of our men who had been over to the 6th Corps came home a little after noon & said the 6th Corps was crossing the river. Then Hutch and Breasley started in a hurry. They said their men did not want to go into another engagement & if called upon to go, threats of stacking arms were made as they think their time is out. They seem to think they will not go home before the 15th of June. Conn was well.
We were paid off a few days ago. I sent $80 home by Col. Cook, $30 to repay Marianna for that she sent to me by Harry. The $50 to be invested by father as he thinks best. Harry received encouraging news from Thirza a day or two ago. I sincerely hope she will continue to improve & if she goes out to Homedell, no doubt you all will soon be about again. I fear I will not be able to get home very soon as leaves of absence are not granted at all. However, perhaps after this move they will grant leaves again.
There is an establishment near our camp where they take Ambrotypes. Nearly all the officers of our regiment went over tis morning to get their pictures taken. I had mine taken. They are rather inferior work yet is it a pretty good picture after all, only I look so cross. A stranger would think me very ill-natured from my picture. I will send it on to you.
I received a letter from Annie V. C. yesterday. Harry is well. Before you receive this, we may be fighting desperately, or we may be in Richmond. With unbounded love to you all, I remain your loving brother, — Alfred
Letter 3
Brandy Station, Virginia January 2nd 1864
My dear sister Sadie,
Your delightful missive reached me this evening. It gave me great pleasure to hear that my loved ones at home were well and that they were all enjoying themselves to so great an extent. I think you all must have had a regular jubilee on Christmas. You certainly had presents in profusion. How I would have enjoyed being with you. I have been so very busy of late that I have hardly had time to eat or sleep. But today my most confining labors ceased. You know I am recruiting officer for Vetran volunteers. I gained fifty men & you ought to have seen the heaps of papers it took to muster these men. It seems to be absolute foolishness to make so many rolls, &c., but it had to be done & I did it. I feel richly remunerated for when I took the rolls up to the Division Headquarters today, I was highly complimented. The mustering officer said they were the most complete & neatest & best papers that had been made out in our whole division. I wrote nearly all CHristmas day but had time to partake of dinner for we had roast turkey. Almost all the officers were out of camp so Simon & I sat down and layed to & the proportions of Mr. turkey diminished perceptibly.
We live high on buckwheat cakes & sausage. We have everything necessary for our housekeeping apartment—bake iron, dutch oven, &c. Yesterday (New Years) we intended keeping open house, but we did not have satisfactory arrangements so we had New Years by ourselves until after dinner which was roast turkey again. After dinner, all the officers of our regiment excepting one, procured horses & away we went, a fine squadron of cavalry on a high horse to make calls. After dark we found ourselves in the camp of the 14th New Jersey, a full three miles from home. In every tent we visited, we were warmly received although it was utterly cold without & we were treated generously with hot punch, whiskey raw, whiskey sour, gin, brandy, cake, candy & varieties—especially of the drinking order. We had a grand old time. The fun was not in riding back to camp after midnight though. The roads were in a miserable condition, so rough that we were compelled to let our horses alk slowly the greater part of the distance & we all came near freezing. In fact, I did freeze one of my little toes.
The weather has not moderated yet for as I write, the ink freezes in the pen before it is transcribed on paper. I called on Gen. Mott the evening before he returned. He was pleasant & hospitable, more so than I ever knew him to be before. He gave me a synopsis of his visit home & all the news he possessed concerning Homedell. He had a tedious journey back, so many detentions. Col. Sewell is in New Jersey having been detailed as Superintendent of the drafting operations. I understand his headquarters are at Trenton. You must get a view of him. All of our men who reenlisted as veterans have gone home on furloughs of 35 days & we are somewhat lonesome. Six of my company have gone.
I judge from accounts reviewed that Conn is still favored with a goodly portion of your friendship, if I am forbidden to say love. He must have a lingering hope of retaining your heart yet or he would not continue his attempts. You say Ellie looks bloming this winter. How I would love to see her. Does she seem to have pensive moments at times while at our house? And you imagined she was thinking of me? Perhaps, could you look upon me at times, you might imagine the same thing & if you judged that I was with her in spirit, you would not be very far wrong. Ellie will not always be so reserved. When I come home to stay, she will change, I doubt not.
An order came out a few days ago stating that supernumerary officers could get a leave of absence of 35 days providing they would signify in writing their willingness to serve three years longer/ I think I might be called supernumerary now as I have only four men for duty, and receive the leave. But three years is too long a time to suit me to remain in Uncle Sam’s service, although 35 days at home just at this time is really a tempting bait. I will accept ten days leave in February & not bind myself further.
Sunday afternoon. I have just been re-reading your last letter & I must confess it makes me feel somewhat sober to contemplate the many pleasant times you are enjoying these holidays & here I sit missing all the fun. However, I am not cursed with a despondent or melancholy nature, than Providence, & am looking on the sunny side of events & let come what will. I’ll be gay & happy still.
It is quiet in camp today—too cold for preaching, but I have a stock of good religious papers on hand which afford a diversion of the mind from wars & rumors of wars, and besides, they are interesting, profitable, and pleasurable. So you see I am not entirely destitute. When does Harry expect to return. I hope (for his good & his wife’s) not this winter.
Sadie, will you please send me a ccatalogue of music for the pianom with the address of the firm. I want to send for some pieces to present to some of our mutual friends. It would be most desirable if you could procure one, from some firm in Philadelphia. I received a letter from Emily New Years day & took it as a precious present & the only one. In future I will be able to write oftener as the rush of business has subsided. I close by wishing you all a Happy New Year. Ever your fond brother, — Alfred
The following letters were written by Theron Treat (1839-1908), the son of Barzillai Treat (1807-1894) and Sophia Kingsley (1814-1898) of West Worcester, Otsego county, New York. He wrote them during the American Civil War while serving in Co. D, 3rd New York Cavalry. His service records inform us that he enlisted in late August 1864 and mustered out in early June 1865—a total of ten months. Enlisting a few days before Theron was his cousin, William “Lorenzo” Knapp, who no doubt had some influence on his decision to join the regiment and avoid the draft.
Theron datelined both of his letters from the detachment’s encampment near Pungo Landing, a flat farmland, marshy area along the North Landing River in southeastern Virginia, some 30 miles from Norfolk and east of the Great Dismal Swamp.
[Note: These letters are from the collection of Brandon White and were made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Letter 1
Addressed to Mr. Barzillai Treat. West Worcester, Otsego county, New York
In Camp at Pungo Landing [Virginia] December the 21st, 1864
Well, here I am, well and hearty, and hope that you are all well. I got your letter two or three days ago. You wrote that you heard that I was lame. All that I have been lame was two or three days in one of my legs and that was not as bad as I have had it at home. So you see that you have had all that worrying for nothing. You wanted me to write how I was. That I do every time [I write]. My health is a great deal better than I thought it would be in the army and I like it first rate.
We are in a good place now and shall stay here some time. There is nothing to do but a little guard duty and that is to keep contraband goods from going into the country where we don’t want them to go. We are within five miles of the line between the states of North Carolina and Virginia. Our people have held this part of the state for two years so there is no rebs in these parts. We buy all of the fresh fish that we want and all of the milk and all of the fresh meat and sweet potatoes that we want, and we have a first rate time.
Lorenzo and I have a log house of our own with a brick fireplace and a good bed and lots of blankets and we have things in style. You will laugh but it is true.
You wanted me to get a furlough but I don’t want one. I am a going to stay and see this thing through and then when the time is up that I enlisted for, then I shall come home for the war will be over in a short time and I feel a great deal more like a man here than I should at home, scared almost to death at the word, D-R-A-F-T. Tell the Copperheads that they will have to come when Old Abe says the word and [Gov.] Seymour can’t save them now for scared creatures—Oh! where is Little Mac?
Tell John Treat to raise a boy for it is war ties and he must do something for his country, and it may as well be that as anything else. There is not much news to write. The weather has been very nice. There has not been any snow nor much cold weather.
You wrote that you would send me a box if I wanted. I can get all of the things here as well and as cheap so there is no need of it. I have got some undershirts and all the stockings and all the clothes that I want and I have got the money to buy all that I want to eat. And half of the boxes don’t come through [anyway] so you see that it don’t pay. I think that Lorenzo is foolish to have one sent. Tell [brother] John to write to me in the next letter. Clara wrote that he had been sick. I hope he is well and seeing to the colt. The reason that I did not get a horse when Lorenzo did was he got his to Camp Stoneman and I did not go there. — Theron Treat
Letter 2
In Camp at Pungo Landing May 21st [1865]
I am well and hearty and so is Lorenzo. He is about ten miles from here. I came from there this morning. I went down there yesterday to see the boys that was there. There is about half of our company there. You need not worry one bit about either one of us. We are alright and in good places.
I got a letter from you dated the 29th and a paper the other day. I was down to Norfolk the other day and saw that Ram that our boys took at Richmond and the one that they took at Wilmington. They was a right smart sight, I recon.
Well, I think this war is about played out and I think the rebs are as tired as they need to be and well they might be. They have caught the murderer of old Abe and shot him and if anyone says they are glad old Abe is dead, they had ought to be served the same way. I don’t care who it is. And I should like to try them on with my carbine about three paces off. They are meaner than rebs and that is needless.
You wrote that Aunt Pitts was dead so you see that people don’t live always [even] if they ain’t in the army. I recon a man will live till his time comes, let him be where he will. As for having to go on a raid, I never had to ride twenty miles in the army at one time, so it ain’t very hard, is it? And you need not worry about the guerrillas for there ain’t any here.
I think some of the troops will be discharged before long and they may take it in to their heads to discharge us. Well, I don’t care much if they do. Well, John, how are you today? Well, I hope you must not work too hard but be a good boy and I recon I will bring you a stick of candy or something else. As for that yellow gal, she is too big to send in a letter.
The following letters were written by Algernon D. Hazard who served as a corporal in Company F of the 112th New York Infantry Regiment during the Civil War. He enlisted on August 30, 1862, for a three-year term. The 112th New York, known as the “Chautauqua Regiment,” was organized in Jamestown, NY, and fought in Virginia and South Carolina.
Algernon was the son of Caleb Hazard (1808-1895) and Mary (Hannah) Newberry (1819-1885) of Ellery, Chautauqua county, New York. Only five of Algernon’s letters are presented here. There are three other letters, two by Capt Joseph S. Mathews, and one by Chaplain William Lyman Hyde, both of the 112th New York Regiment.
We learn from the regimental history that Algernon was “seriously wounded” in the fighting at Cold Harbor on June 1, 1864. A diary that I transcribed in 2024 by James Stafford of Co. C, 112th, included the following entry for that day: “Wednesday, June 1, 1864—We marched nearly all day and were tired out but were ordered right into the fight and we charged with knapsacks on. Many of our noble boys fell dead and dying…” The letter by Capt. Mathews, however, remembers the date of Algernon’s wounding as June 2nd. Stafford’s diary reveals that there was heavy fighting on that day as well: “Thursday, June 2, 1864. This morning we were ordered out to the front and many were killed and wounded…”
At a field hospital near the front, Algernon’s right leg was amputated—his wound being just above the right knee. A few days later he was transported several miles to the 18th Corps hospital at White House Landing where he died shortly after his arrival. Perhaps the jostling of the ambulance wagon resulted in uncontrolled bleeding around the sutures.
Letter 1
Camp on Folly Island near Charleston, [S.C.] August 21st 1863
Respected Father,
Again I seat myself to let you know that I am well with the exception of a bile [boil] on my left ankle which is very painful. I have been excused from duty 4 days on the account of it. The weather here is quite warm (you would call it hot) but not much warmer than it was at Portsmouth. We had a little rain here twice.
There is firing on Morris Island nearly all the time. I hear that they have breached [Fort] Sumter and from what I know have no reasons to doubt it but as I said in my last letter, I ain’t allowed to write any news anything of what is going on.
Our duty here is pretty hard and there is a good many sick. There is over 100 a taking medicine of what is here—nearly one-fifth. There is nothing new here to write. I have received one letter from you since I have been here which I acknowledged in my other letter. It bore the daye of July 27th.
I have already wrote five letters which I have not heard from. One at Bower’s Hill, two at Portsmouth (one containing the check), and two since I have been here. I don’t know as there is anything more. Yours truly, — A. D. Hazard
Letter 2
Camp on Folly Island November 2nd 1863
Respected Father,
Again I seat myself to let you know that I am well. I saw Kingsley a few minutes ago. He is well and fat as a hog. There has been heavy firing for three or four days in the direction of [Fort] Sumter and it is rumored that they haveat last demolished it. With the exception of the firing on Sumter, everything runs smoothly. The company has to go on picket once in ten days and when they are in camp, they drill from 2 to 4 hours each day.
The weather is comfortably warm—not hot enough to be disagreeable—and is so we can sleep comfortably nights. Our regiment is rather sickly as usual and always will be till we have a different man for a head doctor. We have lost 26 by sickness and one killed since we have been here in this department.
The sutler sells things very high here. Apples 10 dollars a barrel—good and bad altogether by whole sale. Potatoes are $5 a barrel. Sweet potatoes $7 a barrel. Mackerel 40 cents a pound, 75 cents a quart for preserved blackberries. Everything else in proportion and some things a little more so. I still continue to help cook. How long I shall, I don’t know.
Mr. P. S. Kimball has got home. He will probably show his patriotism at election tomorrow. No more at present. Yours truly, — A. D. Hazard
Letter 3
Big Bay Island February 1st 1864
Respected Father,
I now seat myself to answer your welcome letter of January 8th which just came to this island by a dispatch boat. It had been miscarried some way because the one of the 15th I received day before yesterday.
This island is 6 miles long and we have the best water here that we have had since we have been in the service. I don’t expect to write any news for I have just mailed a letter. If I was there, they wouldn’t need to offer me 350 dollars town bounty only once unless I thought I could get more by waiting a little longer. I think the fighting part of this war is over mostly and unless I do happen to stop a reb ball, I can live as well in the army as anywhere.
I don’t think of anything else. Yours truly, — A. D. Hazard
Letter 4
Folly Island February 24th 1864
Respected Father,
I now seat myself to answer your letter of the 1st of this month which I received today. We are back to Folly waiting transportation to Florida. The regiment left here for Jacksonville yesterday and we shall go there as soon as there is a boat goes that way. I am well and tough as I ever was in my life. I don’t want you nor mother to trouble any about me because it won’t do me any good and will damage your health. I am able to paddle my own canoe as long as I am well. What I meant by saying to pardon that I shouldn’t have been here is that I should have been in some other regiment.
The shells which I spoke of is some that I picked up on Big Bay Island and if they come through, I want you to pay the Express on them and take them and take care of them till I come home—if ever I do. If I don’t, do with them as you like. I have seen Kingsley and got my things all right.
The shirts that I sent for you need not send unless you have started them. If you have started them, you can’t do any other way—only let htem come. They will find me some time sooner or later. As for sending money home this summer, I don’t think I shall send much if I am where I can buy my things to eat. I have wrote to the Paymaster General asking him to cancel my allotment and send me my pay all in money. He will do it without any doubt. Kingsley said you had some talk of buying a piece of land. If you do, I will help you to $75 a year till it is paid for.
(There is some talk of our regiment reenlisting when they have been in two years. What shall I do about it? I shall do just as you say. Still, I have a mind of my own. I think the best thing I can do is to enlist. Don’t let mother [ ] you read this.)
After you get this, you needn’t look for anything more from me till it comes. Direct as before. Yours truly, — A. D. Hazard
Our being mustered at Big Bay was of no use. Consequently I shan’t get any pay till there is six months due me.
Letter 5
Jacksonville, Florida April 1st, 1864
Respected Father,
I now seat myself to write a few lines. I am well and healthy as I ever was in my life. I have delayed writing for some days thinking I should get a letter from you but I have received none later than February 24th.
The weather is just comfortably warm with considerable rain and wind. The wind blows the sand so here some of the time so that it is more disagreeable than the snow is when the wind blows in the northern states. It is so sometimes that you can’t walk facing the wind.
Kingsley [John A. Kinsman?] has come to the regiment again. He looks healthy as I ever saw him. He got here night before last.
This morning about 4 A.M. the transport called the Maple Leaf was destroyed by a torpedo a few miles above here. The Maple Leaf arrived here night before last [31 March 1864] from Folly Island bringing on here the convalescent soldiers of our brigade and the whole of the camp and garrison equipage belonging to the brigade. She ran up to the dock and unloaded what soldiers was on her and then was ordered up the river with some more troops before she had time to unload the rest of the stuff, so we sent a guard of 10 men with her to take care of our part of the stuff. She made the trip [to Palatka] which she was ordered to and was coming back [when] the torpedo blowed her all to pieces back to the engine house. She sunk in three minutes. There was three negroes and two firemen drowned. The rest of the crew was saved but our tents, kettles, officer’s clothing, company books, regimental books, and so on are in about 18 feet of water. The officer’s clothing that is lost is undoubtedly worth 1,500 dollars.
Wreck of the Transport Steamers “Maple Leaf” and “Gen’l Hunter” on St. Johns River, Florida — Sunk by torpedoes
No more at present. From your son, — A. D. Hazard
Direct [to] Co. F, 112th New York Volunteers, Jacksonville, Florida
Please send me some stamps.
Letter 6
Addressed to Mr. Caleb Hazard, Sinclairsville P. O., Chautauqua county, New York
An AI sketch of Capt. Joseph S. Mathews (1832-1872) made from a grainy photograph on Ancestry.com
In the Field June 6, 1864
Caleb Hazard, Esq.
Dear sir, I regret to inform you that your son, Corporal A. D. Hazard of my company, was quite seriously wounded during a charge made by our regiment on the 2nd inst. and has suffered amputation of his right leg just above the knee.
Have just come from his side & a glad to inform you that he is in good spirits & more comfortable than could reasonably be expected. He will probably be sent home as soon as he is strong enough to travel. Very respectfully your obedient servant, — J[oseph] S. Mathews, Capt. Commanding 112th New York, 2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, 18th Army Corps
Letter 7
An AI sketch of Capt. Joseph S. Mathews (1832-1872) made from a grainy photograph on Ancestry.com
In the Field June 22, 1864
Caleb Hazard,
Dear sir, your letter of 16th inst. is just read and I hasten to reply. Having been in command of the regiment most of the time since June 1st and either fighting or marching constantly, I was unable to pay that attention to Corporal Hazard that I should under any other circumstances.
At the time I wrote you, I had just left him & found him so cheerful and feeling so well. I had no doubts in my own mind of his final recovery. The surgeon-in-charge of the hospital with whom I consulted was of the same opinion. Soon after my visit, all who could stand it to ride to White House were ordered away to make room for others of our poor boys constantly coming in and it seems the corporal’s ambition was greater than his strength for he died soon after reaching White House.
I am informed on good authority that his grave is plainly marked so there will be no difficulty in finding it at any future time. His effects were placed in a box & sent to you by Express. I presume, however, that many of them had been thrown away by him as men will not carry in their knapsacks on a long march only what is absolutely necessary. I hardly know what words of sympathy to offer you in this terrible bereavement for if Algernon was as good a son as he was reliable, true & faithful soldier, your loss is indeed very great.
I have watched his military career in the company closely & have always found him ever ready, of good habits, and attention to every duty. I never had to enquirer if any duty assigned to Corp. Hazard had been performed for I always knew it was done to the very letter. He stood high in my own estimation & was a favorite with his company and was first among the corporals that I should have promoted for he was in every way worthy of it. We shall miss him very much.
He fell but a few feet from me & I know he was doing his duty like a man.
Any assistance I can render you in procuring his remains will be gladly rendered as I cannot bear the thought of any of my brave boys sleeping in this accursed rebel soil if time or money will obtain their removal. Enclosed please find receipt of Express company. Also $3.25. With a heart full of sympathy, I remain very truly yours, — J[oseph] S. Mathews
Capt. Co. F, 112th NY Vols., 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, 10th Army Corps, Bermuda Hundred, Va.
Letter 8
Camp 112th New York Vols. Near Hatcher’s Run, Virginia August 20, 1864
Caleb Hazard, Esq.,
This letter was written by William Lyman Hyde, doubtless one of many that the chaplain of the 112th NY Infantry wrote to the families of wounded or killed members of the regiment.A book of the chaplains war time correspondence entitled, “Armed Only With Faith” edited by Donald Rutherford was published in 2015.Hyde also authored the regimental history.
Dear sir, yours of July 10th only reached me last week which is the reason you have not heard from me earlier. The money and account book and old papers were all that your son had with him. His knapsack was lost on the field of battle. The express receipt was for the little package which you received. It was put into the express by the chaplain at the hospital & the express company gave him the receipt. He gave me the money and the receipt which I in turn gave Capt. Mathews who sent them to you.
Your son was sent to the hospital at White House about a week after he was wounded—five days perhaps. His leg had been amputated and it was thought he was doing well. I told you in my last that I was not at White House when he died, but there was one of our men there—a Robert Jones of Co. H—who saw him as soon as he got there & was with him when he died. He called the Chaplain, Rev. Mr. Jones, chaplain of the I. H. Vols., to see him. The chaplain is now where I cannot reach him but will send your letter to him as soon as I can find out where he is.
The Co. H man says your son was very low when he got to White House. It is a hard, long ride from Cold Harbor there—the distance at least 14 miles and over a horrid rough road. He could not speak much above a whisper, and conversed but little, even with the chaplain. He told him he wanted him to send home his money & pocket book and gave him your name. Jones does not recollect that he said anything more. He was very weak and about an hour after getting to the hospital, he died.
He was buried by the regular attendants at the hospital and the place of his grave is marked. A plain board has his name, Company & Regiment on it at the head of his grave. You cannot get to this place of burial in October unless our troops occupy White House Landing again. But if our forces were there, it would be very easy to find his grave. It is by the side of many others buried from the 18th Army Corps Hospital. (We were in the 18th Corps then though we belong to the 10th.)
If the changes of war should next fall or winter take us to that locality, I could go with you to the very spot where his remains lie. I feel very sad when I think of Algernon and many others of our noblest, truest, young men who now sleep the sleep of Death. May God care for you in your sorrow and give you back your boy in Heaven. Very truly yours, — [William] L[yman] Hyde, Chaplain 112th N. Y.
The following letter was written by Josiah Shick (1832-1872), the son of Henry Shick (1803-1888) and Susan Brown (1804-1884) of Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania. Josiah enlisted in Co. G, 119th Pennsylvania Regiment, in August 1862 and mustered out in June 1865. He was promoted from a private to corporal in March 1863.
Josiah wrote this letter to his brother-in-law, Rev. John G. Sands (1834-1916) of Chester county, Pennsylvania—a minister of the United Evangelical church for more than half a century. He was licensed to preach in March 1862 and labored on numerous circuits in Pennsylvania until he retired in 1907. He was married to Josiah’s younger sister, Mary Shick (1839-1917), in the late 1850s.
No comprehensive record of Josiah’s military service is available online; however, it is assumed that he served with the 119th Pennsylvania—often referred to as the “Gray Reserves”—throughout all of their engagements. The reserve brigade was a home guard unit formed in 1861, and in late 1862 many of its members joined the 119th Pennsylvania, seeing extensive service with the Sixth Army Corps. This regiment earned distinction for their exceptional resilience. They notably marched for 37 hours within a 24-hour period to arrive at the Battle of Gettysburg. Their participation extended to several significant battles, including Salem Church (or Salem Heights), their first serious engagement, which was described in detail in the following letter.
This image from the collections of the Library of Congress depicts the members of the 119th Pennsylvania in winter camp. The log houses covered with shelter halves are laid out in regular Army order with the stacks of muskets in the company streets. The group of men in the foreground appear to be playing cards to pass the time while several men in the background drink from bottles.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Addressed to Rev. John G. Sands, St. Marys Post Office, Chester county, Pa.
Camp near White Oak Church, Va. May 17th 1863
Dear brother & sister,
This being Sunday and I have some spare time, I thought I would write you a few lines to let you know that I am still in the enjoyment of good health, hoping that you are all enjoying the same great blessing. I have wrote home twice since I came back and up to this time have not had an answer to either of my letters. I heard through Martha that you are all well. I had a letter from her yesterday. She has got quite well again. I wrote home since the battle. John, I will tell you a little about our trip and would-be defeat as some would try to have it.
On the 28th of April we left camp with 8 days rations and marched toward the Rappahannock river below Fredericksburg, halted at dark, and lay down and was just about getting asleep when we was called up and orders given to move off as quiet as we could, march[ing] to the bank of the river. It was assigned to our Brigade [Russell’s] to be the first to cross the river and it had to be done in pontoon boats and in the dark at that. The boats was launched—22 boats was the number—and 40 men in a boat. The boats was all filled and the word was given to move off. All started at the word and in a few minutes we were rowed over. They was a heavy fog over the river so that we could not see but a few rods ahead of us so just as we struck the shore, the Rebels gave us two or three volleys of musketry and as soon as we could get up the bank, the fire was returned but [the] Rebels fled and our Brigade took possession of the rifle pits on the bank of the river and held them and protected the laying of the pontoon bridges. 1
In crossing, our regiment lost one killed and one wounded. The 95th Penn. Vols. lost 5 wounded. The 49th Penn. Vols. had two wounded. They was one Rebel officer captured and one soldier killed.
After the bridges was laid, some artillery [Battery D, 2nd US Artillery] crossed and was placed in position and one Division of the 6th Corps [Sedgwick’s] crossed and that was all that crossed at this point until Saturday night. Then all of the 6th Corps crossed, so one Division [Brooks’] held the place for four days. Most every day the Rebs would try to shell us out and we had to change our position several times and we lay in line of battle most all the time and we was called up as much as three times in one night.
Brooks’s division photographed by Andrew J. Russell on the morning of May 3. Brooks’s men are near the pontoon crossing; the Rappahannock River is in the background near the houses on the horizon. Later in the day, some of these soldiers may have been killed or wounded at Salem Heights.
On Saturday night we heard heavy cannonading. It was up on the right. We had all made up our minds as day dawned on Sunday morning [May 3rd] the fight [would] commence where we was and it did. The artillery was the first to open as soon as it got light, and it was the heaviest cannonading I ever heard. It fairly made the earth shake and was kept up until about 11 o’clock. Then a part of our Corps charged on the heights of Fredericksburg and took them with considerable loss on both sides. Our men had to charge up a steep hill. We did not take part in the charge for we had to hold a position at the time.
At two o’clock we passed through the City and a forlorn looking place it is. Every house is riddled with ball and shell. Saw two male citizens and 6 or 8 women looking out of the windows. I saw some hard sights as we passed through the town. Dead of both sides laying in the hot sun after a battle is over is the worst part—to see the dead and wounded. God grant that this war may soon come to a close.
Sunday about 5 o’clock we got into another fight. We marched some three miles beyond the City of Fredericksburg [on the Orange Plank Road], overtook a large force of the Rebs and we was near the first to get into it. The most part of the fighting was with infantry. We marched up to a woods and got engaged; then we was ordered in. So in we went the best we could. The woods was thick and full of underbrush so that we had [to] crawl in at some places. The balls was flying as thick as hail. We had not more than got through the thickest of the woods when the Rebs came out on us in three lines of battle and we were ordered to fall back out of the woods and in doing so, some of our boys was taken prisoner and some killed and many wounded. I got out safe, but how I got through such hail of bullets safe, I can’t say except that God protected me though safe and I have felt so thankful for His protection over me. 2
At one time I thought I would give up and be taken prisoner. Then I thought I might get hit before I could get out of the woods on their side so I risked the getting out on our side. The balls was cutting up the dirt about me and men falling all around me. The Rebs came out of the woods but was soon drove back by troops that was in line behind us. The fighting was kept up until dark, neither side gaining any ground that night. The wounded was carried off that night. Next morning our artillery shelled the woods but by some means the Rebs out-flanked us and Monday night we was compelled to fall back and recross the river at Banks Ford. We all got over safe at daylight on Tuesday morning. On Sunday, May 31st, we took part in two hard fought battles and marched some 5 or 6 miles.
On Tuesday it began to rain and rained for three days. On Friday, May 8th we took the line of march for our old camp at this place. We arrived here the same day at 5 o’clock, all very tired. But since we have been back, we have not had much to do so now we are pretty well rested. The weather has been very warm since we came back. Some think that the late battles have been a great disaster to our army. I don’t think so. Although it did not accomplish all that was expected it to do, it done well. Men that fought us on Sunday came from Suffolk and other places south. They brought all their forces from Richmond and other points. I think the Rebs loss much greater than ours. They lost some valuable officers. Stonewall Jackson is one of that number. There is no signs of a movement at this time. The loss in our regiment will number about 140. One third of that number, I think, is prisoners and the rest wounded and killed. They can’t account for more than 10 or 12 that was killed. I don’t think the killed will over reach that number.
I had a letter from [brother] Cyrus a few days ago—all well. I must close with love to all and hope to hear from you soon. I still remain as ever your affectionate soldier brother, — Josiah Shick.
N. B. Remember me to all at home. W. Epehimer came through the fight safe. His regiment lost 160 in all counting wounded and prisoners.
1 The 6th Corps was kept out of view as they started toward Franklin’s Crossing late Tuesday, 28 April. After dark, the men and pontoons were moved to the river from the cover of the woods 1000 yards back. Once at the river, the soldiers lay on their arms and waited. It was after 4 a.m. before 1200 men of the 95th and 119th Pennsylvania were loaded into the pontoon boats and rowed across the river. There were 45 men plus officers transported in each boat. It took only a matter of minutes for the men to scramble up the bank and into the rebel rifle pits once they landed. [Source: Chancellorsville 1863, The Souls of the Brave, page 98, by Ernest B. Ferguson]
2 It was the 119th and 95th Pennsylvania that were detached from the Brigade and hurried onward to overtaking the retreating Rebels from Fredericksburg on the Orange Plank Road. It was near Salem Church that they encountered Cadmus Wilcox’s 5 brigades of Alabamians and Georgians in force, posted in a woods, hidden from view. The Pennsylvanians were aligned in battle formation to the left of the road and with other troops, placed under the immediate command of General Sedgwick. The advance of Federals up the gradual slope to the red brick church was ordered about 5 p.m. They were quickly overwhelmed by a superior force, twice their number, and fell back with heavy losses, Union artillery firing over their heads as they retreated. [Source: Chancellorsville 1863, The Souls of the Brave, page 278, by Ernest B. Ferguson]
The patriotic letterhead of Josiah’s letter with his annotation, “Mother, this is the flag that we are fighting for.”
The following letter was written by Josiah Van Fossan (1835-1889), the son of David Van Fossan (1808-1862) and Melinda Fishel (1809-1881) of Wayne City, Wayne county, Illinois. Josiah was earning a living as a carpenter in Mount Erie, Illinois, was married and with small children when he enlisted as a private on 13 August 1862 to serve three years in Co. D, 87th Illinois Infantry. At that time, muster rolls recorded his height at 5’8″, his hair brown, his eyes grey. The regiment primarily served in the Department of the Tennessee and the Department of the Gulf, with actions in Arkansas (Helena) and Louisiana (Vicksburg campaign, Brashear City, 1864 Red River Campaign). Josiah mustered out of the service on 16 June 1865 at Helena, Arkansas.
Also serving with him in the same company and mentioned in this letter was his younger brother, David Van Fossan, Jr. (1843-1912). They both survived the war. Both of them were born in Columbiana county, Ohio, and came with their parents to Wayne county, Illinois, in 1851.
[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Jennifer Wood who is the great-great-great granddaughter of David Van Fossan, brother of the author. She made it available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Camp Logan Shawneetown [Illinois] October 31st 1862
Dear mother & brother,
I sit myself down to inform you that we are well except David. He is very sick now with the fever. He went to the hospital the 3rd day after he got here. He had to stop on the road when he was coming down about 12 miles from here. I got a buggy and went after him and I hope when this comes to hand, they will find you and Alexander enjoying good health for that is the greatest blessing that God can bestow on us.
Mother, I have not much to write you at this time. If you’ans can get any way to come after David or can send after him, you have best do it. The Captain says he will give him a furlough to go home and stay till he gets well again. He is getting very weak and falling off very fast. This is a very good place for a man as long as he keeps well but it is a hard place for a sick man. I have had my health the best kind except a chill about a week ago but I went and got some quinine and stopped it right straight and now I am as fat and sassy as a lawyer.
I will tell you we was mustered in this morning for the draw of our money. We will draw two months wages now and the money goes well with us so as we can send it to our families so they can live and get along. I believe I have give you all the particulars but I want you to send for David if you can any way at all.
So I must come to a close for this time and write more the next time. I have so many to write to, I can’t write very often but Mother, I will write to you as often as I can. I want to hear from you as soon as you get this. Tell all the friends that I am well, Tell Jacob I would like to hear from him.
So no more at present but still remains your son, — Josiah Vanfostain
The following letter was written by Samuel Clarke Pomeroy (1816-1891), a man who was legendary in the historical lore of Kansas history. A biographical sketch of Pomeroy posted in the Digital History of the Kansas City Public Library gives us a summary of lifetime accomplishments. He and Jim Lane were the first two Senators from the State of Kansas—both rather controversial figures to say the least.
“Pomeroy spent nearly the first 40 years of his life on the east coast, where he went to college, had a brief career as an educator, and held various political offices. Born in Southampton, Massachusetts, in 1816, Pomeroy attended college at Amherst, Massachusetts, from 1836 to 1838. Following his collegiate career, Pomeroy worked as an educator in New York State for four years before returning to Massachusetts. Once back in the Bay State, Pomeroy held several political offices, including a term as a state representative from 1852 to 1853.
In 1854, Pomeroy started working for the NEEAC and relocated to Kansas, where he became politically and financially involved in the “Bleeding Kansas” dispute. He initially settled in Kansas City, Missouri, where he worked as a financial officer for the New England Emigrant Aid Society (NEEAC) by helping new migrants’ families find temporary accommodation in Kansas City so that the heads of household could travel into the territory and stake their claim. He also began to invest in townships in Kansas, and in 1855, held a significant stake in recently formed town of Osawatomie.
Pomeroy relocated to Lawrence in time to take part in several seminal Free-State events. He was captured while supporting the Free-State side during the so-called “Wakarusa War” of November and December 1855, which nearly resulted in an assault on Lawrence by 2,000 Missourians. He also served as the Chairman for the Lawrence Committee of Public Safety, a position that tested Pomeroy’s leadership skills, restraint, and political savvy…
An emblematic Northern émigré, Pomeroy found himself elected to represent Kansas as a senator upon the territory’s promotion to statehood in 1861. He had lived in Kansas for less than seven years when he was elected to the Senate, but he went on to serve in the body for more years (12) than he actually lived in the “Sunflower State.” During his years in Washington, he not only served as a senator during the Civil War, but also in the early days of Reconstruction. Notably, he served as campaign chairman for Ohio Senator Solomon P. Chase in his short-lived effort to contest the Republican nomination in 1864. Pomeroy also sponsored Senate Bill 392, which created Yellowstone National Park in 1871. After his aforementioned bribery scandal in 1873, Pomeroy spent the remainder of his life in the Northeast and died in Massachusetts in 1891.
Although he ended his political career in mild disgrace, Samuel Pomeroy remains an exemplar for all of the noteworthy aspects of Northern migration during the Bleeding Kansas period. He came to Kansas with the NEEAC, fought for Free-Soil, made a fortune in the railroad industry, and became a senator. When modern Kansans tell the popular, NEEAC dominated story of the birth of the state, they tell a variation of Pomeroy’s story, even if they have never heard his name.”
In the following letter, written in his own hand, Samuel Pomeroy wrote an acknowledgement for the receipt of money donated for the relief of Kansas settlers suffering through a severe drought. Ministers of all denominations from Kansas travelled back East to solicit donations for farmers whose crops dried up for the want of rain. This drought lasted from June 1859 to late 1860 and resulted in up to a third of the population leaving the state just prior to Statehood in 1861.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Office of Kansas Relief Committee Atchison, Kansas Territory February 19th 1861
Mr. J. Lofland,
Dear sir, with pleasure we acknowledge receipt of your remittance of thiirteen dollars for the relief of the sufferers in Kansas. We shall endeavor faithfully to use it for the purposes desired.
Please express to the kind donors the sincere and heartfelt thanks and gratitude of the any thousands dependent upon us for food, clothing and seed.
I have the honor to remain yours very truly, — S. C. Pomeroy
This letter was written by John Henry (“Hal”) Elliot (1813-1895), the son of John Elliott (1783-1865) and Deborah Bixby (1786-1880) of Keene, Cheshire county, New Hampshire. He wrote the letter to his younger sister, Deborah Maria Elliot (1811-1862). Hal graduated from Harvard College in 1835. He became the treasurer and trustee of Ashuelot railroad, secretary and director of the Cheshire railroad, and a member of the Governor’s staff and also of the New Hampshire Legislature. Hal was married in August 1848 to Emily A. Wheelock. I believe the “George” mentioned in the letter was George Alexander Wheelock (1817-1906), Emily’s brother.
We learn from the letter that Hal was on his way to New Orleans but he does not give us an indication of the purpose for making the journey.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Addressed to Miss D. M. Elliot, Keene, New Hampshire
Charleston [South Carolina] 22 February 1847
My dear Maria,
Thus far “en route” & in good condition. I wrote Father a line from Boston and also from New York but I reserve particulars for you.
We had quite a Keene party as far as Boston, consisting of us three, Mr. Edwards, Mrs. Parmelee, and two daughters, and “Capt. Paige.” By the by, the two Parmelee girls are quite tolerable, far more so than I expected. I saw Lucinda Greble, but in my haste I neglected to call & I wish if you would write her, you would make a bit of an apology for me as I am quite ashamed of my negligence. Miss Loldell enquired after you. Miss Prentiss was in town & John W. & Mary H. to see “the children” dance. I called a moment at Mr. [ ] and heard of James there.
We left Boston the 11th instant & arrived in New York the next morning by way of Worcester and Norwich I spent Friday evening (12th) at Lucy’s & the night. She wished me to bring my trunk up & make my home there but I could not well leave George alone. She was quite pleased with your present & with her little [ ]. She is trying to find another house, more to her mind. W. K. T. I saw on Saturday. Said he had written you a few days previous. I went over to see Lisa on Sunday and dined there. The children there are dreadfully noisy. William gave me a couple of letters to New Orleans.
We left New York Monday the 15th & put up at Philadelphia in the afternoon. Went to the Water Works, Girard College, foggy & disagreeable as the weather was. Next morning it was worse & rained some so we pushed on to Baltimore and then to Washington, same day. We remained there 3 days in a mist, however we spent most of our time at the Capitol & did not mind it. Robert Smith was very civil. Mr. J. H. J. I did not see. I met Miss Savage [?] & Mrs. Bunker [?] at the Patent Office. Mrs. B introduced me to her husband [and] was polite enough to invite me to his house but I did not call.
The U.S. Patent Office in Washington D. C. in 1846
Friday morning the 19th at 3 o’clock in the morning we left Washington by steamboat 40 miles, then by railway 110 miles to Richmond, but rain continuing, did not stop, & went on 23 miles to Petersburg, then 65 miles to Weldon (N. C.), then 155 miles to Wilmington, then by steam packet 150 miles to this Palmetto City, making in all without stopping at all 517 miles!
George was quite tired out and had the headache & was sea sick—it being quite rough. As for me, I enjoyed tossing much. The sun rose clear as we came up the harbor this morning, much to my joy as I have not seen his face since leaving New York before. From Petersburg to this place we had a droll collection of passengers. There was so 20 volunteers going to the wars resembling Jack Falstaff’s army. There was about 100 slaves being taken on to Texas for cotton growing—men, women and children! Then there was two or three officers of the Regular Army who were at all the battles in Mexico, one of them knew Lt. Daniels very well. They left us here and went directly on to New Orleans today. And lastly, there was some half dozen of the barbarians of the country we traversed, drinking constantly. No ladies, I reckon, travel on this route. No man would ever desire to but once—I mean from Richmond this way. The country is hideous—very thinly populated, poor soil, vast forests of yellow pine & nothing [about] its mild climate makes it habitable at all— so much of most of Virginia & all of North Carolina. But things appear rather better here under a bright sun. The soil, to be sure, is poor, but whatever grows, grows without blight. I saw peas six inches high today & peaches in blossom &c. If New England’s fertile valleys had such a climate, what paradise it would be! I expect to find the union in the Mississippi Valley. We shall go hence after resting here a few days.
This is a queer old place, almost shabby, but on the whole I like it. Tell Mother that the cooking here is not as inviting as to make a man injure himself in eating. Today, being the birthday of Washington, was a great parade here of military. Also the races having closed, a Grand Fandango Ball comes off tonight. George & I thought of going but could not find the placard, so gave it up.
There were numerous slave sales occurring in and about Charleston at the time but perhaps it was this notice in the Charleston Mercury that caught Hal’s eye.
There is to be a sale of Negroes tomorrow by auction. We shall be there to see.
Tell Father that the Railroads south of Washington are not fenced in at all, cross all the highways at grade, have no warning boards, & go at the rate of about ten miles the hour! all flat rail on hills & as rough as a common road, but, however, it is in keeping with the people & country.
I have many things to say but my scraps of paper will not permit. These scraps I found in my dressing case—the best the House here affords. You will see in the envelope hereof which I can’t write legibly upon. I hope you will write me at New Orleans as soon as you receive this. I feel very anxious to hear of and from home. I shall write and send papers as often as I can for convenience in this half-civilized land. I miss my Esc____ very much. Has the umbrella turned up? Only think—the flies are buzzing about here as in June!
Well now, good night. Pleasant dreams. I hope Mother does not trouble herself about my safety. I shall no doubt get on very well. May the Infinite One guide you& bless us here and everywhere, now & always, and write us in His own good time. With love to all. I am your affectionate Brother Hal
While researching this letter, I found this letter posted in the Daily National Intelligencer on 24 February 1847 describing a visit to Charleston, South Carolina, at approximately the same time as Elliot’s visit.
The following letter was written by Warren T. Ring (1842-1865) of Oldtown, Maine, who enlisted in August 1861 at age 19 to serve as a private in Co. C, 7th Maine Infantry. He was transferred in 1864 to Co. H and was wounded in the fighting at Spotsylvania Court House on 12 May 1864. Warren rose in rank from private to 2nd Lieutenant throughout the course of the war.
A US Headstone request for Warren was requested that gave his death as October 1865 in Shoshone, Idaho and his last rank as Capt. of Co. I, 1st Maine Veteran Infantry.
A sketch of the Battlefield at Lee’s Mill, April 5, 1862. Wheeler’s Battery is marked at bottom center.
T R A N S C R I P T I O N
Camp Near Lee’s Mills Warwick Creek April 12th, [1862]
Cousin Henry,
I received your letter this afternoon. We are now encamped right in front of the enemy’s works. The 4th we left our camp at Newport News, the right of the army moving in the direction of Big Bethel & the left up on James river in the direction of Warwick. We are on the left.
The first night we encamped in the rebel’s barracks which they had left that morning. The next day our regiment went in the advance as skirmishers. We kept driving the rebel pickets in front of us for about two miles. When our boys came out of the woods into an open field, they saw the rebel flag flying on strong fortifications [and] our boys quickly fell back into the woods. It was about 400 yards from the woods that we were in to the rebel works. Both parties commenced firing [but] as they were both in the woods, little damage was done. As the roads were bad, it was some time before our artillery got up.
At last three pieces of Wheeler’s Battery 1 came out into the field and commenced shelling them. The rebels returned the fire with shell & canister. Company B, the color company, was ordered up to support the battery so that the way matters stood for 54 hours. There was two men killed & two wounded out of Co. B, one killed out of Co. E & H, and three or four others wounded.
At last Gen. McClellan arrived when we were all ordered back out of range so we are waiting for something—no one knows what. All that separates us from the rebels is Warwick Creek so our boys have some pleasant conversation with the rebel pickets. Some of our boys have found some old friends of thairn who used to belong in Maine.
The rebels are being reinforced every day from Richmond. There is probable 80 thousand there now. 2 It is thought we are waiting for heavy siege guns. I do not have anything to do now but go with the colors as I am one of the color guard. Our regiment is getting great praise from every quarter.
I got the papers you sent me and much obliged. I have got plenty of time and plenty to say but it is such hard work for me to get anything on paper, I shall have to close. You were speaking about bold Elic [?]. He is a cooking. The 6th Maine is getting played out.
Give my love to Aunty and tell her I shall be to home before long for they say this is their last stand here. From your friend, — Warren T. Ring
Direct your letter to Fortress Monroe, Va.
1 “Wheeler’s Battery” or Battery E, 1st New York Light Artillery commanded by Capt. Charles C. Wheeler. On April 5-6, 1862, the battery was part of Brigadier General W. F. Smith’s division (Keyes’ 4th Corps), aiding in the attempt to suppress Confederate artillery near the Warwick River.During the action on April 6, a Confederate 10-pounder Parrott shell struck an ammunition chest on one of the battery’s limbers, exploding ammunition and igniting packing materials.
2 Magruder initially held a 12-mile defensive line (the Warwick Line) with roughly 11,000 to 13,000 men but once Joseph E. Johnston took command, the total number of Confederates at Yorktown grew to about 40,000 by early May. It never came close to the 80,000 estimated by McClellan.
The following letter sharing his recollections of the 2nd Battle of Manassas was written in 1914 by Benjamin Harrison Daughtry (1841-1919). Benjamin wrote the letter to Oliver Perry Carswell, the younger brother of James (“Jimmie”) W. Carswell who served with Benjamin in Co. K, 12th Georgia Infantry. We learn from the letter that after Jimmie was wounded in the fierce fighting of railroad cut on the evening of August 28, 1862, he was carried to the rear where Benjamin found him the next day still lingering from his wounds but died later later in the day. With much detail, Benjamin wrote of how he cared for Jimmie and laid him in his grave, declaring him “one of the best, truest, bravest boys I ever knew.”
Benjamin’s military record shows that he joined the Marion Guards (Co. K) with Jimmy in June 1861 and that he remained in the regiment through at least the Battle of the Wilderness where he was wounded on 5 May 1864.
My dear old friend, it is with pleasure I acknowledge the receipt of your interesting letter. I was expecting it as I had a letter two days ago from J. B. Tulford of Shellman, Georgia—my wife’s brother—telling me that you had written him for my address. I am truly glad to renew old acquaintance with you, and as I was the last one of your brother’s many friends to administer to his comfort and perform the last sad rites for him, what little I have to say will I know be very interesting to you. What I write will be from memory as I have no notes.
If I am not mistaken, your brother Jimmie was wounded on the eve of the 28th of August 1862. We were in the railroad cut fighting with guns, bayonets, rocks, and anything that we could kill a Yankee with. I did not see him when he fell. He was sent to the rear, and on the morn of the 29th I was detailed to care for the wounded of our company. I found him lying on the ground with his blanket under him. I did all I could for him but could get nothing to make a bed for him that day. I think he lived about 24 hours after he was wounded. I could not leave him until my Captain came to stay with him. I left him and went about a half mile to get some hay to make a bed for him and when I returned his sufferings were over. With the best tools at my command—an old axe and a broken grubbing hoe—I dug his grave on the south side of a large apple tree in Col. Buckner’s orchard. I lined the grave with my tent, wrapped his blanketaround him, spread my blanket over him, placed his hat over his face, then lapped the tent carefully over the blanket and covered him, one of the best, truest, bravest boys I ever knew.
I do not remember anything he said after I got to him. I talked with your father after I got home from the war and if there was any words for dear ones at home, I am sure I told him. But after all three years, I forget. I told your father I would go with him to Virginia and I was sure I could identify the grave, but he did not come back and four years after the war closed, I came to Texas and I suppose your family lost sight of me, and I did not know what part of Texas you boys were in.
I will also state Jimmie was wounded on the 1st day of the general engagement, 2nd Manassas Battle. Our division had been in a fight on the 27th and captured and burned all the commissary stores of the enemy. I hope you will get some pleasure out of these scattering recollections of mine as I jot them down. Can’t tell you what a pleasure it was to hear from you, and would be glad to see you and talk to you. I am an old man, 73 years old, but have fairly good health. Went to the reunion at Macon, Georgia, two years [ago] in May. Did not see a single one of old Co. K. There was two living but did not get to see them. In company with Thomson Peacock, rode all over the old Peach farm and passed by the old McCall school house, It is used as a tenant house now.
After we left Macon, we visited our old Buena Vista friends and renewed old friendships. It was the first time I had been in Georgia in 40 years. I was anxious to go to Gettysburg last year but was not physically able to make the trip. Now in closing, will say if there is anything I have failed to tell you, let me know and I will to the best of my recollections. If you should visit your brother at Decatur, it is only a few hours run up to Chillicothe [and] would be glad to see you. Your friend, — B. H. Doughtry
No, I do not take Tom Watson’s paper, but want to get those letters when you have them published. Please send me the address so I can get the paper. — B. H. D.
Spared & Shared 23 