All posts by Griff

My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.

1862: John Peak Cushing to Nathaniel G. Cushing

The following letter was written by John Peak Cushing (1836-1881). He enlisted in Co. A of the 8th Massachusetts Infantry (3 months) early in the war but later reenlisted as a corporal in Co. H, 19th Massachusetts and later, in December 1861, transferred to Co. I. He was wounded in action on 30 June 1862 during the Battle at Glendale, Henrico County, Virginia; mustered out with disability on 29 November 1862 at Washington, D. C.

John’s parents were Nathaniel Cushing (1809-1857) and Olive Wade (1804-1887) of Scituate, Plymouth county, Massachusetts. At the time of the 1860 US Census, John’s mother was considered “insane 30 years.” John was employed as a blacksmith at the time—a trade that he learned from his father—and he had two older sisters and an older brother named Nathaniel G. Cushing.

Cushing’s letterhead has a patriotic image that honors Warren as the first officer killed in the Revolution, and Ellsworth as the first officer killed in the present rebellion.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Camp near Yorktown
April 23, 1862

Dear Brother,

I have never answered your letter though I was very much pleased with it nor written home for a long time. The reason is I was sick when our regiment left Muddy Branch for Winchester. I went with them as far as our old camp near Balls Bluff & with 15 others stopped 4 weeks. I had to nurse, being the wellest. Three of the men died while I was there. When I got well, our regiment was at Fort Monroe, Virginia.

I took a steamer from Alexandria two weeks ago for Fort Monroe in charge of six men. Got there in two days. Saw our chaplain & he wanted me to stay one day and take his horse with me which was coming the next day in the boat. I did. He had no bridle and a saddle without stirrups [so] I made a bridle and got run away with. Got into camp at 11 o’clock at night—24 miles.

I had a nice time if I did get run away with. The trees were all in blossom, the air warm & nice. Hampton that was burned I passed through on my way. I saw a man from Massachusetts who had his house burned. He told me to tell the Massachusetts Boys to give them fits.

The ground is muddy like Maryland but black instead of red. Pine trees are plenty & we build roads with them. The soldiers & cavalry artillery are plenty musical, I tell you. We have to keep our eyes open. They turn us out nearly all the time. We are within one and a half miles of Yorktown.

I have sent home $20 by a new way. The allotment roll directed to you. The town treasurer will notify you when he gets it. Write soon & I will & more too. Goodbye now. — John P. Cushing

1862: Rinaldo Hood to his Sister

Rinaldo Hood, C. E, 2nd Vermont Infantry

The following letter was written by Rinaldo Hood (1840-1892) on behalf of himself and his younger brother Edgerton F. Hood (1842-1903) who served together in Co. E, 2nd Vermont Infantry. They were the sons of Jonathan Hood (1807-1887) and Persis Folsom (1811-1876) of Chelsea, Orange county, Vermont. A third son, Marcellus F. Hood had also served with them but he was discharged for disability in mid-September 1862.

Rinaldo enlisted as a private and was promoted to corporal before he was wounded on 12 May 1864 at Spotsylvania Court House and was mustered out on 18 October 1864. Edgerton was also wounded on the same date as Rinaldo but mustered out three weeks earlier than his brother.

To read a similar letter written by another soldier in the same company on the same day, see—Philo Emery, 15 December 1862.

[Note: The following letter is from the personal collection of Greg Herr and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Camp on the Rappahannock
[Monday] December 15, 1862

Dear Sister,

I received yours of November 13th and another of December 3rd some time ago but it has been almost impossible to write. We have been on the move almost every day since we left Hagerstown. We stopped three weeks at Aquia Creek but could not get any stamps at that time so could not write. The third we went on picket (our regiment) and our division moved here. We stayed 7 days and when we arrived our Brigade had been paid and the paymaster had gone back so we missed getting any pay for this time. My hopes are good yet for it will come some time if ever.

We crossed the river last Friday [12th], went to the front Saturday [13th], stayed there all day. Our company had five wounded—none dangerous. The same one that was wounded at Savage Station on M[arcellus]’s right was wounded on mine and the second one on my left, but it was not my time so I was spared. The regiment lost killed and wounded 100. We were relieved from supporting a battery this morning. We lay on the bank of the river. The front line is half a mile from here. The firing has been kept up most of the time since last Thursday morning until this morning. There has been but a few guns fired today. What the result is, we do not know yet but hope it will prove for the best.

The men haven’t as much confidence in Burnside as in McClellan. This battle will make a great difference in their opinion if he is successful. It has been very cold for a week past and the snow has been two and a half inches deep. The ground has froze nights and thawed day times. It is very muddy in the afternoon. It is warmer today. We expect to see Richmond in a few days if we don’t miss of it (as I think we shall). I know but a little of the war news for it is seldom we get any papers.

Ed’s and my health is very good. I have but a little caugh. Oh, that hair I forgot the last time I wrote, Much love to all. From E. and R. Hood

Ed’s in the inside.

1864: Samuel W. Hill to E. M. Hill

This letter was written by Samuel W. Hill (1840-1864), a native of Pennsylvania, who was residing in Waynesburg, Carroll county, Ohio, working as a “Laborer” at the time of the 1860 US Census. He was enumerated in the household of Henry Rider (1822-1869), a farmer with a wife and two children. Henry’s wife’s maiden name was Elizabeth Maple (b. 1820). It’s possible the Rider’s were relatives.

In August 1862, when Samuel was 22, he enlisted as a private Co. F, 126th Ohio Infantry. He was taken prisoner at the Bloody Angle (or Muleshoe) on 12 May 1864 near Spotsylvania Court House and was transported to the prison at Sumter, Georgia, where he languished and died of scorbutus. He was one of 57 prisoners who died at Andersonville on 22 September 1864. His remains are in Grave 9538 at the National Cemetery there.

[This letter is from the private collection of Greg Herr and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Mrs. E. M. Hill. North Orwell, Bradford county, Pennsylvania; this envelope does not go with the letter but has US & CSA postage on it.

Camp Sumptor
May the 26th 1864

Dear Mother this afternoon I find myself in Georgia a prisonor of war and wel as usual though some tiard riding so far at one. I was taken the 12 of this month in the big fight that comenced on the 3d and was not over when I was taken I came out all rite this from your sone S. W. Hill to to EM Hill Bory no trouble about me.

Amos Chatman Plaisted of the 15th Massachusetts Infantry Remembers Gettysburg

A double exposure image of Amos C. Plaisted wearing both military and civilian clothes. It was most likely taken just after he was discharged from the service, demonstrating his return to life as a civilian.

The following memorandum of the Battle of Gettysburg was written by Amos Chatman Plaisted (1844-1902) of Co. B, 15th Massachusetts Infantry. Amos was born in Dec 1844 at Haverhill, Grafton County, New Hampshire, son of Elisha Plaisted (1805-1873) and Hannah B. Huntley (1821-1847). At the time of his enlistment in July 1861, Amos gave his occupation as “machinist.” On his way to war, Amos wrote his parents, “We had a first rate time all the way from Worcester. We came through Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland — so I have seen many of the largest cities in the union, and now I want to fight and have the war settled! then I shall be contented to settle down in the shop again. But don’t worry about me, for all I want is strength to do my duty, and if I fall — so be it!”

It is my opinion that this memorandum was written some years after the war and for the benefit of his son, Edgell R. Plaisted (b. 1870). My guess would be that it was written about 1890. It was found in a scrapbook kept by Amos and acquired recently by Paul Russinoff who made it available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.

In the mid-1880s, the 15th Massachusetts infantry placed their monument on the battlefield at Gettysburg just south of the copse of trees where its members were fighting at the time that “Picket’s Charge” was ultimately repulsed. It was later determined by the Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial Association that regimental monuments should be placed on the battlefield where the regiments first lined up in battle formation, not where they ended up, so the 15th Massachusetts monument was relocated to a point some 200 yards further south on the Federal line. This ruling did not sit well with some of the veterans of these regiments who helped turn back the Confederate assault near the copse of trees and wished to see their monuments remain at the center of the action. Memoirs such as this by Plaisted may have been written in part to make certain historians did not forget their contribution in winning the day.

A sketch of the Gettysburg Battlefield showing the placement of the 15th Massachusetts, drawn by Amos C. Plaisted of Co. B. This sketch was pasted into his scrapbook.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Gettysburg. After the fight we were four men for duty out of 22. Eleven were taken prisoner July 2nd when we fell back from the Brick [Codori] House through Battery A. My face was burned by powder and some of the regiment was killed by our own guns. They fired on many when we were all mixed up together.

John Marsh, Co. B, 15th Mass. Infantry

July 3rd, four were killed, three wounded and [George] Cunningham and I were with Peckham and [Flavel] Leach only were unhurt. We found the body of [John] Marsh near copse of trees with a McClellan medal fastened on his coat that had worn ever since Little Mac left us. We sent it to his father at Bedford, Mass. I marked a board so we left his grave marked and is now known.

As Longstreet’s Division charged upon copse of trees, our line fell back and my Brigade was sent up double quick to close the gap and check further advance. We got into the gap in a huddled mass and as we stood there firing upon the enemy who were now secure behind the wall and cutting us down fast with their flag planted on the wall, Jim Tenny [of Co. B] said to Cunningham, let us charge on them; they cut us all down if we stand here. Then Cunningham called out, “For God’s sake, let us charge on boys!” and we acted on the suggestion at once and as we neared the wall, the rebs broke and run. I was by the side of [Sgt. William Henry] Savage of Co. A when he fell and saw no one else near but in the excitement and smoke it is probable that many were all around near us—at least it is not probable Savage and I were alone or ahead in the charge which was done by at least a very few hundred men.

Col. Norman J. Hall commanded the 3rd Brigade, 2nd Division 1st Corps

Our Brigade was not over 1,000 and the 15th [Massachusetts] flag was the first to advance though Gen. [Norman J.] Hall called out as we started for the wall, “Forward, that there color!” I thought it was one of his regiments and history gives to credit [writing illegible] which is false …of my company and in fact [ ] that I was at the wall myself and that [ ] was with my regiment and brigade and that the 15th [Mass.] flag was first to advance is clear proof that we done that job through a flank fire on the enemy’s right. The continuous [weakening?] all round had much to do towards making our advance to have effect. Yet what must have been had we not charged is uncertain. Surely at that moment it looked very much as though the enemy would hold this ground gained and perhaps win the day.

Certain it is had Hall ‘s men first advanced, I could not possibly [have] got near the wall and the colors and men would not have been near the place where our dead were found after the battle. The fact that your father was at that wall at that time is ever be your pride. It is more valuable than any honor that could be bestowed through at the time I regarded it a mere circumstance in which I happened to be mixed up in.

Additional notes by Amos C. Plaisted:

18 men of Co. B were 18 years of age
19 men of Co. B were 19 years of age.
Oldest man 47; youngest boy 17.
One quarter (26) of Co. B were brothers.
At Gettysburg, July 3rd, everything third man was killed.
Of four unhurt (at Gettysburg), I was hit in thigh and bespattered with brains of [George Fergo] Fletcher of Co. H 1 and Cunningham had a mirror smashed by a bullet; thus but two were not hit.

1 See also: “Civil War history lost…and found,” John Banks’ Civil War Blog.

More photographs from Plaisted’s Scrapbook. These include (left to right) a post-war image of him; a photograph of the cannons with his caption, “my retreat July 2nd at Gettysburg was between these guns, powder burned my face;” and several images of his comrades including Flavel Leach (lower left), “one of the four men left for duty after Gettysburg.”

1854: John Amsbaugh to John Bolar

The following letter was written by John R. Amsbaugh (1807-1879), the son of Henry John Amsbaugh (1785-1861) and Elizabeth Hansby (1780-1830) of Pennsylvania. John was married twice, first to Nancy Slick (1816-Bef. 1850) and second to Jane A. Hamilton (1821-18xx). In the 1850 US Census, John was residing in Johnstown, Cambria county, Pennsylvania. He had no occupation at the time. We know that he lived in a two-story frame house with an attached stable on Locust Street in Johnstown because he was required to see the house and lot at auction for unpaid debts in July 1854. Only a year earlier he had purchased the Bennett Hotel in Johnstown and tried to make a go of it, advertising that his bar would serve “a choice selection of wines and liquors of all kinds.”

In the 1860 US Census, 52 year-old John Amsbaugh was enumerated in Hampton (upriver from Moline), Rock Island county, Illinois, earning his living as a hotel keeper. By 1870, he was boarding with relatives in Keokuk, Iowa. He died in Shelbyville, Tennessee in 1879.

We learn from John’s letter that he had arrived in Moline, Illinois, in mid-November 1854 seeking to open up a hotel in that city. A newspaper article appearing in a Moline paper claimed that he became the proprietor of the Buffalo House. Traveling with him to Illinois was his brother-in-law, Andrew Allison Hamilton (1823-aft1915). In 1850, Dr. Hamilton was residing in Indiana, Pennsylvania (where his parents were from) and studying medicine. Ten years later, in 1860, he was residing in Hampton, Rock Island county, Illinois, working as a day laborer rather than as a doctor. In 1870, he was farming in Henry county, Illinois.

Few details are revealed about the journey to Illinois but we learn that the party traveled by train from Pittsburgh to Chicago and from there to Moline on the Chicago & Rock Island railroad which passed through Moline. That stretch of the railroad was completed in February 1854.

John wrote the letter to his brother-in-law John Bolar or Bouler (1798-1888) of Armagh, Indiana county, Pennsylvania. John was married to Elizabeth Amsbaugh (1809-1855).

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Moline, Rock Island County, Illinois
November 22, 1854

Mr. John Bouler [also spelled Bolar],

Dear brother, I hasten to fill my promise of writing to you. I can say we arrived here safe and sound on last Friday morning at 8 o’clock, all well and in fine spirits. I got a cook stove the same day, put it up, cooked our dinner on Saturday, and eat it off a store box. We missed making the connection in Chicago [and] lost 12 hours by it. Our baggage and trunks all came right but Dr. A[ndrew] Hamilton’s. It was mislaid or lost between Pittsburgh & Chicago. He has not got it yet but thinks it will come. We will wait this week yet for it. If it don’t come, they will get Illinois law for it. I got them agents in Chicago to give their check for it so we have them and intend to hold them.

The house we got is a good one and in a beautiful location. Business is brisk and if our boxes of flitter was here that we could set up right, we can get as many boarders as we want at $3 per week. There is several waiting on us before we come. Marketing is high but not so high as with you. I bought a wagon load of excellent wheat yesterday. Got it delivered in the mill in this place at 100—that is the highest it will fetch. Corn is 35, oats 25. I bought 4 hogs, 200 lbs. each, at 4 cents [per lb.], vegetables and butter is high. Turnips is 35, potatoes from 60 cents to $1 according to quality. Furniture is about the same [as] it is in Armagh [Indiana county, Pa.]. I bought 5 pair bedsteads $4.25 apiece, well made of maple wood. Also a dining table at $950 of walnut. Queensware is a little higher than with you. Also hardware but excellent articles.

I was just trying my rifle gun I bought in Pittsburgh for $10. It is a splendid gun. I would not give it for one Brother Henry got made a few days before I started [which] he gave $15 for.

The health of the prairie is good at present with the exception of some few cases of Ague. We all appear to be well satisfied here as yet and think if we have not bettered our situation, are sure we hant worsted it. I cannot give you the ful amount yet. Will just say give our love to all the friends and acquaintances. Let them hear from us as I can’t write to each separately. Don’t neglect writing. We will be pleased to get letters from all.

Believe me respectfully yours, — John Amsbaugh

1864: Francis Channing Barlow to Frederick Tracy Dent

The following letter was written by Francis (“Frank”) Channing Barlow (1834-1896) while on convalescent leave from his command of the 1st Division, 2nd Corps, of the Army of the Potomac. He wrote the letter to Frederick Tracy Dent—Gen. Grant’s brother-in-law—who served as an aide-de-camp to Grant during the Overland Campaign and Siege of Petersburg in 1864.

Much has been written about Frank Barlow but one historian who has studied him extensively is Sarah Kay Bierle. The following excerpt comes from her article about Barlow she published on Emerging Civil War:

“Union General Francis C. Barlow is not generally hoisted on a symbolic white horse in Civil War memory. He has a reputation in the secondary source books for harsh discipline and a prickly temperament. He seems to be more remembered for his flaws at Gettysburg than his success at Antietam or hard fighting in the Overland Campaign. Barlow is associated with his bad days and outbursts rather than his moments of better humanity. Perhaps rightfully, perhaps not. I confess that is one of the things I like about studying Barlow, and I have been for about several years. He is far from a “marble man.” There’s a gritty rawness about his character and actions that doesn’t refine well in memory. There are moments to hate him and moments to admire him with all the complexity of real human life between. Barlow had a prickly relationship with his subordinates and superiors. There are moments recorded where he apparently was rather caring, but most of the time it seems that people wanted to give him a lot of space. Perhaps a regimental writer from the 148th Pennsylvania Infantry summarized it well, saying: “He had made a record for bravery and fearlessness…and was accounted a good General; but I always tried to keep out of his way as much as possible.” [See: General Barlow’s White Horse]

Frank was married to Arabella Wharton Griffin (1824-1864), who was ten years his senior. They married shortly after the firing on Fort Sumter at St. Paul’s Chapel in New York City. After months apart, Arabella volunteered as a nurse, arriving at Antietam just in time to see her wounded husband. When Frank was wounded again at Gettysburg, Arabella tended to him once more. In 1864, she accompanied him to the front, but while working in a field hospital in Tidewater Virginia, she contracted typhus and became critically ill. She died on July 28, 1864, after being transported to a vessel at City Point. Her death caused Frank immense grief, leading to concerns among his associates about his mental state. He received a 15-day furlough to attend her funeral but delayed his return due to exhaustion. This letter, written during that time, shows his anxiety to learn about his 2nd Corps Division’s movements. [See The Wives of Francis Channing Barlow]

In the photograph appearing in the header of this post, Frank’s wife, Arabella, is the tall woman standing at left.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Jim Doncaster and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

August 19, 1864

My dear Colonel.

Can you give me the news?

Does the 5th Corps hold the railroad & did it suffer much yesterday? Has there been any fighting at Deep Bottom yesterday or today. And was my Division engaged & with what result?

Was my Division send down from there last night & what one? Is the rest of the Corps to follow?

You will very much oblige me if you will inform me on these points & give me any other news you have. Very truly, — Francis C. Barlow

[to] Lt. Col. Dent, U. S. A.

1861-62: Henry H. Tucker to Sarah J. Wears

I could not find an image of Henry but here is one of Alfred Ralph who served in Co. K wearing the Zouave uniform of the 62nd New York. He was killed at Gettysburg on 3 July 1863. (Scott Harrington Collection)

The following letters were written by Henry H. Tucker (1837-1904), the son of Levi Tucker (1813-1864) and Melissa Collins (1816-1857) of Essex, Essex county, New York. Henry enlisted 30 Apr 1861 in Co. C, 62nd New York Infantry, sometimes called the “Anderson Zouaves.” This regiment wore distinctive Zouave uniforms and participated in nearly all the major campaigns of the Army of the Potomac including Gettysburg and the Shenandoah Valley. Henry was promoted to Corporal on 15 Mar 1862 and to 1st Sergeant on 29 Feb 1864. He mustered out of the regiment on 29 Jun 1864.

He was in and out of the New York State Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Home in Bath, New York, beginning in October 1895. He was admitted again in August 1999 and was there until his death in December 1904. According to his brother’s family, he was never married, however, documents related to his military hospital stay and 1900 census indicated that he was widowed.

Letter 1

Addressed to Miss Sarah J. Wears, Essex, Essex county, New York

Camp Tenleytown
Division on the Potomac
November 19th 1861

Dear friend Sarah

Your letter was received of this date and what was more pleasing to me than to hear from a friend. I have just returned from 48 hours duty. Our company has been 8 miles into Maryland on grand guard. Most of the families are secessionist. We was there to lookout for spies. We had a good time. Had lots of fun. Guarded a school house and saw all the pretty girls, you know, but I don’t think they can come up with our Northern girls.

I received George Paul’s letter and answered it. Sarah, you said in your letter that you was all alone in the great house [and] that you wished I was with you. Sarah, your wishes in that was not more than mine for I will assure you that I would like to have been sitting by your side. Sarah, you said at every little sound your heart went pitapat. If I had been there, I would like to hear your heart beat as I often have but would not like to see you frightened. Sarah, you thought the war would come to a close soon. I am something of that opinion myself for that naval expedition is giving them all they can tend to. And more too. The news is today that a rebel vessel tried to run the blockade, was catched and they took 5 or 55 million of gold and a good many officers.

An AI sharpened Ambrotype of an unidentified soldier believed to be a member of the 62nd New York (Al Niemiec’s collection)

Sarah, it is getting cold in our tents now. It is coming winter. The wind blows through our tents. Sarah, you spoke of a pillow and comforter. That was kind of you. We have blankets for comforters. Pillows we have none except a bunch of straw. It is not so comfortable here as it would be at home in a nice feather bed—especially when one has a partner to keep him warm. Sarah, you thought the bread you gave me when I came away was sour. I thought it was very nice and was very thankful for it.

Then the fellow that looks two ways is gone and thinks the girls is too smart for him? Sarah, I have to close for Lieutenant [Horace A.] Pratt has come into our tent raising the Old Harry & I can’t write. Please write soon. So goodbye. My love to all and a kiss for yourself. Yours truly. From your friend, — Henry Tucker


Letter 2

Camp Tennellytown
January 21, 1862

Dear Sarah,

I received your kind letter. Was glad to hear from you again. I am still enjoying that which makes life a pleasure—good health. Sarah, there has ben a funeral in our regiment this afternoon. Makes another of our men that has died with the fever. It is very sickly here now. It has been raining here for about a week now steady. Is so muddy that we can’t drill or do any duty except guard duty.

Sarah, you spoke of being lonesome in the great house all alone. I know it’s a bad feeling for I have many times been in that way myself. But I hope it is all for the best. I sometimes think if I could only be in Essex just one night—just long enough to drop in and see Sarah a little while and the rest of my old friends—I would be willing to come straight back in the morning. But I find it does no good to wish, as you say. I have often done so. I suppose I might get a furlough to go home if I tried very hard but I don’t want to go for it costs too much. It would cost me 40 dollars to go and come and that won’t pay, you know.

Sarah, there has been a battle across the river since I last wrote you. The report was that there was 1500 of the rebels killed and 500 of our men, but I guess it is not so large as the report was.

Sarah, I don’t think I ever told you in any of my letters about my new tent. We have had them some time. They are larger than out other ones. There is 16 in one of these tents. We have got ours fixed very nice, raised from the ground & got bunks in them to sleep in. We got a lot of boards to make the bunks. We did not steal them but took them—just went along & froze on to them as the fellow said.

Sarah you must excuse this awful scratching for I am in a hurry to go to the funeral. I have been scratching it off like hot cakes. You said Jane did not get my letter. I wrote her two. She must have got them before now. Give her my love. Ask her what she thinks about the next generation. Sarah, write me how long George enlisted for if you know.

No more at present. From your friend, — H. H. T.

Yours with much love. Write soon.

1861: John Dortch Moss to John Chesterfield “Goode” Moss

An AI sharpened image of John Dortch Moss from Ancestry.com

The following letter was written by John Dortch Moss (1792-1864), a farmer residing in Athens, Clarke county, Georgia, at the time of the outbreak of hostilities between the North & South. He wrote the letter to his son, John Chesterfield “Goode” Moss (1833-1908) who was married in 1858 and resided in Tallapoosa county, Alabama, at the time. At the time of the 1860 US Census, J. D. Moss was the owner of eleven slaves ranging in age from 5 to 34—7 males and 4 females. Aside from his farm, J. D. Moss was a businessman. He created the John D. Moss Cotton Company in Athens.

Moss’ letter, written just two weeks after the firing on Fort Sumter, refers to the arrival in Athens of the Banks County Guards—organized and accepted into state service at Homer, Banks County, Georgia, on April 20, 1861. They became Co. A, 2nd Georgia Infantry under the command of Capt. Daniel Gill Candler. They passed through Athens in late April and arrived in Savannah in early May. It also refers to the closure of the college in Athens (forerunner of the University of Georgia) due to students leaving to enlist.

[Editor’s note: J. D. Moss’ handwriting is extremely poor and a challenge to translate but scans of the letter are included for the benefit of those more capable than myself.]

T R A N S C R I P TI O N

Athens [Georgia]
26 April 1861

Goode,

The butter came to hand this morning which was acceptable. The [ ] are coming on [ ]. I do not think [ ]. I have not seen or heard anything of Doct. Henderson & Wm. Toliver. I said to Mr. Rutherford when they arrived to locate them with me.

You seem to be or have the war fever & if nothing will relieve you short of a [ ], you had better come on and go to [ ] where you may get your satisfy. There was a company from Banks county came down last night on route for Virginia. There was 82 took cars at 11 o’clock; $200 given to them in Athens. The guard escorted them to the depot. The Horse Company was also after a speech from [ ] Coble. John B[oswell] Cobb says you must not go, or in other words, he does not wish you to leave; that you can have an eye to his interests, &c. I do not think you should leave at this time for I cannot spare.

The hot weather is at a [ ] old Rufus is not so [ ]; he seems broke down. No clerk & [ ] is doing a good many jobs for the times. T. Coble heard from Montgomery Saturday. I think Athens will look lonely in a few days and the churches will not be crowded as usual. I think it likely the college will suspend if the students continue to join the companies.

Goode, I hope to be out about the 15th of May or sooner if I can. You will [ ] your cotton by that time as the care of your wheat. Get it out as soon as dry and sun it well. I shall be obliged to bring one of the negro women in [ ] or [ ] on someone of [ ]. There is no getting on without one. My love to Kate. Kiss the daughter for me. Your Father, — J. D. Moss

Saturday 29th. I learn last night that the college has suspended, so many of the students has joined the army. They will not [ ] the Horse Company so Delaney will have to stay or get the foot company. I would prefer to go under him to anyone except Stanley [?]. We may have a war for [ ] years—there is no saying. Athens certainly will miss those that has and leaving home. Do write on receipt of this. We won’t [ ] very much. — J. D. M.

The John Dortch Moss home on the road between Athens and Lexington, GA, at Cherokee Corner, Oglethorpe County, Georgia; digitized by descendant Mary Bondurant Warren (1930-2021). From Ancestr.com

1857: Jennette (Graham) Hicks to Jefferson Salsig

The following letter was written by Jennette (Graham) Hicks (1831-1897). She married Henry Hicks (1824-1903) in St. Joseph county, Michigan on 1 August 1848. She had two children—Avery L. Hicks (1849-19130) and Ellis Henry Hicks (1853-1917). Jennette’s husband served during the Civil War as a private in Co. E, 11th Michigan Infantry. Jennette and her husband were born in New York State; her father was born in Ireland and her mother in New Jersey.

In 1850, Jennette and her husband were living in Lockport, Michigan. In 1860, Jeannette and her husband, a carpenter (house builder), were living in Lockport, Michigan, with their four children, Avery (b. 1849), Ellis “Henry” (b. 1853), Ida (b. 1855) and Delos (infant). The children were all born in Michigan. In 1870, the Hicks family resided in Three Rivers, Michigan. In 1880, they resided in Grand Rapids, Michigan.

Jennette wrote the letter to her sister, Ruth Ann (Graham) Salsig (1829-1904), the wife of Jefferson T. Salsig (1824-1874) who was also a carpenter. They were married in March 1847 in Kalamazoo county, Michigan. Ruth and her husband had several children born between 1851 and 1864 but some died young. Jefferson’s family tree is well-documented but the Graham side of the family is not.

Jennette (who spelled her name “Gennette”) did not fully dateline her letters and there are too few clues in the letter to accurately pinpoint the date and location but the information provided with the letter to its current owner claimed it was written in May 1857 from Plattsmouth, Nebraska Territory. I cannot confirm this, however. If true, the “massacre” mentioned in the letter may be a reference to the Spirit Lake Massacre that took place in March 1857 by the Santee Sioux of scattered northwest Iowa frontier settlements. In 1857, Plattsmouth was a burgeoning settlement on the Missouri River where a ferry had been established in 1852. The absence of postal markings suggests the letter was hand carried back East.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Jefferson Salrig, Three Rivers, Michigan

May 17 [1857?]

Dear sister,

As I have not heard from you in a long time, I thought I would write you a few lines to let you know that we are all well at present and I hope these few lines will find you the same. Ruth, I don’t see why you can’t write to me a little oftener or have you forgot me? I hope you hain’t for you can’t think how I fel here in this wild country for the Indians are killing folks not far from here and I wish you could see the history of the Indian massacre here. It would make your blood run cold.

Ruth, does Ashley’s folks live there for we have not heard from them in some time. I wrote a letter to Olive to find out if I had a sister living in Lockport. I got a letter from Mary two weeks ago. She said Celie had got a pretty baby and she loved it as well as though it was hers. And I would like to know if your California boy is coming along soon.

For my part, I am all right on the nipup [?]. Betsy was just over here. She sends her love to you and says se is all right on the gander. Jane and her family is well.

Ruth, we have got twelve acres of wheat and fourteen acres of oats and it looks very nice, and twelve acres of corn and a good cow. I have got me a new pair of gaters. They cost three dollars and I sent four pounds of butter to town today to help pay for them. Butter is worth two shillings a pound. We have got our garden all made and the things is up and looks good. It rains here very hard today and has for three days.

Henry and Avery has gone today to get a pig and he has to pay five dollars for it. They are very high here. If we and Tonesis’ [Tunis’ ?] folks should eat any meat, I know it would make us sick for we are not use to it. But Oh! what a place this is. It won’t hold me longer than fall.

Ruth, please see Mr. Chull and see if he ain’t a going to close up the administration soon. You had better have him do something with the mortgage for the cost is eating up the principal and I need my share very bad. And if he won’t do that, find out how much there will be apiece and sell my share to somebody. Write son and let me know and if you can’t answer this letter, I hant come and see you when I come back.

We have got a nice little colt and expect to have another soon and tell Jeff that our mares is as nice as a peacock and black as coal. Ruth, I walked clear over to Jane’s to send your head dress and Father Hicks had gone before I got there. No more at present. My love to you all. Is Jeff to home? I don’t hear anything from him. — Mrs. Ginnette Hicks

1862: George H. Hutchings to John B. R. Hutchings

The following letter was written by George H. Hutchings (1822-1883), the son of Robert Hutchings (1790-1850) and Almeda Browder (1797-1872). George was married to Minerva Baker (1825-1918) in 1845 and was residing in Volney, Logan county, Kentucky at the time he wrote this letter on 5 July 1862.

George wrote the letter to his brother requesting him to take action on a proposal offered for the settlement of an Uncle’s estate. The substance of this transaction is uninteresting but the other half of the letter makes frequent references to the Civil War such as its impact on the economy, the division of family loyalties, the prospect of the South’s success, and the recent news of the Seven Days Battles before Richmond.

T R A N S C R I P T I ON

Volney, Logan county, Kentucky
July 5, 1862

John B. R. Hutchings,

Dear cousin, I have received two letters from you since March, little of which were with reference to Uncle Jack’s estate. The first I answered long ago and have been expecting an answer to it for some time. I directed the letter to Hill’s Ferry via Stockland and in that letter I informed you that I would pay you and cousin Mary fifteen hundred dollars each of your Uncle’s estate if you would agree to pay interest on it from the time it was started to you. I also informed you that the whole of the estate was in interest and that you ought to be willing to take the money on these terms as in your case it would in reality amount to no interest at all. That proposition is still open to you and will be for two months. If in that time I do not hear from you, I shall pay it to the other heirs in [ ] who are anxious to take it on those terms.

There is no law here to collect money at present in Kentucky or Tennessee and I cannot possibly settle up the estate until there is some chance to collect by law. Hence if you want money, you had better take it on the terms indicated. Your share if nothing should turn up and cause all the debts to the estate to [ ] will be not far from five thousand dollars but in the very unsettled state of the country, I cannot tell how we will come out.

We have a rumor of a great battle of six days near Richmond, Virginia, in which the Federals have met with a slight repulse from overwhelming numbers and the losses have been tremendous on both sides. I think there is but little chance for the South to succeed in the contest unless foreign powers intervene, which I hardly think they will do.

I heard from Missouri a few days ago. They were all well in that country but had seen pretty hard times from the war. Gillon says he has lost about three thousand dollars worth of property by the war. Edmund joined Price’s army early last spring and is in the South now, and I do not know what has become of him. We are all well in this country and doing pretty well considering the times.

You must write immediately upon the reception of this and let me know how your money must be sent. Send me a receipt signed by yourself, sister and husband for each amount separately that I may have security if anything should turn up. You need not date it as that can be done here. My love to father, mother, and sister, and believe me your affectionate cousin, — George H. Hutchings