All posts by Griff

My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
18th US Infantry, Battle of Gettysburg, Battle of Stones River

1863: Edgar Norvell Wilcox to his Family

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Edgar Norvell Wilcox

The following two letters were written by Edgar (“Ned”) Norvell Wilcox, a native of Berkshire, Massachusetts, born in 1837. He was studying civil engineer at the University of Michigan when he enlisted as a private in the 7th OH Infantry at age 23 on June 19, 1861. He was discharged in December of 1861 and then joined the 18th US Regular Infantry on January 14, 1862. He was assigned as a private in Co. B, 3rd Battalion. In May 1862 he was promoted to sergeant of Co. H and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant on June 11, 1863 (retroactive to February 19th). Wilcox was promoted to 1st Lieutenant on September 20, 1863. He was breveted Captain in September 1864 for Murfreesboro, Atlanta, and Jonesboro and after the war was officially promoted to Captain on January 22, 1867. He mustered out January 1, 1871 and lived in Oberlin, OH working in railroad construction.

Ned’s first letter is particularly interesting as it summarizes the casualties of the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 18th USA Infantry at the Battle of Stones River. The 1st Battalion, Major Caldwell, went into action with 16 officers and 273 men, and on the 31st of December sustained a loss of one officer (Captain Kneass) killed; six officers (Captains Douglass, Wood and Hull, and Lieutenants McConnell, Carpenter and Adair) wounded. Twenty-seven enlisted men were killed and 109 wounded. In his official report Major Caldwell says: “All exhibited the same coolness and unflinching devotion to their country and flag that they had shown on the battle-field of Perryville, Ky.” The 2d Battalion, commanded by Major Townsend, went into action with 16 officers and 298 men and sustained a loss of one officer (Lieutenant Hitchcock) killed; five officers (Captains Dennison, Thompson and Haymond, and Lieutenants Ogden and Simons) wounded; 30 enlisted men killed, 98 wounded, 3 captured, 2 missing; aggregate loss, 139. In his official report of the battle, General Rousseau says: “The 18th Infantry were new troops to me, but I am now proud to say we know each other. If I could I would promote every officer and several non-commissioned officers and privates of the brigade of regulars for gallantry and good service in this terrific battle. The brigade was admirably and gallantly handled by Lieut.-Col. Shepherd.” [Source: US Army Center of Military History]

Ned refers to his brother, Arthur (“Art”) Tappan Wilcox (1834-1902) in both letters. Art was serving as 1st Lieutenant of Co. D, 7th Ohio Infantry at the time these letters were penned. Ned wrote the letters to his brother Lucien (“Lute”) Henry Wilcox (1830-1880) and to Charlotte (“Lottie”) Esther Wilcox (1823-1870).

[Note: These letters are from the private collection of Brent Reidenbach and were transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Letter 1

Headquarters 18th Infantry USA
Columbus, Ohio
January 29th 1863

Dear Lute,

I have just taken a notion (not a drink) to write you a few lines before I go to work this morning and enclose to you those two letters of [brother] Art’s you sent me so long ago. I have been pretty busy for the last week making up Regimental Returns & Records after the fight at Murfreesboro. Our losses foot up as follows.

1st Battalion, 28 killed, 115 wounded, 2 prisoners

2nd Battalion, 31 killed, 103 wounded, 5 prisoners, making a total loss of 284 so you may imagine the 18th was under some fire. Since that a good many of the wounded have died. Capt. Dennison [of Co. B] who was struck in the knee with a solid shot died after having his leg amputated. Lt. Simons died with his leg shattered so badly it could not be amputated & a minié ball through his breast. Lt. McConnell—an old school mate of mine at A. A.—with a ball through his lungs. Out of one company, every sergeant (5) was killed, shot through the head, all but one, who was killed by a solid shot passing through his body—pleasant to contemplate sh!

There is no saying when we shall go to the field but most of the companies will probably march within ten days. I was very much surprised to receive a letter from Aunty Shattuc of Ann Arbor whom you probably remember. She enquired after you & wanted to know where you were, &c. and I think the best answer will be for you to enclose to her your “keards”—won’t you? Tel Lottie she also enquires after her “and her dear little ones.”

I spent last Sunday evening with Cousin Ria and had a good laugh with her & Miss Post over some old sketches of yours—“Illustrations of Reveries of a Bachelor.” I did not know you were so much of an artist before, Lute. Ria says you must be “mad” at her as you haven’t answered her last letter. I tell her I guess not—your only ma-rried. I believe I’ve nothing more to offer. Give my love to sister Zilpha & remember me to Mrs. Parish and the Captain. Write to me when you get time, &c. &c. &c. — Yours, — Wilcox, Jr.

P. S. Went down town last night to hear “Patti”—reserved seats “for two”—Oh no! guess I didn’t have a good time. I let the jibs run down & “come to” in camp at 2 o’clock this morning. 1

1 Miss Carlotti Patti gave a concert at Brainard’s Hall in Columbus. She was accompanied by the great pianist Gottscaalk.

Letter 2

Camp of the 18th Infantry USA near Cowan Station
Wednesday, July 14th 1863

Dear Sister Lottie,

I only have time to write you a few lines before the mail leaves as i have but just come in from a twenty-four hours of picket duty, but take advantage of this mail reserving my letter for another time. Indeed, if I should tell you of our marches during never ending rains from the time we left Murfreesboro till we arrived here, of our bivouac’s in the rain, and its accompanying mud, without blankets, tents, or rations, of our fight on the 27th ult., of marching four and five days with nothing but hard bread and water to live on, the roads being sp heavy it was impossible to keep our supply train up, I should fill a volume.

Yours of the 7th inst. I received on the 10th or 11th, it coming through pretty quick. I suppose ere this, you know how Art [Arthur T. Wilcox] fared during the Battle of Gettysburg & wish you would let me know as I have heard nothing without a paragraph in a Pittsburgh paper which I saw this morning. Speaking of the death of Gen. Reynolds, it says “he was urging his men forward when he received his fatal wound and falling over upon Capt. Wilcox—his aide—who was riding beside him, he exclaimed, ‘Good God, Wilcox, I am killed.’ Capt. Wilcox had his horse shot under him about the same time and was severely bruised by the fall.” Was this Art or is there another Capt. Wilcox down there? 1, 2

I am well and hearty. We are camped for the present near Cowan Station on the Nashville & Chattanooga Railroad about 4 miles from Decherd & think we will stay here some time though there is nothing definite.

Write and direct simply 18th US Infantry Regular Brigade, 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland (to be forwarded). Love to all.

Yours in haste, — Ned

1 There are various accounts of the death of Gen. Reynolds on the first day of Gettysburg. One account claims that it was “about ten o’clock a.m. that Gen. Reynolds was shot while cheering on his men. He was on the left wing of his forces, and the ground where he fell lies somewhat to the left of the convent [Lutheran Theological Seminary], near the boundary of the town. The ball (which was from a Minie rifle) struck him in the back part of the neck and passed into the front part of the brain. He fell from his horse, considerably bruising his face. His death was almost instantaneous. He did not speak after being shot. The body was immediately conveyed to the rear, and given in charge of Sergeant Clevenger, who will convey it to the residence of the General’s mother, which is in Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, where he was born.”

2 It was Capt. William H. Willcox (1832-1929) who served as the aide-de-camp on the staff of 1st Corps Commander Major. General John F. Reynolds. A native of England whose family emigrated to the United States in his childhood, Willcox became an architect and surveyor and began his career in Brooklyn and New York. In December 1861 he joined the 95th New York Infantry as a topographical engineer, but must have demonstrated considerable talent, as he was detached to Brig. Abner Doubleday’s staff in July 1862.

Charleston, South Carolina, South Carolina Home Front

1864: Stephen S. Roberts to William Birnie

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After several unsuccessful attempts to take Charleston by water, the Union launched a different tactic—shelling Charleston civilians from James and Morris Islands. Gillmore set twenty-two thousand men to work erecting gun batteries in the island marshes facing the Charleston peninsula and Fort Sumter. The batteries were five miles from the city, too distant for conventional ordnance to reach, so residents were at first unconcerned. However, recent weapon developments and rifling technology actually put the city in range, and on the night of August 22, 1863, the “Swamp Angel” gun opened fire on Charleston.

The first shell hit Hayne Street near the Market, narrowly missing the Charleston Hotel. A British visitor recalled, “At first I thought a meteor had fallen, but another awful rush and whir right over the hotel and another explosion beyond, settled any doubts that the city was being shelled.” Beauregard admonished Gillmore: “It would appear sir, that despairing of reducing our works, you now resort to the novel measure of turning your guns against old men, the women and children, and the hospitals of a sleeping city, an act of inexcusable barbarity.” Church steeples became targets for Union artillery, so many closed during the siege for the safety of their parishioners. Newspapers reported that many residents had made a “Grand Skedaddle,” leaving as quickly as they could pack their belongings.

Those who stayed became used to the daily explosions. Fitz Ross, a visiting journalist, wrote, “Nine out of ten shells fall harmless—the hope of the Yankees to set fire to the city or batter it down have hitherto proved disappointing.” The shelling continued with varying degrees of intensity for 587 consecutive days. In January 1864 the Charleston Mercury did report a frightening near miss: “One of the enemy’s large shells, after penetrating the roof of a dwelling, overturned a bed in which three young children were sleeping, throwing them rudely on the floor, but then strange to say, it passed without bursting, and buried itself in the foundation of the house.”

The worst bout of shelling occurred during a nine-day stretch in 1864, when over fifteen hundred shells rained down on the city. Volunteer fireman Charles Rogers wrote to his wife in June 1864 that “there was a fire downtown last week, and the Yanks dropped their shells in town like peas…I have experienced a remarkable change since my return. In fact it is a matter of much congratulation in the Starvation times. I don’t eat half as much now.” [Source: Christina Rae Butler, Legends Magazine]

I can’t be certain of the identity of the “S. S. Roberts” who wrote this letter but I believe it to have been 30 year-old Stephen S. Roberts (b. 1834) who worked as a clerk in Charleston and whose widowed mother Mary Roberts lived on Spring Street east of King Street in the City. Though he called himself “Old Woman,” I think this was in jest. The letter was datelined from Summerville where many residents fled to avoid the shelling.

The letter was written to William Birnie (1782-1865), a Charleston, S.C., merchant and president of the Bank of South Carolina. It may have been that Roberts clerked for Birnie. William Birnie was an immigrant from Aberdeen, Scotland, who had settled in Charleston in the 1850s. Birnie refugeed to Greenville during the Civil War, and in October 1863 purchased 96 acres and a home on the Augusta Road for $30,000 that became his home.

Charleston remained under intermittent bombardment from August 1863 until it was evacuated in February 1865. Though only five individuals would be killed by the cannonade, Charlestonians moved north of Calhoun Street and along the Ashley River. The downtown area became known as the “Shell District.” The historic churches, houses, and graveyards were damaged and some destroyed by Union shells.

Shelling of Charleston, South Carolina

Transcription

Summerville, [South Carolina]
17th January 1864

Wm. Birnie, Esq.

Respected sir, it has been some time since I wrote you last and there has been many changes in our good old city since then. I removed Mr. Ogilvie’s 1 stock up Meeting Street after I found Broad Street had been completely deserted by everybody else. A great many removed to the south of Calhoun Street which I remarked at the time was very foolish of them. Friday’s shelling will tell them that they will be compelled to make another move higher up.

Last Friday the Yanks threw a shell into Charlotte Street & another in John Street east of Meeting Street. What a stampede these two devils have caused amongst the people. The Banks & portions of the Government departments removed by daylight Saturday morning. The Bank of Charleston had pulled up stakes & gone—where to? deponent knoweth not. Sub Treasury & most of the other banks were removing yesterday afternoon.

I do hope that the Yanks may never reach my new quarters. On Thursday last the enemy put a shell through the shed of our old store which did not stop until he reached the second floor. There the gentleman belched out all his venom & made sad havoc all around. The lower story not injured farther than the contraction of the doors attached to the large safe, or in other words—vault. Not many panes of glasses to be seen over the building. To my astonishment, there is not one piece of the shell to be found in the rooms. I notice several holes in the walls so I suppose the fragments have hid themselves in them. The building is not as badly damaged as I expected to find it.

The Southwestern Railroad Bank was also struck and received much more injury than your building. Yesterday when I was down in Broad Street, the shells came whistling over my head like so many Mock Birds. Any number struck around the neighborhood. When leaving the old establishment, I took a farewell look at the old place & said to myself, “Old woman, this will be the last visit I will pay you until our esteemed friends shall stop sending so many black pills to yourself & neighbors, as I have no relish for those sort of plums.”

I have heard heavy firing all last night & this morning. My health & my mother’s not of the best. I hope this will find yourself & family well. Please accept for yourself & Mrs. B. our best respects. I remain, dear sir, truly — S. S. Roberts

1 William Matthew Ogilvie (1810-1872), a native of Scotland, married Margaret Murdock Walker in Charleston in 1840 and was a merchant in Charleston at the time of the Civil War.

Battle of Bull Run

1861: Richard Erskine Holcomb to Harriet Jencks (Thompson) Holcomb

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The following letter was written by Richard Erskine Holcomb, Sr. (1824-1863), the son of Thomas Holcomb (1779-1865) and Clarinda Pettibone (1781-1855) of Granby, Hartford county, Connecticut.

Richard Erskine Holcomb

Richard was an explorer of South America who learned to speak both French and Spanish and wrote articles about South America which were published in Harper’s Magazine. He also helped build several railroads in the south, including the Panama Railroad. Early in the Civil War he enlisted with the 3rd Connecticut Volunteers, in which he was a 1st Lieutenant. He was promoted rapidly to Major in the 13th Connecticut Volunteers, then to Colonel, and served for six months as brevet Brigadier General in White’s Regiment of 1st U.S. Louisiana Volunteers while commanding the 13th Connecticut Volunteers in policing New Orleans. He sailed up the Mississippi with General Farragut. While acting as Brigadier General in the siege of Port Hudson, Louisiana, he led his troops of the 1st Louisiana Volunteers in a charge against the enemy on 27 May 1863 in which he was severely wounded. He died 14 Jun 1863.  His last words: “Charge forward, double quick.”

Richard’s letter was penned on 15 July 1861, just days before the Battle of Bull Run. It contains a variety of rumors and prognostications of how the long-awaited battle would turn out that are amusing to read today in light of what actually happened in the battle.

Transcription

Envelope free franked by C. H. Van Wyck, New York Congressman

Falls Church, Fairfax Co., Va.
July 15, 1861

My Dear wife,

Well, we finally know the time we are to start for Fairfax Court House. The order is to start tomorrow afternoon at 3 o’clock precisely. There has been all sorts of rumors circulating about camp today that Fairfax Court House was already taken, &c. Some believe them & felt disappointed that we had been cheated of the game. The rumor was, & which was published in a Washington paper this morning, that while we had kept the attention of the enemy fixed here, that several regiments had gone around and attacked them in the rear & had defeated them. A camp is a great place for rumors, but we understand these things better now than we did so that we believe everything false until we have an official conformation of its truth.

It seems that McClellan in western Virginia has given the rebels a good thrashing. There is another awaiting them shortly. The rebels are put to great straits. Governor Letcher has called out ten thousand militia to rendezvous at Genl. Beauregard’s headquarters. They have been drafting all the men in our neighborhood outside of our lines, to repair forthwith with such arms as they have got & such as they can get. This will be no advantage to them. An undisciplined rabble brought together in a hurry will run at the first fire, & create a general panic.

The companies are now drawing three days rations & I am siting here hearing the comments of the men. They all seem to be glad to hear that we are to move. Soldiers get uneasy—don’t like to remain long in one place—but would be just as glad to move back a few day after. There will be sixty men left with the camp. They are picked out of the sick, lame, halt & blind. In some companies, not a man wanted to stay.

We had another man shot yesterday, accidentally & carelessly—the same as before. He was shot in the belly, the ball passing through in a slanting direction & the doctor thought logged in the liver. It was a very small ball, but is in a very precarious situation, but may get along.

I wish there was a telegraph connecting us with Greeley. It would keep you posted up as we went along. I have no doubt but you will be very anxious to hear from us. Thousands of dear friends at home will watch in painful suspense the result of tomorrow and Wednesday’s work. At the south are those watching with more anxiety than you are. The chances of battle are on our side but the battle is not always to the strong. I hope to be able to write you from Fairfax on Wednesday. You may address me there at the same time. Send a copy to Washington & say on the letter “via Washington.”

I hope this will find you all well. Take good care of the pets. Kiss them all for me. Your affectionate husband, — R. E. Holcomb

Battle of Stones River, Tennessee Homefront

1862: John Reid to Maria Frances (Thompson) Reid

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John Reid, Nashville Lawyer

The following letter was written by 46 year-old John Reid, Jr. (1816-1885) to his second wife, Maria Frances (Thompson) Reid (1832-1875). John was the son of Maj. John Reid and Elizabeth Branch Maury. Maj. Reid was aide-de-camp and military secretary to Gen. Andrew Jackson during the British and Indiana War and was with him in New Orleans. John Reid, Jr. was born on the Major’s farm (called “Tree Lawn”) near Franklin, Williamson county, Tennessee.

In 1860, John Jr. was enumerated as a lawyer in Nashville, Davidson county, Tennessee. Adding a note to his letter was Frank T. Reid (1845-1923), John’s son by his first marriage to Margaret Louise Trimble (1821-1849). Frank indicates in his note that he had not yet enlisted in the Confederate service. According to muster rolls, Frank enlisted on 13 February 1863 at Columbia, Tennessee, as a sergeant in Capt. John W. Morton Jr.’s Company, Tennessee Artillery. He was later transferred to Co. F, 4th Tennessee Cavalry as orderly sergeant.

John wrote the letter while visiting with his brother William Steptoe Reid, a large slaveholder in Williamson county, Tennessee. We learn that William had recently sold out and intended to relocate to Georgia. William was married at the time to his second wife, Sarah Claiborne Maury (1829-1912). In the letter, we learn that John Jr. and his son Frank intended to go to Murfreesboro on 31 December 1862. If they did, they would have ridden right into the Battle of Stones River.

I can’t find any evidence that John Reid ever served in the Confederate army. I did find him mentioned in an article published on 6 February 1864 in the National Aegis under the title, “The Amnesty Proclamation in Tennessee” which may or may not be propaganda: “The Union says also that Hon. John Reid, formerly a senator from Davidson County in the state legislature, and an able lawyer, has returned from Dixie, and accepted the President’s amnesty proclamation. He advises all others to follow his example as the Confederacy must go to the dogs. If John Bell doesn’t want to be conscripted, notwithstanding his age, Mr. Reid says he will be compelled also to come in.”

Transcription

Addressed to Mrs. Maria F. Reid, Gallatin, Tennessee, to care of Wm. B. Bayless, Nashville, TN

Warren county [Tennessee]
December 29th 1862

My dear wife,

I am at my brothers & as Mr. Stovall goes to Sumner tomorrow, I avail myself of the opportunity to write you again. I wrote to you about two weeks ago & gave my letter to Mr. Charles Cantrill to send it to you. Did you get it? I have not heard a word from you since I left except through Mr. Gill. The letter you wrote by Mrs. Bond did not reach me. She was overhauled by the Yankees and destroyed your letter.

In my letter to you I stated in substance that you must be the judge whether you remained longer in Gallatin or come south; that if you were not molested nor likely to be by the Yankees, it would be probably more prudent to remain longer where you were. Otherwise you ought to come by the first opportunity that presented itself, if God in His mercy gave you the chance. Of course I would rather have you with me, if I consulted only my desires, but I do not know how long the Southern army will or can remain in Murfreesboro.

My brother has sold his place here and will love his family as soon as he can to Georgia. Frank & I are both well and expect to leave here for Murfreesboro day after tomorrow. I think of you & the baby constantly. I am all the time uneasy & unhappy about you. I pray God this state of things will not continue long. Write me the first & every opportunity that presents itself. I hope I will get a letter from you when I reach Murfreesboro. I write this letter on my cap & must close. I send you my best and warmest love & pray that I may be permitted before long to see you.

Kiss George for me and tell him not to forget his Pa. Love to all the family, — Jno. Reid

A post war image of Frank Reid

Dear Ma, No doubt you are somewhat surprised to find that I am still here at Uncle Will’s—and not in the army. If I could have had things my own way, you may be assured I would have been there ere this. However, I design starting to Murfreesboro day after tomorrow—Wednesday. I will write to you by every opportunity and hope you or George will drop me a line now and then. How I would like to see little Dumdoodle. I pray God that I may shortly. Give my love to all. Goodbye, — Frank Reid

114th Ohio Infantry, Red River Expedition

1864: Manly S. Leiby to Anna M. Leiby

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The following letter was written by Manly S. Leiby (1845-1894) to his sister, Anna M. Leiby (1836-1907), the children of James and Elizabeth (Manly) Leiby of Williamsport, Pickaway county, Ohio.

Manly’s letter was written in late May 1864 while serving in Co. K, 114th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). He enlisted in the regiment on 22 August 1862 when he was 18 years old.

The letter informs us of his experience in the Red River Campaign, or the Red River Expedition as it’s sometimes called. The campaign was an offensive by the Union army under the overall command of Gen. Banks designed to cut off the use of Shreveport by Confederates as an outlet for sugar and cotton as well as split the Confederate lines. It was plagued from the start by poor management and planning. Manly places the entire blame on Maj. Gen. John A. McClernand who deserves some but not all the credit for the failed expedition.

See also—1863: Manly S. Leiby to Anna M. Leiby on Spared & Shared 22.

Transcription

Baton Rouge General Hospital
May 27th 1864

Dear Sister Anna,

It is with pleasure I sit down this morning to write you a few lines to inform you that I am well and doing finely. I came here last Sunday morning from Alexandria. I wasn’t sick when I left the regiment but had been on picket the day before and owing to the weather and having nothing to sleep under but my gum blanket, I caught cold and it settled in my legs so I could hardly get around. So they was going to start on the retreat and ordered all that was not able to march to the boat to go that way so of course I was one of the number that had to go.

Well, I will tell you when we got to Alexandria. We arrived there on the 26th of April, disembarked in the evening, and lay on the bank till morning and marched to the front 5 miles west of the above named place. The cavalry were skirmishing with the enemy when we got out there. Our regiment was put out to support the cavalry which held the Rebs in check all day and night. We lay there all night and rested well till morning. Thursday I was detached for picket, went out, and hadn’t been there an hour before the rebs advanced on our cavalry and begun to drive them back. It wasn’t long before Old Gen. McClernand came out to the picket post and seeing what was going on, sent back orders for the Division to move to the front which was done in less than no time and a line of battle formed, then [sent] out a line of skirmishers and skirmished with rebs about half an hour and was ordered to fall back. Fell [back] about 2 miles to a bayou and formed a new line of battle and by that time it was getting dark and the firing ceased and everything seemed calm as if there hadn’t been any fighting going on.

Thursday night we dug a line of rifle pits thinking the enemy would attack us in the morning but in the morn there were no signs of any such thing. We laid there until the 2nd of May when we advanced and [had] a considerably hard fight in which we routed the Rebs and drove them seven miles, capturing a number of prisoners. Our loss was one killed and 4 wounded. This is way we done all the time we were up there until we started on the retreat.

Friday 13th, the Army started from Alexandria & they destroyed the whole city. We were fired into 6 times coming down Red River but didn’t do much harm. They killed one man and wounded one. I don’t see how they missed so many for the boat was crowded with sick men. We run down the Atchafalaya ten miles to Simmesport where the army crossed on a pontoon which were formed by transports. It took from Wednesday until Friday at 4 o’clock to cross all the troops over. We run to the Mississippi river Friday night. I  don’t know what the troops are going to do now. We were entirely surrounded when we started from Alexandria but we cut our way out. The cavalry done the most of the fighting coming down. I think if we [would] have had a good general, we would have whipped the Rebs there. Well, I hope Gen. Grant will be successful.

I will close. Write soon. Love to you and the rest of the family. Compliments to Aunts and Uncles. I am well and will go to the regiment as soon as the doctor will let me. I saw Nelson Norman up above here. He is well. The boys were all well when I left the company. Love and kisses from your affectionately brother—Manly S. Leiby

[to] Sister Anna

50th New York Engineers

1865: Unidentified Engineer

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I can’t be certain of the identity of the author of this partial letter There is a remote possibility that it was written by Lawrence Manning of the 50th New York Engineers. I also can’t be certain of the date or location but believe it to have been written from either Richmond, or across the James river, in Manchester, Virginia, in April 1865. Whoever wrote the letter was involved in laying down a pontoon bridge which I think was necessary after the retreating Confederates burned Mayo’s Bridge over the James.

The Engineers laying down the first of two pontoon bridges over the James River between Richmond and Manchester, Va. in April 1865

Transcription

One o’clock, Lieutenant has come back and we are going to stay. We are roving up now right in front of the statehouse. We are going to lay a bridge in place of the one that was burned. I have learned that a large part of the city—or a good many squares—have been burned. I wish you could see these U. S. Gunboats that lay here. They are saucy looking things but magnificent.

This CDV was sold with the letter but it was not identified so can’t be certain it is the author. It dates to 1864/5 and was taken at Couch & Burns Photographers, Hampton, Va.

Thursday evening. we laid our bridge across the stream yesterday. Laid out doors last night but this morning we found a white cottage house that was unoccupied so we have got our quarters here. There are six rooms so we have got a good place—lots of fire places. I have got one room for Lieutenant and found a table and a stool upstairs. The rooms are all plastered and whitewashed so it is very pleasant.

I don’t know whether Lieutenant will stay here all the while or not. At any rate, we shall go back to Broadway [Landing] to get our things so I shall go. I was in a large foundry and machine shop to find some wire and I found two quires of letter paper—nice. I froze to it. It will last me a good while. I have found Prescott the clerk and can send this. Will write you again as soon as I can find out how to have you direct. Much love, your husband, — L. W. Manning

2nd Michigan Cavalry

1862: Dewitt Clinton Abell to Charlotte Marie Culver

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Song Sheet, “We Have Lived & Loved Together”

The following letter was written by Dewitt Clinton Abell (1840-1903), the son of Lewis H. Abell (1804-1845) and Mary P. Dennison (1805-1888) of Battle Creek, Michigan. Dewitt wrote the letter to Charlotte (“Lottie”) Marie Culver (1845-1919) with whom he would marry in March 1863.

Dewitt enlisted at Burlington, Michigan, on 5 September 1861 to serve as a private in Co. M, 2nd Michigan Cavalry. He was discharged for disability on 22 August 1862 at St. Louis, Missouri.

Dewitt’s letter was datelined from the camp of the 2nd Michigan Cavalry posted just three and a half miles from rebel-occupied Corinth, some two weeks after the Battle of Farmington (which took place on 9 May 1862) and only a week before Beauregard decided to evacuate the besieged city. Dewitt’s letter enclosed a song sheet entitled “We Have Lived & Loved Together.”

Transcription

Camp at Farmington
3.5 miles from Corinth [Mississippi]
May 22, 1862

Dear friend Lottie,

I must commence this letter by begging your pardon for not answering yours of the 23rd of February & I know when you think how unhandy it is sitting on the ground with my paper spread on my knapsack, poor pen, and poorer ink to write with, that you will excuse me for not writing before.

Back again from a scout. I knew this morning when I commenced this letter that something would turn up before I finished it & sure enough there did for I had not written but a few lines before the commissary [sergeant] came to me to help him draw ten days rations & before that was done with we was ordered to saddle up for a scout. We was just getting ready to eat dinner when the order came but were not allowed to stay and eat it.

Only three days ago we was ordered to go out on a scout (of two hours) without our breakfast, and did not get back until dark. If we did not pay particular attention to the pancakes and meat, then I am no judge. But of all the scouting we have done, we have not had any severe engagement. Our company has not lost a man only by sickness, The foul hand of disease has taken four from our company to their last resting place.

I wish you could have happened in about five minutes ago. I had a first rate dinner composed of mashed potatoes (the first for two weeks) & pancakes. I think it would looked comical to you to see me sitting on the ground, my plate sitting on the ground before me like a pig eating corn. But enough of this.

I suppose you would like to have me write some news so here goes. In the first place, we are camped 3.5 miles from Corinth where the Rebels have 135,000 men (so it is reported) & we hope here it is so for there there will be more prisoners taken when we get ready to take them & that we mean to do before long. It is reported that we have over 200,000 men here. Deserters come into our camp almost every day. They all say that there is one Louisiana, two Arkansas, and one Tennessee Regiment that they have to keep them guarded from deserting. Day before yesterday they sent back 30 prisoners which they took at the battle here on the 9th. They could not keep them because they had not enough for their own men to eat. The deserters say they are kept on half rations. If such is the case, we will starve them out which I think they are trying to do for we have got them almost surrounded.

Well, Lot, I will have to stop for this time. Save a piece of the wedding cake for me. Give my best respects to all enquiring friends. Please answer soon. Yours with respect, — D. C. Abell

195th Pennsylvania Infantry

1864: Andrew Shaaber to Mary Shaaber

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The following three letters were written by Andrew Shaaber (1844-1922), the son of George Shaaber (1823-1848) and Caroline Shissler (1819-1885) of Reading, Pennsylvania. He wrote the letters to his sister Mary Shaaber (1846-1922) or his cousin Hannah E. Johnston.

Andrew wrote these letters while serving in Co. B, 195th Pennsylvania Infantry—a hundred-days regiment organized in the summer of 1864. The regiment moved from Camp Curtin to Baltimore, Md., July 24, and then to Monocacy Junction July 28. They were attached to 3rd Separate Brigade, 8th Corps, Middle Department, to August, 1864. 1st Separate Brigade, 8th Corps, to October, 1864. Reserve Division, Dept. of West Virginia, to November, 1864. They guarded the bridge and railroad at Monocacy Junction, Md., till October. Then they were assigned guard duty in Berkeley County, W. Va., along B&O Railroad till November. They mustered out November 4, 1864. 

Letter 1

Addressed to Miss Mary Shaaber, Care of Daniel Shaaber, Reading, Pennsylvania

Camp Curtin
Sunday Morning, August 4, [1864]

Mary,

Today we leave this place for Washington and although I do not know of much to write about, I thought I would at least acquaint you with the fact that we are at last about to leave the dust and dirt of Camp Curtin—perhaps for a better place, most likely for a worse. Yesterday I went to town when the 11 o’clock train (which arrives here at half past one) came in but failed to see any of the folks. They could not have been in the train as I looked in all the cars. Maybe they came through in the first train.

I have just now finished reading the Reading Journal which was given me by the Captain. I do not know how to tell you to direct letters to me as I am not sure as to what is the number of the regiment. Half the fellows wear 194 on their caps and the other half 193. I will write you again as soon as we are settled and by that time I will be certain as to what the number of our regiment is.

We do not leave here until evening so that we have lots of time to prepare but I want to get this letter in the office this morning so that you will receive it tomorrow. Excuse bad writing. At some future time I will indite and epistle to you in the most approved style of modern chirography. Give my love to Hannah, Mary, and Annie and all the other folks, and believe me to be your most obedient brother, — Andrew

I wish you would send me some stamps. I owe Ike Shearer three. I have money but cannot get to town again before leaving and it is so handy to have a few of them in the house you know. — A

Letter 2

Camp at Monocacy
Thursday Evening, September 8th [1864]

Cousin Hannah,

I received your welcome letter yesterday afternoon just before going on picket and had intended answering it today for which purpose I had carried this sheet along out with me, but owing to the rain I was compelled to postpone writing until my return to camp this evening. As it is now almost bedtime and as I cannot write any tomorrow if the weather is fine (we are busy building a log shanty), I must be brief.

You had heard I was shot. After making careful inquiries I am pleased to say that your informant was mistaken. Little as I would like being shot, still less would I like being accidentally shot.

Four hundred of our men have re-enlisted for one year. Many of them have gone into artillery and cavalry so that I cannot surely say whether or not the Old Regimental organization will be kept up. The Colonel is evidently anxious that it should be kept up and I hear that three more Lancaster and one Harrisburg company will join him. If enough of the old regiment go with him, [it will] enable him to retain his command. Several of the Colonel’s acts within the last few days are causing him to become somewhat unpopular For instance, the Lancaster agents who were here offered $450 Bounty; the Berks agents offered $500. The Colonel—who hails from Columbia—wished his section to have as good a chance as ours and wanted none to offer more than $450, even at one time going so far as to threaten to arrest all who offered more, giving as a reason that it discouraged enlistments. The men couldn’t see it in the same light and wanting all they could get, naturally got mad at such orders. It was all fixed right though at last and the Berks agents (from 4 townships, I believe) got all the men they wanted.

Capt. Markley has raised a one-year company. Eighteen men from our company go with him. Had our Captain raised a company, they would have gone with him, only more of them. The re-enlisted expect furloughs of 15 days in a few days. You would be amused to hear the different speculations during the day as to what is to become of us poor boys who did not re-enlist. According to some, next week will see us at our homes. Others say we will be scattered around the different towns of Pennsylvania to help enforce the drafts. Others say we will serve our time here guarding the railroad as [Gen.] Early still menaces us, though we ain’t skeart [scared] as long as Sheridan is about. Another crowd (and I incline to their opinion a little myself) predict that it will soon be our fortune to be engaged in active operations either at Petersburg or in the Shenandoah valley. I would not object to the latter as I think the government has a right to expect something more of us than we have hitherto done. Nothing, however, will come amiss to me as I try to always look at the bright side which I am sure is the best way, since by so doing I find that I get along as well as the very best and better than most.

I was surprised to hear that you and Maria were going to Lewisburg. I shouldn’t wonder if Maria would get homesick. Then of course she will say, I want to go home, haint so cozent Hannah.

A couple of our boys are homesick. I never saw more miserable fellows. They are both under 17 and are getting as thin and pale as can be. One of Co A’s men—an Englishman from Wilkesbarre—died last week at the Relay house on his way home. Nothing was the matter with him but homesickness and the Doctor, knowing he could not be cured here, said he must be sent home. But it was just a little too late.

I wrote to Mahlon last Monday and I am going to write home in a couple of days. When I commenced this, I had not intended writing so much. I guess you will say it is awfully dirty and horribly written but then remember the circumstances and believe me to be your affectionate Coz, — Andrew

Letter 3

Monocacy
September 25, 1864


Sister Mary,

I feel sleepy this evening but as I cannot go to sleep until after roll call, I shall occupy the interim in answering your letter. Last night and today I was on picket and of course had very little sleep. But I intend making up for it tonight when once I get started. What shall I say? To tell the truth, I hardly know what to say. But as the letter must be written, I suppose I shall have to press into the service anything to fill up—so here goes.

You have of course heard of the fighting done by Sheridan’s Army down this way during the past week. Early on Monday morning we heard the booming of the cannon up the valley and at once surmised that there was going to be a big thing of it. Throughout the day until evening we heard the firing—sometimes slowly but oftentimes as fast as we could count. And although we could get no information until next morning, we all felt sure that all was going well, as indeed it did. But although Sheridan has done well so far, it is evidently intended that he shall do more. Three or four regiments of old soldiers pass this way “en route” for his army every day which more than counterbalances what he has lost in battle or what must be used as guards so that the army, instead of being depleted, is being strengthened. Yesterday the artillery and pontoon boats taken from the Rebs went by here to Washington, and last night 1500 of the Johnnies themselves went along the same route under a strong guard. I hear that 6000 more prisoners will come down tonight.

Last night as the 84th New York Regiment were passing here, one of the men who was sleeping on the bumpers of a house car tumbled under the wheels and was injured so much that he died between 7 & 8 o’clock this morning. He was buried with honors soon after dinner near my tent.

Now for roll call; then welcome Morpheus.

Monday Morning. Last Tuesday I wrote a letter to Mother and gave it to Deysher thinking that he would start for home next day. But he has not yet gone and I do not when he will go as Gen. Tyler, by whom the furlough must be approved, is absent. I will see Theodore this morning and get the letter from him again and give him this one instead, should there be any probability of his leaving today. If not, I will send it by mail. If Deysher should get home and come to the house, I want you to give him my shirt, a towel and an old suspender if there is any about as one of mine is torn up. I am glad you sent me the dollar, but I should be better pleased if you would send me a little more. I want to get a company record which will cost a dollar and I must get my shoes half-soled which I guess will cost another dollar. Then too I should like a little to spend. This is probably the last money I shall ask for as our time expires on the first of November.

There is the most provoking uncertainty among us as to what is to be done with us. If we do not get our new clothing today or tomorrow, I should not be surprised if you would see us at home next week. I would rather get the clothing though and serve the full time. One of the New York hundred-days regiments passed up the road to Sheridan yesterday. They have only 20 days to serve yet. — Andrew

13th Wisconsin Infantry, Assisting Runaways, Fort Donelson, Topographical Engineers

1863: Edward Ruger to Rev. Thomas Jefferson Ruger

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This letter was written by Edward Ruger, a twenty-five year old surveyor living in Rock, Wisconsin in 1860. Ruger was the son Rev. Thomas Jefferson Ruger and Maria Hutchins of Janesville, Rock county, Wisconsin. Rev. Thomas Ruger was not only an Episcopal Clergyman, he was the Principal of the Janesville Academy which opened in 1844.

Ruger joined the 13th Wisconsin Infantry in October 1861 and was elected Captain of Company A. He was assigned to the General’s staff shortly thereafter at which time he was appointed an engineer. He was discharged from the service on November 19, 1864. Although his military records don’t support it, Ruger may have stayed on government payroll as the superintendent of the topographical engineers for the Army of the Cumberland for as late as October 1867. He had returned to to Rock, Wisconsin before 1870 and went back to civilian surveying. His affiliation with the military and government were terminated at that point.

Aside from describing his map-making activities in and around Fort Donelson in the summer of 1863, Ruger informs his father that he is sending two—maybe three—male runaway slaves to Wisconsin along with one female. He explains further that he is sending them as indentured servants, expecting them to pay back their traveling expenses, at which time his father was expected to give it back to them and offer them employment if they wanted to stay on for $5 to $8 per month plus board.

Transcription

Addressed to Rev. T. J. Ruger, Janesville, Wisconsin

Fort Donelson
June 3rd 1863

Dear Father,

I shall send to you in a few days two or three nigger men and perhaps a wench to Ma. They will pay their own expense home and after they have worked for you long enough to earn the amount, I tell them that you will pay it back to them, and after that, pay them so much a month or year. One of them has been my servant for a long time. He is very faithful. The other has cooked in my company. I have my eye on another man whom I think some of sending. I would give them from five to eight dollars per month and board. I only pay four here. There is a man of my company going home soon. If he does not go until Monday the 6th, I shall send them by him. I shall send them particularly to work in harvest as I have thought help will be scarce. You must make them mind and do everything just as they are told.

We are having a great deal of rain here and the Cumberland is very high. I am acting topographical engineer and am engaged most of the time in work pertaining to my profession. I have just sent to headquarters two plots accompanied by a report showing the obstructions placed in the river by the rebels. They consist of sunken stone barges. I shall not take the job of removing them if I can help it for I have all on my hands that I can do for four or five months. I am making a map showing the range of the guns mounted in the fort, together with the topography of the surrounding country. I have three of these to make. Then I have got to survey all of this country for thirty miles around and make a military map of it. This will take me a long time. I am in hopes to get through by fall for I don’t want much to do if Sarah comes down this winter.

Col. Lyon had a telegraph from Col. Lowe from Murfreesboro yesterday to the effect that he could come to the front if he would like to. I am in hopes that he will not say go for we are so nicely situated here. Bill and I are well. He is down at the fort most all of the time but I see him at meals. I expect to go out the first of the week on a a surveying trip.

Affectionately, — Edward

Fort Ripley

1858: Albert Gallatin Patten to Lucy Patten

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The following letter was written by Albert Gallatin Patten (1831-1893), the son of Johnson Patten (1782-1848) and Lucy Towne (1790-1862) of Kennebunkport, Maine. He was married in Mary 1868 to Martha Elizabeth Hunt in Hennepin, Minnesota.

Prior to his enlistment in the US Army in July 1854, Albert was a 23 year-old carriage-maker in Kennebunk. Albert’s pension files inform us that he served in the military from 1854 to 1859 in Co. K, 2nd Infantry. When he wrote this letter in May 1858, he was a sergeant working on detail in the Quartermaster Department of Fort Ripley in Minnesota Territory. Following his discharge from the army, he may have been the same Albert G. Patten who enlisted as crewman aboard the whaling ship Parachute which departed New Bedford in 1859. He served in the Civil War in Co. C, 1st New Jersey Infantry.

Fort Ripley was located on the west bank of the Mississippi about 20 miles above the mouth of Swan river, and 7 miles south of Crow Wing, at a point where the channel runs southwest. The distance by wagon road from St. Paul was 150 miles. The road lay along the east bank of the Mississippi, with no approach to the fort except by ferry. The Post Reserve was a mile square and was surrounded by a dense forest. The fort was situated on a plateau elevated a little above the river, and consisted of several story and a half buildings constructed of wood, forming three sides of a square, with the open side facing the stream. On the right, looking towards the quadrangle, were the quarters of the officers, the chaplain’s residence, and the sutler’s store; on the left, also quarters for officers, a room set apart for a chapel, and a hospital; while the third side was filled by the barracks for the soldiers. The northwest and southwest corners were flanked by blockhouses of logs, with port-holes commanding the sides of the fort. The houses stood some fifteen to twenty feet apart, so that there was a free entrance between, excepting on the east side where there was a stockade built of logs set on end.

Watercolor painted in 1989 of Ft. Ripley by Minnesota artist Paul S. Kramer (1919-2012). This painting hangs in the Minnesota Military Museum. A larger oil painting of the same scene hangs in Camp Ripley’s post headquarters.

Transcription

Fort Ripley, Minnesota Territory
May 4th 1858

Dear Sister,

Having a little leisure time, I looked over my private letters last received and am ashamed to see how much my indebtedness is in regard to answers. Formerly, when there appeared nothing for me to fill up a sheet, I would put off writing from one mail to another—but have decided now to write if only to assure you of god health, spirits, &c. &c.

As regards my stopping here this summer, it is impossible, as yet, to say. In case of a change, I shall inform some of you at the earliest moment. Your last very kind letter gave me much news and sincerely hope I shall not have to wait long (impatiently) for another. I would visit you this. Spring, but dear sister, my leaving here now would be like taking the driving wheels from an engine, or, in other words, and better adapted, the quartermaster will be absent for a considerable length of time, and the whole responsibility of receiving, storing, &c. &c. of the year’s supplies will, consequently, devolve on me. You may think I have adopted a method of boasting but believe me, I would as soon have charge of some of the larger warehouses in the cities as what I now have here.

Often, (when one and then another, and another comes in and makes a report that a wagon has broken down—a horse lame—an animal of some description is missing—or, perhaps, an order for provisions to be filled up immediately, all these are trying to ones patience) I think of the advice so kindly offered by you in your letter, and hope I may treasure it more than gold.

This, dear sister, is but a poor apology for a letter but be assured there still exists warm affection for you all. Pay my kind wishes to Mr. Hardy, Tell James I shall write him soon. John and family are not forgotten though I think they have me. Now a few lines to Mother and also to my much and well remembered Emma. I will first close your part of this poor sheet by bidding you the usual farewell of your brother, — A. G. Patten

Jr. Master Sergeant, US Army

(Direct plain as usual.)

Dear Mother,

I am am about to commence a few lines to you, though as I said to Lucy, I have nothing more to say than that I still enjoy my usual health and good spirits. I still think, dear Mother, that we are yet to meet again on earth, though if not, I yet believe, as formerly, that there is a far better world for all who seek a right. Do not think I am entirely deaf to such allusions, but I have neither time nor space now to say much if I had it say. About my coming home, the time is quite short to me, and I hope you will keep up good courage for awhile longer and remember me your affectionate son, — A. G. Patten

My dear niece Emma,

I feel at a loss how to thank you enough for your nice little letter. I can hardly think it possible that you could write so good an one, so send me another and then no doubting.

The pretty girls here you alluded to, what, or how, shall I describe them. In the first place they wear no little hats at all, hair sometimes braided, and if cold a warm blanket serves both shawl and hat. Their other wearing apparel it is not best for me to enter into a minute detail until I can see you. I might ass without fear, that their complexion is such tat you would not desire to call one Aunt (being much too dark). I am now getting quite out of the notion of young ladies (except [our] own folks) probably shall settle down somewhere, at sometime, an old squizzled up “Bach.”

Do not forget to give me another trial on letters. I may do better than nonsense in returning you an answer. Be pleased to still remember me as your very affectionate Uncle. — A. G. Patten, Fort Ripley, M. T.