My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
The following letters were written by John Hawn Boon (1842-1890), the son of Joseph Boon (1808-1850) and Ann Hawn (1811-1898). John enlisted as a private in Co. A, 24th New Jersey Infantry, and served from 30 August 1862 to 29 June 1863—a total of 9 months and 29 days. Muster records sometime record his name as “Boone.”
In the 1860 US Census, 18 year-old John was enumerated in Allowaystown, Salem County, New Jersey, working as an “apprentice farmer” for Ercurius Ayres, his father having passed away ten years earlier. By the 1870 US Census, John was married to Sarah E. Allen (1841-1922) and was farming for himself on Lower Alloways Creek in Salem county.
The service record for the 24th New Jersey claims they were at Camp Ingham on East Capital Hill till October 14. At Camp Nixon near Chain Bridge till October 18. Picketing Leesburg Road and fatigue duty at Forts Ethan Allen and Marcy till October 25. At Camp Cumberland till December 1. March to Falmouth, Va., December 1-9. Battle of Fredericksburg, Va., December 12-15. At Camp Knight till January, 1863. At Camp Robertson till April 27. Chancellorsville Campaign April 27-May 6. Battle of Chancellorsville May 1-5. Mustered out at Beverly, N. J., June 29, 1863. During the service 3 Officers and 46 Enlisted men were killed and mortally wounded and 53 Enlisted men by disease.
Camp Knight, Virginia
[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Letter 1
Camp Knight December 20, 1862
Dear brother and sister,
I thought as long as you would not write to me, I would write to you and it will be with pleasure that write too. But it would be more pleasure for me to get a letter from you.
Well, brother, we have had a big fight in Fredericksburg but I was not in it. I was sick with the lung fever but I am better. But if I had been well, I would [have] been in it too. I hope that this letter will find you all well, and in good spirits, for I am.
Well, Edward, there was two men killed in our company. One of them was Jonathan Simpkins and the other was Levy Kelley. But there were fourteen wounded but I can’t tell you their names. Jacob Nixon was one that was wounded. He was wounded in the arm and leg, and Henry Donaldson right through the stomach, but I don’t know whether they are dangerous or not. But the rest of our company is not severely wounded, I don’t think.
Edward, I tell you that it was awful to hear the guns. But I don’t know how it must of been for them that were in the fight. I laid in the tent sick.
Edward, I have seen Isaac Nixon and Isaac Hawn and [they] look as hardy as bricks. There was in the fight. Isaac Hawn got shot in the hand but Isaac Nixson did not get a mark. I have seen a few others that you know. I have seen George Efert and John McClain.
Well, Edward, you must forgive me for not paying for this letter. I han’t got any money nor postage stamps. I hope that I may get a letter from you. This is the fifth letter that I have wrote to you but I han’t got any from you. Well, I must stop writing for it is time that the letter is in the office.
Direct your letter to Washington D. C., the 24th [N. J. ] Regiment, Company A, in care of Capt. [Howard] Bassett, the Army of the Potomac. No more at present. So goodbye. Please write soon.
— John H. Boon
to Edward Boon
Letter 2
This envelope was directed to Joseph E. Boone (1840-1912) of Salem City, Salem county, New Jersey
Camp Knight February 5, 1863
Dear brother and sister,
I received your letter night before last and I was glad to hear from you. Your letter found me in good health and this letter leaves me in good health and I hope it will find you and your family enjoying the same blessing.
Dear brother, this is a very stormy day, I tell you. It’s snowing here very hard and it is very cold. But I expect that it is colder at home than it is here. I am sitting in my tent with my shoes off and got my feet covered up with the blanket and I am quite comfortable. But this afternoon at two o’clock I have to go out on picket and that is a bad job, I tell you. Most every time that I am on picket, it storms. But I have got a pair of boots and they come up to my knees. I paid 8 dollars for them. It is cold, cold, stormy weather and in comes the old folks a drinking, but everything is lovely, “Oh the bridle and the saddle hangs on the shelf, and if you want any more, sing it yourself.” 1
Do you know the reason that I write with a pencil? If you don’t know, I will tell you. Well, the reason is the paper is so soft that I can’t write on it with a pen. So now you know the reason.
I got paid off the other day, twenty-six dollars, but I did not send any of it home nor I don’t lay out to.
Edward, I want you to tell me whether you get my letters or not. I would put postage stamps on them but I can’t get them. They are as scarce as hen teeth out here so you will have to pay for them. I would send some money home to get some stamps but I am afraid you won’t get the letter. So I think it better to not send any. So I guess that I will bring my letter to a close. I still remain your affectionate brother, — John H. Boon
to Edward Boon
Please write soon. Goodbye.
1 This line is from a popular folk song sometimes under the title, “Pompey is Dead and Laid in his Grave.”
The following letters were written by Edward Ruthven Brush (1836-1908) who came to the 2nd Vermont Infantry with draftees and substitutes in the fall of 1863 and was assigned to company H. Though he entered the regiment as a private, it was not long before Edwin was commissioned an Assistant Surgeon. He was with the regiment until 15 July 1865.
Edwin was the son of Salmon Brush (1804-1887) and Sarah Lovegrove (1817-1890) of Cambridge, Vermont. He graduated from the University of Vermont in 1858 and succeeded his father as a medical practitioner in his hometown. He was married to Amy Fletcher (1835-1915) in 1860.
Letter 1
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Camp Vermont October 7th 1863
Dearest one,
Having arrived at my place of destination, I hasten to write you thinking you would be anxious to hear from me. We left Long Island Thursday evening October 1st on board the U. S. transport Forest City. It was very calm and pleasant when we started and continued so until the next day about noon when the wind commenced blowing and continued to blow until the next day so that we had a pretty rough time that night. But it did not prevent my sleeping that night, except when the ship would come up with an extra jerk when it would wake me up. Some of the boys were pretty sick about that time but strange as it may seem, I was not sea sick in the least.
I got cold on the island and for a day or two my lungs were quite sore. The wind stopped blowing the next day and it was very pleasant again so that I was on deck most all day Saturday. We were going up the Chesapeake Bay. We had to go to Portsmouth to leave some New Hampshire boys off whom I shall speak presently. I was on deck when we went up by Fortress Monroe. It is a very formidable fort. There were quite a number of gunboats laying in the harbor near there. We went by some points of interest on our way up. There was the place where the Merrimack came out from Norfolk and attacked our fleet and sunk some of our boats, and the boys in the fort were expecting she would come down and attack them. But just at that time the Monitor made its appearance and drove the Merrimack back to Norfolk where the rebels blew her up when Gen. Wool took the place. What remains of her lays near the shore above Norfolk in sight of where we were at anchor.
Norfolk and Portsmouth are quite pleasantly situated one on either side of the James [Elizabeth] River, nearly opposite each other. There are some very good buildings in them but they seemed quite deserted. There seemed nothing going on except what government was doing (the effects of war). Amy, when we were coming up the Bay, I could not help thinking how happy I should be if I was on a passenger boat and you with me. If you had been with me, I should have enjoyed myself very much indeed. It was so warm and pleasant.
We landed the New Hampshire boys a little after noon Saturday and started on our way down the bay immediately. We had to go down to the mouth of the Potomac river where we arrived in the night and had to anchor our boat and stay until Sunday morning when we started up the river for Alexandria. There was a cold wind all day Sunday so that I did not go on deck much that day, but was on deck some of the time but did not have a chance to see as much as I should have been glad to see. I just got a glimpse of the tomb of Washington but did not see enough to say anything about it.
I promised to tell you about the New Hampshire boys. Well there were about three hundred and sixty aboard the vessel. Out of them, there were some thirty or forty New York roughs who were taken to New Hampshire by substitute brokers. There were a set of thieves, robbers, and pick pockets and they went into the army for that purpose and we expected to have a pretty rough time when we started from Boston. And we were not disappointed either. They did not meddle with Vermonters as much as they did with Maine and New Hampshire boys for two reasons. First, we did not have much money with us and they knew it. Secondly, we posted a guard in front of our bunks and gave what little money we had to our Captain or took care of it otherwise. But they would [go] to a man’s bunk when he was asleep and rifle his pockets or they would get a crowd around, pull his hat off, pull him around generally, and in the scrape, would take what money they could find. They took one hundred and fifty dollars from one man and from that down to five or ten from others. There was more or less fighting as long as they remained on the boat. But you may be sure of one thing—that men never left a place when those that were left were more pleased than we were when they left us. The boys did not hardly know what to do they were so pleased to get rid of them. I did not write you about them before we left because I thought you might feel concerned about me.
We arrived at Alexandria Monday night where we received our arms and equipments. We stayed in Alexandria over night and the next morning we started for our regiment. We came to Culpeper (which is about sixty miles from Alexandria) on the railroad where we arrived about two o’clock p.m. From there we marched to here which is about 12 or 15 miles from Culpeper. We arrived here a little after dark, hungry and tired. I expected to be pretty lame today but had a good night’s sleep and got up feeling quite well this morning.
The [Vermont] Brigade came here day before yesterday to do picket duty so you see they are pretty well in the front. The country we came through was anything but beautiful—no fences, not much growing except weeds. In fact, if I had not known that I was on the sacred soil of Virginia, I should have thought I was in a wilderness. But then I suppose I am not. We are in sight of the ruins of a house that the boys tore down yesterday to built their tents of. I believe after they had got it nearly torn down, Col. Grant put a guard around it but the guard did not prevent the boys from getting what they wanted to make themselves comfortable. They believe in taking what rebel property they want for their own use. I stayed with Hack last night. As soon as I got back here, he took me to his tent, got me a good supper, and I went to bed. I have been assigned to Co. H. Uncle Joseph is out on picket so I have not seen him yet.
The cavalry is not far from here. I hope to get word to George that I am here so he will come and see me. My darling, I want to see you so much. I love you more than I ever thought I did. Do you know how much I love you> You must write as often as you can. It does so much good to receive one of your letters. They are all so kind. You do not know how happy I should be if I could only be with you as I used to be. I think I should try and be better to you than I used to be. You must be careful and [not] work too hsard. Kiss our little darling for me and think I am kissing you for it. Hack sends his respects. Give my love to all the folks. I must stop writing for this time. From your own darling, — Edwin
To my dearest one.
Direct to E. R. Brush, Co. H, 2nd Regiment Volunteers, Washington D. C.
Letter 2
Camp near Brandy Station December 4th 1863
My dearest one,
You undoubtedly think it is a very long time since you last heard from me. Well, it is but it is not my fault. I would have written if I could but we have been out on an expedition the last week and have neither received nor sent out any mail. So you see that you have had a letter since I have. I am looking for a letter from home today as there is a large mail at headquarters and our post master is getting it as fast as he can.
We started from here one week ago yesterday—it being Thanksgiving Day—and crossed the Rapidan [river] that night, both tired and hungry. For my Thanksgiving supper, I had har tack, coffee, and raw pork instead of roast turkey, chicken pie, &c. with which I suppose you was stuffed to your utmost capacity. You do not know how much I pitied you too when I thought how uncomfortable you must have felt and would have gladly taken some of your eatables if I could have done so and thereby have relieved your stomach of some little part of its load which I think I would have made you feel easier as well as myself.
The next morning we got breakfast very early which consisted of coffee, raw pork, and hard tack and started again on our way. We traveled very slowly, being in the rear of the army, until just at night when we came up to support the 3rd Corps who were engaging the enemy where we remained until about two o’clock in the morning when we again took up our line of march and marched until daylight when we stopped for breakfast. We had some potatoes for breakfast. After breakfast we again started and marched until we came to a pine grove where we formed in line of battle and remained there until the next morning which was Sunday when we moved into a clearing where we lay in line of battle until some time in the night when we moved off through the woods in front of the rebel line.
It was very cold and they would not let us have any fire as they expected to attack the enemy the next morning and did not want them to know it as if they had have known it they could have shelled us very much as we were in good range of their batteries and the woods where we were filled with troops. But in the morning they found that they could not get at the rebs without a great sacrifice of life, there being a brook and swamp to cross which the water was five or six feet deep, and after we crossed that, we had quite a distance to go under fire, and as it was not practicable to leave the woods in the day time, we remained there until dark without any fire.
At dark the troops commenced moving off and they all left except the pickets. The 3rd Regiment was on picket and I was with them so I remained until the next morning when we moved about two miles where we remained until 3 o’clock the next morning when we commenced to fall back and reached here yesterday afternoon, tired and hungry. I did not have a hard tack for two days and should not have had anything if they had not have killed a beef as our wagons could not get to us. My horse did not have anything to eat from Wednesday morning about 2 o’clock until last night at dark. Take it all around, I think we had a pretty rough time of it. It rained all day Saturday when we lay in the pine woods but it cleared off just at night and has no trained since.
I do not know what the move amounted to unless it served to prevent the rebs from reinforcing any other place which I think it probably did. We did not have much fighting to do except what the 3rd Corps did on Friday when they made an attack on the enemy and drove him back and a little that was done by the 2nd Corps the same day. I see by the papers that the rebs claim that they drove the 3rd Corps back several miles but the fact is that the rebels left in such a hurry from their entrenchments that they did not even stop to bury their own dead. I saw some dead rebs the next day as we were going along.
The country that we passed through was mostly woods. A good deal of it was second growth pine. The land had evidently been cultivated some time as we could see where the rows had been. They had probably exhausted the land in raising tobacco and then left it to grow up to scrub pine. Vermont farmers would not call that very good farming, I think.
I feel very well today. I find some difference between riding and going afoot and carrying a load on one’s back. We have been having some very cold weather the past week but I have managed to sleep warm, having plenty of blankets. But some of the boys have suffered a good deal and it has been very hard for the sick riding in the ambulances. But all have done as well as could be expected.
Amy, you do not know how much I have thought of you these past few days. If I could see you a little while, how happy it would make me feel. If I could have one good kiss from you every night, I could endure almost anything. I have been afraid you were worrying about me by not hearing from me which makes me feel bad because I do not want you to worry about me at all as I am not in much danger of rebel bullets. I have just got a paper from home. I must close.
From your darling husband, — Edwin
To my dearest wife Amy
How is our darling one. I hope she is well. Give my love to all our folks. Hope you are well. Let me know all about Thanksgiving; where you were, &c. — Edwin
Van wrote the 1873 to William Van Nostrand, shown here.
The following letter was written by 52 year-old C. Van Piper who we learn was the station agent in Nunda, Livingston county, New York, before heading west in 1873 with his wife Susan to accept a similar position in Boulder, Colorado Territory. The letter was written in two parts, by both “Van” (as his wife called him) and by his wife.
Van addressed his letter to William Van Nostrand (1835-1925), a native of Allegany county, New York, whose father, Luzon Van Nostrand (1807-1895) was an early settle of Short Tract. In 1880, William was enumerated at Nunda Station, Livingston county, New York, where he ran a saw and planing mill. He was married to Susan Maria Swain (1839-1902).
In his letter, Van writes of his journey from Chicago to Colorado by train but first stops to see Henry Moore Teller, a native of Allegany county, New York, who earned a law degree and settled in Morrison, Whiteside county, Illinois, before joining the gold-seekers in Colorado in April 1861. Rather than pan for gold, however, Teller accumulated wealth as a supplier and opened an office in Central City—the chief mining area west of Denver. In 1865 he drew up the charter for the Colorado Central Railroad and got the Territorial legislature to back the project. Henry and his brother Willard built a hotel in Central City in 1871-72 which was the town’s main hotel for more than 60 years.
The Teller House, built in 1871-72, still stands today in Central City, Colorado
Transcription
Addressed to Wm. Van Nostrand, Short Tract, Allegany County, NY
Colorado Central Railroad Boulder Station October 27, 1873
Wm. Van Nostrand Dear Sir,
You have probably heard how I slid out and left Nunda Station. No living soul knew where I was going when I left home except my wife—not even my mother—but I was bound to see this country and here I am and not sorry for it. It was a fine ride for me. After I left Chicago, I stopped at Mr. Teller’s [in Morrison] and then met H[enry] M[oore Teller. Stayed from Thursday till Tuesday and then left for Colorado, passing through Illinois, Iowa, Nebraska, touched Wyoming Territory, and then Colorado.
We left the Union Pacific Railroad at Cheyenne (pronounced Shyan) and took the Denver Pacific Railroad 106 miles and this was a very pleasant and interesting road. On the west you can see the Rocky Mountains with their snow-clad peaks and on the east the broad plains as far as the eye can reach and all dotted over with large herds of cattle, accompanied with their her wagons and tents—a most splendid sight to me. You can see so far in this country. The air is so clear you have a fair view of the mountains—can see them for some 300 miles.
The narrow gauge Colorado Central Railroad in Clear Creek Canyon
I was disappointed in the way they look. I supposed we would come to them by degrees but not so. You keep on the plains and all at once as it were you come to them staring you in the face and saying, hold! and come no farther, but man is a progressive animal and into them he has you in search of the precious metals and it is wonderful to see what man can accomplish. For instance, the railroad running from Golden to Central City follows up Clear Creek Canion and is wonderful to behold. Rocks from 5 to 1500 feet high piled in all manner of shapes and the railroad track cut in the rocks and crooked. Not half of the time you can see either end of the train. But I cannot describe it. You must come and see for yourself and it will pay you well.
This is a great country for stocking can keep all you choose and no fodering winters. They say you can turn out an old broken down ox in the fall and he will come out fat in the spring. If your wife and girls was here and had about 30 coins [?] and 500 hens, could make as much money as all Grangers. Butter 40 cents, eggs 40 cents, and they say you can keep eggs till the Holidays. You can get from 6 to 8 bits per dozen up in the mountains among the miners. They do raise the finest wheat I ever saw sown—white and plump—and spring at that. Oh what nice flour. I believe irrigating is the way after all for fine crops. You say it must cost something to irrigate. So it does, but not as much as to clear up a farm in your section.
But I must quit as I will tire your patience. You will please write us and let us know how you and all the folks are. Please accept this from your friend, — C. Van Piper
[In a different hand]
Boulder Station October 27, 1873
Dear Friends, Van Norstrands,
Here we are this beautiful Sabbath morning literally among the mountains. I wish I could describe to you the beauty of this mountain scenery—peak upon peak, glade upon glade, more rough and rugged now, more smooth and undulating as far as the eye can reach north and south, and even east of us is somewhat sharp points, but not so high. So we are almost surrounded by mountains.
In coming from Central City (where the Teller’s live) to here, we, in the first place come down out of the mountains following a canion down some 20 miles to Golden, just out on the plains. Then changed cars and come north about 28 miles, following the base of the mountains all the way but keeping on the plains. Such splendid views as we had some of the way. Got here just dark. Was here a week before out household goods come. The former agent moved out the next morning and left the coast clear but so dirty. The new only been built three months. Well, we got dirt out as soon as we could. Van had to do the most and he bought out a chap who had kept bachelor’s hall and we went to eating ourselves. Got along very well but it was an experience quite new to me. Well, we are comfortably settled now. Got such a nice little stove for 35 dollars, kettles, and everything with it. We burn a sort of soft coal. Makes a splendid fire. Got our carpets down and my melodian here and bought some fowls. We can keep as many as we like. Bought 7 old hens and 8 chickens half grown. Have the whitest bread here. 1.75 for sack of flour, potatoes 1.20 per bushel, butter 35 to 40 cents, sugar about the same. Their tea about the same though we have not bought any. Had some eggs 40 cents a dozen.
I am going to go into the poultry business. Bought a good chance. Had warm pleasant weather all the time. A little snow now but won’t lay long. We are half mile from the city proper of Boulder but they are building down this way very fast. 25 brick houses going up now. It is quite lonely for us here—too far to go to church for mother and me at least. Van goes. Heard the bells ringing this morning very lively. Sorry I could not go. The town is right in plain sight but farther off than it looks. I have not been up town yet. Don’t know how it looks nearby.
Well, I must get dinner. Please write us, will you. Ever your friend, —S. A. Van Piper
The following letter was written by William T. Lewis (1839-Aft1865), the son of Peter Lewis (b. 1815) and Emeline E. Lewis (1817-1865), who grew up a free black man in Cayutaville—a small hamlet between Smith Valley and Catharine in the southeast corner of Hector Township in Schuyler county, New York. In the 1860 US Census, the Lewis family was enumerated in Odessa, William’s father in his mid-40’s and employed as a farm hand, and 21 year-old William the oldest of three children. According to the 1865 NY State Census, William’s father was born in New York City and his mother in Connecticut. William and siblings were born in Chemung county. The 1880 US Census informs us that William’s paternal grandmother was from the West Indies. The community that William’s parents lived in before and after the war was almost exclusively White.
Unfortunately I cannot find any record of William’s service during the war—if in fact he was drafted. He may not have been and William’s enrollment may have been an error as blacks were not considered citizens and therefore not subject to the draft. Hence the animosity borne against the black citizens of New York City and other urban centers that resulted in the draft riots of 1863. Some scholars have argued, however, that blacks were eligible because in the aftermath of the Emancipation Proclamation, the Second Confiscation Act, and Attorney General Bates’ opinion that free blacks were citizens and Dred Scott was not legally binding, Congress changed the definition of the militia from “free able-bodied white male citizens” to “Able-bodied male citizens.” There are reportedly few cases of blacks being called up by local draft boards under the act though.
We do know William lived beyond the war. He was enumerated in his parent’s home in July 1865, but I could not find him in census records beyond that date.
1863 Draft Registration, William T. Lewis identified as a 24 year-old “Col’d Laborer” who was “at work in Hector, Schuyler county, NY”
[Note: The following letter is from the personal collection of Richard Weiner and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. Peter Lewis, Cayutaville, Schuyler county, New York
Jacksonville, Tompkins county, New York Sunday, August 9, 1863
Dear parents,
It is with pleasure that I find myself by my desk addressing you with my pen. I am well & in good spirits. I must write you some of our victories of the last month. July 3rd the victory of Gettysburg, rebel loss in killed & wounded & prisoners 33,000. July 4, capture of Vicksburg with 31,000 prisoners, 220 guns & 70,000 small arms. July 4, victory of Helena, Arkansas, the rebels losing 2,700 killed, wounded & prisoners. July 6, defeat of Stuart by Buford at Hanover with loss of 1,000 prisoners. July 8, capture of Port Hudson 7,000 prisoners & numerous cannon & small arms & several other victories including in all 28 successful contests with a loss to the enemy of more than 300 guns & 80,000 prisoners. The Mississippi is open from its sources to the gulf. The rebels expelled from nearly all Tennessee & Mississippi—the territory subject to their military control reduced to the states of Alabama, Georgia, South & North Carolina, & a part of Virginia. That looks bully indeed.
I received my notice on Monday morning. I have to appear on or before the 2nd of September or just as I am a mind to. As I have plenty of paper & time, I will write you my notice. So here it is.
Lincoln’s General Order No. 233; A rebel soldier shall be executed for every Black soldier killed instead of being treated as a POW.
Notice. Any person drafted & notified may on or before the day fixed for his appearance before the Board of Enrollment, furnish an acceptable substitute to take his place in the draft or he may pay to the Collector of Internal Revenue of his Congressional District the sum of 300 dollars who will give him a duplicate receipt. He must take to the Board of Enrollment on or before the time for his appearance before said Board persons furnishing a substitute or paying the above sum of money shall be discharged from further liability under the draft. Any person failing to report in person or by substitute or to furnish receipt of payment will be treated as a deserter and arrested as such.
The President has issued a Proclamation [General Order] declaring that colored soldiers must be protected. If the rebels take them prisoners, they must treat them as such. I have come to the conclusion that I had better go to Dixie than to pay 300 dollars. The belief is now that there won’t be much fighting for they are about whipped & I shall go unless you think that I had better pay the money. I think it is best for me to go. I haven’t paper to explain all I should like to write so that I can get it by the first of next week. I shall be home a week before I go. — W. T. Lewis
The following letter was written by John C. Lilley (1842-1890) of Shelby county, Ohio. He enlisted as a corporal in September 1861 in Co. D, 46th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI) but later transferred to F&S as Quartermaster Sergeant of the regiment. He mustered out of the service on 22 July 1865.
John wrote the letter to his uncle, Mitchell Campbell Lilley (1819-1897) of Columbus, Ohio, who served as a Captain of Co. H, 46th Ohio Volunteer Infantry.
After the war, John became a medical doctor and practiced medicine in Quincy, Logan county, Ohio.
Transcription
Addressed to Capt. M. C. Lilley, Company H, 46th Regt. OVI, Memphis, Tennessee
Quartermaster Office 46th Ohio V. V. I. Thunderbolt, Georgia January 11, 1864 [should be 1865]
Dear Uncle,
I have not received a letter from the North (that is, since we occupied Savannah). I must write anyhow. We are on the move once more. We will stop here only long enough to get boats to take us someplace above on the coast. Beaufort is thought our destination. The 17th Army Corps has already gone. This place is about 4 miles by land from Savannah on the river. It is said that Hon. E. M. Stanton is here this evening. We have heard of Butler’s safe return to Ft. Monroe—a fine thing—something that the 15th don’t do. Our chaplain arrived today. He is from Van Wert—Rev. George [Alexander] Exline. I think that he is a very good man.
I did not have a very fine Christmas but New Years we had all the oysters we could eat—raw, friend, soup, &c. I think they are best to lay them on the fire till they are just warm enough to open easily. They had been selling at $2 per bushel until the Provost Marshal regulated the prices. They they could be had for $1.
Just wait till the Army of the Tennessee commences operations. We will show these Easterns how to do it up. Gen. John A. Logan has returned and taken command of the 15th again. The opinion of the Army is, that with Sherman, Howard, and Logan, we can go any place.
I was thinking over matters in general today and came to the conclusion that a certain young man in our regiment had been misused or had a personal enemy in the regiment of considerable import. He was Sergt. Major from January 13, 1863 till January 1, 1864 when he re-enlisted and was appointed Q. M. S. and I know that if he is capable to fill that position (as he seems to be), think he is capable of more, and I think if Gov. Brough does, as it is said, he should have been promoted long ago. I only wish for justice. Will you please examine the Regimental records at the State House and call the attention of the Adjutant General to it? I hardly think he will treat the matter with indifference. I will not, if I stay in the service 5 years more, ask the Regimental Commander to recommend me for promotion for I know that I am entitled to it. The Sergt. Major and Commissary Sergt. have both been promoted within the last six months. I have for the last four months made all the necessary papers for this office. What is more, 7 duty sergeants and corporals have fared the same—that is, have been promoted.
I must close by sending my love to all. Write soon. Your affectionate nephew, — John C. Lilley
The following letter was written by Humphrey J. Comer (1819-1889) of Richmond, Missouri. He was born in Chillicothe, Rosee county, Ohio, to John Comer (1785-1865) and Polly Baker (1790-1852), and came to Missouri Territory with his parents when he was young.
Comer wrote the letter to U.S. Congressman Austin A. King—also from Richmond, Missouri—at Washington, D.C. in which he thanks King for his help in obtaining a pardon for his brother, and now asks the same favor for friends of his—two of whom he points out had formerly “had the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with the President [Lincoln], having had him employed at one time in the State of Illinois as an Attorney in a long suit in Court.”
He notes that all is “quiet” at present, but in just 8 months, the Guerilla leader, “Bloody Bill” Anderson was killed in Richmond, Mo. and buried there.
Congressman Austin King
On the back is a lengthy autograph endorsement signed by Austin A. King, (1802-1870), born in Tennessee, he came to Missouri in 1830; Colonel of Militia in the Black Hawk War, 1832; Move to Richmond, MO in 1837, when he was appointed Judge of the Missouri Fifth Circuit Court, serving on the bench until 1848, and during which time he presided over the trial of Mormon Founder Joseph Smith during the 1838 Mormon War; Governor of Missouri, 1848-1853; In U.S. Congress, 1863-1865.
Congressman King endorses the request for the pardons requested by Mr. Comer in this letter (which would have to be granted by President Lincoln), and notes that “they, like very many of the men of their county, went originally into the rebellion, but voluntarily returned home & were arrested & gave bond & took the oath of allegiance & I have no doubt have lived up to it…”
Transcription
Richmond, Mo. February 19, 1864
Sir,
Your favor covering a pardon for my brother was duly received, and delivered to my brother in a few days after I received it, which allow me to assure you places him and myself under lasting obligations to you.
And, Sir, if you could confer an additional favor upon my friends Messrs. James M. Withers, Marquis M. Withers, and John N. Carter of Lafayette County, Missouri, in the way of procuring their pardons, they together with myself will feel ourselves under obligations to return the favor at any time.
This request is made by the above named Gentlemen of my hearing that you had procured a pardon for my brother through my request. I can assure you that they are all Gentlemen, and men of influence in the County in which they reside. They, Messrs. Withers, inform me that they have formerly had the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with the President, having had him employed at one time in the state of Illinois as an Attorney in a long suit in Court. They are all men of decided conservative feelings—having given bond and strictly complied with their requirements. Please make an effort for them.
There is nothing transpiring here of interest. All quiet. There will be a rush for the gold regions in the spring equal to that of 1850. Mrs. King, I understand, is in very bad health. Mr. James R. Allen died some weeks since. The weather is intensely cold.
If you succeed in procuring the within pardons, please mail them to me at this place.
Respectfully your obt. servt. Humphrey J. Comer
[to] Hon. Austin A. King, Washington City, D.C.
docketed on the reverse:
I endorse the request for the pardon of the within named men. They, like very many of the men of their county went originally into the rebellion, but voluntarily returned home & were arrested, & gave bond & took the oath of allegiance & I have no doubt have lived up to it. Subsequent they were indicted in U.S. Court at St. Louis for their original offense.
Col. Charles Ray Brayton, 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery
Charles R. Brayton (1840-1910) was born in Warwick, Rhode Island to William Daniel Brayton and Anna Maud (Clarke) Brayton. In 1857, his father was elected as a Republican representing Rhode Island in the U.S. Congress. In 1859, he began attending Brown University in Providence, but left in the middle of his second year to join the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery. He was commissioned as first lieutenant in 1861, promoted to lieutenant colonel in 1863, and to colonel in April 1864. He was honorably mustered out of service in October 1864. In March 1865, along with many others, he received a brevet (honorary promotion) to the rank of brigadier general. That same year, just a month before the end of the war, he married Antoinette Percival Belden.
Charles wrote the letter to Col. Edwin Metcalf of the 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery. At the time of this letter, the 3rd Rhode Island Heavies were still stationed on Morris and Folly Islands near Charleston, South Carolina.
[Note: These letters are from the personal collection of Greg Herr and were transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Letter 1
Headquarters Battery C, 3rd Rhode Island Vol. Artillery Morris Island, South Carolina September 14, 1863
Dear Colonel,
Thinking you would be pleased to hear from us on Morris Island and having something to say on my own account which I intended to have said to you personally before you went home, I write this epistle. You may think me presumptuous, egotistical, and inordinately ambitious for so young a man when I ask that if Frieze is removed, I may have his position as Lieut. Colonel. There are many reasons why I should not have it—my age, present position in the line, and three Majors besides. There are also others why I feel that I could fill the position as well as an officer in the regiment, certainly with as much credit and satisfaction to yourself as the present incumbent. I hardly think you would recommend any of the “Senior” Captains for the position. Neither would your judgement lead you to select either Day or Bailey for equally strong reasons.
Ames is the only Field Officer that can fill the position with any credit, either to the regiment or himself. The simple fact that he is now my Senior should not, I think, weigh against me as he entered the service as 2nd Lieutenant and I as a 1st, and owes his seniority not to any particular ability for, or claim to, the position over me, but to his good fortune in securing the vacancy. My experience is varied and my opportunities for acquiring a practical knowledge of both artillery and infantry are as great as his. How well each may have improved them is not for me to say. I know of no claim he possesses more valid than mine, provided you do not intend to promote any other officer, assuming the position to lie between us. Other have claims of rank and age, &c., which must be overlooked if Ames should be promoted for he too must “jump” as well as I to reach the position.
As far as satisfaction in the regiment goes, I think my promotion would cause less ill feeling than his for he is looked upon by some of our old Captains as an “outsider” without claims to anything higher than his present position. If I ever have a Field Position, I don’t want to be hampered by anyone. I want to be 2nd and it is just as easy to make me so as to give me any Field Position. I have written you just as I feel and just as I would talk to you were you where I could see you. Don’t think me crazy or foolish. I confess I am ambitious, inordinately so perhaps. I have a name and reputation to establish and maintain and daily see chances that I could improve were I a Field Officer. I am thrown in contact with me, much higher in rank who seem to possess but little qualifications for their positions. If their actions is a safe criterion to judge by, how easy to take the lead of such men and obtain for my regiment and myself the preferment they are too lazy to strive for.
I know I am young but that makes but little difference. I do not wish to disparage the capabilities of any officer, but am anxious to get ahead for if promotion is as slow as before, I shall be gray before I command the Army of the Potomac. I do not ask you to commit yourself, I only offer the above for your consideration—content to abide your judgement.
You have heard of the occupation of [Forts] Wagner and Gregg by our forces and the reduction of “Sumpter.” The rebels still hold it but “Sumpter” is but a shapeless, irreparable pile of masonry. Had the Navy any pluck, they would have been into Charleston before this. The Marines assaulted “Sumpter” by night and got licked like hell. They refused to cooperate with us and so Gillmore let them go it blind. We had an expedition the same night but our orders were to let the Navy take it if they got there first, which they did. I had the 24 pounder Howitzers and the Advanced boat. Could not “get in” however on account of the above order. The artillery operations are practically at an end—we having accomplished all Gillmore agreed to—the capture of Morris Island and the reduction of “Sumpter” after which the Navy said that they could take Charleston but have not done it and don’t seem inclined to try. It is disgusting to see their cowardly movements. A sharpshooter and a Coehorn Mortar will drive them anywhere except up near the Rebel Batteries and we have not any ordnance here heavy enough to do that.
Capt. Shaw assumed command of the Battalion yesterday by order of Gen. Terry to simplify office business, I suppose. All the companies have behaved well and the General is satisfied with their artillery practice. Capt. Strahan, Capt. Greene, Capt. Colwell, and Capt. Comstock took great interest in their batteries. Capt. Shaw had but one 200-pounder Parrott and thought his command not adequate to his rank and did not take the interest that the others did, although he had seven 30-pounders besides.
We have lost but few—none by carelessness. One of Co. “M” blown up by a torpedo on “Wagner” while strolling about without permission. The men are well. No epidemic having appeared. We get ice daily and the companies have ice water during the greater part of the day. Day is in command of the regiment, Frieze being on a court martial. I shall try to go back to Beaufort as it is no use staying here longer and my Battery needs drill, and the horses rest. Now is the time to start Frieze. All are disgusted with him. It will be a popular move no matter who succeeds him. No Hamilton to advise him. An intimation from you would cause him to resign, I believe. If you come back without the “conscripts,” I would like to go home in your place provided you have no one else picked out. All the officers wish to be remembered to you.
Truly yours, — C. R. Brayton
Letter 2
Headquarters Battery C, 3rd Rhode Island Vol. Artillery Morris Island, South Carolina September 24, 1863
Dear Colonel,
Yours of the 13th inst. came duly to hand by the Arago. I thank you kindly for the advice which I only wished had reached me before I was compelled to answer the Governor’s proposition without hearing from you. I knew you thought well of me and I have tried to merit your esteem and confidence, but there were so many officers senior to me that I thought my chance for further promotion distant. I have already written you my reasons for accepting the position offered and trust that all may yet be satisfactorily arranged. I shall be “mustered out” if I can so as to get home for a few days. Then the whole matter can be settled. But I assure you I do not want to leave the 3rd. My Battery never was in better condition. Have got 27 new horses, all sound and young, have a good name in the command, and as independent as I could wish to be. I know I never shall be as pleasantly situated and should leave the Battery reluctantly to take a Majority in the 3rd but feelings must be suppressed—the wisest course pursued. Was there any prospect of active service on the main land, I would not give up my company, but I see none now.
I have been compelled to perform a duty at once humiliating and imperative. I yesterday preferred charges against Lieut. Morrow for “Drunkenness on duty” while in command of a section on picket duty. He has tendered his resignation which I respectfully forwarded. It came back from Henry Metcalf for my recommendation. I endorsed it “respectfully recommended for the good of the service.” I could not approve his honorable discharge and thought I might appear to crowd him too hard did I insist on a court martial. As it is, he may be court martialed as I have not heard from the resignation and Gillmore is severe in such cases. Did I do more than my duty? No doubt of his guilt, as I brought him to camp beastly drunk. I regret that my company furnishes the first case and hope you will not consider it a fault of mine for I have ever discouraged drinking and no one ever saw me drunk or under the influence of liquor while here.
I have talked to Morrow and let him pass when my judgment told me better. I could not have been more lenient with my own brother. My duty was plain. I did it and hope you approve the course. It may save some good officers and be of great benefit to the regiment in the end. Gen. Gillmore has received his appointment as a Major General. I fired a salute of 13 guns for his yesterday on the beach where there were thousands to congratulate him by cheers.
Regulars have “played out.” I don’t associate with them now. They are beneath my notice. What have they done in the campaign thus far—nothing but growl at the manner in which matters were conducted by “damned Volunteers,” yet “Sumter” gave up the ghost, and “Wagner” yielded reluctantly to the Volunteer. I am proud of the Volunteers and glad I am one. I sed to think Regulars something wonderful but have got all over that. We have given them a blow here that staggers them. Even Henry, who talked of you at first as our “amiable Colonel, praises you to the skies.” But Colonel, he is a damned hypocrite. Don’t trust him as far as you would a thief. I ask no odds of him. He is not Brig. Gen. and if he says to me what he says to others, I will break his jaw. It makes me so mad to see “Rawson” and “Gardiner” follow him like curs—not daring to speak unless Henry says so. Damn a man that will go back on his regiment and has not the moral force to resent an insult to it—come from whom it may. But never fear but that I will hold my own. They have no Seymour, damn him, to help them in their infernal designs upon us poor Volunteers.
“Irwin” has joined Hamilton’s Battery. Am sorry for it. “Myrick” and “Brainard” have had a “row” and Brainard has gone to Beaufort to take charge of hospital. No. 2 in that Battery is going to hell fast. But let them quarrel, hoping they may come out like the “Kilkenny cats” in the end.
There is to be a Grand Review today. “Brayton’s Battery” has the “Right” of the Light Artillery. Capt. Joe Comstock is still at the [Hilton] Head awaiting transportation. You speak in your letter as though the 3rd was intolerable now. I can’t believe you really mean any such thing. Cursed we are by as miserable a lot of Field Officers (excepting yourself and Ames) as ever sapped the life of any regiment, but still we have talent among us sufficient to fill creditably any position. Our officers are far in advance of any I have seen here, take them as a class. You have no idea of the class of officers that came with those troops from Virginia. The 3rd stands well and are treated as Artillery Companies should be. They have done well. I am proud of them. If you can make a better regiment than stands out of the 4rd Rhode Island, mark out your cause and there are enough of us to support you. Only a few croakers to deal with.
Never fear about our getting into Charleston before you come back. Don’t you think me rather precocious in asking what I did. But I can’t help it for if I am left out now, I shall never command a regiment, I fear, and it is hard jumping from Major to Colonel over a Lieut. Colonel. But we will talk this over I hope before anything definite is done. I can keep my counsel—have so far—and promise you I will in future. Please excuse the emphatic remarks. Yours truly, — C. R. Brayton
Letter 3
Office of the Chief of Artillery Morris Island, South Carolina December 14, 1863
Dear Colonel,
Yours ofthe 4th and 5th (postscript) was duly received a few hours after I had mailed one for you. I think Eddy’s case settled for I well knew the Gov. had “no personal interest in the matter.” Bailey, I think, was at the bottom of the affair, put up to it by Eddy’s friends at home. If you think the matter need more attention, I will write the Governor about it, but I think it unnecessary.
Maj. Ames is in command of the Battalion. I showed him your letter about Report and Returns. Peirce of Co. D had a Descriptive List which Burton says he gave to Lamson, one having been given, the Company Commander has no right, I think, to give another.
Reenlisting is all the rage here now. Connecticut offers a bounty to Veterans which with the US Bounty, makes $792 for cash, beside aid to the families. Rhode Island should offer $500 in addition to the US Bounty of $402. This will secure all the old men of the regiment we want and many from others. Regimental commanders here have appointed Regimental Recruiting Officers to reenlist Veterans. Why not appoint some officer in the Battalion here or direct Ames to do so? It is a matter that requires immediate attention—else other regiments will get the start of us. The course is for you to appoint a Recruiting Officer here with orders to report to Lieut. Reynolds, Com. of Musters for instructions as to his duties. I have the above direct from Col. Smith.
Why not write the Governor about the Bounty and see if the $300 now paid by the State will be paid to men reenlisting in the old regiments.
There is nothing new. We have been having a heavy storm during the past week which has caused the water to encroach on the island 30 or 40 feet, completely cutting through the island just below “Wagner.” Admiral Dahlgren got caught outside and could not get into the Inlet on account of the sea on the bar. The “Weehawken” sank last week—cause unknown, so the Navy says. I saw her go down. There was a puff of smoke and she sank in less than a minute. Between 20 and 30 lives reported to have been lost.
The storm has evidently broken up the “obstructions” 1 between Sumter and Moultrie as large masses of timber, evidently links of some chain have been driven on shore. They consist of 9 sticks of 15 in. hard pine timber firmly bound together with iron hoops. Through the centre is a bar of railroad iron, on either end of which iron links have been attached so that an indefinite number of these wooden masses can be joined together and thus make a chain of great strength. The timber having buoyancy enough to support the railroad iron at all times and the iron being strong enough to prevent vessels from forcing their way past it.
Sumter was on fire in the Southwest corner during the past week—cause unknown to us. We shell the city every twenty-four hours. I will see about King’s Case Co. M today. Regards to all your officers. I pity Lanahan’s wife—she being alone at Pulaski, but Capt. Jerry is satisfied, I suppose. Write soon. Have not yet received our mail by the Arago. Can’t it be sorted at the Head some way?
Ever your sincere friend, — C. R. Brayton
1 The New York Herald of 7 April 1863 carried an article on “the obstructions” in Charleston Harbor. They were said to consist of “floating rafts, made of heavy timber, securely lashed together by cable chains, and then bolted to an upper layer of timber, which not only covers the chains, but adds a bracing strength to the structure. At a given point this bar or boom is provided with a moveable gate, which is opened to allow their own vessels to pass in and out. This place of ingress is directly under the guns of Fort Sumter and so close that it seems impossible that any vessel could pass them, A chain and a connecting seres of obstructions exist between Forts Sumter and Moultrie.”
William’s broken headstone in Cottonwood Cemetery, Dallas, Texas
The following letter was written by William McCarty (1821-1883) to his wife, Myrilla Jane Wilson (1827-1882). The couple were married in 1846 and had at least two children by the time this letter was written. William was born in Tennessee and was residing in Bradley county, Tennessee, when the 1850 US Census was collected. Ten years later he and Marilla were enumerated in Plano, Collin county, Texas.
TexasMuster Roll Index cards indicate that William was drafted into Co. D, 15th Battalion Texas State Troops on 15 July 1863.
Transcription
Camp Lane, Fannon County, Texas September 30th 1863
I have sat down in a wagon to scratch you a few lines amongst the fuss and bustle in camp. We are all well and passing of time very well.
We have had some very good preaching in camp and have religious songs sung until 9 o’clock every night. It commenced raining last night and is still raining yet. We will move from here in a few days further up the river. I want you to do the very best you can for I do not know when I will be at home. It may be before long and it may be not be before spring. I cannot tell. You know anything about it. We will know in a few days whether we will get to come or not.
We are all sworn into the Confederate service for the length of three years after our six months is out. Now my Marilla, I do not want you to give way in despair to everything. I want you to brave the storm and do all the good you can for yourself and your country. Do not fret nor grieve for me for I will try to take care of myself and I want you to do the same.
I will say something about our tent. I do not know whether it will take 36 yards or not. When you go to make it, make your breadth about 7 yards long the ends. Set your breadths up on the end and then take a pleat in it up high enough for the wall and that will make the eve. Then a small rope every yard. Then it will do without corner posts. — William McCarty
When you write, direct your letter to Bonham, [Texas], Company, Co. D, 15th Battalion
An unidentified seaman from the collection of Ron Field
The following letter was written by Joseph B. Frost (1839-1872) of Marblehead, Massachusetts who entered the US Navy in December 1861 at the age of 22 and held the rank of Ordinary Seaman (OS). He was described as standing 5’9″ tall with brown hair and blueish gray eyes. We know from this letter as well as official records that Joseph served aboard the USS gunboat Penobscot. The next notice of him in Naval Records indicates that he was admitted into the Naval Hospital at Portsmouth, Virginia, in July 1863 suffering from periostitis (shin splints). He was discharged from the hospital on 21 August 1863 and I believe discharged from the Navy at or about the same time. An assistant surgeon named William Longshaw, Jr.1 who served aboard the USS Penobscot form May-July 1863, treated Frost with the following comments: “Has been under treatment for ulcer affecting right leg. This patient manifests a scrofulous diathesis and has before been treated for indolent ulcer. Treatment has been…local stimulants with iodine externally and idiod. internally. Was sent to army hospital in Beaufort, N. C. on 19 July 1863 and discharged 27 July 1863 for passage to Hampton Roads.” From this description, my interpretation is that Joseph may have been suffering from syphilis which was commonly treated with potassium iodine.
Curiously, Joseph’s hospital admission record at Portsmouth suggests that Joseph was incapable of signing his own name with anything other than an “X” (his mark). If so, he must have had someone else on board the gunboat to write the following letter on his behalf.
Frost wrote the letter to his friend, Henry “Martin” Lowe (1840-1907), who served with him aboard the US Gunboat Penobscot. Martin was the son of Henry Thurston Lowe (1806-1888) and Rachel Pool (1816-1897), and the husband of Louisa Foster Blatchford (1841-1910) of Rockport, Essex county, Massachusetts. Martin and Louisa were married on 21 April 1860 at Newburyport and in the 1860 US Census, they were enumerated as newlyweds in her parents home—William and Mary (Gott) Blatchford of Rockport. At that time, Martin was employed as a clerk. One of some forty-one men from the fishing port of Rockport, Massachusetts who served in the Navy during the Civil War, Martin Lowe was a Paymaster’s Steward aboard the U.S.S. Penobscot. He entered the service in early February 1862 and was discharged in March 1864. [See 1862-64: Henry Martin Lowe to his Family]
1 Dr. William Longshaw Jr., Acting Assistant Surgeon, U.S. Navy, was killed on 15 January 1865 at the Battle of Fort Fisher. “A sailor, too severely wounded to help himself, had fallen close to the water’s edge and with the rising tide would have drowned. Dr. Longshaw, at the peril of his life, went to his assistance and dragged him beyond the incoming tide. At this moment he heard a cry from a wounded marine, one of a small group who, behind a little hillock of sand close to the parapet, kept up a fire upon the enemy. Longshaw ran to his assistance and while attending to his wounds was shot dead.”
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. Henry Lowe, Rockport, Massachusetts
U. S. S. Penobscot Off Wilmington, N. C. May 1, [1863]
Friend Henry,
It is with pleasure that I now address you from the old and familiar spot Rollingville and a gay place it is. There is now 23 steamers on the blockade and vessels can run in and out just as they please without anyone troubling them.
And now for our trip down here. We arrived at Fort Monroe on the next Monday after we left Washington and then steamed up to report to the flag ship and he sent a steamboat down to the store ship and got our crew and the next day the Captain made the petty officers and give the rest of the men their station and old Snow and the carpenter still hold their rates and all the rest are new men and there is any amount of dissatisfaction amongst them. I can tell you, Henry, she is not the ship she used to be. It is like a going on board of a new vessel as there is all new rules and regulations in regard of all things.
And now Henry, I hope you will pardon me for opening two letters which I got the next day after we arrived for I had no envelopes large enough to get them into and so I had to open them and fold them over to forward them to you. And now I will ask you to send me some papers as they will be very receptive as you know yourself when you were with us.
And now Henry, I will bring this to a close as the mail is all ready to go on board the Florida. This is from your friend and well wisher. — Joseph B. Frost
Direct as before.
P. S. Henry I want you to send me your wife’s and baby’s picture for I have already got yours and when I get them, I shall keep them in remembrance of you and your family. And by sending them, you will greatly oblige old — Hob
I could not find an image of Brooks but here is a CDV of Benjamin Marot who also served in the 66th Illinois Infantry (Photo Sleuth)
The following letters were written by John Chenowith Brooks (1838-1915) to his sister, Amanda Catherine (Brooks) Lilley (1830-1887)—the wife of Mitchell Campbell Lilley of Columbus, Ohio. John and Amanda were the children of Thomas Martin Brooks (1803-1881) and Sarah B. Chenowith (1808-1865) of Paris, Edgar county, Illinois.
John enlisted in Co. E, 66th Illinois Regiment (Western Sharp Shooters) in October 1861. The 66th Illinois was a multi-state regiment—two companies were raised in Ohio, three in Illinois, one in Michigan, and four were organized at St Louis’ Benton Barracks of Missourians and detachments of volunteer candidates sent by recruiting officers from Iowa, Minnesota and other western states, thus forming a regiment that represented every state in the West, a pet scheme of General John C. Fremont. John rose in rank to sergeant and later as a 2nd Lieutenant. Late in the war he was attached to Co. G, 1st Alabama Cavalry (a predominantly white regiment composed of Southern Unionists). He mustered out of the service on 25 January 1865 and soon after attended the Indianapolis Dental College where he graduated and became a practicing dentist in Sullivan and Charleston, Illinois. He married Charlotte Blake (1844-1928) in 1864 and had at least two children.
Letter 1
Camp near Pulaski, Tennessee November 19, 1863
Dear Sister,
It has been almost three weeks since I received your last letter. It has been cruelly neglected but I will assure you it has been from necessity. As you may see by the heading of my letter, we are in Middle Tennessee, about one hundred miles east of Corinth. We marched through [and] were near two weeks on the road, and have been scouting about almost all the time since we arrived here. Our Division of our Corps is here and distributed along this railroad which is being opened through from Nashville to Decatur. I understand that the other two Divisions are on the way here and the 17th Army Corps is to follow.
We have had but three mails since we left Corinth—two since we have been here and one when we got to the Tennessee river. We have but one or two chances of sending mail and then I had no chance to write. I will write this and have it ready. I hope you will accept this explanation as sufficient excuse for my long delay.
I suppose we will stay here or in this vicinity for awhile. So you will address to 2nd Division, 16th Army Corps, via Nashville, Tenn. I hope our communication will be perfected soon so that we may get mail regular.
I am in good health and stood the march fine—better than I thought I would. Our troops are in fine condition. Not a man reports to the hospital from our company.
This is a beautiful country and has once been called rich in the world’s goods, but alas, the destroyer “War” has been here and left his mark. In the place of affluence and wealth is now found desolation and ruin. Out of fifty business houses in this town is not found one that can boast of an occupant.
I was on a scout the other day and seen find dwellings deserted—the finest of furniture left to the mercy of our soldiers. We brought some fine chairs in for the use of our hospital. Please excuse bad writing for I have to write on my knee.
There are a few citizens living here but they are either Union folks who feared not to stay, or those who were too poor to get away. Many of the citizens are coming in and taking the oath of allegiance. Gen. Dodge, commanding, has ordered the citizens to bring in provisions for the soldiers. The consequence is we are living very well just now. The railroad is finished down to Columbia from Nashville, within thirty miles of this place. I must close. Write soon to your brother, — J. C. Brooks
E Company, 66th Illinois Vols., W. S. S., 2nd Division, 16th Army Corps, via Nashville, Tenn.
Letter 2
Camp 1st Alabama Cavalry near Rome, Georgia July 10th 1864
Dear Sister,
I received a letter from you some time ago while in the field, but have forgotten whether I answered it or not. If I have you may thank me for an extra.
Our regiment is now stationed at Rome, Georgia. We left the army in the front about three weeks ago while they were hammering away at Kennesaw Mountains. I have heard but little news from there since. We have heard that Sherman had got into Atlanta and that is all. Our communication might just as well be cut off for all the good it does us in the way of news and mail. I have received but one mail since I have been here. There is a train runs down here every day or two but it hardly ever brings mail. I suppose our mail goes down the army and they neglect sending it back. I hope we may get a regular communication opened soon. If we don’t, I fear there will one boy have the blues some o’ these days. I have enough to do just now to keep me from getting the blues.
Please excuse that big letter on the other side. I guess I must have put more on it than it could dispose og on that side so I had to use both sides.
My health is good—never better. The health of the regiment is good—but very few cases of sickness in our hospital. I sent one of our boys to the hospital this morning for insanity. He had become quite dangerous around where there are so many firearms. He would get up at the dead hour of night and shoot his gun off at some of his imaginary objects.
I haven’t received a letter from home for Lo these many days, but one since I have been in this camp. We have a few alarms here about once per week. Some daring rebel will slip up to our picket post and try a shot at our pickets.
I have been quite busy for the past few days making out company papers, I have enough to keep me busy for some time to come. I have no news of importance so I will close. Write soon to your affectionate brother, — J. C. Brooks, “G” Company, 1st Alabama Cavalry Vols., Rome, Georgia, via Chattanooga, Tenn.
P. S. I have just received orders to have the company ready for a three days scout at 5 o’clock tomorrow morning. We are going over the Coosa river and we will perhaps have a little fight before we get back. if we go as far as is expected, thirty miles south of the river. — J. C. Brooks
Spared & Shared 23 