All posts by Griff

My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.

1861-63: William Compton to Terrick Timbrook Compton

Willie Compton of the Harris Light Cavalry (card on reverse of image reads, “late of Co. H, 2nd N. Y. Cav., Middleboro, Stone Fence fight shot head off his horse. Now sleeps in a Southern grave, place unknown.” [Image in Pension File]

These letters were written by William Compton (1839-1863) of Co. H, 2nd New York Cavalry (a.k.a. “Harris Light Cavalry”). He wrote the letters to his father, Terrick Timbrook Compton (1812-1897)—or to his brother Francis (“Frank”) Compton—of Fountain county, Indiana. After Terrick’s first wife, Mary Ann Barshier (1821-1846) died in 1845, he married Mary Ann Neal in 1846, and then Ruth Herrel in 1849.

According to muster rolls, William enlisted on 3 August 1861 at Chambersburg, Orange County, Indiana, as a private in Co. H, 2nd New York Cavalry, to serve three years. He was killed in action at Middleburg, Virginia, on June 19, 1863. Sometime prior to his death he had been promoted to a sergeant.

Poor Terrick Compton lost all four of his sons in the Civil War. They were:

Pvt. Richard Compton (1837-1863) served in Co. D, 63rd Indiana Infantry; he was discharged for disability, came home and died on 17 June 1863.
Pvt. John Compton (1838-1862) served in Co. C 17th Illinois Infantry; he was discharged for disability, and died before he could get home on 11 May 1862.
Sgt. William Compton (1839-1863) served in Co. H, 2nd New York Cavalry; he was killed in action on 19 June 1863 at the Battle of Middleburg.
Pvt. Francis M. Compton (1842-1865) served in Co. I, 154th Indiana Infantry; he died of disease at Harpers Ferry on 29 July 1865.

[Note: These letters were found in the Pension Files of the National Archives and have never been previously published to my knowledge.]

Letter 1

Washington [D. C.]
September 3, 1861

Dear Father and Mother,

I take my pen in hand to inform you that I am well at present and hoping these few lines may find you well. We are all here enjoying ourselves very well. We have to drill 5 hours every day and I hate about soldiering. They wake me up too soon. They wake us up every morning at five o’clock every morning. I dreamed last night that I was back in Old Fountain [County] a cutting around [with] my old gal. I will not tell you anymore about my dream.

We have plenty to eat.

I seen sixteen rebels at Columbus, Ohio, as we come through. They came in while we was there. They was hard-looking bats, They was taken up Virginia somewhere by scouts. We was out on parade last evening. There was about twenty regiments out or there was not one out.

No more at present for I have a very bad place to write. You must write soon. Direct your letters this way:

William Compton
Harris Light Cavalry
Camp Oregon, D. C.
In the care of S. McIrving

D. C. stands for District of Columbus


Letter 2

Virginia
October 13, 1861

Dear Brother,

I take my pen in hand to inform you that I am well and I hope these few lines may find you enjoying the same state of health.

Frank, I will tell you something about the times here. I have to go and let my horse pick for we have no feed and I will tell you something more when I come back. I have got back now and my horse got a good belly full of clover.

We moved yesterday and we are [with]in a half mile of Munson’s Hill where the rebels was drove from there about two weeks ago and we are [with]in about nine miles of Bull Run where we heard that the rebels was a driving our pickets in last night and we was ordered to saddle our horses. I was asleep when they hollered at me and I thought it hard to get up from there and thought whether I should get my horse or not. I got up, rolled my blankets, and put on my saddle and sabers ad spurs and we was out about two hours and we was ordered to unsaddle and then go to bed.

It looks some like fighting here but I think there is enough here to clean them out very easy/ We have not got anything to fight with but our sabers. When we get our arms, we will make a charge on them.

We have got twelve dollars, sixteen cents from Uncle Sam and he pays every month. We have plenty to eat. I send my overcoat home by John Clickner and told him to leave it with William Gross at Chambersburg and you can get it. It will make you a good coat if you want it….

You must write soon for I like to hear from Old Fountain [county]. I would write more if I had time. No more at present. You can direct your letter the same as you did and they will come.

Still remain your brother, — William Compton

To Francis Compton


Letter 3

Camp near Munson Hill
October 26, 1861

Dear Brother,

It is with great pleasure that I take my pen in hand to inform you that I am well at present and hope these few lines may find you all well.

I received your letter this evening and was very glad to hear from you all. Frank, I would like to know what kind of a tale that Wilse Riley could make if he says that he got an honorable discharge. You must ask him to show his discharge [papers]. He got his discharge one morning after breakfast. They did not hunt for him much for they thought he was not worth hunting for. Well, I guess I have said enough about a deserter.

Frank, I will have to stop for tonight for it is roll call and I will finish some other time. So good night.

Well, good morning to you, Frank. I have been on guard yesterday and last night and I don’t feel very well but I will be alright when I get to take a nap. We are talking of moving today but I don’t know whether we will or not.

Frank, I will tell you what a time we had last Tuesday. It was a raining all day here and about the middle of the afternoon we was ordered to saddle up. Our squadron saddled up and we was marched about two miles off in the country and we found a a oats stock and we brought it in and then when I was about to go to bed, they called me out to go with the wagons after feed and I didn’t care much for I wanted to steal something. Well, I got ahead of cabbage and four nice beets and lots of turnips.

Frank, you said there was plenty of wild turkeys there and you killed two but if I was there, you would stand but little chance for I could kill one every time at a 100 yards with my revolver. I was out the other day a trying how well I could shoot. I think I could kill a man every time at a hundred and fifty yards.

Frank, you said they was plenty of parties there. I would like to be there and show them how I could shake my old foot. We have a dance here every night but it don’t go as well as if we had some ladies here. I think I will be at home this winter some time and I want them to prepare themselves for big parties.

Well, I must bring my scratching to a close. You must write soon. So no more at present but still remain your brother, — William Compton

to Francis M. Compton


Letter 4

Camp Palmer, Virginia
November 17, 1861

Dear Brother,

It ’tis with the greatest of pleasure that I take up writing to you to inform you that I am well at the present and hope [when] these few lines comes to hand, they will find you all well.

Frank, I sent fifteen dollars home with Jake Dice and I want you to get it and write to me when you receive it. You can lend it to anybody that is good and will give their note and good security but if you can let it out, do it, if it will make anything for me. And if I never come back, you can have it. But there is no such good luck as me to never come back there for all thunder could keep me from there.

Well, I must tell you something about my horse. He is about seventeen hands high and he will be 5 years old next spring and he is all horse but the tail and it is a sprouting. His ribs would make good washboards from the looks of him. I gave him a good currying last evening and I think he will get fleshy now. I have been a wishing we would get in a fight so he would get shot and then I think I could get another better one. If we don’t get in a fight soon, I will gouge his eyes out and then I know that I will get another one.

I am on stable guard today but that is not very hard. The hardest work we have is standing guard. I must tell you what a glorious time I had standing guard the other night. I laid down on the ground to take a snooze and when I waked up, it was raining like all thunder and the water was running all over me. I got up and shaking [my]self and thought nothing of it. If I had exposed myself at home as much as I have since I came here, I would have been dead long ago.

There is a good many of the boys sick now. There are six of the boys out of this company has went to the city hospital. There is only one that you know—that is Joseph Shumaker. Them that went to town has got the measles. John Cooper and Dave has been very sick. They’re at the hospital now but they are getting a good deal better. I think they will be able to come back to their tent in a day or two. There is about sixteen on our company sick at this time. I have had good health ever since I have been here—only when I was vaccinated and then I was sick for a day or two.

Mary, I send you those feathers to show you what kind we wear on our hats. Id I had a chance to send you one of them, I would be glad for I know you would fancy one of them very much. Mary, I would like to be there and take another dance with you and that other girl. I hope that you had a better time than we had that night when I was at home. I want you when you have another dance to let me know and I will come over and stay a week or two.

I guess I have wrote all that is necessary for this time. You must write soon. So no more at present but still remain your brother, — William Compton

To Francis Compton


Letter 5

Camp Palmer, Virginia
December 8, 1861

Dear Father and Mother,

I take this opportunity of writing to you to inform you that I am well at the present and hope when these few lines come to hand, they will find you all well.

Father, I must tell you about our Grand Review that we had last Thursday. Uncle Abe was out to see us and he presented the Stars & Stripes to our regiment and we was very thankful to have them. we do nothing but go on reviews here. For my part, I would rather go into a fight than to go to a review. I don’t know whether we will get in a fight this winter or not but I don’t think we will. But when we get out on picket, maybe we will have a chance to get a shot at some rebel.

There was three of our boys out the other day on picket and one of them shot two men but they happened not to be rebels. They was Union men that went to try their sentinels. They let on like they was rebel cavalry [and] as they come up, it was very dark and our boys could not see who they was. They stepped to one side and said [they’s] shoot if they came any closer, so they Coe up a little closer and our boys let slip at them and shot one of them through the arm and hurt him very bad and the other one did not get hurt very bad. And when they come ups they said they had done wrong. When they fool with the hoser [hoosier?], they will run against a snag.

Mother, I was very sorry to hear that Mary had left you for I know you have too much work there to do yourself and I think Mary is as good a girl as you could get. I hope you will get one as good as Mary. Frank said that Naomi Beals was gone to live with you. I guess she is a very good girl for work.

Frank, I want to give you a little advice. I heard that you was a running with Lames’ girls and if you want to go in decent company, you had better not let anybody see you with them. I want you to go wit somebody better than them for I know you can, or I think you could if I was there. If you hear from John, you write to me.

I guess I must bring my few lines to a close for it is a getting near roll call. You must write soon for I like to get letters from home every week. So no more at present but still remain your son till death, — William Compton


Letter 6

Camp on the ford near Fredericksburg
May 13, 1862

Dear brother,

John Cave, Co. C, 2nd New York Cavalry (LOC)

I seat myself down to write you a few lines to inform you that I am well at present and hope when these few lines come to hand, they will find you well. I just received your letter and was very glad to hear from you. Frank, I suppose you have of the little fight we have been in. It was on the 17th of April. We marched from Catlett Station to Fredericksburg, Virginia, and we drove the rebels before us for about twelve miles and we took several prisoners and we got one of our Lieutenants killed. We followed them till dark and then we camped till about one o’clock in the morning and then we was rousted up and we got our horses and started after the retreating rebels.

We went about five miles and we was fired into. by the rebels and we made a charge on them and they made their bullets fly pretty thick around our heads. They was several fellers shot right by the side of me. I thought I would be shot but I come out safe and sound.

Frank, I will give you the list of the killed and wounded:

George Weller killed, from Osborn Prairie
Josiah Kiff, killed from Newtown
Cyrus Romaine, wounded
James Baker, wounded
William Ranken, wounded
Patrick Ambrose, wounded
Lewis Crane, wounded
Jacob McClean, wounded

This is the list of the killed and wounded in our company. Frank, you said that you was a going to lend my money out. I want you to keep it and don’t lend it out for I think I will be at home in a month or two and then I will need it. I set fifteen dollars more too but you you was gone and so old Josey Bever has got it for me and he will keep it till I come home. Frank, you can spend some of my money if you need it and then you need not take up your wages till you get done working and then it comes all in a bunch—that is, if the man is good that you work for, and I suppose he is from what you say. I don’t think wages is very high there this spring. I get fourteen dollars a month and then I make right smart a [ ]. We got paid a two weeks ago and I sent fifteen dollars to you and I have got about twenty dollars yet and they is about three months pay a coming to us yet. We are going to get paid in a day or two.

Frank, you must write soon and tell me about John and how he is and whether you have heard from him. Well, I guess I have wrote all I can think of at this time. So no more at present but still remain your brother, — William Compton

Write soon.


Letter 7

Sunday, June 29, 1862

Dear Father and Mother,

I once more take this opportunity of writing you a few lines to inform you that I am well and hope when these few lines comes to hand, they will find you all well. Father, the reason I did not write soon, I was waiting for an answer from you and I though that I would write again to you and see if you had. Well, I must tell you what a good time I have had. I was up at Alexandria and Washington and I got to see [brother] Richard and all the rest of the boys from around Old Fountain [county]. I was glad to see the boys. They all look well and I think they will make good soldiers. They all think they see hard times but I think that [if they] would come out and travel through the Virginia mountains awhile, they would think of hard times.

We have got back to Fredericksburg and I think we will go into Richmond or that is the talk now. We are seeing very good times. We don’t have to do everything now. We don’t have to drill any. WE don’t do anything but tend to our horses. Well, I must tell you about the crops. The corn is only about ankle high. They are cutting their wheat around here. The wheat is very good wheat, There is [lots] of it.

Well, I must bring these few lines to a close. You must write soon. So no more at present but remain your son, — William Compton


Letter 8

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va.
July 24, 1862

Dear Brother,

I seat myself to write you a few lines to inform you that I am well at this time and hope when these few lines does to hand, they will find you enjoying the same health. Frank, I have not received any letter from you for a good while and I think you might write as often as I do. This makes the third letter that I have wrote and I have not received any answer yet.

Well, I must tell you a little about the times here. Everything is still here but the cavalry. We are scouting every day. We started out on the 19th and we was gone thirty hours and we went eighty miles in thirty hours. And we went [with]in thirty miles of Richmond and we tore up the railroad and burnt up what they call Beaver Dam Station and took several prisoners.. You better believe we had a big fire there. There was several barrels of powder in the depot and there was several boxes of cartridges in there two and a good deal of other stuff. You will see it I the papers better than I can tell you.

We just got in last night about twelve o’clock. We was on another railroad yesterday. We burnt up Hanover Station and done them a good deal of damage. We had several skirmishes with the rebels. We killed four of them. We had none of our men hurt. We burnt a rebel camp and took about forty horses and several prisoners.

Well, Frank, I want you to keep that money that I sent last for I am coming home the last of next month—that is, if I can get a furlough, and I think I can. It will cost me about fifty dollars there and back. Frank, I want you to write a little oftener than you do. So no more at this time but still remain your brother, — William Compton

Write soon.


Letter 9

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va.
July 29, 1862

Dear Brother,

I once more seat myself to write you a few lines to inform you that I am well at this time and hope when these few lines come to hand they will find you enjoying the same health. Frank, I received your letter this evening and was very glad to hear from you. You say you have not heard from John since you left home. I received a letter from home a few weeks ago and they stated that John had got his discharge. I was very glad to hear that he has got out of the service. Frank, if I was out of the service, I think the government would have to be in a very bad fix if I went to help save it although I am here and I am a going to do the best I can.

I am a coming home next month—that is, if I can get a furlough. I heard from Richard last week and he was well. You said you did not know his captain’s name. His name is Johnson.

Frank, I would like to be there to some of them dances that you was speaking about. You must give my best respects to all of the girls around there. If I get to come home next month, I think I shall see some of them myself. I was glad to hear my money had got home safe. So no more at present but remain your brother, — William Compton

You must write as soon as you receive these few lines. So goodnight.


Letter 10

Harwood Hospital
[Washington D. C.]
October 1st [1862]

Dear Brother,

I once more seat myself to write you a few lines to let you know how I am a getting along. I have been sick for four weeks. I am a getting about well now except I am very weak yet. I think I will be able to go to the regiment the last of the week or the first of next. I am in the hospital at Washington. It is three weeks ago last Saturday since I are here and it seems like a year to me for it is very lonesome here and I hope when these few lines come to hand, they will find you enjoying food health.

Frank, I wrote you a letter the day before I came to the hospital and ain’t received any answer yet, but I expect there is a letter at the regiment for me. I ain’t heard from the regiment since I have been here. I wrote a letter to the Orderly last [week] and told him if there was any letters come for me, to send to me and I am looking for one today.

Frank, I will give you a little of my opinion of the war. I think the war will come to a close in less than three months. It is the report now that here is commissioners from the South that came as peace makers and I hope they will come to terms. For my part, I have seen fighting enough, but I think if they don’t come to terms, we have got men enough in the field to whip the hell out of them. The rebels thought they was sure of Washington when our army was a falling back [but] they did not know they was a running themselves into a trap. When Gen. McClellan got after them, he showed them where they was.

Frank, I have said enough about the war for this time. I want you to write as soon as you receive these few lines and I don’t want you to wait a week or two, and I shall be very prompt in answering yours. I want you to write every week and I will do the same as near as I can. You can direct your letters as you have heretofore. I want you to tell me all the news about the draft and how you are a getting along and whether you are working at the same place.

So no more for this time but still remain yours, — William Compton

To Francis M. Compton


Letter 11

Camp Manassas
June 16, 1863

Dear Father & Mother,

I seat myself to write you a few lines to inform you that I am well at the present [time] ad hope when these few lines Coe to hand, they will find you all enjoying good health. I received your letter and was very glad to hear from you.

Well, Father, we have got back to the Army of the Potomac. We was in a fight on the [June] 9th at Brandy Station. It was a very hard cavalry fight. We had it hand to hand with the rebels. Our regiment made a charge and we had cutting and slashing. The fight was mostly done with the saver. The rebels is a marching to Maryland and we are after them. You may hear of some hard fighting soon.

Father, you say the Copperheads is plenty back there. I think if they would hear a few bullets whistle about their heads, they would think war was not the thing it was cracked up to be. You told me to not get discouraged. That is not my gripe. We lost five men out of our company, 2 missing, 2 wounded and Wheeler Mallett was wounded in the back and left on the field and we suppose him to be dead. If not he is a prisoner.

Mother, I am very sorry to hear that you are crippled. I would like to been there to that show you had there. Although a battlefield is a bigger show than all the shows that you can have there but maybe not such a nice sight.

Mother, I want to know who is doing your work. I must bring my few lines to a close for it is a getting night and we are expecting to move so no more but remain your affectionate son, — Wm. Compton

Write soon. Direct this way. Co. H, Harris Light Cavalry, Washington D. C.

William Compton 2 New York Cavalry, Company H Widow’s Certificate Pension 230113 RG 15 Records of the Department of Veteran’s Affairs

1861: John Compton to Terrick Timbrook Compton

I could not find an image of John but here is a CDV of Fred Gilbert of Co. A, 17th Illinois Infantry (Photo Sleuth)

This letter was written by 23 year-old John Compton (1838-1862) of Delevan, Tazewell county, Illinois. According to muster records, John enlisted at Joliet in Co. C, 17th Illinois on 25 May 1861. At the time of muster, he was described as a single, 22 year-old farmer with light hair, sandy complexion, and grey eyes. He stood a little over five and a half feet tall. He claimed Hillsboro, Fountain county, Indiana as his place of birth.

He died of consumption on 11 May 1862 near Shiloh, Tennessee, just after he was discharged for disability.

John wrote this letter to his father, Terrick Timbrook Compton (1812-1897) of Fountain county, Indiana. After Terrick’s first wife, Mary Ann Barshier (1821-1846) died in 1845, he married Mary Ann Neal in 1846, and then Ruth Herrel in 1849.

The regiment’s history, from the time of organization up until the time of this letter is as follows:

Patriotic image on John’s stationery

After spending about one month at Peoria, engaged in drilling and making preparation for service, we were moved by steamboats to Alton, Illinois, where we went into camp and spent another month in drilling. About the middle of July we were transported by steamers to St. Charles, Missouri, thence by railroad to Warrenton, where we spent a week. The regiment was then ordered to St. Louis, where it became a part of the command of Gen. Fremont; and accompanied him August 1 on his expedition to Cairo via steamers. August 3 it went into camp at Bird’s Point, Missouri, and was engaged for about two weeks in building fortifications; was then ordered up the Mississippi to a landing about thirty miles below St. Louis, known as “Sulphur Springs”; thence by railroad to Ironton, Missouri, where the regiment was encamped for a short time. While here the officers of the regiment, about August 20, had the pleasure of meeting for the first time Brig. Gen. U. S. Grant, who had recently received his commission as brigadier general. From Ironton the regiment was ordered to move to Fredericktown, Missouri, and garrison the place, where it remained about a week; when, being attached to the command of Gen. Prentiss, moved under that officer to Jackson; thence to Cape Girardeau, reaching the latter place September 2, 1861. About September 10 the regiment was removed to the Kentucky shore opposite Cairo and aided in constructing Fort Holt. By this time Gen. Grant had established his headquarters at Cairo. From him came orders to Col. Ross to take his regiment, the 17th, the 19th, Col. Turchin, and the 7th Iowa, Col. Lawman, and a section of artillery and occupy Elliott’s Mills, a place about half way between Fort Holt and Columbus, Kentucky. This place, about twelve miles from Columbus, was named Camp Crittenden, and was held only four days when the brigade was ordered to fall back to old Fort Jefferson and soon after to Fort Holt, where work was resumed on the fortifications. This proved a very unhealthy location, and a large portion of being attached the regiment was very soon in the hospital.

[Note: This letter was found in the Pension Files of the National Archives and brought to my attention by Anthony Meeks.]

Letter 1

Peoria, Illinois
May 27, 1861

Dear Father,

I take my pen in hand to inform you that I am well and hope these few lines may find you all in the same health. I have neglected to write until now. There is a regiment of us at this place all sworn in service under the United States. We are in camp at this place & ready for service at any time we may be called upon. I like soldiering very well. Peoria is a nice place. I wish you would come out to Peoria and see me. It would be a nice visit for you. If you can’t come, let William come. We may be [here] some months. we can’t tell how long. If you can come, do so. If you come, enquire for John Compton, a member of Captain Rose’s company. Please write soon as possible and let me know how things are going.

Direct your lettres to Peoria in care of A. D. Rose by this means our captain get s the letter for the company/

Your affectionate son, — John Compton

to T. T. Compton


Letter 2

Camp Mather 1
June 6, 1861

Dear Brother [William],

I take my pen in hand to inform you that I am well. I like to be a soldier very well. We have very comfortable quarters at Camp Mather. Discipline is very strict. We drill 3 hours in the morning, 3 in the afternoon. Tattoo is at nine o’clock—that means go to bed. Reveille is beat five o’clock in the morning—that is to get up. I don’t care about leaving this place until we get drilled some more and then let us speedily march to the enemy and wipe them from the face of the earth. Let the American flag never be hauled down by a set of rebels.

[Stephen A.] Douglas’ funeral will take place tomorrow and we will have a grand parade to be expected. 2

Francis or William, if you can come out and see me drill, [I would] be glad. Or any of you. We will not be apt to leave this place soon so try and come and see me. Please write anyhow and let me know how you all are getting along. You might write to me as well as not once a week.

Direct your letters in care of A[llen] D. Rose, Captain Company C. No more at present but remain your brother, — John Compton

to William Compton

1 Camp Mather was a temporary Civil War encampment established on Peoria’s Fairgrounds in 1861, Camp Mather was most probably named for Thomas S. Mather, the Illinois adjutant general.

2 Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois died on 3 June 1861.


Letter 3

Fort Jefferson
Ballard County, Kentucky
September 21, 1861

Dear Father & Mother

I once more take the pleasure of writing you a few lines to inform you that I am well and enjoying myself as well as could be expected. I received your letter of the 1st of September and was glad to hear from you all. I think you might write to me as often as once a week. I should like to write oftener but we are moving so much that I have not had much chance. The last time I wrote, I was on Bird Point but since then we have has a long and tiresome march through the State of Missouri and did not accomplish much. We are now in Old Kentuck within twelve miles of Columbus where there is a large rebel force and we expect to see actual service at any time. We will give them the best turn we can. I have no fear of getting killed although it may be my lot to be the first one. But if so, the cause is good.

You stated that William has enlisted to fight for his country if needed. I think it is the duty of everyone that can to go forth and fight for liberty. You spoke of someone going to bring the name I could not make out. I want you to write and tell me what regiment and the letter of his company he belongs to. We have had plenty of peaches to eat this season. We have always enough to eat when it can be had.

I have to go on guard so I will close my scribbling hoping you will write soon. Your son — John Compton

[to] T. T. Compton

Direct your letters to John Compton, Cairo Illinois, in care of A. D. Rose, Captain of Co. C, 17th Reg. of Illinois Volunteers

1863: Joshua Piles to Margaret Piles

This letter was written by Joshua Piles (1823-1898) who served in Co. A, 168th Pennsylvania Infantry. The men recruited into this regiment rendezvoused at Camp Howe near Pittsburgh during the latter part of October 1862 where they were organized and mustered into service as a 9-months regiment. Muster rolls indicate that Joshua entered on 16 October 1862 with other members of his company under the command of Capt. Hiram H. Cree. He mustered out on 25 July 1863.

After service around Suffolk, Virginia, the regiment was sent to New Bern, North Carolina, in December 1862 where they remained until June 1863. During this time, they participated on the expedition to Little Washington to provide relief to the beleaguered Union force under siege there. This letter was penned in Little Washington while encamped there in May 1863.

Prior to his enlistment, Joshua and his wife Margaret Henderson (1830-1913) and their two children lived in Perry, Greene county, Pennsylvania, where Joshua worked as a semi-literate laborer/farmer. He was still residing there at the time of the 1890 Veterans Schedules, suffering from a disease of the kidneys and bladder.

Transcription

Washington, North Carolina
May 8th 1863

Dear Wife,

I take this pleasure to write you a few lines to let you know that today find us all well and hearty and sincerely hoping that these few lines may find you all embracing the same blessing. Also to inform you that I received yours which was written April the twentieth and was very glad to hear from you all so to hear that you was all well and a getting along as well as what you are.

We have left New Bern. We left on the twentieth of the month or about that time. for the present time we are at Washington, North Carolina. It is the head of tide water navigation about the mouth of the Tar River about one hundred miles from New Bern but the way of water and about forty by land north. This is a very nice place here. We are the best situated here that we have been since we left home. We are encamped on a high piece of ground. Also we have got more tents and there ain’t so many in a tent which makes it more comfortable. There is only three and four in a tent.

We are a faring sumptuous for grub, the plunkiest that we ever had since we left Camp Howe. We don’t get much soft bread. The flour is here for us but we ain’t got our bakery fixed yet. We will get it done in a few days. We get plenty of coffee and bread, meat, beans, and rice, and sugar and plenty to wear—more than we want—and have plenty of money and no fast friends and White women plenty. This war is a perfect feast. Uncle Sam is able to feed and clothe us and we won’t grunt at it, and able to furnish enough good Union men to whip the South and be enough left to come home and hang all the Copperheads that is back there, if they don’t all go blind in dogs days and bite theirselves. They are so poisoned that their bites will be certain death. Their days will soon be done for they are a living on cornmeal which is ground cob and all together this is a true bill for we have been out on picket where they was and where they done their business. It just looked like hog dung—just about as course. And the cavalry took four of them. They had nothing in their haversacks—only meal cob and all.

We have to do picket duty one fourth of the time. We go three miles from cap and stay three days and nights.

For the want of paper, I must close. Write soon and give us the news.

— Joshua Piles to Margaret Piles

Michael write.

1877-78: The Demise of George West

These letters were written by George West (1857-1877), the son of Francis (“Frank”) Henry West (1825-1896) and Emma Rittenhouse (1829-1896). Those who follow Spared & Shared will likely recognize George’s father as the author of numerous letters I have transcribed and which can be found posted elsewhere on this website at:

1859-60: Francis Henry West to Emma (Rittenhouse) West
1863-64: The Civil War Letters of Francis Henry West, 31st Wisconsin Infantry
1864-65: The Civil War Letters of Francis Henry West, 31st Wisconsin Infantry

It seems that young George West was a chip off the old block, perhaps inheriting his father’s restless spirit but not his physical prowess. He was described as a “handsome, intelligent boy,” whose father had no doubt impressed upon him that to be a successful, self-made man, one had to take risks. “The bigger the risk, the greater the reward,” he told himself. Despite his mother’s objections, 21 year-old George joined a party of men from Milwaukee going to the mining fields in the rugged Red Mountains of southwest Colorado. This area was only recently settled as described in the following brief summary of the early history of Ouray, Colorado:

The first mines were discovered at the Ouray site in 1875, and an initial settlement and mining district named “Uncompahgre” were established. The box canyon at Ouray was deemed an ideal town site, being spectacularly beautiful, relatively flat, sheltered from the worst of the winter weather, and warmed by numerous hot springs. The initial settlement was small and only a few men stayed for the winter of 1875-76. Transportation routes were not established at this time and the poorly-equipped miners almost starved before supplies arrived during the spring of 1876. 

By early 1876, the town name was changed to Ouray and a permanent town started to take shape. Numerous businesses were started like hotels, stores, a blacksmith, and of course the center of every mining town – saloons. Many of these early businesses operated out of tents and log cabins and only lasted that first summer. Ouray was incorporated in October of 1876. In January of 1877, Ouray County was carved out of existing San Juan County, and Ouray became the county seat.

Early in 1877 the population of Ouray was reported to be over 400 residents. The town contained over 200 structures including log cabins, two blacksmiths, a school, a post office, a bank, two hotels, and too many saloons to count. The first newspaper in town, the Ouray Times, was published in June of this year. The population of Ouray had doubled to around 800 by early 1878. The 1880 census reported a population of 864. At this time the town boasted a water works, street lights, plank sidewalks, and graded roads.

The tragic tale of George’s adventure and of his demise is captured in this series of letters—four of them written by George himself, and the last five by others who lived in the area during the winter of 1877-78.

Ouray as it looked in 1877 (Ted Kierscey Collection)

Letter 1

Denver, Colorado
April 13 [1877]

Dear Mother,

We arrived here last night after being on the road 60 hours—3 days and 2 nights. We put up at the Merchant’s Hotel where we shall remain until tomorrow morning when we take the train for LaVeta. We are getting a part of our outfit here but we shall get our provisions and mining tools at Del Norte or Saguache.

We do not know as yet whether we shall have too buy burros or go through with the freighters but we shall do the latter if possible. I enjoyed the trip across the plains immensely. They exceed in vastness anything a person ca conceive who has not seen them. The fences end about 100 miles west of Kansas City and after that there is nothing but an immense treeless plain, almost destitute of water. There is no one living along the line of the railway except a few herders who look after the large droves of cattle who roam over the vast country.

We had immense [fun] shooting at antelope from the car windows when we reached their range about 400 miles west of Kansas City. We saw them continually in herds from 5 or 6 to 40 or more. They would start up alarmed at the sight of the train and seemingly become confused and would [run] along parallel with the train, sometimes as near as 150 yards but usually ay from a quarter to a half mile distant. They ran with tremendous speed, easily keeping up with the train going about 30 miles per hour. I shot away about 60 cartridges from my rifle with a gross result of none killed as the distance and jolting prevented an accurate aim. I made some very close shots, however, and could have shot several had the train been stationary. I succeeded in shooting, however, a jack rabbit on the dead run before he reached his hole. We also saw a large colony of prairie dogs and several prairie wolves and deer. I will write again probably from Del Norte before we go into the mountains.

Your affectionate son, — George West


Letter 2

Ouray, Colorado
May 14, 1877

My Dear Mother,

We arrived here last Thursday night after having been 19 days on the way from Del Norte and just one month out from Milwaukie. Our journey was one which for the latter part I have no desire to repeat. We left Del Norte on Saturday noon and reached Saguache the next day from which place I wrote home. From there out it was almost a continual pull over roads of whose badness you can form no conception unless you can imagine hills so bad that the horses could not pull the empty wagon more than 15 or 20 feet at once and so so muddy that we frequently had to dig out the horses to prevent them from miring in the mud out of sight. It was a constant state of unloading the wagon, and packing everything on our backs up steep hills and over muddy roads, often for a mile or more at a time. As we had about 2800 lb. on the wagon altogether, you may imagine what kind of a time we had, sometimes not making over one mile per day, making during one week over the worst roads only 7 miles.

When the wagon got stuck we would all get hold of the wheels and if we could not start the wagon and keep her agoing in that way, we would have to unload and carry everything on our backs and come back to help the empty wagon along until we struck better roads. We were twice snow bound by severe storms—once for a day and a half at the old Indian Agency at Los Pinos Creek near Cachetope Pass, and again for the same length of time at what is known as the Middle Cabin. During the latter stoppage we had a very exciting hunt after a panther or mountain lion as they are called here. The beast had killed an ox belonging to a freighter and the following morning we started on his trail through the deep snow coming twice in sight of him but were unable to get close enough to kill him as the snow—in many places 4 or 5 feet deep—made walking, much less running, nearly impossible. As it was, however, he exceeded anything I have ever seen in the shape of a wild beast.

We have walked about 300 miles since we left La Veta and have travelled about 700 miles in all. A person could easily have gone from Milwaukie to any prominent city in Europe and returned during the time it has taken us to get here. The weather with the exceptions of the snow storms has been very fine and although freezing hard every night, we have experienced no inconvenience in sleeping under our light tents or in the open air. It has been my province to do the cooking for our mess and I have done very well, the menu being of the simplest order—coffee, bacon & bread being the staple articles of diet with an occasional variation of beans. We have an iron bake oven resembling a flat kettle in which I bake the bread for which we use baking powder, setting the oven down on hot coals and covering the lid with the same.

We passed through the new Agency coming through the Indian Reservation and saw the Ute Indians. They are the finest looking aborigines I have ever seen, dressed in gaudy blankets and beads and painted with gay vermillion, passing their time in hunting and horse racing and in drawing their supplies from the Indian Agent. We passed the large mineral spring a short distance below here on the Reservation and had a refreshing bath. 

I went to the Post Office as soon as I arrived here and found letters from both you and Father to my great delight. They had got here the same day as our arrival, and nearly all our party found letters awaiting them. There is only one mail per week here now but we shall have a tri-weekly or daily mail during the summer. This letter which I am writing will go out tomorrow morning (Tuesday).

I find Ouray the [most] beautifully located little town it is possible to  imagine, shut in on every side by lofty cliffs and mountains that almost keep out the  sun. With the Uncompahgre river rushing through the town, it seems a perfect  paradise after our long journey. We have camped at the upper end of the town in a beautiful little grove of trees near the river and are about as pleasantly located  as it is possible for me to imagine. Everything is animation here and the town is building up rapidly although the houses are all small frame or log structures as yet.

I enclose a letter to Father by this mail which will probably reach you at the same time this will. I have not got his letter directed to Lake City as we did not pass there but have written to the postmaster for it and I shall probably get it in a few days. I am delighted with the country so far as I have seen it and I have no doubt but what I shall so well from the beginning. I have much better prospects before me than I expected to find so soon as you will see by my letter to Father. I have enjoyed excellent health thus far and think we have the finest climate in age United States for invalids.

I shall expect to hear from you every week. Also from the girls. Tell Bennie and Grace to write to me and I will answer the letters. I want R to tell me how he is getting on at school and I will tell him an adventure one of our men had with a cinnamon bear. I shall write again next mail. Your affectionate son, — George West

P. S. Our writing facilities are very limited at present. I shall write in ink as soon as there is a bottle to be bought in town.


Letter 3

Ouray, Colorado
May 14, 1877

Dear Father,

I found your very welcome letter here on my arrival last Thursday and have very impatient to send you a letter before this but there is only one mail at present per week which leaves tomorrow morning.

I have found Mr. Gooding to whom I had the letter of introduction and have nearly closed with him for the purchase of a half interest in 3 mining lodes he owns here and in a ranch on Cañon Creek 3 miles above the town. The mining lodes are without exception the best or among the best located claims in the district, being entirely within the town limits of Ouray on the Uncompahgre river within 200 yards of the proposed mill site for lixiviation works to be put in by an English company immediately. They have already begun making brick for their works in a brickyard below the town. The lodes are respectively, the Goodfro, the C. H. Weston, and the John Bull, for which he asks for one half interest $1,000.

The Goodfro he has been tunneling during the past winter and has taken out some fine pieces of ore. The vein is about 3 feet in width and seems  from all indications to be a true fissure vein. He has just taken 8 tons of ore from this lode down to the smelter for a mill assay and will know in a few days how it runs. A small lot of the best ore, a few hundred pounds which he sold at the mill, ran 148 ounces to the ton. They are offering to buy 40 ounce ore at the smelter this summer. This he thinks can be readily taken out with a very little selection.  The C. H. Weston is a large vein of about 6 feet in width. He has 2 men at work on it all along, running a tunnel to where it intersects the John Bull. The tunnel is already driven about 40 feet and there are very good indications of a  paying ore in 15 or 20 feet more work when they strike the union of the two veins. The John Bull he has worked from the surface sinking a shaft a few feet but will work it from the tunnel below when they strike the intersection. These 3  lodes are close beside the well known mines—the Trout and the Fisherman. For these two lodes $30,000 was refused last summer. They are ranked among the best mines in the district and have been worked to a good profit from the beginning.

The ranch is located 3 miles above the town half way between Ouray  and Mineral City. This M. Gooding wants to put under cultivation this summer for vegetables for the mines, with the exception of one other ranch which adjoins it below, it is the only tillable land between Ouray and Mineral. He has 4 men at work now clearing the ground and getting ready to put in the seed. I think we can get 15 acres under cultivation without a dollar of expense save for labour and provisions for the men. We need no machinery nor implements of any kind and with a force  of about 6 or 7 men to clear the land, 2 men after that would be all the help needed. I think $800 or $1000 would be a large estimate for the expense of breaking in 15 acres.


Letter 4

Red Mountain Valley
Sunday, June 24, 1877

My Dear Mother,

I received your very kind letter last Thursday and hasten to reply. I was very glad indeed to hear from you as I have received so few letters from home. We are very pleasantly located in a very beautiful little park known as Red Mountain Valley. It is about six miles south of Ouray on Red Mountain Creek and takes its name from a long mountain at the head of a valley which is of a dark reddish color caused by the stains of iron ore of which the mountain is largely composed. The valley is about a mile and a half long and a little over an eighth of a mile in width and is surrounded and whose tops are covered with snow, forming a strange contrast to the brilliant green of the vegetation in the valley below. We have embarked as you will have seen in my letter to Father last week in the agricultural line having agreed to occupy, build a cabin, and fence a portion of the valley which has been staked for a hay ranch by a man from Lake City who is unable to occupy it himself. We are to have a half interest in the ranch for making it our headquarters and cutting the hay this summer which e shall pack to Ouray in bales upon burros. We have got a very good thing and I believe we can make quite a little stake out of it as hay is in very good demand here and is selling at very high prices. We have also preempted a ranch of 160 acres adjoining the hay ranch which is about one half timber and half a perfectly clear and nearly level portion of the valley. Our ranch and the hay ranch comprise about all of the valley, as above us and nearer Silverton the valley becomes narrow again and ends in a very deep cañon.

The burros trail from our valley down to Ouray is at present very bad but will be much improved during the summer by the miners of this district who will use the trail and the travel from Ouray to Silverton which comes through the valley.

The weather is very clear and bright during the day but sharp and cold at night, ice forming to a thickness of about a quarter of an inch very often. It does not affect the vegetation, however, as the air is so dry that the cold is not felt when sleeping here in the open air every night. Our cabin which we have nearly completed, we shall move into in a few days. At present we are camped in our tent which we have pitched in a little grove of spruce and evergreens beside the creek.

We have the burros which we have got the use of for the keeping of them. One a lank, long-lipped and vicious Texan burro and the others shaggy, long-haired, and docile Mexican animals. One of them is a little fellow about two months old. The funniest and sweetest looking little burro I have ever seen. The very sigh of him makes me laugh.

We have been here about two weeks now and as soon as we have finished and moved into our present cabin on the hay ranch, we shall build another on the opposite side of the creek upon our own ranch as it is necessary to build and occupy a cabin upon preempted government land in order to hold it.

I have had some little experience already in San Juan life, having been twice without food for 24 hours in the past fortnight. the first time Cope and I had came up to look at the valley and staying until nearly dark, we lost the trail when about 4 miles from Ouray and were compelled to camp under a rock. Cope being nearly exhausted from hard climbing in the morning and being unable to walk a step further. It was then about 10 o’clock and we prepared to pass the night as comfortably as possible, cutting a pile of pine boughs to sleep on and building a large fire. During the night it began to rain which turned to a drizzling snow towards morning which completed our misery compelling us to crowd around the fire to keep dry and warm. As the first streak of dawn, about half past three, we gathered ourselves together and were rejoiced to find that we had camped within ten feet of the trail but were unable to see it in account of darkness the night before. We struck out for Ouray which we reached about 5 o’clock after twenty-four hours fast.

On the other occasion I had been down to Ouray with the burros for the remainder of our camp effects and had started for the valley about 4 o’clock in the afternoon, the burros were heavily packed and were unable to reach camp that night. As I unpacked them and lying down upon the burros blankets before a large fire, I passed a very comfortable night. In the morning I packed up and proceeded on my journey. After I had gone about one mile, one of the burros, in going up a steep side of the mountain, slipped and fell upon her knees. In trying to recover herself, the tail gave way and she went plunging over the cliff down a steep incline for about 150 feet, bounding over rock and trees and bringing up against the side of a large rock. I hurried down by a round about way expecting to find her dashed to pieces, but was surprised to find her alive and to all appearances unhurt. I assisted her to rise and found she had sustained no serious injuries although pretty well cut up about the head. Her pack alone had saved her life.

After a considerable delay, I got him upon the trail again and reached camp about 2 o’clock in the afternoon after another 24 hour fast. I shall expect to hear from you oftener hereafter. Also from the girls and Ben too whom I shall soon write. Tell Grace that I have not yet received a letter from her which I have been long expecting.

From your affectionate son, — George West


Letter 5

This letter was written by Perry Lamb Hubbard (1841-1912), the son of Chester Lymon Hubbard (1801-1859) and Emily M. Dasiley (1811-1882) of Atchison, Kansas. He married Ellen Rosaline Smith on 13 April 1865. He died in Denver, Colorado, in 1912 at age 70. During the Civil War, Perry served as a lieutenant in Co. C, 1st Michigan Infantry. He was taken prisoner at the Battle of Gaines’ Mill in June 1862 and exchanged in August 1862 for William Fields, 1st North Carolina Cavalry. He mustered out of the service in November 1862. He was an attorney by profession.

Ouray, Colorado
December 29, 1877

Lyndon Redwood Hubbard 
My very dear little son,

I wanted to write to my little Paul boy today but as I cannot do so I thought I would write to my Lime boy. I am well and hard at work and hope soon I shall make money enough so I can come and see my little family for there is no one that thinks as much of his home as your Father does, ad if I could only step in and spend even one day, it would be to me a day of great rejoicing for when I am not engaged I think of nobody else by my family.

For a mining camp, this far outstrips any in the West for refinement and good society and I attend all the dances, balls, parties, &c., and anyone would think by my appearance that I was a gay young man of 21 like your uncle Did, but it is quite a mistake for such places have no charms for me. We are still getting things up to the Virginians and hope soon to commence work on this wonderful mine and hope some day it will make us so well off that we can all live together. But mining is a hazardous business and we must watch and wait. The Virginians is up about 12, 000 feet and when you get up there in very cold weather, you can hardly hold your eyes open. You will want to go to sleep so bad and many people who go up there fall asleep and freeze to death.

I have a sad story to tell you of a little boy who would not mind  his Mother, and last spring left a good home in Wisconsin, and came to Ouray  in search of Gold & Silver. His name was George West and was about 20 years old. His Father was a rich grain merchant in Chicago and his parents did everything they could to have him stay at home, but when he determined to come, then his folks thought they would not send their only son any money and he would get  sick of the country and would come home. But he was not made of that kind of  material. He was a splendid, bright-looking boy and had been brought up as tenderly as a house plant. Your Grandfather knows him well and can tell you about him better than I can write.

He found mining a hard occupation so he with two other young boys went up to Red Mountain Park which is almost up to timber line and (where your Father has a quarter section of land) and they took them up a  ranch, built them a nice, snug little cabin, and commenced cutting hay which is  worth up there about $100 per ton. They succeeded in getting about 70 tons of hay and when others saw that they were succeeding well, they tried to take away from them their little farm, and at the same time they had no money and were badly in debt and they commenced attacking their hay. The poor boys did not know  what to do so they came to me and wanted I should help them out of their trouble but said they had no money to pay me. I told them it made no difference, and I took  hold of their case and helped them all out of their trouble, but before we could sell all of the hay, the snow came and they were still in debt, but had hay enough  to more than pay all they owed, and had their ranch left. This was in the last of  August and before your Grandfather left for home.

George was to small to work and was only about as large as Cliff Holbert so he did the errands and had a little burro which had a small colt, and came down here almost every day and would get what few things they needed and would pack them on her back and then she would  climb up the frightful mountains where you could not possible go. George was a good boy and worked all summer as hard as he could although he [had] never done a day’s work in his life. I thought everything of him and I can’t help crying when I tell this terrible story.

So about the time your Grandfather left, one of the larger boys went  home to get some money so they could pay their debts and thought when spring opened, they could sell the balance of their hay, and then they would cut some more, and then  expected soon to be as rich as their fathers, and could say that they made all of it themselves. George, however, would not go home. He was a little spunky because his folks would not send him some money to relieve him from his present embarrassment so George came down to Ouray to spend the winter while his companions went East. But his rapacious creditors still continued to dun him for thier pay, until they  drove the poor boy almost crazy.

Finally last Sunday, Mr. Peterson—Mr. Alling’s  clerk—told the little fellow that if they had the steel yards they sold to him, they could sell them again. This was more than he could stand as they told him they  must have the money or the steel-yards. Sunday was a warm, pleasant day down here, so he started on foot and alone for Red Mountain Park. When men start for the  mountains, they can’t wade in the snow with an overcoat on, but take blankets. The snow is dry and runs just like quick sand, and you go in up to your neck every step. George, however, had neither overcoats or blankets. Night came and we could hear the wind howl and roar on the mountains, which was more terrible than I can describe, but poor George had not returned, and no man on earth could  get up there in the night. So we waited until morning half hoping he might have found his way to some cabin. Then four of the best mountaineers in this country started, each with a blanket and a shovel, to find this good boy.

They found his track  about 1.5 miles this side of his cabin where these valuable steel-yards were.  There he seemed to have given up his journey and started back and came about  100 rods and sat down on a log where they thought he found out that his feet were freezing and had tried to pull off his boots but could not do so. He continued along a little farther and then took his knife and cut his boots so he could get them off. Here he left his boots—also his socks. This will seem strange to you but this  was the only way the little fellow could save his life as old travelers always take off their boots when their feet are in danger of freezing, but the case is very desperate when they will take off their socks and he must have heard some person say so or he would not have thought of it.

He then went down to the  Uncompahgre River. This frightful stream jumps down the mountain from two to three hundred feet at a bound and there are chunks of ice, from two to ten times as large as our house by the thousand. In getting down to the stream he went over a steep bluff of one hundred and fifty feet where it seemed almost impossible  for any human being to go. Here the hunters could not tell whether he had become bewildered and lost his mind or whether it was in the night and he could not find his way on account of the darkness as on either side he could have gone down to the creek without much difficulty. Here they found where he had sit on the bank of the stream and soaked his feet in this icy stream as his last desperate chance for an existence. They then followed him down the steam about 300 rods and came to an immense snow drift more than a 100 feet deep. No human being could get through  or over it. They could not trace him any farther. The hunters, weary and exhausted, on the 2nd day came back to Ouray where they found a thousand hearts beating with hope and fear.

The next day nine of the best men that could be found went again to this place and last night returned, having found nothing but poor George’s boots and socks, so poor George—a handsome and intelligent boy, sleeps beneath that  mountain of snow. He suffered, he was crucified and is dead and buried, but is now, I trust, happier than the Shilock who so unnecessarily caused his destruction. Mr. Peterson is a ruined man in this Bailiwick.

I enclose a New York Draft for twenty dollars for your Mother. I know all of you children will be good to your mother as she will have a pretty hard time to get along without me. I hope the disagreement between you and your Grandmother will soon be arranged.

Your affectionate father,  P[erry] L. Hubbard

Mr. Fogg says you look like Frank P. Blair

Direct to Mrs. P. L. Hubbard, Atchison, Kansas


Letter 6

Ouray [Colorado]
December 30, 1877

My Dear Brother,

I left L. City last Thursday ,morning, came across the range on snow shoes, arriving here yesterday at 4 p.m. The first news I heard was of the lost of George West. He left town a week ago this morning to go to his cabin in Red Mountain Valley to get some scales which he had got off a Hardware firm here and had been made to pay for. The firm agreed to take them back if he would bring them back. He expected to get back the same day but did not and nothing has been seen of him since by anyone in town.

Wednesday morning, Will G., Martin Shultis, John Merrie and James Mair (men who came from Milwaukee with George last spring) started to hunt him up. They followed his tracks from where he left the Mineral trail to within a mile of his cabin where he had evidently made up his mind that he could not get through, having no snow shoes and the snow was about two feet deep, he turned back for one half mile and then turned off down to the creek bottom and went down the cañon 100 yards and there all trace was lost.

There was another party went out Friday on the search and Will went again yesterday. They went to every cabin in the vicinity whether occupied or not but no trace of him could be found. When he went down to the creek, he left one of his boots (which he had cut some to get off) and Will thinks he had nothing inside his boots but cotton socks and had nothing over them.

The probabilities are that he froze his feet and becoming stupid, laid down and died and was buried by the drifting snow as there was quite a storm on Tuesday last. I understand that another party gone on the search today. They may find his body and that is about all the hope there is left. Will thinks he did not even have a match when he left town. No blankets or overcoats, so it is not at all likely that he lived through Sunday night. It will be a hard blow on his parents and I leave it with you, Edwin & Amanda to apprise them of it as you think best. Mr. Singer will write to his father about it today but we think it would be best for you to inform them yourselves.

I do not know that Amanda is acquainted with Mrs. West but if she is, it would be advisable for her to see her so that it may not come upon her to sudden.

I came here for several reasons. I wanted to find something to do which I could not in L. and the prospects are slim here. I am going to try to get some of our goods (which are here) over to L.

Much love to all from your affectionate brother, — N. S[inger]


Letter 7

I was not able to identify the authors of the following letters in the Singer family though I believe they have a connection to Milwaukee.

Ouray, Colorado
December 30th 1877

Dear Father & Mother,

This old year is dying out very fast now and we will soon welcome  the new one of 1878. The time passes away rapidly and in writing 1878, it brings to my mind that I was born in 1838 so that I will be forty years old this coming  year. Why, I am getting to be quite an old man. But the time seems very short when I look back to when I was a boy and we were all together in the old home and we are scattered almost from one end of the country to the other and we do not know whether we will ever meet together under the old roof again or not. I hope we shall but fortune seems to have played sad havoc with most of us the fast few years, and still holds us so that we cannot always do as we would like. But Have great hopes of doing better soon.

Last spring the were quite a party of men came to this place from Milwaukee. Among the number, a young man by the name of John Lawrie. About three weeks ago, he started from this place to go about twelve miles. It was very cold, he lost his way, and wandered about most of the night, finally found a cabin of some settlers that he got into. His  feet were badly frozen so that he has had to have all the toes of one foot amputated. He is now doing pretty well.

Another one of the party that came with him in the spring, a young man by the name of George West has been working most of the fall about six miles from here up in the mountains in a place called Red Mountain Park cutting hay. One week ago today, Dec. 23rd, he started from here to go up there to bring down a pair of scales he had been using, expecting to return the same day. He did not get back the next day. Monday and Tuesday passed away and he did not return. On Wednesday, a party of four men went to look for him but during the time it had snowed a little and his tracks were almost filled. The snow up there is about four feet deep. They found one of his boots that he had evidently cut off and  traced him from that down to the creek, then down the creek about a hundred yards where a snow slide had come down and there his tracks were lost.

On Friday, a  party of five went up again and searched all day but could find no farther trace of him. His Father’s name, as near as I can find is F. H. West, and has an office at  No. 15 Chamber of Commerce, Milwaukee. There is very little hope of his ever being found alive unless he might have got bewildered and wandered off up the river farther and got to some cabin, but it is a week today since he went out and we would most  likely have heard of him if still living. I wish you would go and see his father and tell him what I have written. The snow is very deep up in the mountains and at the place where  the last trace was found very dangerous on account of the steep canyon and heavy snow slides and it is very doubtful about the body being found until spring and is liable to be washed away then if near the creek. I have understood that his father was president of the Board of Trade in Milwaukee a year or two back so you will have no difficulty in finding him if you do not know him. I have been requested by parties here that  have been searching for him to write this so that his father might know of it and I thought it best to send it through you than direct to his father. Tell Mr. West he can write me and I will give him all the information I possibly can.

Wife has been home now about ten days. She came through very nicely. Caught cold the last day and was a little sick but all right now and we are both happy in being together again. We both send kind love to you all, Mother, Ella Lin, and yourself.   Your affectionate son, — A. L. Singer


Letter 8

Ouray, Colorado
January 6th 1878

Dear Father,

I wrote you last week about George West and his disappearance. Will  now give further particulars which I hope you will communicate to his Father. He started from here on Sunday, Dec. 23rd, to go up Red Mountain Creek about seven  miles where he had been living during the summer to bring down a set of scales he had been using to weigh hay with. He had bought them here but had not  been able to pay for them. The party of whom he got them told him if he would return them, he would give him credit for them, so that was the object of the journey.

In going up there the first four miles is up the Uncompahgre River over what is called the Mineral Point trail which was well broken. From that point he had to leave this trail to go up Red Mountain Creek where the trail had not been passed over since the snow came and there was about four feet of snow and the crust not being  hard enough to bear a person, it was very hard traveling. He not returning in three days, a party went out to look for him and followed his trail as far as they could. They found he got within about a mile of his cabin, then turned and came back  following his tracks. Still they found, after coming back about a half mile, where he had sat down and cut off one of his boots which was found there. From there he  went down to the creek as if to bathe his feet which probably were frozen. The  tracks then went down the creek for about two hundred yards where all trace was lost in a snow slide so they came back.

Then another party started but with no better success. On Tuesday, January the 1st, another party went out and followed up the creek. They found the body near the foot of a fall in the creek which is about sixty feet high. In coming down the creek he must have been out of his mind for he must have known the trail well having passed over it so often and must have  known that the creek was a succession of falls and cataracts, and the trail kept away from the creek on that account. He evidently lived after going over the falls as it looked as if he had attempted to crawl still farther but there he was found buried in the ice and water.

The body was brought down and an inquest held. The jury returned a verdict of death from going over the falls and exposure. The body was thawed out, dressed, a very good coffin made, the body put in and  carried to the church where the Episcopal minister read the burial services and made some very good remarks. It was thenn taken about three miles below town and buried. I have written out all these particulars thinking his parents would  feel an interest in knowing that all was done for the remains of their son that  could be and that he had a christian burial. Should they wish anything further  down they can write me.

We have had the coldest weather here the past two weeks that I  have known since being here. The thermometer has been down to zero every  night and most nights two or three below. During the day it was clear and bright and about twenty to twenty-five above zero. It is not bad weather for work here in town but too cold to go into the mountains. Wife and I are both well and have  nothing to do but try and make ourselves as comfortable as we can. The party who are working my mine are getting on pretty well and it looks well. About March, if the weather is mild enough, I shall get out and do some prospecting. There is too much snow now. We both unite in sending love to all at home.  Your affectionate son, — A. L. Singer


Letter 9

Ouray, Colorado
January 16th, 1878

F. H. West
Dear Sir,

Your telegram of the 8th reached me today. I wrote you through my Father two weeks ago the full particulars of the search for and finding of the body of your son. The verdict of the coroner’s jury, also the care and attention given to the remains, the funeral services being conducted at the church, and the proper christian burial.

Now I would like you to understand the position we are in here. Then give your wishes to us and we will cheerfully comply with them as far as practicable. We are about two hundred and fifty miles from the end of the railroad  across the main range of the Rocky Mountains. The roads are very poor at the  best [and] at this season almost blocked with snow. Although there are a few teams passing each way, it is difficult to get anything carried except by paying high prices for it. It would be necessary to enclose the body in some kind of metallic coffin—a regular burial case cannot be had here. We have a tinsmith here. I have been to him to see what he could do. He said he could line an outside box to put the coffin in with tin or zinc at a cost of about thirty dollars.  Then we would have to wait until some freighter that was going out would take it to Garland or Cañon City. It would take about twenty days to either of the above places. The cost of this I cannot tell now. It would depend upon what bargain we could make.

Your son at his death had no money. In fact, for some time has been in  very straightened circumstances—much more so than even his acquaintances knew of. He led a very isolated life up in the mountain all the fall, only coming to town occasionally for his mail so I did not see him often and did not know how he was situated and he never spoke of his circumstances to me. There has been some expense accrued already and the taking up of the body, the metallic coffin, and sending to Garland I think would cost from one hundred to one hundred and fifty dollars. In compliance to your request to send the body, you see we will have to wait until we can get some person to take it and the means  for doing so. Whatever I can do for you, command me.

Kindly yours, — A. L. Singer  Ouray, Colo.


George’s death announced in the Denver Times Weekly on January 16, 1878, among some of the more unusual news.
The Rocky Mountain News, 23 January 1878

1863: Isaac Dyer to Lydia (Emery) Dyer

Col. Isaac Dyer, 15th Maine Infantry (Digital Maine)

The following letters were written by Isaac Dyer (1820-1913) while serving as the Colonel of the 15th Maine Infantry. He entered the service as the Lt. Colonel of his regiment on 17 December 1862 and the following year, after the regiment’s Colonel resigned in disgrace, Dyer was promoted to Colonel and led his men in operations in Louisiana and Texas, and in Virginia in 1864. He was brevetted Brigadier General, US Volunteers on March 13, 1865 for “meritorious services,” and was honorably mustered out on 13 September 1865.

Isaac was married to Lydia Emery in 1851. Their son Albert, mentioned in this letter, was born in 1856. Prior to the war, Isaac was a druggist in Skowhegan, Somerset county, Maine.

It’s humorous to find the Colonel writing details of troop strength and movements to his wife while acknowledging at the same time that this information is forbidden to be communicated.

Some of the Colonel’s traps sold at Heritage Auctions

Letter 1

Headquarters, 15th Maine Volunteers
August 12, 1863

My Dear Wife,

I was glad to receive a letter from [you] of July 27 & 27. It seems as though you were about a 1,000 miles nearer than you have been for the last 8 months. Now if you will only write every week and be sure and put the letter in the office as soon as written, I shall get one every week.

Maj. Drew will start for Main tomorrow after conscripts. I have to stay by the craft. Col. Murray has gone home on a furlough so I am along in my glory. Perhaps I may get a chance some day. My health is very good and courage as usual. I have good quarters in a nice large two-story house close by the river. Plenty of trees and shrubbery and flowers. The weather is pretty warm but we are getting along very well indeed. Some few are troubled with chills and fever.

I am in hopes I shall be allowed to come home this fall but it will be uncertain. I want you and George to do the best you can and settle up all accounts you can. But I don’t want you to worry about matters at all. There is enough to pay all bills and something for a wet day. I want you to dress first rate and go where you please. I don’t believe anybody will thank you for borrowing any trouble. Be careful, be courageous, be spunky.

Maj. Drew and Lady will call and see you so you must put on the best of smiles and that new dress that you are going to get for my benefit.

Well, hoes does Master Albert and his dog Victor get along? Which gets tired first? How tall is Albert? Is he 8 years old this fall or 7? I have forgotten. I expect he is a great boy and can read smart. Can’t he write me a letter? Can he print letters?

But the post master is waiting for this letter and I must close. Be a good girl and keep up the best of courage. I sold a horse for 300. The man could not raise the money as he expected so I had to take him back. I hope to save something by my horses yet. I have been pretty lucky in that direction. Kisses for you and Albert. Goodbye, — Isaac

My regards to my friends.


Letter 2

New Orleans [Louisiana]
September 4, 1863

My Dear Wife,

I have just returned from Carrollton from witnessing a review of the 13th Army Corps (Gen. Grant’s). I assure you, it was a big sight. (There [were] 47 regiments infantry, 15 batteries, and a lot of cavalry, but this you must not mention as it is against regulations).

Look out for big news in a few weeks. The 9th Connecticut, 12th, 13th, and 15th Maine, and 1st Louisiana are to take charge of the City of New Orleans and suburbs, so we shan’t see much fighting at present. (Now, while I am writing, steamboats loaded with soldiers are pushing down by. This also contraband).

I am I hopes we shall all be allowed to go home by next spring for it looks as though the rebels would be cleaned out this fall.

Well we all want to see the end of this business for our New England has attractions superior to the Sunny South. We love civilization to barbarism and the luxuries of the North are far superior to the South.

I have not time to write much now. I suppose you have seen May Drew before this time. I have received the box of boots and box of pants all right. All has been received except the box lost on the Marion.

Love tall. Kiss Albert. — Isaac

1862: Frederick Erasmus Underwood to his Parents

These two letters were written by Frederick Erasmus Underwood (1841-1889) the son of Albert Underwood (1810-1881) and Susan Moulton (1821-1891) of Brimfield, Portage county, Ohio.

I could not find an image of Erasmus, but here is one of William E. Carlton of Co. B, 42nd OVI (Cowan’s Auctions)

According to muster records, Erasmus entered the service on 20 September 1861 as a private in Co. A, 42nd Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). He mustered out of the service in 20 September 1864 after three years.

Events described in these letters correspond to the following two paragraphs from the regimental history”

On February 1, 1862, the 42nd boarded boats and sailed up the Big Sandy River to Pikeville, Kentucky. On March 14, 1862, the regiment with other Northern units seized Pound Gap, Kentucky. The Union force spent the next few days skirmishing with Confederate guerrillas, before marching for Louisville, Kentucky on March 18. Upon reaching this new location on March 29, 1862, the 42nd entered camp. 

In May 1862, the 42nd boarded railroad cars and traveled to Lexington, Kentucky. The regiment then joined Brigadier-General George W. Morgan’s command and marched to Cumberland Ford, where officials brigaded the organization with the 16th Regiment Ohio Volunteer Infantry and the 14th and 22nd Regiments Kentucky Infantry. On May 15, 1862, the brigade crossed the Cumberland River and entered camp at the junction of the roads leading to Cumberland Gap and to Rogers’s Gap. On June 5, 1862, General Morgan led his troops against Confederate troops at Rogers’s Gap. The 42nd participated in several skirmishes upon reaching this location. On June 18, 1862, the Northerners attempted to strike a Confederate force at Big Spring, but the enemy withdrew as the Union soldiers approached. Morgan ordered his command to Cumberland Gap later that same day, with Confederate soldiers again withdrawing as the Federals approached. The 42nd Ohio entered camp near Yellow Creek and spent the next six weeks participating in various expeditions.

Letter 1

Camp Buell
February 9, 1862

Yours of the 14th inst. by some unaccountable blunder came to hand but few days since but notwithstanding its tardiness, I was the no less gratified & overjoyed to receive it.

I was much pleased to hear that Mother’s health was good and Father’s improving. I also understand by a letter of later date to Mr. Hastings that Adaline and Josie have been sick.

There! Hark! I hear our captain’s voice. Listen to what he says, “Co. A, up, up instantly prepared to go to Piketon. Be ready within two hours.”

Now all is bustle again and I shall have to postpone writing for the present to finish in the future. Good night. — F. E. Underwood

Camp Brownlow
February 11, 1862

Again, dear parents and sisters, after 50 miles ride on a steamboat and after the confusion which ever and eternally accompanies the setting of tents, I find myself settled again and conversing with you.

We are now situated very pleasantly at Piketon—a small town in the Big Sandy about 35 miles from the Cumberland Mountains. We have now cleaned out every vestige of secession in Eastern Kentucky. The rebel regiment under command of Col. Williams have left the state entirely and marshal force have disbanded. How long we shall stay here, I know not but hope that the next move we make will be down the river.

I regret much to inform you that my health has been quite poor for the last three weeks. I am troubled with the dysentery and rheumatism. I am getting to be quite poor. Oh! Mother, I would choose you in preference to a thousand regimental doctors for a nurse. I think though that I shall get along without going to the hospital. I hope so at least. The captain is now administering to my wants. He has given me two doses of “Hygean’s Pills” which sicken me to an alarming extent. I was sent yesterday to see the doctor and in so doing, exposed myself with many others from our company to the “mumps.” I have forgotten whether I ever had them or not. If not, I will consider myself “elected.”

Tell Adaline and Josie to write just how many such sutlers as that last one [ ] there are “amignto.” I shall always receive them with great joy and delight. I am heartily sick of our “stuff” on which we subsist. If I could only have a little potato [and] some soft bread, it would be such a help. I don’t know if we shall be paid as soon as I expected when last I wrote you. The paymaster hasn’t shown himself yet and not much prospect of it. If I had money, I might buy milk, bread and butter, but I would not ask you to send me any for it might not reach me.

Why don’t Lavina and Ellen write to me? I have not hear a word from them since I came to Kentucky. All write and oblige your son, — F. E. Underwood

To Father, Mother, Addie, Josie, and Sumner.


Letter 2

Camp Virginia
Cumberland Gap
July 4, 1862

My dear parents,

Sadly and with a sorrowful heart do I sit down to reply to yours of the 2nd that came to my perusal yesterday. Glad indeed was I to hear from you for my mind—-since I learned of the irrevocable rent so suddenly and unexpectedly made in our dear circle—has been in a state of continual agitation searing, lest the deep affliction so suddenly brought upon you would crush the already bruised and mangled heart of my dear mother.

It is now nearly two weeks since I was appraised by Alice Savina and Ellen of the death of Josie. 1 Could I? Must I believe it? That she whose quick perceptibility’s and bright and untarnished intellect was seldom equalled; whose nature ever seemed to be inspired with the love of truth and acted accordingly, must be so rashly stricken down in this, her life’s springtime. But dear parents, I will cease to agitate your already turbulent ocean of trouble.

When I wrote you last we were encamped in Tennessee on the old Rebel camping grounds. But in consequence of the unpleasant, as well as unhealthy odor that constantly arose from the very earth so long polluted by their foul footsteps, Gen. Morgan gave our officers leave to seek a more congenial atmosphere which was done by moving over into the valley on the Kentucky side and pitching our tents in a beautiful grove of pine about 2.5 miles from the Gap. We shall probably stay here through this month although there is one regiment in our Brigade to be sent as provost guard to Frankfort, Louisville, and Lexington. The rumor through camp today intimates that our regiment is th one detailed. We all hope and trust it is.

The boys are all well from Brimfield with the exception of Jim who I think is threatened with a fever though he tells me today that he feels better.

Write to me often and tell me all the news connected with home and vicinity. And now with a hope that God will level his mighty power in bringing about a speedy restoration of peace that we may once more return to our homes and loved ones, I will close.

Your obedient son, — F. Erasmus

Cumberland Gap via Lexington, Co. I, 42nd OVM

P. S. Tell [sister] Adaline to write me a good long letter and [ ] that I could with my presence console her in her deep affliction. — F. E. U.

1 Mary Josephine (“Josie”) Underwood (1849-1862) died on 11 June 1862.


Letter 2

1863: Lyman Henry Wood to Frances Wood

This letter was written by Lyman Henry Wood (1840-1914), the son of David Wood (1804-1877) and Lucretia Baldwin (1815-1851) of Tompkins county, New York. He wrote the letter to his older sister, Frankes (“Frank”) Woods (b. 1836) who in 1863 still lived with her father in New York State. Just prior to his enlistment, Lyman was residing in Bath township, Greene county, Ohio, working as a carpenter.

Lyman served in Co. I, 44th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI) which organized at Springfield, Ohio, in the fall of 1861. After spending the winter in West Virginia, they were ordered to Kentucky in the fall of 1862 and spent the winter near Richmond and then Danville, Kentucky, where this letter was written on 4 January 1863. One year later to the day, 4 January 1864, the regiment was changed to the 8th Ohio Cavalry.

“Three pretty little Kentuck girls went to work and got us a first rate dinner.”

Transcription

Camp near Danville, Kentucky
January 4th 1863

Sister Frank,

I received your letter last evening ad this dreary, rainy morning I will try and answer it. You see by the heading of this that we have moved from Richmond. I thought once that we would remain at Richmond through the winter but I begin to think winter quarters for our Brigade is played out and it suits me for winter quarters won’t end this war and I want to be at home next 5th of July if not sooner.

Yesterday the news of Murfreesboro fight came to us. If the report only turns out to be true that Gen. Rosecrans has gained a complete victory over the rebel force, I think it will have a great deal to do towards ending the rebellion.

I must tell you what a good time I had yesterday. A squad of 31 men went out to guard a forage train and while the train was loading, four of us went to a house and what do you think we saw there? “Why” three pretty little Kentuck girls. They went to work and got us a first rate dinner—the best dinner I have had since I have been in the service. After dinner we had a good chat with them and before we was ready to go, one of the boys came and told us the train was ready to start for camp so of course we had to leave though not without being invited to call again. And if it should be my luck to go with the train again, think I will accept the invite.

I suppose you had a good time during the holiday. We put our timer in at marching & building entrenchments.

I can’t think of any more to write so I will close promising to do better next time. Write soon.Your brother, — L. H. Wood

1864-65: The Civil War Letters of Francis Henry West, 31st Wisconsin Infantry

These Civil War letters were written by Francis Henry West (1825-1896), an American businessman, politician, and Wisconsin pioneer. He was a member of the Wisconsin Legislature for three years, and served as a Union Army officer during the American Civil War, earning an honorary brevet to brigadier general.

West was born in Charlestown, New Hampshire. He moved to the Wisconsin Territory in 1845, eventually settling in Monroe, in Green County, in 1846. In Green County, he worked in the lumber industry. In 1853, he was elected as a Democrat to represent Green County in the Wisconsin State Senate for the 1854 and 1855 sessions. In 1855, he was the Republican nominee for Bank Comptroller, but was not successful. In 1859 and 1860, he accompanied parties of migrants from New York to California.

West joined the Army on August 28, 1862, and was commissioned a lieutenant colonel with the 31st Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry Regiment, which was still being organized in Wisconsin. The 31st Wisconsin was created from two volunteer battalions from Crawford County and Racine. The 31st mustered into service in October 1862 and left Wisconsin in March 1863, traveling to Kentucky via Cairo, Illinois, where they were attached to the XVI Army Corps. They spent the summer of 1863 on patrols and picket duty in southern Illinois, western Kentucky, protecting supply routes along the Mississippi River.

In September 1863, they were ordered to Nashville. Here, their colonel, Isaac E. Messmore, resigned, and, on October 8, Lt. Colonel West was promoted to colonel of the regiment. Through the winter of 1863–64, the regiment was stationed at Murfreesboro, Tennessee, and continued to serve as protection for logistics and supplies. In April 1864, the 31st was attached to the XX Corps and split into detachments to protect a long stretch of railroad lines in Tennessee. In June, the regiment was ordered to consolidate and return to Nashville.

On July 5, the 31st Wisconsin was ordered by General William Tecumseh Sherman to proceed to the front of the ongoing Atlanta campaign. The 31st traveled by train to Marietta, Georgia, and reached its position on the line July 21. The regiment worked on constructing siege fortifications around Atlanta and came under frequent enemy fire due to their proximity to the enemy lines. They did not take part in the actual battle, but were one of the first units to enter the city. The regiment was assigned to provide security in the city and protect foraging operations in the surrounding area.

On November 15, 1864, the XX Corps broke camp and marched out of the city to begin their part in Sherman’s March to the Sea. They advanced without encountering any resistance until ten miles outside Savannah where, on December 9, they encountered two small enemy fortifications. The 31st Wisconsin, along with the 61st Ohio, were ordered to flank the position through a thick swamp. They passed the swamp and charged the enemy, taking the position with light casualties. For their action, they received the compliments of General Sherman. The regiment joined the siege of Savannah, and after capturing the city were assigned quarters there.

On January 18, 1865, the 31st Wisconsin departed Savannah and marched for Purrysburg, South Carolina, at the start of the Carolinas campaign. The regiment proceeded through South Carolina, burning enemy facilities, tearing up railroad tracks, and pushing the enemy’s rear guard toward North Carolina. On March 1, the 31st advanced toward Chesterfield, South Carolina, near the border with North Carolina. They forced a small confederate force to flee north, then stopped in the village. On March 16, the 31st took position on the front line for Averasborough, where they were shelled and took casualties. Three days later, they were in the advance on approach to Bentonville, along with two other regiments, where they encountered significant Confederate opposition and found their flanks exposed. They fell back and formed a defensive position with elements of the XIV and XX Corps. The Confederates attacked their position five times and were repelled in fierce fighting. This was the worst fighting that they saw during the war, and suffered ten killed and forty-two wounded.

On March 24, they reached Goldsboro, North Carolina, where they stopped to rest and re-equip. While the 31st was camped at Goldsboro, Ulysses S. Grant accepted the surrender of Robert E. Lee at Appomatox. On April 10, the 31st marched out to continue their advance toward Raleigh, pursuing Joseph E. Johnston and the remnants of the Army of the South. But before they reached Raleigh, they received word that Johnston had surrendered to Sherman and the war was effectively over.

The 31st was ordered back to Washington, where they participated in the Grand Review of the Armies in May, and West mustered out on June 20, 1865.[2] While in Washington, U.S. President Andrew Johnson nominated Colonel West for an honorary brevet to brigadier general of volunteers for gallant service in the field, effective back to March 19, 1865, the day of their combat at Bentonville. The United States Senate confirmed the brevet on March 12, 1866.

After the war, General West moved to Milwaukee County and entered a partnership—Fowler & West—with James S. Fowler in the grain commission business. He served for six years on the board of directors of the Milwaukee Chamber of Commerce, including two years as president.

In 1873, he was elected on the Reform ticket to represent Northern Milwaukee County in the Wisconsin State Assembly for the 1874 session. The Reform Party was a short-lived coalition of Democrats, reformers, Liberal Republicans, and Grangers. Their signature accomplishment was the 1874 “Potter Law,” 1874 Wisconsin Act 273—named for Republican state senator Robert L. D. Potter—which established a new state Railroad Commission to aggressively regulate railroad and freight fees. In the Assembly, Colonel West served on the Committee on Railroads and the Committee on State Affairs. General West did not seek re-election in 1874.

During Grover Cleveland’s first presidential term, West was appointed United States Marshal for the Milwaukee district. After completing this final public service, Colonel West retired to Alabama, where two of his sons lived.

While on a trip to New York, in 1896, West slipped while attempting to step off of a street car and was severely injured. He was confined to his bed for several days before he was healthy enough to return to Alabama. He died a few weeks later, on March 6, 1896, at Bessemer, Alabama.

Francis H. West and his wife, Emma M. Rittenhouse, had several children. They included, Louise Ellen (1850-1878), Caroline (“Carrie”) (1852-1934), Edith (1854-1940), Susan (1859-1910), Grace (1866-1938), Benjamin F. (1868-1957), and Josephine (1872-1876). [Wikipedia]

The first 82 Civil War Letters can be found at 1863-64: The Civil War Letter of Francis Henry West, 31st Wisconsin Infantry

These images by members of the 31st Wisconsin Infantry are from the collection of Marc & Beth Storch and used by permission on Spared & Shared. They include Lt. Thomas Beattie, Co. B; Pvt. Philemon Livermore, Co. F/G; Capt. Daniel B. Dipple, Co E; Pvt. Alexander T. Newman, Co. A; Lt. John P. Willard, Co. H; and Capt. Farlin Quigley Ball, Co. G.


Letter 83

Near Savannah, Georgia
Saturday evening, December 18th 1864

My Dear Wife,

We have just received a large mail from the fleet by way of the Ogeechee River—the first news we have had from the outer world for about six weeks. I am very much chagrined at receiving one letter from you and that of November 7th, more than a week before we left Atlanta although we got papers and letters from Madison and other points as late as the 25th. I only write a line now, my dear one, to let you know that I am very well—never better—have not been unwell a moment since leaving Atlanta on the 15th of November.

We had a very pleasant, eventful, and triumphant march through Georgia a description of which would fill a volume. Therefore, I will not commence it now. It is the grandest event of the war. The regiment was never in better health or spirits. All are well. We have lost but few men this far on the campaign. It is now a week since we arrived here which has been occupied in getting the forces in position for besieging the city and in opening communication with the fleet which has been done by way of the mouth of the Ogeechee River. We are now about ready to commence in earnest. Thus far we have not made much demonstration on the City although they have shelled us continually but without doing much damage. This evening Sherman sent a flag of truce demanding a surrender or he should open on the City with give hundred guns at six tomorrow morning. Of course they will not surrender and possibly we may have a long siege as they are strongly fortified. The siege is vastly more interesting than was the siege of Atlanta. There is so much of interest to describe that I have concluded to pass it all by until I can have the pleasure of describing it to you in person.

I have not heard a word from Murfreesboro since leaving there. Consequently do not know whether Mr. Caldwell has been gobbled up or not.

The 31st [Wisconsin] gained quite a little reputation for the manner in which they in company with the 61st Ohio, both under my command, assaulted and captured a rebel fort at a place called “Harrison’s Field” ten miles back built to arrest our further progress. 1 We were publicly thanked the next day by all the generals in command up. to and including General Slocum, commanding the Left Wing of the Army of Georgia for the handsome manner I which it was done. Tell little George we made the Rebs run. like good fellows, killing lots of he.

With the exception of one or two days we have had most beautiful weather. Today, however, has been rather to warm for comfort. Of course we have had some pretty severe hardships since starting but we expected that and more when we started. If I get through safely, I would not have missed it for anything. As I said before, I have so much to write about, I have concluded not to write anything—and especially as you do not write to me. Give my love to all the children and ask Lou why in the world she does not write to her Pa. I hope to be with my loved ones at home soon and to stay but do not know when it will be. Affectionately yours, — Frank

We have no ink in camp.

1 “Confederate Col. Charles C. Jones dug in to slow Sherman and protect railroad tracks near “Harrison’s Place,” a plantation field at Monteith Swamp that has been cultivated since before the Civil War and is currently leased by Dotson to a hay farmer. The 14th and 20th corps with about 30,000 men advanced on three roads — Monteith Road, Middle Ground Road and Old Augusta Road. Jones’ detachment of 300 at Monteith Swamp strengthened its defensive works, felled trees and built an abatis and trench lines for its flanks. The Rebels used a long line of swamp to its advantage against an overwhelming force. On Dec.9, 1864, the entire 20th Corps (12,000 regulars) under Brig. Gen. Alpheus S. Williams (below) advanced down Monteith Road from Zion Church. Around noon they hit Confederate positions….By late afternoon, the defenders were gone, leaving knapsacks and camp equipment but taking their colors and four guns with them. The Confederates had about 14 killed and four captured in the six-hour battle. Union losses were two dead and six wounded. Union forces got to the railroad the next day and rolled up the Confederate defenses on the western line. The loss of Fort McAllister soon after spelled the end for Savannah. Sherman had ships to bring in supplies and a “biscuit line” to feed his massive army, Sheehy says.” [Monteith Swamp: Trying to Save what’s left of the 1864 Battlefield near Savannah]


Letter 84

Savannah, Georgia
December 25, 1864

My dear daughter Louise,

I wish you and all the rest of the family a very Merry Christmas and am very sorry I am not there to help you enjoy it instead of being here in a swamp with my eyes smoked out by pitch pine fires and without shelter. I have not been inside of a house until yesterday since leaving Atlanta.

Yesterday I went into the City and took dinner with an old secesh gentleman who invited me in today to eat Christmas dinner with him. Of course I accepted the invitation and have just returned to camp having had a very respectable dinner. It was a great treat to have a “clean meal” once more. The City is a very old-fashioned, uninviting kind of a place with sand knee deep in the streets. It is quite a large place having twenty-five thousand inhabitants, most of whom remained in the city after its capture. As you will learn all about its capture from the papers before you receive this, I shall say nothing about that.

We are now camped on the banks of the river two miles above the city and expect to start on another campaign for Charleston or some other secede place in about four weeks. Of course everything is very different in this far south country from what it is North. I think it is the finest climate to winter in I have ever been in but it must be a fearful place in the summer. I do not much expect to see you again until my term expires next August. I have been greatly in hopes the war would end sooner than that but I fear now it will not.

We received a large mail this morning and I was in hopes to be made merry by receiving letters from home but was disappointed as usual, there being letters for everyone else but myself. I have received but one letter from home written within the last two months (your mother’s written 7 November). I have received the Monroe Sentinel however down to the last date. If any of you are sick, someone ought surely to write and let me know about it. Tell your mother that if she will have the kindness to write me a few lines, I will. try and answer it immediately.

My health is first rate and everything is going on as pleasantly as could be expected under such frightful circumstances. Do try and keep me “posted up” as to what is going on at home. Give my love to all the family. Your affectionate father, — F. H. West

I hope your mother made you all a nice present for Christmas.


Letter 85

Savannah, Georgia
Sunday, January 1st 1865

My Dear Wife,

I wish you a very happy New Year and wish I had a little better prospect for a happy one myself. I was in hopes to have got a letter from you today which would have made the first day of the year passable at least. It is now nearly two months since I hav heard from you and I am beginning to stop looking for or expecting any mail.

We are having very beautiful weather while I expect you are having all you can do to keep from freezing to death.

We are expecting to get off on a new campaign in the course of the next ten days and anticipate a much rougher time than we had in coming here. The past week has been spent in Grand Reviews of a Corps at a time by General Sherman. These reviews take place inn the streets of Savannah and attracted large crowds of spectators. The new year commences with splendid prospects for the success of our army and the speedy termination of the rebellion. I suppose you hear of everything that happens here through the newspapers. We have got the particulars of Thomas’s great victory in Tennessee [Battle of Nashville] which has so effectually cleaned out Hood. I expect that Caldwell is cleaned out also. I have not heard from him since the 17th of November since when he could not have had an opportunity to do anything. He had got fifty-seven bales of cotton into Nashville which will more than pay the outlay.

Have Mr. Niles take possession of that land on verbal contract as he proposed and we will fix up the papers when opportunity offers. He must pay the taxes on it this winter. Write all about taxes, money matters, how you get along for wood, &c. I do not expect to be at home before next May or June when I shall try and get a leave of absence which will help me along until my time is out which will be in August. Give my love to all the children. — Frank

Let the suit of clothes remain where they are until I write you where to send them. If I can get a few days leave sometime to slip up to Charlestown and see Father & Mother, I shall do it. I send this by Lt. Lafferty who starts home tomorrow.


Letter 86

Savannah [Georgia]
Friday, January 6, 1864 [1865]

My Dear Wife,

I returned last night from a trip of trendy-five miles up in the country where I had been in command of an expedition and found on my return your letter of December 18th. I was greatly relieved to find you were all well. You speak of having written before but I have not received any letters.

We expect to start out very soon on our new expedition, perhaps tomorrow. There is no danger of General Sherman’s letting us remain idle long. You might as well get his portrait framed at once. I don’t think you will ever have occasion to regret it.

Dr. Arndt has got his resignation accepted and starts home tomorrow. He will go to Murfreesboro in a few days. We expect to plant cotton there again next spring. I am in hopes the miserable old rebellion will be “played out” so that I can join them in the spring after making you a visit.

Sunday 8th. No more yet. I received yours of Christmas & 28th last night. I am glad you had a Merry Christmas. Hope you had a “Happy New Year” also. Capt. Vliet returned yesterday having been absent just a year. As ever, — Frank


Letter 87

Savannah, Georgia
Friday, January 13, 1865

My Dear Wife,

Our Chaplain, Mr. Woodworth, starts for home today on a detail to carry home money for the men and to do errands generally for the regiment. He is to be gone thirty days. He lives at Warren but he will call on you at Monroe previous to his return and probably stop at day or so at our house. I want you to send my new uniform by him. Have it nicely put up I a paste board box or something of the kind. Also be sure and buy me a half day pair of good large size cotton socks and put in with them. Mr. Woodworth will take charge of everything that you or anyone else may have to send to the regiment. I send home by him my old carpet sack with a few things without any special value in it but not wanting them here I thought best to send them home. There is a couple of tactics books that I want preserved. Also a couple of volumes that I took from the State Library at Milledgeville. Also a counterpane which you may have some use for.

When the 31st [Wisconsin] stormed the little fort near Savannah, we captured among other things an officer’s bedding which fell to my share. There being more of it than I have any use for, I send this piece in exchange for that quilt you sent me which you will recollect of having spoken of on different occasion. Although this was taken as a regular trophy of war, I am almost ashamed to send it home for the reason that there was so much vandalism committed by our men on the march in taking all such things from private houses. Consequently you had best not exhibit it for fear they may think it was obtained the same way. I have seen privates using piano covers that were worth a hundred dollars for saddle blankets and all such other wantonness to match. These things however were mostly taken from deserted houses and not infrequently found buried in the garden or other places. These things to me were the most disagreeable feature of the campaign, but General Sherman is mainly to blame for it as it was understood that he was in favor of the most indiscriminate plundering.

You can imagine what kind of a winter we are having when I tell you that there are orange trees in the open gardens here loaded with fruit at the present time. Still we have seen very chilly weather.

Yesterday General Sherman reviewed Kilpatrick’s Cavalry. Secretary Stanton and other notables from Washington being present, it was quite a big day with us.

I hear nothing from the cotton business yet and never expect to hear anything very favorable from it. If I can hear from Mr. Caldwell & Dr. Arndt that there is a favorable prospect for trying the speculation another year, I shall get out of the army in the spring and join them. Write about everything. — Frank


Letter 88

Savannah, Georgia
January 15, 1865

My Dear Wife,

I received yours of the 1st and 3rd today. I wrote you yesterday giving the letter to Chaplain Woodsworth who I expected to start for home yesterday but he did not get off on account of some delay in the boat. He expects to start tomorrow. I also gave him my carpet sack with something to take home. I shall send this by mail. If the Chaplain comes to Monroe you will see that he is well entertained while he stops there. I had a letter from Jo this morning saying that sixty two bales of cotton had been received and sold in New York. My share of the proceeds must be about twelve thousand dollars so we are “out of the woods.” I consider it very fortunate to get out without loss under the circumstances. He had not heard from Caldwell. I have no doubt but all the balance of our cotton together with gin, teams, &c. was taken or destroyed and do not know but what Caldwell himself was carried off. I shall write Jo to put the money into interest bearing bonds.

I would like much to quit the service and go home now but cannot think of it as long as the government is asking for more men. I think however that I shall be able to get away in April. I am a very homesick individual now. You might afford to write nearly every day the remaining of the time. — Frank


Letter 89

Drurysburg, South Carolina 
January 24, 1865

My Dear Wife,

This dreary God forsaken swamp was made cheerful today by the receipt of a large mail—the first we have had for two weeks—and among which was yours of the 5th and 10th. I also received letters from Mr. Briggs and Dr. Arndt from New York from which I learned that I had on deposit in New York thirteen thousand, four hundred & twenty-nine 32/100 dollars ($13,429.32) as my share of the cotton sales, sixty-four bales that Mr. Caldwell got out before Hood’s raid. They had  not heard from Mr. Caldwell since. Neither have I but do not expect that he has saved anything more, but am still in hopes that he has.  If he was not disturbed, he may have nearly half as much more. Under the circumstances, we are lucky to get out so well as we have.

This place is on the Savannah River twenty-three miles above Savannah.  We came up here on the 18th, since which time it has rained all the time  and we are nearly drowned in the swamps, being unable to advance. The country is one vast swamp and it will be utterly impossible for us to move except in very dry weather. Some of our teams have been drowned; others we have got back to Savannah on boats. This is certainly the worst place that ever I have been in. I would not be surprised if the campaign had to be abandoned or at  least undertaken in some other shape.

You do not say a word about taxes or business matters. I want to know all about those things. I am glad you are having such fine sleighing although it makes me shiver to think of it. All we have here for amusement is a great amount of music made by the millions of frogs in the swamp. I thought I had been homesick before but I believe I was mistaken. If we do not get out of this soon, I shall die with the blues. If I do not leave the army in the Spring, I shall try and get another leave of absence. Since leaving Savannah, I have been in command  of the brigade. It is only temporary however.

Give my best regards  to Fred and Elesebeth. Continue to direct your letters to Savannah and do not put the address so near the top of the envelopes so  that there will be a chance to put the postmark near the top where  it belongs. The health of the regiment is very good at present. If you knew my precious wife how dear your were to me, I am sure you  would write very often. Frank

Give my love to the children.


Letter 90

Fayetteville, North Carolina
Sunday, March 12, 1865

My Dear Wife,

We arrived in this city at midnight last night, it being nearly two months since we cut loose from Savannah during which time we  have struggled through mud and swamps and across swollen creeks and rivers day and night, frequently getting into camp at 2 o’clock in the  morning and starting out again at 6, and subsisting almost entirely upon what we could pick up in the country. Still both the health and spirits of the men are first rate. I have stood the campaign first rate but am  getting a little rheumatic and prematurely old from exposure and hardships. The enemy have offered by very little opposition to our advance but have  fled before us like frightened deer. We are literally overrunning their whole country.

This place is at the head of navigation on Cape Fear River. Some gunboats have run up and met us here and returned this afternoon  with the mail. I do not know whether we shall make any stop here or not, or where we shall go next, but expect we shall move on to Goldsboro on the Neuse for a base to fit up for another campaign. We are all very anxious to get where we can get mails from the North and get letters and papers from home. We have no idea what is going on in the world except what we do ourselves. I am in hopes we will get a mail before leaving here.

We have lost no men from the regiment since leaving Savannah except five who were captured while out foraging. We cannot realize that winter has passed.  We have seen so little to remind us of what our Northern winters are. It seems to me that I can never be satisfied to spend another winter in the North but aside from the climate in winter, there is nothing to recommend the Carolinas. Both the country and the inhabitants are much meaner than I had ever heard them represented to be.

My greatest anxiety has been and will be to hear from home. I am in hopes to be able to return soon, not to leave again. I am heartily sick of the destruction of war. We have been  in the dense pitch pine smoke of camp fires, railroad ties, fences, buildings, kilns, turpentine forests, &c. until we are as black as Negros and our clothing being very much worn and torn in running through the brush, we are as hard a looking set of human beings as ever astonished the natives  of any country.

As soon as I can hear that you have got through the winter all right, I shall feel well again. I have just lost both of my horses. One died and the other was stolen. I am anxious to hear from Dr. Arndt and Caldwell to know how the cotton business closed up and what they are going to do this year in this direction. Give my love to the children. I shall write  again the first chance. — Frank


Letter 91

Goldsboro, North Carolina
Sunday March 26, 1865

My Dear Wife,

We arrived here on Friday and closed the great Carolina Campaign, it having been a perfect success. We have had a very rough time on account of constant rains and mud and the poverty of the country much of the time. We were glad to get as much corn as we wanted to parch to live on, and some of the time we could not get enough even of that, and I have seen my men gathering up the scattering grains of corn that had been left where the Rebel cavalry had fed their horses. A good deal of the time, however, we fared first rate.

My own health has been good but the regiment suffered severely in the battle at Bentonville on the 19th. On the 16th, the  enemy attacked our Corps in the swamps near “Smith’s Farm” and we fought them all day without much loss—the regiment losing twelve in killed and wounded, five of whom were from Capt. Treat’s Company, but no one that you know. Hogans had his gun shot out of his hands and a ball through his knapsack but escaped unhurt. The 19th corps coming up at night, the Rebs retreated on the 19th near Bentonville. The 15th Corps being in advance were attacked and sorely pushed by the whole Rebel force. Our Brigade and one other Brigade of our Corps being in advance of our Corps were pushed on and arrived on the field at 2 PM and just as a part of the 14th Corps were giving away, we were precipitated into the breach and fought desperately until darkness put an end to the fight and was the means of saving the day.

Sgt. Daniel Wickham, Co C, 31st Wisconsin, was killed in action on 19 March 1865 at the Battle of Bentonville (Kevin Canberg Collection)

The 31st [Wisconsin] held the key to our whole position and sustained seven different assaults. Our loss was sixty-one, which is light considering our position, but the enemy charged so wildly that they did not fire with any accuracy, shooting high above our heads. My boys fired beautifully, causing great havoc. Lt.  Lyman was killed; none other hurt that you know. My officers and men behaved splendidly. None of the field or staff hurt.

On the 16th our Brigade lost three field officers. On the 21st the right  wing of our army came up and pitching into the Rebs, whipped them  handsomely, thereby clearing the road for us to reach Goldsboro and  close the campaign. We did some skirmishing on that day without any  loss. The Major expects to start home soon in a few days. We have not  received any mail yet and of course are very anxious to hear from home.  It is now over two months since I have heard from you. We expect a mail tomorrow when I hope for nothing but good news from you.

Monday, 27. Received a long but not very late mail last night. Received your letters to February 20th. Am rejoiced to hear that you are all well. I cannot realize that we have had any winter but I suppose you have had a realizing sense of it. I hear from Caldwell & Dr. Arndt that I will have two or three thousand dollars more coming from the cotton. I learn that they formed a new partnership with those other men making six in the firm so that I am to have a sixth interest. As they are going to plant but a thousand acres, my interest will not amount to much one way or the other. The capital stock of the firm is $28,000 (my share 4,666).

Tell Willie that I have got a beautiful little double barreled shot gun that I captured from a Reb that I am going to send to him the first chance I have. I must get George one too if I can.

We are all very much worn out and exhausted. Many of the men came  in barefooted and all very ragged. Excuse me not writing more, my dear wife, as I have got at least forty letters to answer today.  I shall write again very soon. Give my love to all the children and my compliments to all friends who enquire after me. Affectionately yours, — Frank

I do not think I shall resign although I am as anxious as a person possibly can be to be at home with my wife and family who are all the world to me.


Letter 92

Goldsboro, North Carolina
March 30th 1865

My Dear Wife,

I have received your letters to March 12th. We get a mail every day now and I am in hopes to get later letters from you soon. We are fitting up for a new campaign as fast as possible and expect to start out about the 10th of April. If there is anyone curious to have this infernal war close, it is me. If you could only make me such a visit this spring as you did last, how it would help pass off the time.

Our wounded boys that are able to travel all go home on furlough today. I do not know as any of them go to Monroe. Our Chaplain has not returned yet. I hear that he is at Port Royal on some duty. You did not inform me whether he took my things or not.

In the case of Mr. Miles, my terms were positive that he should pay the taxes of last year and I never will make him a deed unless he does pay them. The Major failed to get his leave and in now trying for a sick leave being as usual quite unwell. I have been quite sick since arriving here but am much better today. Think I am alright again. I hope you will have everything kept up in nice shape around the house and yard this spring. If you have only spent eleven hundred dollars the last year, you must have managed very economically considering how very high everything has been. If I could only be at home to spend the spring with you, I should be the happiest mortal living. I find that I shall make on the cotton speculation very [near] ten thousand dollars. I shall instruct Mr. Briggs to use three or four thousand in the new cotton from this year, but the arrangements are such that I have no confidence that it will amount to anything much one way or the other.

Tell Willie that his letter has got too old to answer and that he must write me another one and then I will answer it. Just think, it is now over a year since I have seen Lou. Is George as much of a dreamer as used to be?

How are Carrie and Edith carrying sail now days? Give my love to all of them. — Frank


Letter 93

Goldsboro, [North Carolina]
Monday, April 3rd 1865

My Dear Guardian Angel (For such I think you must be or I should not be always thinking of you.)

I should have written you yesterday but had the sick headache which is quite common for me lately. I have not been very well since arriving here. It seems to me that if I could get some little delicacy (such as white folks usually have) to eat, I should feel better. I have a great longing for a piece of bread & butter—a thing that cannot be got in this country.

The Major [Robert B. Stephenson] failed to get his leave of absence so he got a certificate of disability and expects leave on them in a day or two. I have not received any letter from you since March 12th although others have letters from Monroe as late as the 24th. However, I am much obliged to you for writing as often as you did since we left Savannah.

Our Corps Commander General Williams was relieved from duty yesterday and Maj. Gen. Mower assigned to the command in his place. This is unfortunate for me as Williams ad told me that he was going to recommend me for promotion for gallantry on the field. It will fall through now.

I am very thankful that our children have escaped the ravages of the scarlet fever so far. I only write this line, my precious loved one, that you may not have any excuse for not writing to me. — Frank


Letter 94

Goldsboro [North Carolina]
Thursday, April 6, 1865

My Dear Wife,

I hope you will not scold me for writing so often but if you know how deeply devotedly your husband worships you, you will not think strange of it. I often wonder if you have any idea how much I love you. My only happiness now is in anticipation of the time when this awful war shall close and I be permitted to return home and remain with those I love.

This army is having great rejoicings today over the news of the capture of Richmond and Petersburg, the news of which we have just received without any particulars. Hope it will prove as “big a thing” as rumor makes it at present. The fall of Richmond will of course change the whole course of our next campaign. We are now making every preparation to start immediately (it will probably be two or three days before we can get supplies and ammunition sufficient so that it will answer at all for us to start) I suppose I whatever direction the enemy are found to be going. It does seem so strange that they should try to hold out any longer but I have prophesied their speedy downfall for so long that I have given up all expression of opinion on the subject.

The weather has been very cool and pleasant for a long time. we have had no uncomfortably warm weather yet this spring. Love to the children — Frank

Friday. No letter from home yet. We do not expect to start before Monday. Should I get a letter from you I may answer it before leaving.


Letter 95

Raleigh, North Carolina
April 17, 1865

My Dear Wife,

Everybody is crazy with excitement of the surrender of the Rebel armies and the termination of the war which we all think is ended. The only question talked of now is when shall we be able to go home. Sherman has gone out twenty miles today to receive the surrender of Johnston’s army but of course all war news will be old to you before you could get it by letter. We have no intimation yet of how or when our armies are to be disposed of. I have no doubt I shall be able to go home in the course of a month, either on leave of absence or as a citizen—probably the latter. I only wish I could start today.

The Chaplain has arrived but did not bring his trunk so I have not got my clothing which I am very much in need of. I wish you would have half a dozen nice white shorts made for me. I want to dress like a white man again. I have not received any letter from you since March 12th although I have received papers and other mail matter to April 7th. What does it mean?

My health is now first rate again. I hope no accident or sickness has happened to mar the joy occasioned by the prospect of a speedy return home of your humble servant.

Give my love to the children and believe me to be the most affectionate husband living. — Frank

As soon as matters settle a little, see that I can make a reasonable prophecy as to the future I will write again.


Letter 96

Washington [D. C.]
May 20, 1865

I arrived here Tuesday noon in time to witness the Great Review and a magnificent affair it was as you will have learned by the papers. I wish you could have ben here.

I did not join my regiment but remained here as a spectator until the whole ceremony was over. Sherman’s army was reviewed on the second day and did splendidly, far outstripping the Army of the Potomac. It was a proud day for us. The whole pageant was one of the grandest ever witnessed in the world. We are now camped four miles east of the city near the line of fortifications. I am boarding at a farm house near the camp. We are included in the first lot that is to be mustered out but may not get away from here in three weeks. I spent a very pleasant day in Chicago last Sunday with Mr. Hall’s and Mr. Carpenter’s folks. They are living finely and seem to enjoy themselves much. My desire to move to Chicago has been quite revived. If you receive anything from Murfreesboro, forward it at once.

I received and appointment as Brevet Brigadier General in the US Col. Services this morning. Give my love to the children, — Frank


Letter 97

Louisville [Kentucky]
Saturday, June 17, 1865

My Dear Wife,

We arrived here yesterday morning having had a most delightful trip from Parkersburg down the Ohio 450 miles. There are seventy steamers engaged in transporting Sherman’s army. Every village and house along the banks of the river had banners flying. The ladies were all out waving their handkerchiefs, bands playing, and everything was very gay and pleasant. We expect to leave here for Madison next Thursday so as to arrive in Madison on Saturday. There is nothing certain about the time of starting, however. I have not heard from you since leaving home except by the receipt of Dr. Arndt’s letter forwarded.

It is so very warm I do not think I shall go to Murfreesboro but take the chances on getting a settlement by letter. The heat seems to affect me worse than ever this summer.

Affectionately yours, — Frank

1854: Arete E. Johnson to “My dear Madam”

Mount Vernon in 1858. If you look closely you can see that timbers and ship masts are being used to prop up the piazza roof.

This incredible letter was penned by Miss Arete E. Johnson (1829-1904) of Louisburg, Franklin county, North Carolina. On 8 June 1859, when Arete was 30 years old, she became the second wife of James Hart Yarborough (1828-1860). He died the following the year and “though she was a very beautiful and much admired woman,” Arete never remarried. Arete’s 1904 obituary described her as “a fine type of antebellum Southern woman—soft of speech, gracious of manner, versatile of gifts, and a charming conversationalist; she gave the impression of a culture higher and better than that of the post-vellum commercial life of the ‘New South.’ She and a sunny and cheerful disposition and was, withal a genuine believer in the Christian religion. Her religious faith ran like a thread of gold throughout her whole daily life. She was a consistent member of the Episcopal church…No estimate can be made of the influence for good of a good woman’s life. It is a sad but very truth that the types of social southern life, exemplified by Mrs. Yarborough, are fast disappearing. [The Franklin Times, 7 October 1904]

Arete was the daughter of Wood Tucker Johnson (1802-1862) and Josephine Ann Stephon Outerbridge (1806-18xx) of Franklin County. Arete’s father was a graduate of the University of Pennsylvania Medical College but in later life he settled into the life of a gentleman farmer on his 950 acre plantation where he raised cotton and other crops. Prior to his death in 1862, Arete’s father willed her one quarter of the 71 family-owned slaves.

In 1854, when Arete was 25 years old, she was called upon by a member of the Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association (MVLA) to represent her county—Franklin county, N. C.—in a fund raising activity to purchase and thereby save the home and gravesite of George Washington. The following letter, in Arete’s own hand, was sent to some unidentified female resident of Franklin county with a copy of a circular that was printed by the MVLA providing the details of the association and its purpose. The name of the letter’s recipient would normally have been written at the lower left hand margin of the letter and has most likely been torn off the third page. In 1858, the Association began printing the “Mount Vernon Record” to document their activities and to record the amounts of monies raised in the states. Miss Johnson’s name appears among the more successful North Carolina collectors, having raised $241 through her efforts.

“If the men of America have seen fit to allow the home of its most respected hero to go to ruin, why can’t the women of America band together to save it?” In 1853, Louisa Bird Cunningham wrote these words to her daughter, Ann Pamela Cunningham, after seeing the decrepit state of George Washington’s home while traveling on the Potomac River. Inspired by her mother’s words, Cunningham took it upon herself to challenge the nation to save Mount Vernon. She founded the Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association in 1853 and by 1858 had raised $200,000 dollars to purchase the mansion and two hundred acres.

Transcription

Louisburg [Franklin county, North Carolina]
August 9th 1854

My dear Madam,

Though a stranger to you, I take the liberty of addressing you on a subject which I feel should make us friends and acquaintances, for it is one in which every person in the Union, whatever the station, or degree, age or sex, is equally interested—and this common cause should bind us all together in bonds as close as this between the dearest friends, causing us to set in concert in this important matter in which being united, we will succeed for “in union there is strength.”

The accompanying circular will explain the reason of my letter.

Mount Vernon, the home and grave of Washington is about to pass into the hands of strangers and perhaps in a few years, the precious remains of the “Father of his Country” will be desecrated and no man will be able to point out his sepulcher!

I am sure, my dear Madam, that this appeal will not be made to you in vain. Will you read this circular? and when imbued with its spirit, will you carry it around to your neighbors? and rouse the same spirit and energy that inflamed our revolutionary mothers and made them accomplish such deeds of heroism!

We are not called upon to rival them in those glorious acts! All that we are asked to do is to contribute out mite to assist in purchasing the Home of Washington in order that his last resting place may be sacred!

You will see by the circular that a lady is shown from each county to act as “Presiding Lady” of that county. I have received this appointment for the county of Franklin and my business is to cause the subscription list to be carried into every part of the county so that every woman and infant girl may have her name down for at least one dollar.

As it would be impossible for one lady to visit in person all the different parts of her county, she chooses a lady to act for her where she cannot go. I have selected you for this work, and I beg you, for the remembrance of our beloved Washington, to carry this around your neighborhood and induce every woman and girl to give something towards this good cause. It is thought that all could give one dollar, perhaps, some would give more. If a mother had several daughters, she might subscribe a dollar for each one, writing down the names under her own, in order that all may have a share in the work. It is advisable to collect the subscription at the time of procuring the name as this mode would prevent confusion and trouble hereafter. In case of great inconvenience, however, this might be omitted, taking care of course that “Paid” be written after the name of every person who does pay.

Will you undertake this cause with you whole heart and work while there is yet time? The women of Franklin are surely as patriotic as those of other sections of the State. I feel that they will not be behind hand in so good a cause.

Will you do all that you can immediately, and send the subscription list with the amount collected by some trusty person to yours, very respectfully, — Arete E. Johnson


Follow-up

Received the following response to an inquiry made at the Fred W. Smith National Library for the Study of George Washington at Mount Vernon:

“Thank you for sharing this document and transcription with us. This letter is particularly interesting because if the early date. The Ladies’ Association had been organized for less than a year when this was written and we don’t have much correspondence or other manuscripts from the earliest years in our archives. I’m attaching a Washington Circular which must be similar to the one Mrs. Johnson enclosed in her letter, but it cannot be the exact same because of the date (ours is dated November 1854 and the letter was written in August). We do not have an earlier form of the circular in our archives, but I now know that they printed other versions before this one. Thanks again for sharing the letter with me. If your friend decides to donate it, we would be thrilled to accept it. Best regards,– Rebecca Baird, Archivist”

1856: Francis B. & Elizabeth (Caldwell) Higgins to Dr. Alfred W. Higgins

These two letters were written by Francis Bernard Higgins (1794-1863) & his wife, Elizabeth Ann (Caldwell) Higgins (1803-1889) of Newberry county, South Carolina. The first letter was penned by Francis; the second letter by Elizabeth. Both letters were addressed to their son, Dr. Alfred W. Higgins (1827-1906) who married Mildred Nichols (1837-1912) in the late 1850s.

Francis Bernard Higgins

The first letter was written four years before the Civil War a couple of months before the 1856 Presidential Election that resulted in the Democratic nominee James Buchanan taking the Presidential chair. The second letter was written seven years after the Civil War and the two letters, together, provide an interesting contrast in the tone of the writing.

The first letter acknowledges the ascendency of the Democratic Party and seems to portend the dissolution of the Union should that party ever loose its grip on the control of government. The second letter shares a tone of bitterness as a result of “the devastation of war and fire” and resentment of the Yankees who continue to “take up men and put them in jail” just to keep Grant and the Radical in office.

[Note: These letters are from the personal collection of Richard Weiner and are published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

1856

Newberry, South Carolina
U. S. of N. America
August 21, 1856

Dear Alfred,

Your letter of the 3rd July last, acknowledging the receipt of a draft No. 1 for 2500 Francs enclosed in my letter of the 11th June was received by me on the 21st of July, and I was pleased to know the fact that it had reached you in safety.

By this days mail I have received (or rather Fannie has received as it was directed to her) a something from you dated on the 4th of this instant. I cannot call it a letter to either of us, as it seems to be part of two letters; the first four pages in part of a letter, directed in the inside to me in which you state that my draft No. 2 for the amount above tased, has also reached you & you further then go on to recite instances in which remittances to several gentlemen in Europe had failed to reach them from this country, after which you proceed to say “with these reasons I proceed to make the following suggestions if meeting with your approbation.” But what these suggestions were intended to have been is more than I can imagine, as. the subject is entirely dropped, and the next page of your letter (the 5th page) begins in the middle of a sentence & in the middle of a subject to Fannie, the meaning of which none of us can understand on account of the absence of the first four pages of the letter to her. If this was the first instance of such a blunder, I might bear it with some degree of patience, but a similar instance of carelessness has occurred with you before which makes the present one doubly provoking.

I have written to you heretofore for a statement (as near as you. can approximate to one, and I cannot expect you to be precisely correct). of what amount of funds you will require to carry you through the course you have prescribed to yourself in France & to bear your expenses home, & at what time you would want those funds; but you have given me no explicit answer on the subject. I wish you in your next to do such a statement however may be contained in that part of your letter of the 4th of August which you neglected to enclose in the letter to Fannie.

The coming Presidential Election is producing a blaze of political excitement in this country, from one extremity to the other, which has never been equalled since the organization of our government. There is less of it in South Carolina than in any other state of the Union because at least three-fourths of our people belong to the democratic party & their minds are already made up and therefore require no political excitement to stir them up. And as to the possibility of changing their political faith, that is regarded by all the other states as impossible & therefore is not attempted.

Many persons apprehend a dissolution of the Union as a consequence of the present antagonism between the free & slave states. The thing is possible but I do not regard it as probable as yet, although I cannot believe that our confederacy can remain many years in its present condition. For the present, however, I think the storm will pass over without very serious consequences as the democratic party are now in the ascendant in every southern state without exception and also in several of the largest of the middle & western states & is still increasing in strength & will, I think, without any doubt be strong enough to elect a democratic president.

We have had through most of the southern states a very unfavorable summer for crops. In some small sections the seasons were more favorable, but those section were few and far apart. Very many of the planters will not make corn enough to do them, whilst the cotton crops is in many places also seriously injured. My own corn crop, though not good, is far above an average of the crops in this vicinity & without some unforeseen accident, I shall make enough to do me. My cotton crop is tolerably good & I expect to make as much as I usually do.

I received a letter from John not long since. He had been quite sick but had recovered. All of the other members of the family are well.

Answer me on the receipt of this and let me know the amount of funds you require & I will forward them to you. Your mother and Fannie & Martha (who is now here) send their regards to you.

Yours as ever, — F[rancis] B[ernard] Higgins


1872

Newberry, South Carolina
May 23, 1872

Dear Alfred,

Why have you so long been silent? I have often written to you all and have not received any answer from you since Christmas when I wrote to Minnie. I am very anxious to receive a letter from you. Fannie wrote a very long letter to dear Minnie in February before she was confined. She has another lovely son almost the exact image of his father. She has recovered her health but looks very thin from nursing,

I have just returned from a pleasure trip to Columbia to see Lolla. I am quite proud of the improvement, both mental and physical. She is quite a lovely girl and has established a good name for her industry, obedience and cheerfulness of temper. Mrs. McCormick says the she is now receiving good wages in the mantua business. Lolla says the she will be very glad to hear from you again. If you think there is a good opening in your town for her, she thinks that she will be ready by the last of this year if you can help her start. She wishes to learn the millinery department as it will. be conducive to her business to carry on both. I think you and Lolla could make it quite profitable if you would superintend the store. You know she will only be able to do her work as she will not have anything to start with but her hands. I am very proud of Lolla, She is very smart and everyone speaks in the best terms of her ability to carry on her trade.

I spent two weeks in Columbia and often had her with me, I had a very delightful visit. I stayed at Mr. Clark Wearing’s who married Mollie Black, old Aunt Gillam’s great grand daughter. He is a very wealthy artist or menial instructor. He lives in good style. I had a very happy time. Mollie asked me very affectionately of your welfare. She has a lovely family of children. She is the third wife of a rich man—very much petted. I was very glad to be able to visit the scenes of my childhood after 55 years absence, notwithstanding the devastation of war & fire. I viewed the old part of the college & thought of those dear ones who received their education in those walls, now silent—all gone from the scenes of this world to that rest that remains for God’s people. I was the happy witness of the monumental celebration of the association decorating the graves of our departed brave soldiers. It was indeed a lovely sight to behold so many dear friends engaged in crowning the silent, sleeping place of those who gave their lives for their country. I think there assembled over 2,000 persons in procession, all engaged in that solemn duty to the dead. I never witnessed such a scene and I think it was beautiful & respectful.

I wish you to write to me and all me how you are all getting on. I am still living when at home with the Dr. and Fannie at the old place as I wrote you word he bought it. Oh, he is indeed a good kind son to me. I am much better satisfied now than I have ever been since your dear Father’s death. Although I have but little, I knew I could not keep up the place. Therefore I consented to give up all & let the sale come on to have things settled. The Dr. has got it it into some shape so that he can arrange matters now & I got my dower which I had to pay for all the property I took under your Father’s will which the law said I had no right as the estate was in debt. I have nothing now but my land your Grandpa gave me & then I have a blessing in my children who I hope will never suffer Mother to want. All of them has offered me a home but you know how independent I am. I wish to be at all times ready to go where I think I can be of most service. I expect to go up to Tue’s in about the first of June as she will need my services in July. I have nursed Fannie through & she is in the same strength.

Poor Charlotte. She is still dragging out a miserable life. No improvement. All her first children left her but Burt & I am thinking of sending her to Charleston to the Soldier’s Orphan’s Home as there are some of the girls from this place who have been sent down and are doing well. I hope that Charlotte will consent to ____ going also. I am greatly surprised to hear that you have not received my letters. I wrote to you the week after Fannie was confined. I have been very much taken up with the babe until I left for Columbia. I had a delightful trip….

…We have had quite a time of meningitis amongst the blacks but none in the whites. We have had a spell of the Yankees taking up men ad putting them in jail. This your see from the papers, all for effect to keep Old Grant in office and radicals to rule the country. I hope the Lord will bring good out of evil. Write to me as soon as you get this. Direct it to Chappel’s Depot, Newberry County, care of James W. Smith as I will soon go there. Remember me kindly to all my friends…

Your Mother, — E[lizabeth] A[nn] Higgins