All posts by Griff

My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
1st New York Engineers

1864-65: Edgar Beckwith Reed to Mary S. Reed

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Edgar Reed (1845-1866) enlisted in the 1st New York Engineers on 5 September 1864.
(Find-A-Grave)

The following letters were written by Edgar Beckwith Reed, son of Lucius M. Reed and Margaret Beckwith. He enlisted in the 1st New York Engineers on 5 September 1864 at Troy shortly before he turned 19. He mustered in as a private in Co. L on 5 September 1864 to serve one year; appointed artificer, 1 May 1865; and mustered out with his company on 30 June 1865, Richmond, Virginia.  His uncle, William Beckwith, and his cousin, Merritt Pierce, had enlisted and mustered in 31 August 1864.  He contracted malarial fever during the war and died 25 Oct 1866.

Edgar wrote the letters to his friend Mary S. Reed who married his cousin, Merritt Pierce in 1867.

[Note: These letters are from the personal archives of Carolyn Cockrell and were transcribed by her husband Chuck and posted on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Letter 1

Camp in the field near Varina, Virginia
19 November, 1864

Miss Mary S. Mead
Dear Friend,

I received your letter of October 30th in due time and was glad to hear from you. I am always glad to hear from any of my friends at home. Your letter took me by surprise a little, but I do not think that any excuses were necessary for leap year and being in the army is excuse enough I think at any time. It does a soldier good to get letters from friends at home and if they knew how much the soldier enjoys them, they would write more and often.

I should have answered your kind letter before, but my time has been pretty well taken up by my duties so that I could not write before. A soldier does not have a great deal of spare time I can tell you. I have enjoyed soldiering pretty well so far and think I shall continue to like it. My health has been good ever since I enlisted but Merritt [Pierce] and William Beckwith have both been sick, but they are now well and so that they go out to work.

It has been very pleasant her this fall especially through October but for the last few days it has been rainy and has rained here today. Well, it is time for the rainy season to commence but I wish it were not for it makes the mud so deep–too deep to travel with ease.

There is not a great deal going on here now and we call it pretty dull though there is some fighting on the lines all the time. I am sorry that the people of Petersburg are frightened so as to leave their homes. I think that they are frightened unnecessarily. What do you think? Perhaps I am not capable of judging being so far away from the scene of action.

I like to have a person write as they talk for then it seems as if I were talking with them. You say that you cannot go to war but that you can write letters. Well, that is what the soldiers want of you ladies at home to write letters to them. I thank you for your kind letter and hope that you will again write to you soldier friend.  I think that you must have had quite a time camping out in the woods so you can imagine something about a soldier’s camping out only instead of good covering overhead he has a shelter tent.

Merritt and William Beckwith wish to be remembered to you and your folks. I have not time to write more now. Remember me to your parents and any other friends I may have. Hoping to hear from you again. I remain your true friend,  — Edgar B. Reed

P. S.   Direct as before.

Letter 2

Camp of Co. L, 1st New York Volunteer Engineers
Near Jones Landing, Virginia
January 10th, 1865

Dear Friend [Mary S. Mead],

I received your very welcome letter some time ago and was glad to hear from you. You must pardon me for not answering your letter before, but our company has been on the move, and I have been kept busy at work all the time so I hope you will deem my excuse reasonable.

It has been raining very hard here today accompanied with a great deal of thunder—some difference between here & Clinton County. I guess that you would think it strange to have a thunderstorm in January. We have had a good deal of stormy weather here lately consisting of rain, hail, snow, and very hard winds. I presume that the weather is not so changeable where you are. We have had some very cold weather here and it seemed like the Old Empire State.

Our company broke camp during the month of December & marched to this place which is three miles from our old camp where part of the regiment now is.  

You wished to know how I spent Thanksgiving so I will tell you about Christmas & New Years also. On Thanksgiving I did not work any and I had a visitor from the 96th New York Volunteers. I will tell you what we had for dinner:  bread, fresh beef (boiled), beef broth, mince pie, cookies, and cheese. We did not see any of those turkeys that so much was said about [up]north. On Christmas I did not my [unreadable] the rest of the [unreadable]. For dinner we had soup, hard tack, and bread, a small assortment for Christmas. On New Year’s I was better prepared as my box had come two or three days before. I had fried sausage, bread & butter, some stewed plums & berries with some of your mother’s [Harriet Boadwell Mead] maple sugar to sweeten them and a piece of fruitcake that my mother made for Christmas but got here for New Year’s. So, you can see how I spent the holidays.  

I hope that you are having pleasanter weather now than when you wrote last. I received those papers you sent, and I had quite a laugh over them. I thank you for sending them. I have no time to write more so please excuse this short letter [and] all mistakes and write soon.

My address is 1st New York Volunteers Engineers, Co. L, Army of the James via Fort Monroe, Virginia. Your friend, — Edgar B. Reed

Letter 3

Bermuda Hundred, Virginia
March 18th, 1865

Dear Friend,

I received your letter some time ago & was very glad to hear from you. I guess that you will not think I am very punctual about writing but I can’t help it. Since I wrote to you last our company has changed around some. When I wrote last, we were at Jones’s Landing. On the 17th of February (Friday) we broke camp and went back to old headquarters. Lay there just two weeks to a day when we broke camp again & marched to Broadway Landing which is on the river Appomattox 4 miles above City Point and about ½ mile from the hospital at Point of Rocks. Our company is drilling on a pontoon at that place & we expect to take charge of a pontoon bridge there or somewhere else. You will see by this that we have changed considerably. I am carrying the mail for the company now which brings me down to Bermuda and City Point every day, so you see I am on the go most of the time.

We have been having very pleasant weather & now it looks like spring. The grass is getting up and the fields are looking quite green. I suppose that the ground up north is still covered with snow–no signs of grass yet. I see by your letter that you have been having pretty gay times this winter. I think that you made a pretty good beggar for Elder [C. C.] Hart’s donation by the amount that was taken in. I think that you will not lack for singers next summer. I do not see why they should be afraid to let visitors visit the prison at Dannemora, but I suppose it because they are afraid of a raid from Canada. What do you think about it?

There has not been any fighting near here lately, but we expect it will commence any day now that fair weather has commenced again. I expect that we will put an end to this rebellion before next fall & so do all the soldiers that I have heard say anything on the subject. What do you think about it? You will agree with me of course.

Where our company now is near the hospital, we have a chance of seeing a great many sick & wounded men and [they are] very vast. Their burial ground is not far from us & we can hear the roar of the guns (most all of the time) which they fire over their graves. It is a sad sight I can tell you. Everything portends a big fight for the sutlers have all been ordered to the rear and the small field hospitals have all been broken up & the patients all sent to the general hospitals. Point of Rocks is one of those. I am in a hurry for it [to] commence & get through.

Well, it beats all how time flies. It don’t seem as if I had been here over 6 months and was now on the last 6 months, but such is the fact. I guess that you will find this letter very unconnected, but I hope you will excuse it with all mistakes. I have not time to write more. You will want to direct your letters the same as usual.

Please remember me to your folks and write soon. From your friend, — E.B. Reed

Letter 4

Manchester, Virginia
April 28th 1865

Dear Friend,

I received yours of the 5th in due time & was very glad to hear from you. I found your letter waiting for me at Richmond when I arrived there on the 20th of this month. Perhaps you may wonder where I have been so I will tell you.

Our company—all but 30 men—left Broadway Landing the 28th of last month with a pontoon train. We were at Hatcher’s Run [un]til the day before Petersburg and Richmond surrendered when we moved to the left of Petersburg and on the morning of the capture found us on the road to Lynchburg with the army in pursuit of the Rebels. We chased them from that time [un]til they surrendered. At the time of the surrender, we were only 5 miles from the place, and we moved near there the next day. The road that we followed runs beside the Southside Railroad & by looking on the map you can see the country that we went through. At Farmville we laid a bridge which enabled our artillery to get at with the Rebs and give them a finishing touch. I had a great time foraging on the route and we all lived well at the expense of the inhabitants. The march was a fatiguing one for we were on the move for 24 days & sometimes it was all night too. But it is over and great have been the results and yet it is all clouded by the events at Washington, D.C.  It was a severe blow to the nation, but I hope that all will end well.  

I am sorry to hear that you are so poorly off for singers at our church, but the boys will be home in the fall if all things go well & then I shall expect to see the gallery filled. I think you must have had a nice time at those concerts, and I would like to have attended them. In regard to that letter which contained a peach blossom & to which there was no name signed I know that you will not have to look further than Merritt Pierce as the author.

I don’t think you had better save that sugar for me, but I wish you to eat it for me for it may be some time before I see home again—4 months & a few at least. I think that sugar tastes much better in the woods than anywhere else.

I should think that spring was quite early up north by all that I hear.  Here you might call it summer though it is not May yet & we have not very warm weather, but it is a coming. I was sorry to hear that the smallpox had closed the Baptist Church & I hope that it will not spread any further. On Thursday night that you said you were to have a party at your house & was so kind as to give me an invite & I thank you very much for it, but I could not go as I was forced to march all day & all night in pursuit of Lee & his army. I will eat some peaches for you as soon as they get ripe. They are now just out of the bloom. I wish they grew up north & then you would have a chance to see plenty of them for I think that they are a delicious fruit, but I must close for want of time to write more.

Please excuse all mistakes & poor writing & write soon as you can conveniently. Yours truly, — Edgar B. Reed

Letter 5

Manchester, Virginia
June 5th, 186[5]

Dear Friend, 

Yours of May 12th was received some time ago & was very welcome I can assure you. We are still encamped in the same place as when I wrote last and hard to work building the bridge across the river here. There are 3 companies besides ours to work at it with a large infantry detail helping us. We do not expect to get discharged [un]til the bridge is finished and that will take a month yet so that if we are not on our way north by the middle of July, I shall expect to serve my time out. Well, that won’t be long as I have only 3 months longer to stay which will soon pass away.

You say that you read that the 1 year [enlistees] were to be sent home. I don’t think that that applies to this regiment, and I am pretty certain that no 1-year men will be discharged before the regiment is unless their time expires.

I suppose that by this time you have got through house cleaning and that dreaded job is over for I know that it is always dreaded.

June 6th

I was interrupted yesterday when I had got so far, and I did not have a chance to write again. I have changed my quarters since I commenced this letter, and I am now at the headquarters of the regiment, and I was sent up here yesterday forenoon in company with 50 others from our battalion. Merritt is here with me, but he came because I did. He received a letter from you night before last and he would probably have answered it today, but he has gone on guard and now I suppose that he will not write before tomorrow.

I would [have] liked to have been at your house the night you invited me to be for I see by your letter that you must have had a pleasant time. Well, I suppose that I will be at home sometime between now & fall.  We have plenty of rumors about going home but we pay no attention to them.

If you was here now you would see ripe cherries, green peas, apples, and all kinds of garden sauce for sale. We have had strawberries but are about gone. So you see that we have things early down here. The peaches are growing fast and if I stay here much longer, I shall be able to eat some as they will be ripe, and you may depend on my going my duty in that line.

But I must stop for I have not time to write more.  Remember me to all inquiring friends.  Please excuse all mistakes and write soon.

From your friend, — Edgar B. Reed

3rd Iowa Infantry, Battle of Shiloh, Mutiny of Paroled Prisoners

1862: Alpheus Andrews to his Friend

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The following letter was written by Pvt. Alpheus (“Alf”) Andrews (1841-1911) of Co. H, 3rd Iowa Infantry. Alpheus was taken prisoner at the Battle of Shiloh (Pittsburg Landing) on 6 April 1862 and was eventually paroled and sent to Benton Barracks in St. Louis to await exchange. It was while at Benton Barracks that he wrote the following letter.

I could not find an image of Alf but here is one of George W. Smith who served in Co. C, 3rd Iowa Infantry (Iowa Civil War Images)

After he was changed he was returned to duty with his regiment and on 15 August 1864 he was transferred into Co. C. until he was mustered out of the service on 12 July 1865 at Louisville.

Alf was the son of Hiram Andrews (1813-1889) and Catherine Schisler (1812-1901) of Springfield, Keokuk county, Iowa.

Alf’s letter, written in mid-July 1862, pertains to the parolees who were being held at Benton Barracks at the time. The War Department had two weeks previously issued General Orders No. 72 announcing that furloughs would not be granted to paroled prisoners and instead sent to one of three parole camps established for their reception. Those from the East would go to a facility near Annapolis soon to be christened Camp Parole. Parolees belonging to Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, Tennessee, Indiana, and Michigan regiments were ordered to Camp Chase near Columbus, Ohio. The War Department designated Benton Barracks, located near St. Louis, for paroled soldiers from Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, and Missouri.

Benton Barracks was the first parole camp to receive large contingents of men. On July 13 Colonel Benjamin Louis Eulalie de Bonneville, commander of the post, reported that 1,167 had just arrived. They reached the camp “without officers and with extraordinary opinions of duties proper for them.” Specifically, the soldiers insisted that the terms of their paroles precluded them from performing any military duties whatsoever. They refused to stand guard duty or to perform garrison duty. Bonneville disagreed, and many ended up in the guard house adorned by a ball and chain. Many did not bother to remain in the camp, opting instead for “French leave” and risking being charged with desertion. On February 1, 1862, Bonneville reported that there were 818 parolees at Benton Barracks and 971 reported absent.

It is sometimes erroneously claimed that the Shiloh prisoners were taken to Andersonville which is impossible as that prison did not begin taking prisoner until late February 1864. From what I can learn, the prisoners were taken to Montgomery, Alabama, before they took the oath and were paroled.

[Note: The following letter is from the personal collection of Jim Petersen and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

Camp Benton
St. Louis, Missouri
July 18th 1862

Dear Friend,

As things is very dry and dull here and as I get very lonesome, I have to spend some of my time in writing and as I have to write, I thought that I might as well write to you as anybody else. I have not much to write to you as I have wrote to you once since my release from prison and I did not write much to you that time for I expected to be at home long before this time but we have had a set of officers over us that has been acting the rascal with us ever since we have been back in our lines. We should have been back home long ago if they had of done us justice but they wanted to make something off of us and keep us from place to place now for about 2 months and there was an order come they say from the War Department for us to be garrisoned at Benton Barracks to perform such duty as may not interfere with our parole which I will give you a copy of at the close of my letter so you plainly see that that little thing of coming home is plated out altogether.

We are now at the barracks and they have begun to try to put us on guard they make the details for guards every morning and the boys refuse to go on and they march them off to the guard house and put a ball and chain to their leg. It was detailed yesterday morning but when they come to get me, I was found missing so they did not get any of their jewelry on me.

They say it is a great pity for such boys to act so they tell us to remember that we are from Iowa, to remember that we fought and bled in the bloody struggles of Donelson and Pittsburg [Landing] and won great laurels for ourselves and the State from which we hailed but still all of that will not make us stand guard every day or go to the guards house and wear their French Jewelry from June till eternity. First they find they have a set of [ ] set of Iowa and all to deal with and whenever they feel their rights trampled upon, the Devil is to pay right off. We don’t think that our government wants us to violate our parole and we also believe that the government—owing to the great excess of business now to transact in the War Department—that they are in a great measure ignorant of our case. And as we are dead broke, we have no means of informing them of it. We wrote time and again to the government of our different states concerning it but the officers would stop any letter directed to any governor of any of our respective states. They thought by so doing to keep the thing all in their own hands.

Our camp is now pretty near in a state of mutiny and it would have been long before this time, but we feel that we owe too great a duty to the States from which we hailed to ever be guilty of that and we also feel that we owe our government a great duty and we also feel that one of the greater duties that now involves itself on us is to kill a few of the officers now in charge of us. I think that that would be doing ourselves and government and all parties concerned the greatest service that it is now in our power to do. We all feel that we have been grievously wronged and we will only submit when we have to. They have ordered two hundred balls and chains for us so there is one consolation. There is about 1300 of us and you see that they can’t put us all in at once and those that are out can minister to the wants of those that are in irons. They tell us to submit and we shall have our money and not before but that has played out and we will only submit when we have to. We will freely lose every cent that that is due us which is something over a hundred dollars before we will give in—not that we dread or have any fear of the duty. But we respect our oath and hate the idea of being gulled in any such a way. It was a mercy to us to get to take the oath of parole for we was starting to death as fast as we could. They gave us a piece of corn bread about two inches square and a piece of mule beef about the same size for 24 hours and it was half rotten at that. So you see a man naturally would want to get out of that the quickest way possible.

But that is all over now and we are living very well now. They don’t ask us to go int the field nor I don’t think by the information that I can gain by the papers that there will be any exchange. The paper of this morning said that they would not exchange so I don’t think that it will pay the government to keep us so I don’t think it will be a great while before they will do something with us. I want you to write to me immediately and give me a full account of things in general and tell the rest of them to write to me. I have not heard from any of my friends since the battle. I have not got a letter from you since the battle. I have not got a letter from you since I was home.

Direct as follows: Alpheus Andrews, Paroled Prisoner of War. Benton Barracks, Mo. in care of Captaincies. Albertson

As I told you that I would send you a copy of our parole, I present it to you below a copy from the original.

I do solemnly swear and pledge my most sacred word of honor that I will not during the present war between the Confederate States and the United States of America bear arms or aid and abet the enemies of said Confederate States or their friends either directly or indirectly in any form whatever until regularly exchanged or released.

123rd New York Infantry

1862: William M. & Noah G. Hill to Jane (Foster) Hill

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I could not find an image of either William or Noah but here is one of Josiah Fletcher who served in Co. I, 123rd New York Infantry (Photo Sleuth)

This letter was written in part by Pvt. William M. Hill (1839-1878) and the other part by his brother, Pvt. Noah G. Hill (1843-1902) of Co. K, 123rd New York Infantry. The regiment was mustered into service in September 1862 and served in the defenses of Washington D. C. until October 1862 when they were posted at Sandy Hook, Maryland. Both brothers served through “the whole campaign” and were described as “good & faithful soldiers.” The whole campaign would have included Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, the Atlanta Campaign, and the Carolinas Campaign.

William and Noah were the sons of George W. Hill (1816-Unk) and Jane Foster (1824-1911) of Granville, Washington county, New York.

[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

October 19 [1862]
Sandy Hook Camp

Dear Mother,

I thought I would write a few lines to you to let you know that we are all well here at present and I hope these few lines will find you all the same. I have sent a letter to father but if he don’t get, you must tell him not to enlist for he would not stand it very long. He is not tough enough to come down here for it needs tough men down here.

Tell John I wouldn’t cut that tree down if I had to hear John [ ] to help me. We don’t stand about trees down here. You must write and tell me how you all get along up there.

I suppose you are fixing up for winter. It is cold enough down here to freeze a man to death but we get along very well. That box has not yet come but I think it [will] be here before long. When we get into winter quarters, then you can [send] anything you wish to but what you send now may never get here. I have written a letter to [sister] Ella and put it inside of father’s. I have thought I should enlist into the Regulars and if I do, I shan’t be to home any less than three years anyway but if I don’t, I may be to home sooner. They enlist them out of any regiment. I don’t know but it would be better for me to stay here but if I do go there, it will be some time before you will hear from me again but I shan’t go till I hear from you again. Ask father what he thinks about it and write and tell me what he says.

I had a letter from Eunice and she talked of going West and if she goes, I hope she will have a good time. Tell John to write to me for I would be very happy to have him write a few lines to me. Tell him to write how the colt gets along and tell me how old gray looks.

I have seen Pluck Hall and he is just as fat as a hog. You must write as often as you can. Noah is well and looks very tough. William R. is well and most as hearty as I am. Tell cash to come on for we are waiting for him.

I must now say goodbye for this time. We are to fight any time when they want us to, my dear mother.

From your son, — William M. Hill

Dear Mother, I take my pen in hand once more to let you know that I am well [as] can be expected & I hope this will find you all the same. Your letter that you wrote to me, I hain’t received it yet. Father wrote too. He thought he would enlist but I think he is as well off where he is so you can give him my advice [even] if it is a poor one. It is better than none. The box is coming tonight, I think.

Write and let me know how you all get along & I will do the same. If I am sick, I will write & let you know. This is all just now. Give my best respects to all. I shall have to stop. So goodbye. — Noah G. Hill

Maine Homefront

1863: Lavinia M. Snow to Nancy (Snow) Stackpole

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The following letter was written by 37 year-old Lavinia M. Snow (1826-1917), the unwed daughter of Capt. Israel Snow (1801-1875), founder of the Snow Shipyard on Mechanic Street in the south end (Snow’s “Point”) of Rockland, Maine. Snow’s Point Shipyard was begun by Captain Israel Snow during the height of the Civil War, 1863. Captain Snow passed the business on to his son and that process continued until 1946, when Snow’s Point Shipyard became the property of General Seafood. Then, in 1957, General Seafood changed hands and the place was taken over by National Sea Products. Finally, in 1991, the yard became property of Rockland Marine, which still operates on the site of the old Snow’s Shipyard.

A biographical sketch of Lavinia was written by Angela M. Keith which states (in part) that, “though Lavinia Snow remained unmarried and childless in her adult life (indeed, she was long referred to by all as “Aunt Lavinia”), she found adventure aplenty prior to her crusade for women’s suffrage, sailing around the world with her family in the 1850s to locales including San Francisco, Panama, London, the Mariana Islands, and China. In August of 1916, at the age of 90, Lavinia asked a reporter from the mid-coast Courier-Gazette to write her obituary and recounted her adventures, along with her doorstep-view of Rockland’s metamorphosis from small fishing village to an industrially-modern hub of ship and rail. Though she received little in the way of formal education, Lavinia loved poetry, news and politics, and was a “staunch supporter of the things that make for individual and natural righteousness.” She greatly admired Abraham Lincoln and was fortunate enough to attend one of his speeches in Illinois in 1857. That she could not vote for him in the 1860 election was a sore spot for her. Lavinia outlived many of her siblings, and died [of pneumonia] on January 12, 1917 in St. Petersburg, Florida.” [See Biographical Sketch of Lavinia M. Snow.]

Lavinia wrote the letter to her Aunt Nancy (Snow) Stackpole (1799-1877), the widow of William Stackpole (1787-1836) of Pekin, Tazewell county, Illinois. Nancy’s husband died in 1836, just four years after the family relocated from Maine to Illinois, leaving her to raise six children. One of her children, William (b. 1827) went to California in the gold rush of 1849 and actually struck it rich. When he returned home to Pekin, he bought up apple orchards and a coal mine and eventually settled in Fairbury. William did not support the war and probably joined the ranks of the Copperheads, as feared in the last sentence of Lavinia’s letter. See William T. Stackpole’s 1849 Journey from Illinois to the California Gold Fields by Dale C. Maley, 2018.

The Capt. Israel Snow home in Rockland where Lavinia probably wrote his letter.

Transcription

Addressed to Mrs. Nancy Stackpole, Pekin, Illinois

Rockland [formerly East Thomaston, Maine]
September 8th 1863

Dear Aunt,

I hear nothing from you directly now & but little any other way. Mrs. Wightman mentioned in one of her letters that she had heard through Mrs. Mans that you were sick. This was some time in the summer. I hope you are well & prosperous now. I wrote you last in April and have sent you papers occasionally since when anything of special interest occurred in our town. I write today hoping to get an answer for we are anxious to hear from you.

“The [Copperhead] party in Rockland is made up of a few unprincipled leaders and the ignorant and degraded whom they can control. About six weeks ago, Dr. Rouse—a furious Copperhead—shot a Union man in the street. The excitement was intense for a few minutes & the crowd could hardly be restrained from taking vengeance upon him at once.”

—Name, 8 September 1863

I sent you a paper with the news of the drafted. [My brother] Israel & [brother-in-law] Hiram Hall were drafted but ’twas a mistake about Charlie. The person drafted was Charles W. Stone. The mistake was made at the telegraph Office here. Hiram arrived at Salem the 20th July and got home in season to be drafted. Rockland voted to pay each drafted man who went, or his substitute, $300. Israel & Hiram got substitutes by paying $416 apiece which exempts them for the term of service, three years.

The Maine Farmer, Thursday, 6 Aug., 1863

Have you any patience with this Copperhead Party that has spring up in the North & West to assist the rebels? Were it not for them, I think the rebellion would soon be crushed. The party in Rockland is made up of a few unprincipled leaders and the ignorant and degraded whom they can control. About six weeks ago [on 28 July 1863], Dr. [James] Rouse 1—a furious Copperhead—shot a Union man in the street. The excitement was intense for a few minutes & the crowd could hardly be restrained from taking vengeance upon him at once. He was rescued and taken to the lockup. On his way to Wiscasset the next day, he made his escape from the officer and is over in the British Provinces. Mr. [Cornelius] Hanrahan [1822-1893], though severely wounded, [has] recovered. Some of the Copperheads stood surety for Rouse in the sum of $3,000. They are sure to lose it for he will never dare to come back.

Our fall election takes place soon. We are having mass meetings often. Gen. [O. O.] Howard—the man with the “empty sleeve”—has spoken here. Gen. [Richard] Busteed of New York spoke at Thomaston last week. Thomaston is a Copperhead hole & has been from the first. They voted to pay $300 for each drafted man and keep them at home. Palintic [?] are they not?

You remember the Luman family at the “Point.” Their youngest son Charles has lately been brought home dead. He left here last fall a member of the 28th [Maine] Regiment which went south with Gen. Banks. After the fall of Port Hudson, his time having expired, they came home up the river. Charles was left at Cleveland, Ohio, sick. His father went on to see him but found him dead. Many of the men have died on their return. One was buried yesterday, Morton Snow got through the late battles unhurt. At last account he was in New York to help keep the Copperheads in check during the draft. What a fearful time they had there while the riot lasted! Mrs. Wrightman says they expected worse at Yonkers. The men stood guard day and night at the Armory for two weeks.

Enclosed I send you a photograph of Uncle Israel [Snow]. 2 He had a dozen taken. Himself & daughter Sophia spent ten days with us in June. His health was failing and the doctor thought the trip would benefit him but he grew weaker every day. He went to Thomaston with Capt. Oliver Jordan 3 one day & returned the next but with that exception, not one or two short rides with father, he did not go out. After his return home, he still grew worse until now he keeps his bed all of the time. He will be 92 on the 14th of October but Sophia says he will not live to see it. He takes great interest in the war & seems to want to live to see the end of it. When here he read his paper every morning & nothing escaped his notice or memory. His youngest son Charles has a family in Alabama. They have not heard from them since the war broke out. Sophia spent two years with her brother once and was under Hombs care one day’s journey in going there.

Rockland, Knox county, Maine

I have filled one sheet and have hardly written a word I thought to when I began. we are all as well as usual. I have a boil on my right arm which is very painful. I can do but little with it. It troubles me in writing but I can do that better than anything else so will not mind a little pain.

The “Point” folks are well. I was at Aunt Betsy’s a week ago but didn’t see her. Mary & herself were on the ledge berrying. William calls their baby Emmarella for Emarella Thorncliff. Emmarella was there. She taught their school this summer. She is small like her father. Aunt Betsy is looking for Lizzie to visit her. Uncle Clark cannot do much now & he does not go from home.

Father’s health is good. He is busy all the time. He is agent for the Maine Railway & they are building a schooner & repairing the Jenny Pitts. Charlie has gone to Bangor now to buy timber for her. He will probably go in her when she is done. Hiram will take the Fanny Keating in two weeks. Susan and I think of going the first trip with him. They are keeping house just across the street in the same house they had at first. I hope we shall go to Washington. A. C. Spalding & wife are here on a visit now.

Mrs. Keating is quite sick. She goes out but seldom. Helen is here now. I do not think Mrs. Keating will live through the winter. Her cough is very bad. Luella has a beautiful boy six months old. It has black hair and eyes and white skin & is large and fat. They call it Israel. Uncle Israel saw him when he was here & was pleased with the name.

This has been the warmest summer we have had in some years. Tis now quite cool and fall like. I see by the papers you have had a heavy frost in Illinois. We have had none as yet. We have news frequently from California. They are all well. [Sister] Eliza is teaching yet. Aidella Thorndike they say will be married in the course of a year & come East on a bridal tour. Her intended husband is a native of New York. I knew him in California. Joshua [Thorndike] is in China. He went there with Ebin. I understand that Mr. John Kinnes is in California. Did you give him letters to our folks there? I would like them to see him. I hope you will write soon & tell me all the news. Where is William Kellogg & Henry Wilkey? What is [your son] William doing? I hope he is not a Copperhead.

Your niece, — L. M. Snow

1 Dr. James Rouse (1821-1878) was enumerated as a physician in Rockland at the time of the 1860 US Census. He was a native of Virginia. He was married to Mary Jane Titus. Though he may have fled to Canada to avoid trial, James apparently returned to the States for he was enumerated as a physician in Calais, Washington county, Maine, in the 1870 US Census. A newspaper clipping from the Portland Press indicates that Dr. Rouse was indicted at the October term of the S. J. Court for Knox county for an assault with intent to kill.

2 Capt. Israel Snow (1771-1863) was the son of Elisha Snow (1739-1832) and Betsy Jordan (1740-1834). Israel died on 15 September 1863 in Bangor, Penobscot, Maine, just a week after this letter was written. His daughter Sophia Maria Snow (1799-1881) appears to have never married.

3 Capt. Oliver Jordan (1790-1879) of Thomaston, Knox County, Maine.

18th Ohio Infantry, The Sack of Athens (Alabama), U. S. Christian Commission

1863: Amos Gorrell to Joseph W. Gorrell

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I could not find an image of Amos but here is one of John Deed who served in Co. F, 18th Ohio Volunteers (Ohio Memory)

The following letters were written by Pvt. Amos Gorrell (1837-1928) of Co. A, 18th Ohio Infantry. Amos was the son of Amos Gorrell, Sr. (1804-1890) and Leah Wollen (1800-1873) of Ross county, Ohio. Amos wrote the 2nd letter to his brother, Joseph Wollen Gorrell (1839-1914) who later (16 September 1864) enlisted as a sergeant in Co. C, 178th Ohio Vols. He married after the war and eventually moved to Blackwater, Missouri.

Amos does not say how he was wounded (and neither does the regimental roster) but my assumption is that he received the wound to his arm at the Battle of Chickamauga who was fought a couple weeks prior to the date of this letter.

Gorrell wrote the 2nd letter from General Hospital No. 19 which was housed in the Morris and Stratton Building at No. 14 Market Street near the corner of Clark Street.

Letter 1

[Note: The following letter is from the personal collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Addressed to Mr. Amos Gorrell, Hooppole P. O., Ross County, OH

Tullahoma, Tennessee
July 31, 1862

Dear friends at home,

I have been waiting for a letter from home for the last month but no letter comes. The last letter that I received from home was dated the 6th of June. And I have come to the conclusion that you have either become very negligent about writing or the mails are miscarried so that I don’t get them. But all the other boys gets letters from home. I write two letters at Athens, two at Fayetteville, and one at Battle Creek and sent 45 dollars home but have not heard from any of them. And I thought I would write again and still live in hopes.

Since I wrote to you last, we have been most of the time on the go as usual. Wereceived an order from Gen. Buell when we was at Battle Creek to go over the mountain to Tullahoma and take possession of the Nashville & Chattanooga Railroad and hold it for the safety of our army demanded it. We left Battle Creek on the 13th and marched over the Cumberland Mountain to Cowan Station on the railroad which took us two days. The weather was pleasant and we got along very well. And as rattlesnakes are plenty in those mountains, we killed two large ones on our last days march. One had 13 rattles and the other 11.

After we arrived at Cowan Station, got supper and laid down for the night. There was an order came to our Colonel telling him that our forces at Murfreesboro had been attacked by the rebels and for us to march immediately to Decherd for there was but a small force there and they expected an attack there in the morning. So we aroused from our beds on the ground, loaded up, and marched to Decherd which was about 6 or 7 miles further. We reached there about two o’clock in the night and stood picket guard from that till morning. This was trying the grit of a soldier pretty well. There was several of the boys give out but I was one of the number that stood it pretty well. We was not molested by any of the rebels that morning and left there the next day and come to Elk Springs where we stayed about a week and built a fortification for the protection of the railroad bridge across Elk River.

Six companies of our regiment left there on last Friday night about 10 o’clock and marched to this place. The other four companies was sent back to Cowan Station the next day. There reason we was ordered off from Elk Springs in the night was an attack was expected at Tullahoma but it was a failure as usual. There is always some of the rebel guerrilla parties lurking about to keep our forces on the look out for an attack but they never attack unless they have a decided advantage.

There was a force of about 1,000 of our men went down to Manchester on last Saturday. They found about 1500 barrels of flour, 1,000 bushels of wheat, and about 10,000 lbs. of pork and bacon which had been stowed away for the support of the rebel army. Our men took possession of it and will hold it, I think. There was a report came up from there on Sabbath morning that our men had been attacked at Manchester and the rebels was trying to get their flour and meat back. Our regiment and two pieces of artillery was ordered to that placed forthwith to fight, not particularly for the Union, but for the flour and meat. We was on board the cars and down there in a short time but the attack was made by a band of rebels only on our outpost pickets. As they had a force much larger that our pickets, they took some 10 or 12 of our men prisoners and dashed off in a hurry, not giving any time for a battle. Some of our men are now in pursuit of the rebels which are encamped down about McMinnville so that is their harboring place. It is to be hoped they (our men) will be successful in catching them.

The dash made upon the men at Murfreesboro (which I mentioned in this letter) I suppose you have got a full account of before this time but I will give you a short sketch of it as we have it here.

There was the 1st Kentucky Battery of Artillery, part of the 9th Michigan Regiment and the 1st Minnesota Regiment at or near Murfreesboro to guard the place as we have some sick soldiers there in the hospital. There was a force of about from 5 to 7,000 of rebel cavalry, or mounted infantry, made a dash in on them in the morning before daylight, taking them entirely on surprise. And as the 1st Minnesota Regiment was about a mile off on the opposite side from which the rebels came in, the rebels took most of the others prisoners before they could get to their assistance. They then dashed upon the 1st Minnesota Regiment and after a short fight, took the regiment prisoners. The part of the 9th Michigan & 1st Kentucky Battery it is said fought gallantly considering the chance they had. I said the 1st Kentucky Battery but there was only four pieces of it there. They shot away all their ammunition and was taken also. There was about 20 of our men killed and 80 wounded. Their loss is not known. This was a good haul for te rebel guerrillas.

Various changes are taking place in our army. Gen. Mitchell is sent off it is said to Virginia. There are various rumors but I don’t know for certain what for, Brig. Gen. Smith has command of the 3rd Division, all the Brigades and Regiments about here are divided into various parts guarding what they have got and several officers of our Brigade are undergoing a court martial for some of the outrage of the 8th brigade at Athens. There is some newspaper correspondents of Gen. Buell’s army that appears to be out of news and have went to gathering up rebel reports about the 8th Brigade and writing them to the papers. But as I belong to this outrageous 8th Brigade & Gen. Mitchell’s Division, I always have a word to say in its favor. There is one thing certain, there is no Division in the army that has done as much hard service and to as good a purpose with so few men as Mitchell’s Division. And as it happens, this 8th Brigade has been in front of the Division all the way through.

Mitchell’s Division captured provision enough at Bowling Green to feed the entire Division one month. After this, they made for Huntsville, building railroad bridges and preparing transportation as they went for the whole Division. Went to Huntsville, took possession of the rebels most important railroad and held it and took 300 or 400 prisoners at the same time. Now they have to be scandalized by some mean correspondents for a small outrage at Athens. And as I was an eye witness to the whole affair, I have a right to tell my story about it. When our regiment first went to Athens, our officers stationed guards all over town and not a cents worth of property was allowed to be touched by our soldiers. But the citizens began to come to our Provost Marshal with a very long smooth face on to get passes, pretending that they wanted to go to mill or to the country to get provisions for their families. They got their passes but instead of going on their pretended business, they went and informed the rebels of our small force, that we had no artillery, and that our regiment was scattered all over the neighborhood and along the railroad for guards and it would be a good chance to drive us from the town. This was told us by prisoners that our men took at Athens but they would not tell their names and when the rebels came in, the citizens gathered up their shotguns, mounted their horses, and assisted the rebels all they could, waving their secesh flags which they had hid under their beds. And when we was reinforced by our Brigade and went back and run the rebels off, our boys (and Col. Turchin, our Brigade commander) was affronted at the course the citizens had pursued and the boys broke open their stores and took what they wanted but did not injure the person of any of the citizens and Col. Turchin did not try very hard to stop the boys from getting what they wanted.

I did not favor the policy myself and took no part in it, not because I regretted to see the property destroyed, but because the innocent had to suffer with the guilty. We have some had boys amongst us no doubt but they are for putting an end to to the rebellion. And Col. Turchin says he can whip more rebels with his Brigade than another other Brigade in the service. Col. Turchin has been court martialed but they could not make anything out against him and he has got a commission as Brigadier General and says he will have no brigade only the one he had before. The colonels of all the regiments that was at Athens are undergoing court martials at Huntsville. I hope they will all come off right. The health of our regiment is tolerably good. My health is very good & all the Hooppole [boys] are well.

Daniel Bishop is dead (as I suppose you have heard). He died at the hospital at Shelbyville on about the 1st of July, I think. I don’t know for certain. I believe his disease was pronounced consumption. Daniel was a fine boy and well thought of in the company by every person. I seen a man that tended to him in the hospital. He said he was perfectly willing to die and died easy and calm as a summer’s morning. I cannot help blaming our officers for the way Daniel was treated. He wanted a furlough to go home and seemed in pretty good spirits as long as he thought there was any prospect of getting homer. But our officers was careless and let him lay in his tent till he was too weak to reach home. But I have no doubt that he is free from all his troubles.

George W. Bishop is unwell. He has never been very well wince he got over the measles. He is trying to get leave to go home. Whether he will succeed or not, I cannot [say]. I fear it is the consumption that is working on him and he[will] go as Daniel went before very long.

We have fine growing weather here at present. Corn is growing fine and has the appearance of a good crop. The railroad and railroad bridges are all repaired between Nashville and Stevenson and the cars are running through every day. Well, I have written all that I can think of at present so no more. But remain yours truly, — A. Gorrell

Write soon. Write often and write great big letters. Direct as before, — Amos Gorrell

Letter 2

[Note: The following letter is from the personal collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Addressed to Mr. J. W. Gorrell, Hooppole P O., Ross county, Ohio

General Hospital No. 19
Nashville, Tennessee
October 7th 1863

Dear Friends at Home,

This morning finds me seated in the 2nd Ward of a large hospital which contains between three and four hundred sick & wounded soldiers; most all of them are of the latter class. Some are lying in their bunks unable to help themselves, some hobbling about with canes and crutches, some walking about with their heads tied up, others with their arms in slings, &c. But I believe the most of the wounded are getting along as well as can be expected. Some few in the ward above us has got the erysipelas in their wounds which is a very bad thing. There is no cases of it in our ward yet.

My wound is doing as well as can be expected, I believe. The swelling has most all left my arm and it has been mattering pretty freely for several days. The wound is beginning to heal and I think in the course of a month or so, I will be able to give the rebels a few more rounds from the Enfield rifle.

We are in a place where we are well taken care of. The doctor visits us everyday and our wounds are dressed twice a day. This hospital is kept clean and in good order. I have not heard any reliable news from the regiment since I came here. I wrote a letter to the company several days ago but have got no answer yet. I forgot to tell you in my last letter that I had formed an acquaintance with a man in the 11th Michigan Regiment by the name of Philson [Filson] who says he is a brother-in-law of Uncle John Fouty. He says that Aunt Letty Fouty is dead—died about 18 months ago. He says that Uncle John lives about 15 miles from Fort Wayne. I forget the county in Indiana. He says that he (Uncle John) is now a Methodist preacher and is doing well. He says that he owns a good farm & is in good circumstances. He also says that he is acquainted with a good many of the Gorrells in Indiana. He says there is one by the name of O. I. Gorrell in some Ohio regiment [but] he didn’t remember the number of the regiment. He says that John Gorrell’s son (Huffett) follows public lecturing a good part of the time. He was acquainted with Uncle Jessie Gorrell. Says he still follows preaching. He says there was some one of the Gorrells (he thought it was Uncle Jessie’s son) that was a chaplain in some Indiana regiment and had died in the army. This man (Philson) lives in Michigan close to the Indiana line. He married Uncle John’s sister.

The news about town is nothing of much importance as far as I know. Read the letters from a correspondent of the Chicago Journal on the first page. It is a pretty good description of the scenes on a battlefield. The truth of it, I was eye witness to a good deal of. There has been arrangements made (as you will see in the Union) for the Ohio soldiers at Nashville to vote. I think we will give Brough a good heist although we have been disarmed by the enemy’s bullets (but not without disarming fully as many of the graybacks). I think we will march out an Invalid Corps which will e able to disarm a large number of the able bodied Valandinghamers at the Ballot Box. I have received no letter from home since I came here. Write soon. yours truly, — A. Gorrell

Direct to Hospital No. 19, 2nd Ward, Nashville, Tenn. — A. Gorrell

Letter 3

Nashville, Tennessee
April 3, 1864

Dear friends at home,

I have just returned from preaching in the first ward of our hospital and according to my way of thinking, it was the best sermon I have heard for months. The minister was a stranger to me—a man I never seen before. Think he belongs to the Christian Commission. He took his text in the 12th Chapter of Romans, & 1st verse. Quite a number of soldiers was present and several ladies who belong the St. Louis Ladies Aid Society are there to assist in taking care of the sick & wounded soldiers. One of them played on the melodion while the congregation sung. She frequently brings her melodion into the 2nd ward of the hospital and gives us a few tunes which are very acceptable.

I received your letter of the 23rd ult. on last Tuesday. Was very glad to hear from home and hear that my draft had arrived safe. Am also glad to hear that you are about to get your house raised.

My health still continues to be good—only my eyes are beginning to get a little sore again. That medicine which I got in Chillicothe cured them up entirely as I thought but I am afraid they are getting sore again. The medicine is all used up. I would be glad if you could get a bottle of it and fix it up in some style so you could send it to me by mail.

No particular changes have taken place about the hospital since I last wrote you. Tomorrow morning there is fifty men to be sent from this hospital to Louisville. Most of the soldiers which are brought in here now are new recruits, a great many of which have the measles.

Last evening there was a man died very suddenly. He was sitting up in his chair & died almost without anybody knowing it. He had been unwell for some time but was thought to be getting better.

The weather here is very pleasant, with warm showers frequently. Peach trees are out in full bloom. The grass is beginning to look green and the buds on the trees of the forst are swelling. Leaves will soon be out. The Cumberland River is rising fast with 14 feet of water on the shoals.

Yesterday I was out in town and stopped at the tomb of James K. Polk to take a look at the monument, the flowers and the shrubbery. I plucked off a few sprigs from a tree and some of the flowers which grew around the grave. I send you a few of them in this letter. Perhaps you may think then worthy of notice. No more. Affectionately yours, — A. Gorrell Write soon & often.

James K. Polk’s gravesite as it looked in 1864

3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery, Hilton Head, South Carolina

1864: Frederick Metcalf to his Cousin Evelina

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Frederick Metcalf (1848-1864)

The following letters were written by Frederick Metcalf (1847-1864) who was mustered in as 2nd Lieutenant of Co. K, 3rd Rhode Island Heavy Artillery on 1 October 1863. He was promoted to 1st Lieutenant on 6 May 1864 and transferred into Co. B on 27 May 1864. “Fred” was serving as the Acting Regimental Adjutant when he wrote the first letter while on special duty at Fort Pulaski.

The second and third letters were written in July 1864 from the encampment of the 3rd Rhode Island Heavies just outside of Fort Welles on Hilton Head Island. Unfortunately for Fred, he did not survive the war. He died of disease at a hospital at Beaufort on 28 August 1864, less than a month after he penned the third letter.

Fred was the son of Providence attorney Edwin Metcalf (1823-1894) and Eliza Spear Atwell (1824-1863).

[Note: These letters are from the personal collection of Greg Herr and were transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Letter 1

Headquarters U. S. Forces
Fort Pulaski & Tybee Island, Georgia
February 23rd [1864] 11 o’clock P.M.

Dear Cousin,

I suppose you think, and very justly too, that is about time for that scrapegrace cousin of yours to answer some of your letters—very acceptable they are too him, I assure you—although he takes such a poor way of showing it. If you only knew what a bore and detested thing it is for me to write letters and how many stings of conscience it takes before I can bring myself down to it, you would forgive me I am sure.

We are having a few days of busy life and a little excitement down here in the land of all that is detestable, but I am not allowed to say anything about the movements of the army and so you must be content to know that I do not see as I shall have any chance of going on any of the expeditions, if there are any. And so you see that as I cannot say anything of the movements of the army, there is not much to write of. I might describe the islands to you but they are all the same thing—mud, mud, mud, nothing but mud anywhere except where artificial ground has ben made around the fort. I sometimes go over to Tybee and there there is a little more variety, some trees, &c., but nothing worth mentioning except the light house which the rebels burnt when they left and the old Martello tower, Some deserters come in once and awhile. A sergeant came down from Savannah the other day. e had on a very fair pair of boots. I asked him what they cost and he replied that he paid $125 for having a pair of old legs footed. What do you think they are coming to up there?

I have not heard from Sam since he was here but suppose he writes home much more regularly than I do. I enclose an invitation that I received to a ball at Beaufort. But i assure you that there was altogether a different ball going on not many miles from here that took our attention during the day.

It is getting quite late now and I must go to bed. I have been writing this in my office and by the light of a government candle. A pet kitten has been running all over the table most of the time and I suppose it will be a hard scrawl to read. The sentry on the parapet has just called 11 o’clock and “All’s well.” So goodbye.

Very affectionately your cousin, — Fred

Letter 2

Adjacent to Fort Welles, Hilton Head

Camp Co. B, 3rd Rhode Island Artillery
Fort Welles, Hilton Head, South Carolina
June 21, 1864

Dear Cousin,

I received yours of the 5th yesterday. It was the first letter I had received for two weeks. It is getting very hot out here. we live with our tents up on all sides to allow the air to come in and then are nearly suffocated sometimes. We have been moving for the week past. Have changed camp four times and that with it raining all the time nearly. One night the Captain and myself had no tent pitched and had to sleep in a guard house the darkies had just left. I could stand [not] that, however, and moved my bunk outside. We are still settled now, however, and are encamped just outside Fort Welles, the captain being in command of the fort. We have also an infantry company under our command—one of the 144th N. Y. Vols. and are instructing them in artillery.

I witnessed the most impressive sight I believe there is in the world last Sunday—I mean a military execution. It was a clear, hot morning. All the troops on the island were formed in a hollow square on a large plain. The prisoner was marched into the centre, seated on his coffin, and there after his eyes were blind-folded, he was shot at a signal from the Provost Marshal. We were then wheeled into columns of companies and marched in review by the corpse. A most impressive spectacle, I assure you, but a soldier has to get used to such scenes. The man deserved it. He was caught deserting to the enemy. 1

I am boarding now at the house of a refugee from Charleston. The fare consists of “bully” beef and potatoes. The price six dollars per week. This is very cheap for down here but would be considered high at home for board and lodgings both. I have paid as high as $40 a month at Pulaski for simply my board. My washing bill is about a dollar and a half a week and my servant I pay $10 a month and yet they talk about an officer’s pay being large. I tell you, “Sis”, an enlisted man as a general thing can save more money than an officer.

Well, I think that I have scribbled about enough—particularly as I was up late last night. The men got some liquor from the Drago & had a little “toot” but they soon found out who was “boss” and kept pretty quiet. We never have any trouble with our men except through liquor and even then they know enough to mind when spoken to.

Give my love to all. Excuse the writing as we have no table yet and this I wrote on my knee.

Ever your affectionate cousin, — Fred

1 The soldier executed by firing squad at Hilton Head would have been John Flood of the 41st New York Infantry. He was executed on 19 June 1864.

Letter 3

Camp Co. B, 3rd Rhode Island Artillery
Hilton Head
July 31st 1864

Dear Evelina,

I received yours of the 17th instant by the Fulton. Also one from Father. Both very acceptable. I was very glad to hear that you are enjoying yourself so much and dear little Tott. I know it will do her good to be by the salt water. I am feeling rather mean today because I got wet through last night. My tent leaks like a sieve and I awoke about 12 o’clock last night and found a puddle of water on my bed and all over the tent. One of our showers had come up and wet everything. I sleep under a rubber blanket every night now. Gen. Grant has issued an order that officers shall draw no more tents but sleep under shelters—that is, a piece of canvass about 6 feet square.

Everything is quiet here at present. We have a new officer to our company—Remington—late a corporal in the Second. We have plenty of watermelons now but our other fare is very poor. Some beef that Gen. Birney captured in Florida and which we call Florida Venison and it is tough enough, I assure you. This and commissary ham is about all we have.

Our company is still at this old sand heap and the fleas grow thicker every day. They almost poison me with their bites, but that is a petty annoyance, easily born with. I would describe our fort, &c. to you but that is strictly forbidden and you must wait until I get home and then I shall [share] a store of conversation.

Talking about home, from all that I hear, I suppose it will be another year—perhaps two—before I see home again. I tent now with a very gentlemanly young fellow named [George S.] Reed—the senior second lieutenant of our company. Our quarters are about eight feet square. In this small space we have two bunks, two trunks, and one table. The bunks answer for seats. That leaves us just room enough to undress and dress in. So you see I shall learn not to be very dainty when I get home. My bed consists of a bunk made of fine boards, a sack filled with hay, and a couple of blankets. My overcoat serves for a pillow. Sam gave me some sheets when he went home but the last time we moved, they went the way of all such things—even to ruin.

When I left home, I should have thought it hard to have to sleep between blankets, but now I like it and if it does not rain and wet everything, I sleep like a top. It would make you and grandmother groan to see how recklessly everything is thrown away when a regiment moves.

There, I have scribbled nonsense enough. And now, kiss Tott. Give my love to Aunt Mary and Grandmother, and my regards to the Tileston family. Believe me ever your affectionate cousin, — Fred

5th Massachusetts Infantry, Treasury Department

1861: Ariel Standish Noyes to Daniel Parker Noyes

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The following letter was written by 32 year-old Arial S. Noyes (1829-1907), a shoemaker from Haverhill, Massachusetts, who was private in Co. D (the “Haverhill Light Infantry”), 5th Massachusetts in 1861. This three-month militia unit tendered its services to the US Government on 15 April and left for Washington D. C. a week later where they were mustered in on 1 May.

I could not find an image of Ariel but here is an unidentified Sergeant who most likely served in the 5th Massachusetts wearing the 1861 militia uniform. (Dan Binder Collection)

From this letter we learn that the regiment was quartered in the interior courtyard (the “enclosure”) of the Treasury Building on West 15th Street. They moved across the Potomac river to Alexandria, Virginia, at 10:30 p.m. on the day this letter was written—25 May 1861—-where they remained in camp until the Battle of Bull Run in which they were engaged on 21 July and lost 9 men killed and two wounded, including Col. Samuel C. Lawrence. Twenty-three men were taken prisoner.

After the regiment was mustered out of service at the end of July 1861, Ariel reenlisted as as sergeant in Co. D (later transferred to Co. C), 17th Massachusetts and served until the end of the war. He was wounded at Wise’s Creek in North Carolina on 8 March 1865.

Ariel wrote the letter to his older brother, Rev. Daniel Parker Noyes (1820-1888), an 1840 graduate of Yale College and, at the time of this letter, serving as the Secretary of the Home Missionary Society in New York City.

Transcription

Addressed to Reverend Daniel P. Noyes, Bible House, Astor Place, New York

Treasury Department
May 25, [1861], 4 p.m.

Dear Brother,

While eating dinner we were ordered to march with nothing but our equipments for immediate action, word having been sent from Alexandria for reinforcements and that they [were] not at it. In 30 minutes we were on our way but were stopped on the bridge 3 miles from our quarters. we returned to quarters and received orders to be ready to march in one hour. At 5 o’clock—as near as I can find out—we go into camp in Virginia. How far I can’t tell but will inform you as soon as I find out. Ten thousand men are to leave tonight. Eight regiments went over the river—though as you will see by the papers before you get this—and a part of them took Alexandria.

I think we shall have hot work soon. But as we stand at the top of the ladder, we shall try to maintain our position on the field of battle, putting ourselves in the hands of Him who ruleth all things. I bid you farewell for a time. I shall not send this till we are on the march. You can inform Sarah that we have changed out position.

Your brother, — Ariel

6 o’clock. Since writing I have received one from you. I have time for but a word. Our baggage is loading. I have more clothing than I can carry. Send me nothing unless I write for it. Rest assured I commend my soul to God, my body to my country if it is so to be. I can’t find out where we are going but you will probably find out about as soon as I do.

Your affectionate brother, — Ariel

Post War Mississippi

1866: Charles William Petrie to Eva Petrie

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This letter was written by Charles (“Charlie”) William Petrie (1843-1913), the son of Lemuel Weeks Petrie (1813-1851) and Rosa Mahala Farrar (1824-1905) of Jackson, Mississippi. He wrote the letter to his older sister, Eva Petrie (1849-1911). After their father died in 1851, their mother remarried to Irish-born Rev. John Hunter (1824-1899), a Presbyterian clergyman, in 1858. During the Civil War, Charles served as a private in Co. A, 1st Mississippi Artillery.

Charlie’s father, Lemuel Petrie, was born in Maine but came to Rankin county, Mississippi, prior to 1840. In 1841 he reported that he owned 1,500 acres worth $4,500.  In 1842 Lemuel owned over 2,500 acres worth over $17, 500 plus a brick home worth $2,000.  In 1843 he reported that he owned 215 cattle and 49 slaves. In 1847 he owned various assets and 64 slaves in Rankin County, and 60 slaves in Hinds County. Lemuel became a large property owner in Hinds and Rankin county before his early death at age 37.  It appears that a substantial amount of his wealth was inherited, or “obtained” from his brothers. At the time of Lemuel’s death his property included two large plantations located a few miles from Edwards, Mississippi, and a smaller one in the same general area.  According to an estate inventory taken a few years after Lemuel’s death,  there were 76 slaves on the Downey Plantation,  77 slaves on the Baker’s Creek Plantation, and 25 slaves on the Elwood plantation.  The total appraised value of the slaves was approximately $134,000.  The total appraised value of the three plantations was a little over $143,000. 

In 1872, the Lemuel Petrie descendants filed a joint claim with the Commissioner of Claims regarding losses suffered during and after the Battle of Champion’s Hill (May 16, 1863) in Hinds County, Mississippi. A Calvary force of 60 to 70 men, which were part of Ulysses S. Grant’s army engaged in the siege of Vicksburg, camped and set up a hospital on the two plantations belonging to the children of Lemuel Petrie. The Battle of Champion’s Creek was fought partially on one of these plantations.

The initial claim was for approximately $30,000 for a variety of supplies taken by the Union Army. The claim was later reduced to $10,000. This claim represented three-fourths of the total property taken as one fourth belonged to another brother, Charles Petrie, who was not eligible for reimbursement as he was a soldier with the Confederate Army during the Civil War. The Petrie children had inherited the Baker’s Creek plantation and the Downey Plantation which were located near the site of the Civil War battle of Baker’s Creek that occurred on May 16, 1863. The largest claim item was for 56 workhorses and mules. Other large amounts included corn and cotton. A number of witnesses were called before the Commissioner of Claims to verify the amounts claimed by the Petrie children. Of these witnesses, one was the wife of the overseer of one of the plantations, and 8 others were slaves who had worked on the plantations for many years. The claim was substantially reduced by the Commissioner of Claims to approximately $1,300 due to many inconsistent statements regarding the amounts claimed, actions taken by Lemuel’s wife prior to the arrival of the Union Army, and the confederate loyalty of the Petrie’s. The Commissioner found that the workhorses and mules were of inferior quality and that there were fewer than claimed. The claim for cattle was disallowed as the Commissioner determined that the cattle were moved to another county to keep them from the North. All other items were also reduced substantially or eliminated totally. Only one-third ($1,300) of the Commisioner’s adjusted claim value was allowed as the Commissioner found that only Eva Petrie qualified. Eva qualified as she was “too young to entertain any responsible political opinions during the war”. [Compiled by Lawson S. Howland from Fold3 Archives.]

Charlie’s letter speaks of his efforts recruiting free Negroes from the vicinity of Vicksburg to work the family Mississippi plantations near Edward’s Station but does not appear to be sanguine about their productivity without “very close watching.”

See also—1836: Frederick Henry Petrie to John Elder published on Spared & Shared 2.

Transcription

Addressed to Miss Eva Petrie, Care of Dr. J. N. Waddell, Oxford, Mississippi

[Vicksburg, Mississippi]
January 7, 1866

Dear Eva,

As I owe you a letter & will have an opportunity of mailing it tomorrow, I’ll write a short one though I know of very little to interest you.

I was in Jackson three days since & brought Alice and Rosabel home with me. Rosabel is quite pleased & asks more questions that a dozen lawyers can answer. She says that she don’t know anything to tell you. Alice desires me to say that she received your letter a few days since & will answer it in a short time.

I have succeeded in getting as many Negroes as I wish between those that stayed here and those that are to come from Elmwood. Mr. Ferguson is with me & he thinks we will be able to get a good deal out of them; but it will require very close watching to get much out of them.

I saw Erse while in Jackson and he told me that he had determined not to return to Oxford. I suppose his father has so much money that it is a burden to him and he wishes Erse to stay at home & assist in diminishing the pile, & from all accounts, he is an excellent assistant. Jackson has gotten to be the dullest place you ever heard tell of. There has not been a party there since you left but there is to be a grand Fireman’s Ball tomorrow night. But I expect it will be a failure as everyone seems to fear that there will be too many of all sorts of people there.

James Harding came on and stayed a few days during the Christmas [holiday]. His marriage is deferred for a month or two. He was compelled to leave Texas because the Yankees were set against him by one of his neighbors who told lies on him about mistreating Negroes. I wrote to Herbie about a week since and hope he has ‘ere this gotten my letter. I wish you or him to try to write to me once every week & direct your letters to Bolton’s Depot as I expect to be too busy to go to Jackson very often for some time to come.

I will have to close for want of something to tell you. Alice joins me in love to yourself & Herbie. Write soon to your affectionate, — Charlie

U. S. Signal Corps

1865: Lewis Aaron Egolf to his “Respected Friend”

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From the book, The Signal Corps in the War of the Rebellion by J. Willard Brown, p. 640

The following letter was written by Lewis Aaron Egolf (1842-1898) of Perry county, Pennsylvania. Lewis was a 21 year-old carpenter when he enlisted on 26 March 1864 to serve in the U. S. Signal Corps of the Regular Army. He served until 23 August 1865 when he was honorably discharged.

Lewis was the son of Joseph Egolf, Jr. (1814-1867) and Susannah Mickey (1818-1886) of Carroll, Perry county, Pennsylvania. Lewis’ older brother, John Francis Egolf (1838-1864), served as a private in Co. D, 47th Pennsylvania Infantry until he was killed in action at Cedar Creek, Virginia, on 19 October 1864.

Transcription

Winchester, West Virginia
January 29, 1865

Respected Friend,

I am now seated to answer your welcome letter which I received last eve. In your letter you stated that some of the one-year men were at home and were catching deserters. Now my opinion is that if they were at the front and could not get a furlough, they would go home too. They do not know what it is to be in the army. Their laying back on their bounty in Pennsylvania ain’t that brave and they wish the war would last, I suppose, as long as they can stay where they are now. I would like to see them put in the front where they would be of some use. They could be used to better advantage here for they might stop a ball from hurting some good man.

Well, the thing that I don’t like is that those men are getting furloughs and men who has been in the army for more than a year cannot get a furlough. For my part, I do not intend to try for one as I have been away from the corps pretty near three months and there are men who have not been off duty all summer and I would as soon see some of them go home as to go myself. There is one of my tent mates going home tomorrow.

Well, there is nothing going on very fast here just now. Last week there was a skirmish between our cavalry and the rebs and our men found one of our boys [in the rebel army] at Staunton. He left the [signal] station he was on about three weeks ago and was not heard of since until one of our scouts saw him. I would not like to be in his place for he will be shot if our men get him though he never was of any account in the corps for he could neither flag nor drill. But he will be kept on account of if he is caught for an example.

I have had no letter from William for more than a month and do not know where he is at present. Well, the weather is very cold here at present but I hope it will not last long. There are no news so you will please excuse this short letter. Answer if you please and direct as before. goodbye for the present, — L. A. Egolf

Battle of 1st Bull Run

1861: John H. Griffin to Emma Walker (Gilmer) Breckinridge

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The following letter was written by John H. Griffin whom I am not able to identify conclusively. There were a couple of soldiers by that name in the Confederate service from Virginia but there is nothing in their records that would link them to Botetourt county.

Peachy Gilmer Breckinridge

Griffin wrote the letter to Emma Walker (Gilmer) Breckinridge, the wife of Cary Breckinridge (1796-1867) of Fincastle, Botetourt county, Virginia. He wrote the letter to let her know that her “boys” had all survived the Battle of Manassas (First Bull Run). Emma had three sons who served the Confederacy in uniform. The eldest son, Peachy Gilmer Breckinridge (1835-1864) entered the service as Captain of Co. K, 28th Virginia Infantry and later transferred to the 2nd Virginia Cavalry. A second son, James Breckinridge (1837-1865) entered the service as a 1st Sergeant in the 30th Virginia Cavalry (later designated 2nd Virginia Cavalry). The third son, Cary Breckinridge, Jr. (1839-1918), entered the service as a 2nd Lieutenant with his brother in the 30th Virginia Cavalry. Cary was the only one to survive the war of the three.

All three boys participated in the First Battle of Manassas. The 28th Virginia was attached to the Fifth Brigade commanded by Col. P. St. George Cocke. The 30th Virginia Cavalry was attached to the 1st Brigade commanded by Brig. Gen. Milledge L. Bonham.

Transcription

Addressed to Mrs. Cary Breckinridge, Fincastle P. O., Botetourt county, Va.

Gordonsville, [Virginia]
24 July 1861

Dear Madam,

I left Manassas yesterday & promised your brother William to perform the very pleasant duty of informing you of the safety of your Boys. I sincerely congratulate you & your family on the result & especially that they should have shared the honor of contributing to so glorious a victory—which must lead to such important results.

The property captured is estimated to be worth not less than a million of dollars ($1,000,000).

Very respectfully & truly yours, — Jno. H. Griffin

Mrs. Cary Breckinridge