Category Archives: Battle of Fredericksburg

1861-64: Thomas Benton Kelley to Mary Amelia Kelley

The following letters were written by Thomas Benton (“Bent”) Kelley (1838-1915), the son of David Kelley (1806-1876) and Susanna Dixon Jones (1799-1884). Bent was married to his first cousin, Mary Amelia Kelley (1838-1894), the daughter of Smith Fitzland Kelley (1816-1906) and Seviah Round of Danby, Rutland county, Vermont.

A GAR photograph of Bent Kelley

Bent was mustered in as a private in Co. E, 8th Illinois Cavalry on 18 September 1861 and he was mustered out on 28 September 1864. One source says he was “wounded four times with bullet and three times with sabre; September 15th, 1862, in six sabre charges within 40 minutes, captured seven confederate soldiers, armed, nearly a mile from any Union soldier; lost five horses shot under him in the three years’ service; in a Virginia raid captured a sutler and $5,000 worth of goods.”

A biographical sketch of Bent Kelley is presented in “Men of Vermont,” detailing his birth in Castleton, Vermont, on 10 October 1838. He pursued his education at the district schools in Castleton before attending Wheaton College in Illinois for two years. During his educational pursuits, he aided his father in maintaining records for the post office and railroad station. In 1853, he commenced his professional career with the Chicago Daily Democrat, where he fulfilled the roles of bookkeeper and superintendent of the mailing department, as well as serving as the station and express agent at Danby (now Glen Ellyn). Bent’s obituary, published in the Poultney Journal on 22 January 1915, notes that he was “present at the debate between Lincoln and Douglas in 1858, and he stood in the ‘Old Wigwam’ in Chicago when Lincoln was nominated for president.”

To read letters or diaries by other members of the 8th Illinois Infantry that I have transcribed and published on Spared & Shared, see:

Adin F. Cowles, Troop B, 8th Illinois Cavalry (3 Letters)
Delos Hull, Troop H, 8th Illinois Cavalry (Diary)
William A. Sheldon, Troop H, 8th Illinois Cavalry (Diary)
Michael J. Fancher, Troop M, 8th Illinois Cavalry (1 Letter)
Mervin D. Overacker, Troop M, 8th Illinois Cavalry (1 Letter)
Mervin D. Overacker, Troop M, 8th Illinois Cavalry (1 Letter)

Letter 1

Danby [formerly Glen Ellyn, Illinois]
Sunday Eve, 5:30 p.m. Sept 1st 1861

Dearest Wife,

How happy Bent is this eve although far from his merriest & dearest friend Mary! I have devoted every moment of this Sabbath to making out my Ft Reports for August & closing out of my month’s business in general. I got up about 7½ a.m. & eat breakfast with the family. I then got a pail of rain water & put in little Mitty’s bathing tub & I went in for one of my Sunday washing’s (you know how long I am generally). Mary you can’t begin to tell how many times I wished Molly could be with me (all the while I was washing). I said to myself after I got done, now if Mary was here I would not go near the depot today at all & you can just bet your old shoes I would not as bad as I was needed. But I can tell you, Mary, a person little knows how much enjoyment there is in a little wife until deprived entirely of their company. I can safely say I (myself!) was greatly fooled Oh! Mary, would we not have enjoyed this Sabbath if you could have only been with Bent (no, I am afraid not).

Mary, it is just a month today since Bent seen his wife & boy and I can tell you it has seemed almost an age. But Mary, I hope you can enjoy your visit for you must know that we are hundreds of miles apart & it can’t be made often so we can afford to be separated for awhile—to enjoy the society & the smiles of friends. Mary, I am getting along finely with our little home. I would not have ridden up here to the Depot all day if it had not been to make more time for me to work on the house for it seems to me I hardly get fairly at work on it before I have to come back to the depot again. But you can bet I don’t let many moments slip without doing something to forward it on some way or other.

Mary, I was sure I should get a letter from you last week for I wrote early enough week before to have you get it & have time to answer last week, but Bent could wait no longer. I wrote a good long letter to you & Lura both. I want you to kiss Pa’s little boy & tell him his Pa sent them (Oh how I want to see him). Mary, you cant tell! But I will see him in a few weeks if nothing happens more than I know.

Mother has been out to see Mart’s folks. I got a pass for her out & back. She said Annetta was quite sick but was a little better when she came away. She says little Julia is just as smart a girl as ever lived. But Mary, that won’t be no name for our family when they are as old as Julia is (do you think so?). She is smart, I am willing to acknowledge, but when you come to get 2 as smart folks as you & me together, the second generation takes the rag off (but enough of this).

I must inform you of the marriage of Billy Newton to Miss Charlotte Sandercock. They went to Joliet to have the knot tied. Father happened to be going to Joliet the same day & met Billy coming home & Billy held up his head like a steer in the corn with the dogs after him & Charlotte hung her head down like a sunflower. She had on an old hood & she pulled it over her face so father would not know who it was for they new the old man would tell of it just as soon as he got back from there anyway & if she could manage to not let him know who it was so he could not tell. But they could not foolish the old man much. The trundle bed trash got up a shiveree on Bill & he came out & asked them down to the Dutchmans & started off ahead just as if he was going in, & it was a little dark, & he run away from the others & the boys could not find him any more & he went around back & got in to the house & had a good night’s rest and was not molested any more that night. The shiveree party was headed by Dubrock’s head butter packer Fred Sare. He was the oldest in the lot & I heard little Emma Dubrock holler & laugh so I know she was out with the rest. Would you not think it an honor, Mary, to have so much notice as that all comes to be taken of you (I should I think).

Mary, George Dubrock & Billy Anderson have both been here. George made earnest enquiry after you & Mitty. Billy Anderson has served his country three months & returned home. Elisha [Kelley’s] company held a meeting on Saturday last & elected their officers. He was elected Captain. Some of the Danby boys are a going to secede because the company Elisha got up would not join the Bloomingdale company—M[arcellus] E. Jones 1 for one, & Wes Christian for another. And they are trying to get all the boys they can away from Elisha for they say the Bloomingdale Boys offered them just as fair as anyone could ask for & you know Marcel is quick tempered & he says he is going to join the Bloomingdale Co. & Wes too.

Kiss all the Sisters & tell them to write to me for I want to have news often from some of you. Tell Lu to write & answer my letters. If she don’t, I will pay her for it when I see her. Please inform me how Isaac’s health is when you write. Mary I guess you will be puzzled to read this letter but I wrote it as plain as I could [even] if it is fine. Love to all. Kiss Bent’s boy good night. Kiss Mother for me & tell her Bent would like to see her very much. Tell her I hope she will be blessed with a nice little son. Give my love to Father & all enquiring friends. From your husband—Bent

1 The “quick tempered” Marcellus (“Marcel”) Jones would gain infamy for his having fired the first shot at the Battle of Gettysburg on 1 July 1863.


Letter 2

Danby [now Glen Ellyn, Illinois]
September 16th 1861

Dearest Wife,

Your letter came duly to hand & you may be assured that I was anxiously looking for it. Mary, I have joined uncle Elisha [Kelley]’s company. We are to camp at St. Charles. I go out to stay tomorrow. I have been sworn in. The boys all go with him from this place but Wesley Christian. He has joined Co. C, Chicago Light Artillery.

Capt. Elisha Seeley Kelley (1826-1871) of Co. E, 8th Illinois Cavalry. Elisha was a school teacher in Danby (now Glen Ellyn), IL, before the war. He was wounded by pistol shot through his right lung in action at Boonsboro, MD, on 15 September 1862. He recovered from his wound and was promoted to Major of his regiment before resigning on 23 May 1863. [Al & Claudia Niemiec Collection]

M[arcellus] E. Jones, Darwin Dense, Bill Jones, Wm. Freets Jr., Curtis Weidman, A[ugustus] Guio, Oscar Johnson, & [Edwin] Horace Brooks [also joined] so you can see it will make quite a haul out of Danby. The boys have all got to be in camp by 8 o’clock on Wednesday morn. Mary, Judd Templeton keeps the Books at the station now. I have been posting him up in the station business ever since I wrote to you. He seems to learn pretty fast. I go tomorrow so you can direct all of your letters to St Charles, Kane Co, Illinois, until otherwise ordered. I took my Charley horse out the other day & they thought he was very handsome. They have accepted him & Mr. Farnsworth, Colonel of our regiment, says I can ride my own horse.

Mary, I will send you some money for I know would like a little any way. I will send you more next letter so you can have some to come home with when you want to. Mary, I will leave that note of Uncle Jonathan’s in Mother’s hands so you can do what you are a mind to with it. You will remember the interest on it from the time it was due was (or is ) two percent per month. But Mary, if I draw my pay from the Government, I will try to furnish money enough for you to keep yourself & boy in clothes although Father says you need not be alarmed for you nor boy shall ever want for anything. But Mary, I want to find & furnish all your clothing as long as I can & it is time enough for friends to do that afterwards.

Mary, you wanted me to assure you I would refrain from some ______. I can give you my honor, I will try all in my power (& that is some) to do as well as I can. I saw Mattie Butterfield the other day & she told me to have you write to her & she would answer you. Enclosed please find an envelope directed to her with ten dollars in it. I must hurry up as it is about mail time & I want to get this letter in today without fail. Tell her to write to me when you write & I will answer her & give her all the particulars of camp life as far as my experience extends. Kiss Pa’s boy more than 10000000000000 times for I know I would if I could only see him & you both. But Mary, be contented. I will write you soon. Goodbye from your most affectionate husband.


Letter 3

Camp Kane, 1 St Charles [Illinois]
September 28th 1861

Dearest Mary,

Your most welcome letter came duly to hand on the 26th inst. I have been in camp ever since the day after I wrote you the other letter. All of us enjoy it now for we are in a place where we can get every comfort of life that is needed. We have good tents and on the bottom (on the ground), it is covered with straw about 5 or 6 inches deep. We are allowed 1 blanket now, but it is said we have 1 more in winter time. I have felt just as if I would like 1 more blanket for 1 or 2 nights already we have awful chilly evenings (or nights). I wake up sometimes in the night & find myself very cold. And then you will see me snuggle up between Frank (Lund) & Gus Guio for we are all in one tent, Sam Davis is in our tent also & that man that used to work for Tom Finely (Ross).

Mary, you would laugh if you was to happen in our camp near meal time. Every tent in our company (which is 9) cooks their own fodder. It is dealt out to them in the raw article & they cook it to suit their taste. There is 12 persons in a tent & we change around & 1 cooks 1 day & another the next day. When it comes some feller’s turn that don’t know how, he has to stand & look on & see how some one cooks that knows how until he learns.

Mary, how I wish you could have been here yesterday & seen our company left camp for Wheaton. Our company & the Bloomingdale company had an invitation to the Fair & I tell you, we had fun till you could not rest. The boys all felt so good to think they was all going to have 1 day when they could enjoy themselves & see their friends. We formed company & marched from St. Charles to Geneva, a distance of two miles where we found the cars ready to take the soldiers in. We got in & in 48 minutes we were in the city of Wheaton where we got out & found all of our friends waiting with anxious eyes (except Mary) to see us, for I presume not more than a dozen soldiers in the two companies but what had friends looking for them. Mary, I can tell you there was a few tears shed in Wheaton yesterday. We marched to the Fair Ground from the depot after the music of the Light Guard Band of Chicago where we listened to a most patriotic speech from a very noted lawyer from Chicago, after which the Milton Cavalry were presented with a splendid silk flag made by the fair daughters of Wheaton. But the money that bought the silk it was made of was contributed by all folks from Danby & vicinity, as well as from our Wheaton friends. A speech was made by Lt. Governor Hoffman on the presentation of the flag. Mary, I can tell you it was splendid. Tt was trimmed all around with silk fringe containing three colors—Red, White, & Blue, after which the Dupage Co. Cavalry (the Bloomingdale) was presented with a flag similar to ours & was intended to look just as well, got up by subscription from folks in the north part of this county. It was not near as handsome a flag as ours for the red in our flag was blood red while in theirs, it was light red which you see makes an awful difference in the looks. But to say the least, they are both splendid flags. The presentation speech for the Bloomingdale Co’s flag was made by Rev. Mr. Chapman from Bloomingdale.

After this we repaired to the Green where we partook of a most splendid basket picnic. All the farmers in Dupage county, it seemed to me, were present. We had roast chicken, roast turkey, roast veal, and every kind of cake that you could think of & every kind of cake that you could think of & everything that was eatable was to be found there. Mary, to say the least, I never want to sit down to a better meal than we had on the fairground at Wheaton yesterday (next sheet) [second sheet is missing]

1 “After he start of the Civil War, Congressman and well known abolitionist John F. Farnsworth requested permission from friend, President Lincoln to commission a cavalry regiment and to train them in St. Charles Illinois, on property Farnsworth owned. The commission was approved on August 11, 1861. President Lincoln called the new regiment “Farnsworth’s Big Abolitionist Regiment”. Farnsworth was made Colonel. Colonel Farnsworth was close friends and political allies with Joseph Medill, Chicago Tribune Editor and co-owner. Medill was also an abolitionist and used the Tribune for the cause. Once approval was granted to form the 8th Illinois Cavalry, Medill promoted recruiting  in the Tribune. By August 20, 1861 the first company of the 8th Illinois Cavalry was formed and most the members of that company were employees of the Chicago Tribune including William Medill, Joseph’s brother. Camp Kane officially opened for training on September 18, 1861 with 1,164 men who mustered in. It was the only Civil War Training Camp in Kane County. It first became home to the 8th Illinois Cavalry and later the 17th Illinois Cavalry.” Source: Camp Kane.

See also an article by the St. Charles History Museum published in August 2018 entitled, “The True Location of Langum Park written by Jennifer Trail.”


Letter 4

Danby [now Glen Ellyn, Illinois]
Oct 10th 1861

Dearest Mary!!!

How happy Bent is this very night for I am at home, up to the Station House, at the office counter where I have been used to write to my near & dear friends (I always feel more like writing a letter when I am up to the Station). I have been in camp steady since I wrote you & today mother came out to St. Charles & I came home with her. I spoke to Elisha about my coming home & he said I might go but to not say a word to anyone in the company about it & so I come. I must return without fail before 9 p.m. tomorrow. I have no furlough & no Capt in the regiment is allowed to give one but Elisha said he would give me verbal permission to be absent that length of time at the longest & so I must be punctual.

Mary, Margaret wrote me a letter the other day & I answered it & told her we would leave in a few days & today at ½ past 1, who should I see on the camp ground but Mag & Henry & Wife. I visited a while with them & then I went & spoke to Captain about my coming home when he told me as before stated. I took the team (George & Polly) & Mother & I & Frank Lund—our old hired man—& drove along. Henry & Roxy & Mag was to come soon after us when it commenced raining & Mag stayed in St. Charles, and Henry & Wife came along in the rain. I beat them to Danby—almost 2 hours, but Hank said they did not leave St. Charles for more than 1½ hour after we did. But you may well say the grass did not grow under the horses feet much any of the way. When we got home, the hired girl (for mother has a very nice dutch girl) that used to work for Philo Stacy’s folks had some stewed chickens & fried potatoes & I can tell you, I made out a very hearty supper. I can just inform you that a supper of the above dimensions can be appreciated by a Soldier that has been camping out, or at least it was to me.

Cyrus Harrison Crook of Co. B. 8th Illinois Cavalry

We have taken our turns in cooking the rations for our tent. There is 12 in a tent & 2 of us cooks 1 day & 2 the next & so on. That makes my cooking come once in 6 days. If I only had the things to do with, I could get along first rate, but there is quite a number of little incidents minus when you want to get up a nice dinner. But quite a number of our Danby friends have had the pleasure of eating at our table, Mess No. 7, Co E, Farnsworth’s Cavalry, Capt E. S. Kelly is the title of our little squad, for each company are divided off in squads, 11 or 12 in a squad & each one bears the title of Mess so & so (stating the number). The other day Mrs. Finely & husband & the little one & Mat came up & fetched a chicken pot pie & cakes & cheese, butter, baked apples & green apples. Just as they got on the camp ground, it commenced raining & it rained steady all the time they stayed, so we had to eat in the tent. I spread down my blankets & they spread the victuals on it. Now I can just inform you, if ever a meal of victuals ever tasted good, it was on that memorable day for I can tell you I enjoyed it, [even] if it did rain.

After we had eat all we wanted, Mat went & invited some of the Babcock’s Grove Boys to come & partake & so they finished the leavings—all but about half a pound of butter which she gave to our mess. Mrs Finely said, “Bent, don’t you wish Mary was here to help us eat this?” & she went on to relate how I never ought to have gone & left you. But I made her acknowledge that I was not so very cruel after all. I tell you, Mary, I thought of little Mitty more than 100 times that day for that little joker of theirs is just about as large as Mitty was when he left. I could not for the life of me keep my eyes off of the little witch. Charley is just as full of the old cat as he can live & they make just as much of him as ever. I am afraid they will spoil the little fellow before they think of it. Everybody makes everything of him.

Mary, I will inform you that today is my birthday. I don’t know but you thought of it, but Mother never thought of it until I spoke to her about it & then she jumped up and howled & said I don’t think I would have thought of it if you had not spoke of it. Mary, our horses are awarded to us. I can inform you that Uncle Elisha had what you might call first class luck for he drew bright bay horses & you know Billy is a splendid bright bay. Mary, I came within 1 [inch] of losing him. After I sold him to the government with the privilege of riding him, I put a leather tag on him with a piece of wire & when the day of drawing horses or picking for the officers came on, 1st Lt. Southworth of Co. H took my horse & (he said since there was no tag on him) put on a tag with Lieut. Southworth, Co H, & when the day of drawing horses for the companies came around, Col. Farnsworth informed the officers that all horses that were reserved should be hitched out [to] one side, & I went to find my horse to hitch him out & I found him hitched out with his name on & you can just bet I boiled some. I went up to camp & I informed Mr. Southworth that he would have just 5 minutes to take off his tag if he did not do it in that length of time, I would. And so I waited the time out & I took it off & hitched him in with Uncle Elisha’s horses. When the man came & said if that horse belongs to you, of course I will relinquish my claim on him. Says I, you have not got any claim on him, & he whirled on his heel & left, & I have got my horse.

Mary, the boys leave St. Charles (2 from each company) tomorrow morning at 6 o’clock for Chicago. The cars are chartered clear to Washington. We are said to leave next Monday or Tuesday & I don’t know but we will stop in Chicago a little while. But I hope not for I am tired of the thought of fooling around any longer. Mary, you may direct my letters to Danby & Father will forward them to me for he will know where I am & I can’t inform you where we are going to make a permanent stop.

Love to all the family. Kiss the sisters for me & tell Mitty to never forget his Pa Pa. Mary, write soon and all the news. I will inform you where I am at the earliest possible moment. Kiss Franky for me & tell Lu & Isaac I will write to them as soon as I can but I can tell you it is some inconvenient for me to write often. From your loving, — Bent


Letter 5

Editor’s Note: This letter was penned by David “Martin” Kelley (1837-1862), the brother of Thomas Benton Kelley. Martin was married in February 1858 to Annette Sims (18xx-1908) at Danby (now Glen Ellyn), Illinois. Their son Albert M. Kelley (1861-1937) was born on 23 June 1861. The letter pertains to Martin and Bent’s oldest brother, Isaac Dixon Kelley (1833-1871), who was apparently seriously ill at the time (October 1861). Ironically David died in 1862 and Isaac survived his illness only to be murdered in 1871.

Como Station
Empire PO
Whiteside, Illinois
October 13th 1861

Dear Sister Mary,

Having just received a letter from Benton and it containing some news of a painful character, I hasten to drop a few lines to you as he stated that brother Isaac was quite low (that is) troubled with internal difficulties that might result seriously. It is very bad when friends are sick at home but when not among their immediate friends or not having plenty of means, they are not sometimes cared for in the manner that they should be. But if it is the difficulty that Benton wrote, I am afraid he is past recovery. I am sorry to say that I am unable to render him any aid as far as dollars & cents are concerned at the present time. Benton said he had written to Father for money. I sincerely hope he will arouse at this late hour and render him all the required assistance.

First Annetta has been sick with a fever a good part of the summer that she has not been able to do much and about the first of the month I was sick myself for about a week and my doctor bills, house rent, & [fire] wood has called over $40 out of my pocket within the last few days which leaves me so I would not be able to send him any unless I should borrow it. But Father can send him money and I hope he will do it and that immediately. When you receive this you, will confer a great favor by writing to me and give me all the particulars possible and the prospects of the way his disease may turn. I was glad to hear Benton had sent him $15. I should have sent him some had I known he was sick yet. But I had not heard from him for a long time till Bentons letter yesterday.

You will tell him to not blame me for not writing to him but every day has brought its cares and having so much sickness in my own, I have neglected writing to him when I should have done it. Should he not get any money from Father, let me know and I think my name will be good to borrow and send him, for it is when a person is sick that they need and if ever they do.

Now, dear Sister, a few words to you. I suppose you are weighed down with grief at the thought of Benton’s going to war, but I suppose that we cannot any of us help or hinder him. I went and saw him and gave him what instructions and encouragement as I could and I sincerely hope that should he be lucky enough to return to friends and his family. His mind will be more settled and be restored to take the comfort that he might with his little boy hanging to his coat tails. Oh, if he could only see the little one after he begins to walk which he will soon do, I think his desire for war would vanish. But you must not let the thoughts of it worry you as it is a thing not to be helped now. It is too late. His regiment starts for Washington tomorrow and all I can say is I hope he may be spared to yet have the enjoyment of his family & friends. We are now all pretty smart now. The baby is quite troublesome. Alice is still with us. We all send much love to you and Franky as well as all the friends. Tell Isaac what you may think proper of this and write to us at Empire, Illinois, and I will remain your sincere brother & friend, — D. M. Kelley

P. S. Annette has not been home to Danby since the baby was born. She says you must kiss little Franky especially for her. Annetta calls the baby Albert. — D. M. K.


Letter 6

Washington D. C.
[Late] November 1861

Dearest Mary,

This is the 4th attempt since I wrote you the last letter that I have made to write again and I had to go & l00k up a board to put on my knee to pen these lines. I have sat down three times before to write & the corporal of our tent would come & want something done & I would have to get up & do it & by the time I would get that done, something else would turn up. But this morning I made up my mind I would not quit for anyone for it was my day for regular guard & I could write when I was off duty & I have commenced again. But I can just inform you that the soldiers in this camp don’t have any time to fool away for there is something that needs doing all the time. It is just 3 times the labor for cavalry companies to do their work that it is for infantry for they have their horses to take care of & I tell you, it has to be done up in style too.

Charles Augustus Baker of Co. B, 8th Illinois Cavalry (1863)

I never seen what a change has come over this regiment since we left St. Charles. Comparatively speaking, we was not soldiers at all when we were in St. Charles. An order was issued from the Colonel yesterday that any private or non-commissioned officer absent from roll call at 5:30 a.m., 9 a.m., 1 p.m., 6 p.m., or 9 p.m. twice after that date should be courtmartialed. There has been four in our company absent once since the order came out. The next offense does the thing up in a rag. We drill two hours in the a.m. & four in the afternoon & about every other day we have dress parades or battalion drill which I can inform you is quite fatiguing. When we come to drill four hours without stopping to rest more than 15 minutes in the whole time, it makes my legs ache just like the toothache.

We went through another inspection day before yesterday by the commander of all the cavalry that is in Washington. Not one of the men in the whole regiment was rejected, but some of them expected to be. Clark Corbet thought he would be on account of his arm. It was broken when he was a small boy & was not set right so he can’t turn it clear round. But he passed muster. They made all the soldiers unbutton their jackets & throw their chests out & tried them in many other ways. If their shirts was not clean, he would tell them so. But I happened to have on a clean one. It comes a little unhandy for me to wash & mend my shirts & drawers & stockings. My stockings wear out the fastest of any of my clothes for we are drilling so much that it wears them out fast & I can’t get any yarn that is fit for anything either to darn them with. How I wish I could get 3 or 4 pair of stockings made of the Vermont wool now. I guess that would not suit me much. I wish I could find some way to get them, but I don’t know how I can. Our other clothes are very good & comfortable & warm we got our over coats—or rather cloaks—for they are dark blue with capes on them minus pockets. They are neat. I like them first rate. They are going to be almost an article that is indispensable this cold weather for the nights are awful cold & we don’t get but a little straw to lay on for it can’t be got in Washington.

Last week we were out on drill & they had a Brigade drill of infantry accompanied by light artillery. Gen. McClellan & McDowell & many others of great note were present. It was the grandest military spectacle I ever saw. Old Abe was there. Also one or two regiments that was at the Battle of Bull Run. I happened to be on guard that day & when I was off duty, I went to the Officer of the Guard & had him pass me out to go with the Boys to drill so I pretended & I went over where they were having this Brigade Drill. It happened pretty lucky for me I was on guard that day or I never could have seen it. The guard stand 2 hours on & 4 off for 24 hours, & when we are off duty the 4 hours, if we are promptly on hand 15 minutes before the time comes for to go on again, it is all on the square. If not, you will be put under arrest & punished for it. I got back 20 minutes before my time so it was all right.

The Grand Review of the Army of the Potomac was held at Bailey’s Crossroads, Virginia, in eastern Fairfax County on 20 November 1861.  Among those in attendance was President Abraham Lincoln.  (Harper’s Weekly)

When those big drills come off, all the Big Bugs & their wives come up from Washington to see them. It beats all I ever saw in my life. I was within 5 or 6 rod [@ 30 yards] of General McClellan. I enclose you his picture. It is quite natural. So is Gen. Banks. I have seen Banks often in Chicago. He used to be the Supt. of the Illinois Central Railroad. He is a fine man. Old Abe was dressed in a neat suit of black with a plug hat. He is raising beard. It improves his looks much. I never have seen Gen. Scott yet. I wished I could see the Old Veteran once but I suppose he is only a man after all. Gen. McClellan is a splendid looking man. I know 6 or 8 boys in his bodyguard from Chicago. They are RR boys. One is a passenger conductor. He is orderly sergeant in one of the companies. I had just left the field where they was drilling the other day when I saw McClellan & the rest. I was strolling along afoot & this conductor spoke up & says, “Kelley How are you?” I looked around & I saw who it was that spoke & I did not recognize him the first time that I looked, & I went up towards him & says I, “Is this George Gardner?” and he said it was. He has left his beard [&] mustache grow so it covers his face all up. He was in Western Virginia with McClellan in Barker’s Dragoons at the time Mac got his name up for Mac distinguished himself as a military man since this rebellion broke out in Virginia.

He—this conductor—told me to get a pass from our colonel & come over to his camp some day & he could get a pass from Mac that would take us anyplace in & around this place or any other place. He used to know Mac in Chicago for Mac used to be in the railroad business there & he says he is not afraid to ask a favor of him. I am going to try it someday when I can get away just as well as not but don’t know when that time will come. I have not had the pleasure of seeing it since I have been here for it is fix this & fix that, & do this & do that the whole of the time. I get tired of it. It seems as though we were never going to get regulated in camp in the world but it has been awful muddy all the time since we have been here. It is mud & rain, they say, here all winter instead of snow. If so, I tell you it is going to be awful this winter for it is middling level ground where our camp is & it will be horrible for it is mean to drain. We have to dig drains behind our horses for they stand in front of our tents and they have to be kept just as neat as if they was in a stable without 1 sprinkle of bedding & they be. My horse ran away with me last night coming from water. I ran into another man with two horses & it stopped him. I did not get hurt any but it hurt the other man some—not bad though. I have not got any bridle yet so he got the start of me. I will get one now for the farrier said I need not take him outside the guard unless they furnished me one for it was running the risk of my life as well as the life of others.

Mary I got a letter from Father the other day & he told me that he had got a lady boarding there & she had got a little boy & they had named it Frank K. Bradley & the lady thinks much of the name. The first name is after our boy & the K is for his last name. What does our folks call him? Frank or Mitty? I never thought to ask you what they called him before & how are they pleased with his name? Tell Mother it impossible for me to get any of the officer’s wives for I don’t know of any that have their wives here & I am not well enough acquainted to ask any of them what their names are. I should think you might find a name good enough for her in the town of Rutland. If not, I will get a pass to go down town & look that town over & I guess I can find one that will answer every purpose. Mary, is it not curious that I have not dreamed about you since I have been here & [yet] you are continually on my mind—you & the boy. Oh, how I wish I could see you both. But dearest Mary, that cannot be done very soon I think. But we must not let our correspondence grow cold, for Mary it does me more good to receive a letter from you than all the rest of my friends put together. Mary, do write to me every time you can get a spare moment for you have more spare time than I have. I have to steal all the time I use for this business unless I take someday that I am on guard (as today). If I set down a single moment in the tent, some one of the non-commissioned officers come along & want someone to bring hay, oats, water, or straw, or dig drains, or some extra labor of some kind, & a person has to get up & toddle at their say so as much as they would if one of the commissioned officers called on them.

I have devoted the most of my time helping Uncle Elisha fix his tent so it would be comfortable for him these cold nights for it is awful cold weather nights. The days are mild for this season of the year, but the nights are shocking cold. Oh, Mitty, would I not like to have you lay on my arm once more. How many times I think of it when I get my blanket spread out for the night, how you & Bent used to get in bed together & how you used to think you could not go to sleep unless you laid on my arm. Mary, how do you get along without your good night kiss? I wish I could give you one more. God spare my life to bring me to your welcome bosom. Mary, I have not had as good a night’s rest in the whole three months you have been gone as I did in one week when you was in bed with me & I don’t think I would have a decent night’s rest if I was away the whole three years. I never have shut my eyes to rest a single night since I have been in the service without thinking of my dear Mary & boy. Mary, it would be good for me to have the pleasure of being in your dear society. Sometimes I think I would give all I had in the world if I could see you & talk with you for just 5 minutes. But Mary, I just think that would be only an aggravation for we would have no time at all in 5 minutes, would we Mary? But dear girl, be of good cheer, & try all you can to enjoy life and the society of your friends all you can, for dear girl, I don’t want to think that you are in as limited sphere of life that I am, for I am wholly & totally to the say of others. While you are your own mistress.

Mary, just enjoy yourself in every way, shape, & manner possible for you so to do, for Mary, I know you would say the same if you was situated the same as I am. Mary, you wished to know if you would be allowed to visit me if I was sick. I am sure you would, but Mary, my health is on the gain. I begin to feel in good health & spirits. We are getting better rations than we used to get & we have got a colored cook that cooks for the whole company. He is a very good cook & I have got so I can eat his victuals first rate & I am sure to be around when it comes meal time for we are marched to the table the same as we are out to drill. There is 9 tents in our company & there is 9 corporals, so there is a corporal in every tent. He is boss of all hands. Our little corporal is from Wheaton. He has got the idea in his head that he was cut out for a Capt. or a Lt. or some other great military officer, but if [he] has the best kind of luck, he never will get up as far as that unless he alters his gait for he is of too much importance for the office he now holds. If I had enlisted at the time I wrote to you first about it & not waited for an answer from you, I would have got some little Sh____ office, but it is just as well after all for they don’t amount to a row of pins any way.

You can fix it. I will be just as well off in the long run but some folks look at it if a person holds a little petty office in a company, he is nearly hell, but I am convinced there is a slight mistake in the print about it. I know I feel just as well in my position as I would if I had theirs. Uncle tells me he will let me have something of the kind as soon as the table turns round to it for Capt says some of those fellers won’t come up to the scratch & he won’t have anyone in the company unless they do. But to say the least of it, I am bound to be contented with the position I now occupy & if any other one throws itself in my way, I will take it. But I don’t think it would elevate my stern end as much as it does some of the others.

Mary, Father says Mother & him & the cat constitute his family circle. He says he has the blues the tallest kind once in a while. He says he misses Bent more than he thought he would & I guess he don’t lie a word when he says it either for Mary you know many times I was left entirely alone to tend house & Station & all & it was done up in as good style as it would have been done if he had been there himself & took a good many extra steps for him in the course of 24 hours. And I know he has not got anyone that took them with as good cheer as I did. Judd wrote me the other day that almost everyone that come to the Station asks him where Bent is gone to the war (yes in a pigs ass, they say). They don’t think I have gone & he says they wont half of them believe it anyway. But when the fall grain begins to come in there at the Station, I guess they will believe it then. Judd says they are doing considerable now. I wish I could pop in & see how they go it. I bet it would be fun. Mary, I can imagine myself there now & my little Mary looking out of the parlor window with little Franky on her knee. I wish it was really so. But alas, dear girl, we are far apart trusting to a kind Providence to preserve our lives to meet & pass the remainder of our days in happiness & love. Dear Mary, will we not!!!

I hardly know how to stop writing for Mary it is joy unspeakable for me to have the pleasure of penning even a few lines to my own bosom companion. Mary, I meant to send you my picture in the last letter but I saw the postmaster coming & I was at Uncle’s tent & I had to run over to my tent & seal it up & catch him before he got past the guard & in so doing, I forgot to put it in. It has been taken about 3 weeks so my beard is a little longer now than it was when taken. You must not laugh at it for I had not got time to have another taken. Tell Lura to write to me. If she don’t, I will pull her ears for her when I see her. Kiss my boy for me & don’t let him forget his da da, will you. Mary, write me often & good long letters to love to all the friend & tell them I would like to write to them all but the letters I write to you must do for them & you to write often & don’t forget your ever loving husband — B. Kelley


Letter 7

Addressed to Mrs. T. B. Kelley. Rutland, Rutland county, Vermont

Washington D. C.
December 4th 1861

Dearest Mary,

I now, according to your request, take my pen in hand to inform you of the receipt of your welcome package which I can tell you will be duly appreciated by me for we are having pretty snug weather at present & I tell you that stockings come in play as much as any one article in a soldier’s life. I had got holes wore through the toes & heels of my last pair of stockings & they were not worth mending & I threw them aside & put on one of them you sent me before I went out on afternoon drill. I tell you, Mary, they felt nice on my feet. I have had awful cold feet every day for a long time until today and they was just as warm as toast today. I will take good care of them & make them last me as long as possible for I don’t know when I can even get any more as good as they be. I went down twice for them & they had not come & I had made up my mind not to go down town for them until I heard they was there & I sent an order down by Henry Huls (he is assistant Quarter Master)—Uncle Daniel’s wive’s brother—& he got it for me.

Father started a barrel of blankets & C&C for different boys in this company sent by their friends some two weeks ago & it has not arrived as yet. I tell you, there is not much regularity in the Express business when it gets near here for the Government have all the say about the railroads & when their business is done, then the Express business comes next. The Agent told me that goods had been 18 days from NY City here & they have often come in 24 hours. I am glad I got the stockings so quick for I think if I had not got them this week that I could have possibly got them until week after next. I tell you, Mary, they are socking us fellers over the road. We have been out on regimental drill every afternoon for the last 8 days, except Sunday.

Amos Rogers Cole, Co. L, 8th Illinois Cavalry

We got our revolvers yesterday & our sabers are ready for us as quick as we can get around to draw them. I wish, Mary, you could see the whole regiment out on regimental drill. I do think they are the best body of men I ever saw together in my life. The boys all try to do the best they can when out for we always have a great many spectators when the whole of us are out, of citizens & soldiers from other regiments. Capt. E. S. Kelley’s Co. is not behind in drill, I can assure you. The little horse just comes right up to the scratch. It seams as though he knew when the bugle sounds just exactly what to do. He will prick up his ears & is ready for a jump. The most of our movements are made on a fast trot or a gallop. I tell you, it was fun to see some of the boys in the regiment get throwed head over heels, some get run away with, & others their horses would get frightened & kick & rear up & then they would get off. But we have had first rate luck in that for not one of our boys have been throwed & only one have got off from his horse on account of his acting bad. The Boys in our company are the most of them well informed boys & have been used to handling horses before they come here. But it is fun to see some of the others.

Mary, Aunt Louisa is here now. She has been here some 10 days. I had a real old fashioned visit with her the other night. I went up to the Captain’s tent & while there, the Major came & wanted the Captain & both Lieutenants to go to his tent to school & they went & was gone till after nine o’clock & Aunt & me just had more than a good visit. I could not hardly think myself a soldier come to get really to visiting with her & talking about our near & dear friends. I tell you, Mary, you was often thought of that eve. I had just saw her before that but only a moment—only to say, “How do you do?” and I have not seen her to speak to her since. She boards about 1/3 of a mile from camp & she don’t get over here often & it is a hard matter to get outside the guard unless something of great importance & I have had 1 good visit with her & that must suffice for a while at least.

I wish I could have just the same opportunity to visit with my dear Mary. Oh, would we not visit fast. Know one knows wow we would enjoy it, do they? Mary, I wish we could but it is impossible for us as yet.

Mary, we are to move into Virginia next week into barracks about 5 miles from the City of Alexandria. Our colonel was over on Sunday last to see the place. We are to get our arms & pay before we leave, or he says he will not move us one peg for it is now almost 3 months since we have been sworn in (just 3 months tomorrow since Capt. Kelley was sworn in) & we have not got a cent from the government yet. Every few days there would be a rumor in camp we will surely get our pay this week anyway & so it has been ever since we have been in Washington. But I guess it is drawing pretty close at hand for our colonel is just as good as his word—or at least always has been. I know we will not be budged from this ground until we get our pay & arms. There has been over 50 regiments of men moved across the Potomac within the last 10 days. Not a single day passes but what we can see some regiment on the march.

Mary, you have no idea how many men are in & around Washington. The leaves have pretty well fell from the trees & I can see tents in every direction & they look just like so many white cows in a drove & just as thick as they can stand. Last night we got another blanket & I can assure you, I lay much warmer, & I understand by Father’s letter that he has sent me a bed quilt. And when I get that, I will be quite fitted out for winter. I will let you know where you are to direct your letters as soon as we are moved but if you write immediately, which I earnestly hope you will, for I want to hear from you once more before we move from here, for it will be quite a while at the shortest, that I can here from you. Now Mary, don’t delay a moment as soon as you get this. It may be possible that we will not leave as soon as I have mentioned but that is the calculation now & pretty strongly calculated on by the commanders. But you write immediately & I will get a chance to send for it by someone that will be coming back to Washington for goods even if we have gone when it comes. Mary, I will send Mag’s letter & one from Brother Mart, so you can see how they all do by their own tell.

Father wrote me a letter last week they are all well. Aunt Louisa said that they were expecting you there every day when she left. But Mary, if I was in your place, I would not go to Illinois until spring for if there is a possible chance for a furlough when 3 or 4 months are past [and] I will try to come & see my little wife. God knows I would & you see it would be some nearer for me to come to Vermont than to go to Illinois. I do want to see my Mary & boy again. I shall find out in 3 or 4 week more whether I can be granted any such privilege for Mary that would be the greatest I could be granted, don’t you think it would.

Mary give much love to all our friends & kiss the sisters & my dear, dear boy. Oh how I would like to see him. Don’t let him forget his soldier Pa Pa. Why in the world don’t sister Lura write me a letter? She owes me a letter yet & tell her I want her to pay her debts in this my time of need. Mary, will we not enjoy it if we even get to keeping house with our little one & then we can think one these self same times & see how in our (minds eye) just how we felt & were situated. Dear Mary, is there not a wide difference between now & one short year when we were in that parlor of Father’s by that comfortable stove & my Mary could sit on my knee with her darling in her lap. But Mary, it only makes me feel lonely to recall those happy days to mind, but in the mercy of a kind Providence, may our lives be spared to meet and spend the remainder of our days in peace & happy times which is the prayer of your dear Bent. Kiss to all & love.


Letter 8

Camp California 3½miles west of Alexandria, Va,
Sunday, December 22nd, 1861

Dearest Wife,

At 12m today, the bugle blowed & the orderly sergeants went to the Colonel’s tents to answer the summons & the Lt. Colonel told them to inform the men if they had any writing or mending to do for a week or two that they had better do it today, & so as soon as general Inspection was over, I came to my tent & commenced my welcome task for Mary, God only knows how I love to take the pen in hand to correspond with you. I keep thinking, well tomorrow I will get time to write to Mary & when that comes, then comes it cares and anxieties & labor, for you can rest assured we don’t get any time to fool away now for we are amongst well-drilled Infantry, that would be called into the field if any were needed. We are within rifle shot of men that have been drilling 6 or 7 months but we are gaining everyday we have had regimental drill every morning from 9 till 11:30 ever since we have been this side of the river.

We are within sight of the Potomac & can see the vessels sailing along nicely. With a spy glass we can see the men on board. Yesterday the Pocahontas went down the river to break the blockade. As you are aware, the shipping is blockaded by the Rebels below here. I know that she will open their eyes. I tell you, she looked noble as she moved down. I can’t say it is certain that she went for that purpose, but it is reported that was what she went for.

We have the handsomest site for a camp I have ever seen since I have been here & we have been where we could see for 8 or 10 miles each way. Our camp is situated on a decline plane or slight hill—the officers tents at the top & each Co’s tents run down to the bottom of the hill to the south. And as we are in Secessia, timber & trees are of no value at all and the pine trees are just as green as they ever was, & so we take the small boughs & cut them up small & put them on the ground for our beds & they are not so coarse after all, and the nice trees from 15 to 18 feet high, we cut down & set in rows in front of our tents & it makes the best-looking camp I ever set eyes on. And we set some large posts along in front of our tents about a rod from the front with a large inch & a half rope put through them so we can hitch our horses in front of our tents. I tell you, if a person stands on a rising piece of ground to the south of us, it is just as pretty a sight as he ever need l00k at. Our horses get more to eat here than they did in Washington & they are looking finely. All the troops this side of the river that have seen us give us the name of being the best looking regiment in the field.

You know I wrote you we had our revolvers when I was in Washington. So we had. But the day we left there they was closely inspected & was rejected & now we have got Colts Navy which can’t be beat in the world. The General told our Colonel to put us through as fast as he could as he did not know what moment we would have to be called on & so we are getting our accouterments as fast as they can be got & of the very best kind. I for one can’t feel thankful enough to our Colonel for rejecting our other revolvers, for if a person has arms that he can depend on, fear is laid entirely aside.

Fifty of our Battalion (the First 1) were called out the other night and we were armed with carbines & sabers & we rode as fast as the horses could run for six miles, to the extreme outposts of our pickets, and when we arrived there, six regiments of our men were drawn up in line of battle accompanied by a Battery of artillery. We were ordered to dismount & put caps on our carbines & we stood at our horses’ heads for a half an hour when we heard nothing from our opposers, after which three companies of infantry were sent out as skirmishers & were gone until 7 o’clock next morning when they returned and stated that the pickets had had a small skirmish & that they had driven the rebel pickets in two miles & had not been opposed & there was no sign of an attack & we waited about ½ an hour longer & rec’d orders from the General to return to our quarters which we did on a walk, which was a little different from the way we went. Lt. Flagg’s brother was one of the boys from our company & he got unhorsed on our way over there but was not hurt much so but what he went along.

Bill Jones & I rode side by side & he said, “Bent, if they do come, we will give them the best turn we have got in the Wheel House,” but we returned without firing off a single carbine. We rec’d an order from the General to have 200 men in rediness to go at a movement’s warning & so there is and of [hand-]picked men too. Although we have a crack regiment, there is some in it that are better than others. Mary, I can safely say fear did not rest in my bosom that night at all for I had perfect confidence in myself & horse both, & I had a carbine that I cleaned & put in order & I knew just what it was & we had about 50 rounds of cartridge & we could given them some fun. But that was not our good luck.

There is 8 or 10 forts in sight of our camp. One fort that commands the Potomac at the entrance of Alexexandria & commands all the country for 4 or 5 miles around. They threw bomb shells into a Rebel camp seven miles from it & drove them out entirely, killing a number of them. That fort is named Fort Lyon after the General that was killed in Missouri & is capable of containing 3 or 4 regiments of men entirely underground. We have a splendid spot of ground to drill on. It is two miles from our camp & we pass by 15 or 20 regiments of infantry on our way there. And they all get in squads to look at us pass & you can often hear the boys say, “Ain’t they fine looking men. Haint they got nice horses! & C & C? What Regiment is that!!!,” some fellow will ask. Answer, “8th Illinois.” “Bully for you, boys.”

Well Mary, to say the least. we do l00k tip top. We got some new pants last week but I did not need any yet for there was not a single hole in my pants although I have worn them every day since I left St. Charles. But the Capt. told me I had better draw another pair as he did not know when we would get any more so I took them. I have not received the box that father sent me yet. I have written for a receipt for it & if they can’t produce the box, they may pay for it. I have not suffered much with the cold yet & I guess I won’t for the folks here say that they generally have the coldest weather from the 1st to the 15th of December. But no one knows what it will be yet. I know I could have made good use of the comforter if I had had it.

Mary, kiss my little boy for me. How I would like to see him. I can imagine him prattling on your knee & trying to tell you his trouble. I send you 10 dollars. I only drew $19.06 but we were only paid up to the first of November. I know of many of the boys that has not sent a single cent home & hain’t got a cent to their name now & single at that, but I gave a dollar towards the Captain’s saber and pistols & I have bought me a pair of gloves & over hauls & we buy syrup sometimes & butter & it takes some of a person’s change & it does seem to me the boys eat 3 times as much butter as they would if they was at home. But I am bound to live as well as I can. I will let you have all that I can & I want you to use it for your & my boy’s comforts.

Faithful forever though my eye
May look no more in time
Faithful forever though my hand
May ne’er again clasp mine!

Though other friends and other loves
Make glad my life but still
My soul hath one sweet secret niche
That though alone cans’t fill.

And weary leagues of hill and dale
And treacherous wastes of sea
Are vain and weak to keep my heart
Apart from love and thee.

And when at evening’s holy hour
My soul keep tryst with thine,
The pure stars bring from thy far home
Sweet messages to mine.

Then near or far forevermore
Know that I still will be,
In life or death in weal or woe,
As true as now to the.

When the dear loves that crown of life
Their holiest tendrils twine,
I know of one sweet inner room
No hand unlocks but thine

— Bent

Kiss my dear boy for me & the little sisters. In fact, all the family. Love to Isaac & tell him to write soon. All of our company were vaccinated today for there is some small pox in one of the troops. I was vaccinated once before but I knew it would do no hurt & I had it again. Write all the news & soon from your soldier, — Bent

1 The 8th Illinois Cavalry was brigaded with the 1st Michigan Cavalry and the 4th Pennsylvania Cavalry in December, 1861.


Letter 9

Alexandria, Virginia
February 4th 1862

Dearest Mary,

Your kind & most welcome letter came duly to hand & finds your Bent in tip top health which you may just imagine I am not capable of expressing the thankfulness I enjoy for it, for dear girl, many of noble boys have departed this life since my last letter & still many of them are in great danger. But I still remain healthy and able to eat my regular rations but no one knows how long he will remain so. But I am as careful of myself as I can be under the circumstances. You will see by the heading of my letter that it is dated at Alexandria. Our entire regiment are quartered in this sesesh hole. We got into houses wherever we could find them. Some of our companies made some folks get their things out for they were sesesh buildings & tenants had only moved in to keep possession of them to keep our troops out of them, but wherever we found that they sesesh property, they were taken every time. Our company occupies a 3-story brick next door to the Mayor’s house. 1 He passed me last evening & says he, “You have a very quiet family for so large a one.” I think that was quite a compliment for us considering where it came from. Our horses are in a large brick machine shop. Four companies have their horses in the shop with us so you can have some idea that it is not so small (it is a very nice building of brick). I can tell you, it is a little different from having them in mud up to their knees.

The first night we came here (but only the 1st Battalion came at first—four companies) we had not our quarters looked up. The Mayor opened the new Depot for us that had not been used since last May and I can tell you, it is a nice building and it was a stormy night—snowing & blowing as hard as it has any night this winter. I presume we would have had to stay in the foundry with our horses if it had not been for the kindness of the Mayor. I tell you, we were thankful enough to get any place for a shelter from the storm that night. It has rained lots for the last four weeks, I can tell you. I know we would have all died in our tracks out in camp but we are out of it now & I hope to keep out of it until we go into action. We are kept in our quarters pretty snug for we are expected to be called on at any moment, so the Colonel says.

In 1862, the Hutchinson Family Singers performed for President Abraham Lincoln and his guests at the White House, and entertained troops in the Washington, D.C. area and in Virginia. The family’s songs promoted abolitionism, women’s rights, temperance, and workers’ rights.
Capt. Elon John Farnsworth, Co. K, 8th Illinois Cavalry

I have attended two concerts since I have been here. The Hutchinson Family was one. Our Lieutenant took what boys that wanted to go & marched them up where the Hutchinson family sung. The 8th Illinois were pretty well represented. They are nothing but Abolitionists to the back bone. I don’t like a single song they sing but they are tip top singers. There is a little girl in the family—I should think she is 13 or 14 years old [and] the best Alto singer I ever heard in my life. She sang a song entitled, “The Captain with his Whiskers” and “gave a slight glance at me”—that [line] was at the end of every verse. I can tell you the old Shanty rung with the hearty cheers of the boys for the young Capt. [Elon John] Farnsworth sat right in front of her & every time she closed a verse she would point her finger at him saying, “the Captain with his whiskers gave a slight glance at me,” & as the young captain has a splendid pair of them, many of the boys thought it was manufactured for the occasion but I have heard the song spoken of before I ever heard her sing it.

Mary, Uncle Elisha has been very bad off but it is reported he is on the gain. I have not seen him in over two weeks for we have had all we could possibly do & more too. I have neglected to write to you on time for which I earnestly hope you will pardon me this once, but dear girl I was not to blame for I have had my whole time devoted to my duty. I have often told you that you must not feel worried if you did not hear from me for then you might well be assured I was in good health. Oh Mary dear, I cannot be with you on Valentine’s Day as I would like to be but I hope to meet you soon. I will come an visit you at my earliest opportunity. Oh how I wish I could press my Mary to my bosom as I used to. Mary, I know you do not forget how earnestly it came so it would fairly make you hollow out for I was strong & you so tender through your chest you would come up & press your little belly against mine & then is the time you would get squeezed.

Mary, I have not had a chance to see the Dr. that was going to give me those receipts for curing you of the bearing down, 2 or the whites neither. Did you write me whether you were troubled with them much or any? I am glad to hear you are not in the Family way, you may be assured, for I have got the dead open & shut on that when I come home. I got a letter from brother Mart & sister Mag, both in good health. Mag fell down the cellar stairs & made her regular revolutions but did not break no bones. Mart says he never was in better health in his life. He weighs 174 lbs. but he don’t wax me for I can pull up 176. I do pretty well for a soldier as far as health is concerned. Much love & kisses for my boy & the family in general. Tell sister Lu I have not received the letter she promised me. I await it anxiously. From your loving and devoted husband, —Bent

Mary you must excuse me with this brief letter this time & I will try and make it up in my next letter. I believe I have told you all the news of importance. I could not get a chance to write this evening until nearly 9 & I have been & blocks for the Dr to come and see one of our boys—an Irishman from Athens, down where Marcel built that School House. He has drinked Rot Gut whiskey until he has nearly killed himself. He has run away & stayed 3 or 4 days at a time. He was under the Dr’s care for nearly two weeks at camp but not sick abed & since he has been here, he has got out of quarters when we sent him to the foundry to take care of our horses & that would be the last we would see of him until he got his drunk out. I tell you he has suffered awfully for it tonight. You may just bet I actually thought he would not live 13 minutes when I first saw him tonight. I went for the Dr. on the double quick, you may just bet. It is now 12 o’clock & he is a great deal better. The Dr. has just left. He says he will get along now if he tends to himself. Mary, how glad I am that I tend to my knitting. I bet they won’t see me taking any of their sesesh poison for it is nothing else what they get in this town. I must draw my letter to a close as it is very late. I will say kiss my little Boy & tell him his Pa Pa has not forgotten him. Make him kiss my Mary for me. Mary, you can’t tell how much I would like to have been to Wallingford with my Mary.

I will not forget to put in the little sliver of the stairs on which Col. Ellsworth was standing when he was shot. Kiss the sisters and tell them Bent would like to hear from them. Dar[win] Dense is under the weather and so is Sam Davis but not either of them considered dangerous. Give my kindest regards to Grandmother. Also the love of Uncle and Aunt & hoping to hear from my beloved Mary soon, I remain as ever your, — Bent

1 “The regiment having moved into Alexandria was quartered in vacant houses as follows: Companies A and L in fine houses on Duke Street near number 75; Company B near the wharf; Companies C and M corner of Wolf and Fairfax streets; Companies D, G, and K on Wolf street; Company F in the old printing office on Royal street; Company H in Washington street, Methodist church south; Company I opposite the Methodist church, and Compant E on Prince street near the residence of Mayor McKenzie.”

2 Mary may have been suffering from pelvic organ prolapse. “The white” is a thick vaginal discharge usually caused by an estrogen imbalance. The amount of discharge may increase due to vaginal infection, and it may disappear and reappear from time to time. This discharge can keep occurring for years, in which case it becomes more yellow and strong-smelling. The more scientific name is Leukorrhea.


Letter 10

Editor’s Note: This letter was penned by David “Martin” Kelley (1837-1862), the brother of Thomas Benton Kelley. Martin was married in February 1858 to Annette Sims (18xx-1908) at Danby (now Glen Ellyn), Illinois. Their son Albert M. Kelley (1861-1937) was born on 23 June 1861.

Empire P.O.
Whiteside Co
Como Station
February 12th 1862

Dear Sister Mary,

I hope that you do not think that you are wholly forgotten by your friends although they are far away but I can assure you that I do often think and wonder how you & your cherub Boy are, and, wish often to once more see you both.

First we are all in usual health. Annetta is in good spirits. The boy [Albert] now is as near as can be like [your son] Franky was when you last visited us. He sits alone and is almost ready to start off. He is a middling, good natured child—that is, when well tended, and Julia, the romp of a girl, says little Franky can walk now. I want to see little Franky and Aunt Mary but Uncle Bent has gone to war to Washington. She has not got it in her head yet that he has been moved to Alexandria. She often asks Pa, “Has Uncle Bent got a soldier cap on?”

I have had but two letters from Benton yet—the last about a month ago. He then was in fair spirits but I could see by expressions that if at home in the enjoyment of his family, he would be much happier. But so it is, he is now there and all we can do will be to pray that he may be spared to return to the bosom of his once happy family and there be able to be more contented in mind—that is, to settle down and secure the comforts of a dear compassion and family. How I can imagine that he would like to press to his heart that little cunning boy with a fond and devoted wife. Ah yes, what pleasure it would be to him. But dear sister, I can but think of the many sleepless hours I dare say you have had about his being gone. But hoping that it will all be for the best in the end is my earnest prayer.

Annetta joins in sending much love for yourself and your father’s family. Kiss Franky for us all and hope to hear from you soon. I know of no late news from Danby but expect all of Father’s folks are well. I hope you will excuse the haste with which I have wrote this have been called up from it a number of times, and write soon to your affectionate Brother. D. M. Kelley


Letter 11

Alexandria [Virginia]
February 13th 1862

Dear Dear Mary,

Sorry I was to hear you complain after my telling you time & time & again to not worry about my health for I can say I am as tough & rugged as I ever was in my life & I will here inform you again, if I am sick, you will be the first to know it. Now Mary, as the old saying is, “a contented mind is a continual feast,” and in order to have it so, you have got to strive for it. I know, dear girl, your situation— yes, ah to well I know it, & it has caused me many hours of deep thought and anxiety. But still I knew just as well as anyone it was not the best way and I thought I would not let anyone know what did worry me. But I am done. I shall endeavor to banish all that serves to work upon my mind for I never can be contented here unless I do it, for Mary, we are afar from each other, & being in the service of the US, I cannot do as would please you or myself either.

I wrote you on the 30th—also on the 7th—there must be something wrong somewhere. I receive your letter No. 6 & Lura’s in it also. Letter No. 7 came to hand today. That is the reason I write so soon. Your last letter is dated on the 5th. I can’t see why in the world they don’t come quicker. It seems an age every day & come to have a letter 8 days on the road, it is awful. But my last letter had not had time to reach you when your last one left if it left on the day it was dated for it was dated before I wrote you. I am in hopes you will get all I write. I intend to write you just as regular as the week comes unless something very unusual turns up. And I don’t intend to let anything stop or delay my writing to my Mary. But no one knows what will turn up.

We are drilling twice every day—dress parade or regimental drill in the morning, & company drill in the p.m. We have them regular unless it storms so as to prevent it, but it has not rained for four days. I don’t think it will in four more by the appearance of the weather. Dar[win] Dense was removed from these quarters to the Hospital last Sunday. He was a sick boy, I can tell you. Our corporal is gaining fast. He can walk out some. He is in a peck of half bushels about his boys & wants to get out to see them. Our boys—some of them—die almost everyday. Our company has not lost a man yet & I sincerely hope it won’t but no one but an All-wise Providence can tell or knows. One of Company D’s boys [possibly Emory Osgood Muzzy or Conrad Gilg] died yesterday. He was from Bloomingdale. I knew him well.

Mary, I some thought I would send you 10 dollars more this time but I don’t know but I will run myself ashore yet before next payday. I have lived first rate since we have been here in Alexandria. I have lived on oyster stews, beef stake, & buckwheat pancakes. I knew that you would be glad to see me spend my money for such things as that. I have lived for a long time without those & now I am where I can get them, it seems almost impossible for me to go without them. I know we both will live just as long & I knew you had enough to last you. You will not complain, will you, if I don’t send you any this time. I will do better next time. I know you would not complain if you knew just how I have been situated if I could make my money any comfort to me, to have me do it, & I want you to do the same. I don’t want you to go without anything that will be for the comfort of yourself and boy. Oh, how I would like to see him. I suppose he tries to talk to you and tell you his little troubles and trials for I presume you know they have them as well as grown folks. Oh how I wish I could see you and him, but no one knows when that will be. But God hasten the time that Bent & Mary & Boy can meet to part no more on this earth.

Mary I will send my usual amount of kisses to you & Mitty I am in hopes you will get my letter written you on the 7th although I don’t think of anything in it more than stating that I was well and Uncle Elisha was on the gain [and] so he is—but slowly. I will answer Lura’s letter to go in this if I get time before this goes and I will try I must write to Mother also. Sister Mag wrote me last week she was quite well except falling down the cellar stairs but she is feeling well otherwise than that. Mart wrote me a good letter. I have not heard from Isaac yet. How does he get along & why in the world don’t he write? Kiss the sisters. Love to all the friends & write soon from your ever loving husband, — Bent Kelley, Co. E, 8th Illinois Cavalry


Letter 12

Alexandria, Virginia
Sunday evening, February 16th 1862

Dearest Mary,

Your most welcome letter came duly to hand and you may well be assured that it was a most welcome messenger for I well know by the tone of your letters that you are troubled with the same complaint for I believe that is true happiness to both of us—to get a word from each other when so far apart. How anxiously do I await the Post boy to see if he does not bring a letter from Mary for I know pretty near the time when I will get one from you, for they come very regular.

I see your letter was dated the 13th. Now that is not very bad for the number of changes it has to come through. I am sorry that my letters do not get to you more regular, for Mary I well know that you look anxiously for those messengers (by experience). Mary, you wanted me to remember our anniversary wedding day. You may well be assured that Mary was in my mind the whole day although we were on dress parade from 12m [noon] until 5 p.m. for the reception of General Sumner. If you get the papers I have sent you, that will tell you something about the movements of our regiment.

Gen. William Reading Montgomery, a 35+ year career Union officer, served as the Military Governor of Alexandria, Virginia in late 1861-early 1862. He drew harsh, unfair, criticism & ridicule for his actions while attempting to carry out his orders. He even survived an assassination attempt by a drunken member of the 63rd Pennsylvania in mid-January 1862.

But I will inform you of the most important one as yet. After our Capt. [Elon John] Farnsworth arrested that minister & he was delivered into the hands of Gen. [William Reading] Montgomery, he was released and of course that did not suit the style of any of the union soldiers here. 1 After that, there was one or two secesh buildings burned and no one knew the cause of the fires, and every arrest that has since been made, Montgomery has set them at liberty. Our Boys—some of them—have caused some Union flags to be raised on secesh buildings and they raised one on the quarters of General Montgomery which was soon taken down and he telegraphed to General McClellan that the 8th Illinois Cavalry were a mutinous & drunken set of beings and if they should happen to be called into immediate action, they could not get ready in a whole day; upon which we received orders from General McClellan to appear mounted and fully equipped with valise’s strapped on our saddles, with our blankets, & 10 rounds of cartridge and be at the Headquarters of General Sumner 3 & 3/4 miles from here in the short space of 1 hour and ½ in which we went to work & were all standing in front of Gen. Sumner’s quarters with our Reg in 1 hour and 25 minutes. Our Lt. Colonel went in & reported our regiment [present] according to order. Gen. Sumner, not being there (Capt. Taylor officiating), said I know nothing of what you are ordered here for, but will telegraph to Gen. McClellan & find out which he did. The General wanted to know what time we arrived, which was told him. He says tell the boys to return to their quarters in Alexandria & you may imagine our surprise when the boys were informed that that was the case for we thought surely we were called out to fight sure, for we were prepared for it & were willing too, little thinking we were put to all our trouble & putting our horses through the mud from 6 to 8 inches deep just to gratify the D—d old sesesh Gen. Montgomery. But we thought we were ordered out to fight & the skirmish was over & we were not needed, so we returned to camp quietly. But you may just bet we were an awful muddy set of fellows.

We got back about ½ past 9, put our horses out & went to rest & on the following morning, we were ordered to be ready for dress parade at 12m. And you may first bet we had to work [hard] to clean our horses, our cloths & saddles, our arms all through, [and] black our boots all before 12, or at least half past 11, but we made time. When we were formed on the street for inspection, we were informed we were to provide an escort [for] Gen. Sumner from the dock to his quarters 3 & 3/4 miles distant. I can tell you, we looked the best I ever saw our boys for we had our plain jackets on & they are trimmed with a bright yellow, had our overcoats—which are a plain black—strapped on the top of our valise’s. We were in our full equipage & armed to the teeth. When it was time for the boat to arrive, the first squadron, consisting of two companies went from Washington Street to the dock to escort him up to where we were as he had to pass by where the balance of us were standing to go to his quarters. But he did not come on the first boat & so the next boat was not due until 3 o’clock. When our Lt. Colonel saw we were getting some chilly standing still so long, he moved the ten companies of us through the principal streets of this city. I can tell you, we caused many people to throng the streets for it was the first parade we have ever made through this city & some that I know well to be secesh were the admirers.

As it neared 3 o’clock, we were again marched back to Washington Street where we were again formed in two ranks. When the boat arrived, Gen. Sumner came. The procession was headed by our Colonel. On one side of him was our regimental Chaplain & on the other side of him was our regimental Adjutant. Next came the General & [his] wife in an open carriage. Next was the Colonel’s clerk on a pure white horse. Next came the Band belonging to the 88th Pennsylvania Regiment (24 men on foot). Next came our 50 buglers on horse back. Following them came our squadron of soldiers. As the procession came up King Street, they turned down Washington Street. As they came around the corner, the Old General was busy talking to his wife & she happened to cast her eye around & saw us all formed in two straight lines as were ever formed in the world, & she nudged him & pointed down the street. As he saw us, he stood up erect in the carriage & took his hat off & kept it off until he passed the entire string of us which reached over 2 blocks. As the squadron passed by us, we closed in the rear on a stiff gallop. I can tell you we done the best we knew how. We accompanied him with our entire body of men within about a mile of his quarters & as it was so awful muddy, he persuaded Col. Farnsworth to return.

General Edwin Vose Sumner (1862)

We were called to a halt & the General said, “Colonel, I am much gratified with the appearance of your men. I can say they look the best of any mounted troops I ever saw & they are soldiers too. I can see the stern soldier look on every countenance.” After thanking the Colonel & Major & staff, we countermarched & returned to quarters & it was 6 o’clock & we never had a single mouthful to eat from 7 in the morning. But I never enjoyed a day in the service as I did that for it pleased the inhabitants & we were all very pleased to have our own General speak so well of us. And dear Mary, that day was our anniversary wedding day. But amongst all of our parade, I thought of my little wife & my dear boy. I now think Gen. Montgomery will not remain in the service of the United States for a great length of time for everybody is down on him.

You will, if you get the papers I sent you, notice quite a spicy article written by a private in one of the Michigan Regiments. I tell you, that is the truth, the whole truth, & nothing but the truth.

I went to see the Captain today. He sits up nearly all the time. He came two blocks & ½ on the 14th to see us & he only had his clothes on the day before, but it did not hurt him any, so he said. He got those mittens yesterday that grandmother sent. I can’t never be thankful enough to my dear grandmother for being so thoughtful, but I will never forget her for it, you may be assured. Capt. Kelley’s health improves very fast. He will probably be returned to duty in 2 or 3 weeks more.

I must draw letter to a close but as I am doing it, one of our boys made a narrow tick of straw and laid down for the night when one of the boys pulled it out from under him & he never woke up at all. You may just bet we don’t get along without fun here. But I will close by sending double my amount of kisses for you and Mitty and the sisters. I got my bed quilt at last. I paid 2.50 more express on it. Excuse my long yarns & fine writing & I bid you goodbye from your ever loving and affectionate husband, — T. B. Kelley

I have sent you 3 Alexandria Chronicles. I hope you have got them all. That is a tip top Union paper, I tell you, & they love the 8th Illinois.

1 The arrest of Rev. K. J. Stewart at St. Paul’s Episcopal Church on Sunday, February 9, 1862, caused quite a stir in Alexandria. The Local News, published by editor, Edgar Snowden, Jr., formerly of the Alexandria Gazette, reported on the incident in his paper under the heading “Arrest of a Minister While at Prayer in a Church—Great Excitement.” The “offense” of the minister was that he refused to recite the prayer for the President of the United States. To read a good article about the entire affair, see: “A Holy Dispute: The Alexandria Gazette Burning of 1862.”


Letter 13

Fairfax Station [Virginia]
Friday, March 14th 62,

Dear Mary,

Your kind letter of the 6th came to me by our commissary sergeant yesterday & lucky I was to ask him if he had any mail for our regiment & he said he had & I took the bundle & looked into it & my letter was the first one on the top & it was all I had. I did not have time to write to you on last Sunday for I was orderly for our Colonel & had to be in the saddle all day & I was so tired at 6 o’clock, I could not write, and we had orders to move at 4 a.m. on Monday. We were aroused at ½ past 1 a.m. & got all things in readiness so our boys bid farewell to Alexandria. We came to Gen. Sumner’s Headquarters & found the entire Division under marching orders & the most of them ready. At 8 o’clock the Division headed by the General in person moved forward & it rained nearly all day.

Never in my life did I ever see such destruction of clothing. The infantry boys would open their knapsacks & throw away coats, pants, shirts, stockings, & in fact, some would throw away everything—knapsack & all, even to their overcoats—to lighten themselves so they could keep up with their regiments. Lots & lots of our boys got off their horses & let the infantry boys ride them. The mud was from 4 to 6 inches deep on an average. Many of our wagons were stuck in the mud & the boys would get in & lift on the wheels & help them out. We marched 17 miles the first day & it was eleven o’clock at night before the last men got in & the head of the Division stopped at sunset.

The next day we marched 5 miles (or maybe 7) & put up, the next day 4 [miles] which took us to Mill Creek Station, which is 27 or 28 miles from Alexandria & within four miles of Manassas Junction, & 1 & ½ miles from the battle ground of Bull Run. I came back to Fairfax Station with our commissary sergeant who is to take the cars for Alexandria & get our ammunition. I am to stay here 18 hours or until he comes back.

The Rebels—as they retreated from Fairfax Station—tore up the track & burnt the bridges to impede our forward movement, but our men laid four miles of track & built one bridge 40-feet long yesterday. No one knows how much of the track is torn up beyond Manassas. They have destroyed all the locomotives they could not take & of course all the property that would be of any use to us. But we will follow them. What dastardly cowards they were for evacuating Manassas. They have taken own all their real cannon & put up painted wooden ones in their place. At one large fort, a man residing near there says they would not allow anyone inside the fort for the last two weeks that was not connected with their army & now their having wooden cannon there solves the whole mystery.

The “Quaker” Guns (logs painted black) at Centreville fortifications, left by the Rebel army when they retreated closer to Richmond in late February 1862.

We will now advance just as fast as we can get our stores to keep us alive and our horses. We have six batteries of artillery with us, but it is awful difficult getting them over the roads. If the rebels had stood their ground at Manassas Junction, we would have had the war question settled before this for they have no other fortifications that amount to anything—only there. We have passed lots of their rifle pits & places of rendezvous where they have had their pickets. There is one man who told Gen. Sumner that the last of the rebels left on Sunday a.m. but he can’t bring anyone to swear to it & so the old General kept him we have taken 8 or 9 prisoners since we left Alexandria. Two of them said they were forced into the Rebel army & wanted to enlist in our army & they did. The others are under guard at Mill Creek.

70 of our boys came in from Alexandria yesterday who were left in the hospital when we came away. Dar Dense was improving quite fast. When we left he could walk 7 or 8 blocks so you see his case is very hopeful. Bill Jones is returned to duty & is with us. We have lost only one man in our company by death. Capt. Kelley is with us but is not able to command us or has not yet for it is not any trick at all for our Lieutenants to take charge of us when on the march.

We have been very decently provided for as far as fresh meet is concerned. Our boys have shot three cows & killed three shoats since we have started. I got one nip of the beaf.

Mary, you must not worry if you do not get a letter from me in some time again. I could not have wrote you this if I had not been absent from our regiment. But you may rest assured, I will write you every chance I get. Please write me if you have your turns regular now. I send you a receipt

for the cure of the Whites & of Bearing Down, but never to be used when you have your turns [monthly menstrual cycle], or when you feel them coming on. You need not use it all the time—say 3 days on & 2 off, or only when you feel a bearing down. There is nothing injurious about it. 1

Love to all. Write soon. Kiss our boy. From Bent

1 Mary may have been suffering from pelvic organ prolapse. “The whites” is a thick vaginal discharge usually caused by an estrogen imbalance. The amount of discharge may increase due to vaginal infection, and it may disappear and reappear from time to time. This discharge can keep occurring for years, in which case it becomes more yellow and strong-smelling. The more scientific name is Leukorrhea.


Letter 14

Fairfax Station
March 19th 1862

Dearest Mary,

Your kind letter came duly to hand yesterday by our Major who had just returned from Alexandria. Our regiment had to return from Bull Run on account of our horses, for the road was so bad we could not possibly get forage for them out there. We are now in camp at the terminus of the railroad & we can get all the forage we want. I wish it could be possible to have fair weather long enough so we could move forward for I am sure one good turn would settle this hash. Six of our companies are out to Manassas on picket duty. Our company is one. The Captain was not well enough to accompany them. The Colonel favors him all he possibly can until he gets able to perform his duty without fatiguing him so much.

I tell you, Mary, I have been in the saddle pretty much all the time except when I was asleep. I have to go to Fairfax Court House every day & sometimes 2 or 3 times a day, for it is now the Headquarters of Gen. Sumner which is nearly four miles from here. The Colonel has got a man to help carry dispatches for he says it is too hard for one man, or horse either, so I have not been quite as busy for the last 2 days. I am so glad that we are camped at the terminus of the road for we get plenty for our horses & I can get my Mary’s letters nearly as regular as I could when in Alexandria & that just suits your Bent, you can just bet. But I don’t know how long it will last. Two of our companies fetched in two secesh prisoners this morning. One was a lieutenant & the other a private. They were taken to Gen. Sumner’s Headquarters for examination. They brought them in without any trouble. They made no resistance whatever.

Mary, it is now impossible to tell you what our destination will be. It is thought we will go down the Potomac in that expedition but it is impossible to know for certain. This war must soon be fetched to terms for there is some very important steps being taken by our Head Generals. I brought 8 sealed dispatches last evening from Gen. Sumner’s Headquarters & he told me to report to Fairfax Station in 20 minutes so they must have been very important for the road is awful muddy but I done it in 19 and spent about 3/4ths of an hour on my horse to pay for it. We are laying very quiet now in camp here. The boys are all in good spirits.

I tell you, Mary, it seems some like home to see the cars & hear the engine whistle. I had a ride on the engine the other day. They are drawing quick sand out of a cut where it had washed in during the late rains. I run the engine down & back a distance of 2 miles. The Engineer was off of the Pennsylvania Central RR and a Yankee at that. He said he had noticed me 2 or 3 days before & had told his fireman he would bet that I was a RR man & he wanted to satisfy himself & he beckoned to me as I stood on the depot steps to come to him. I went & he says, “What part of the country are you from?” I told him from Illinois & he says, “Did you ever railroad it any?” I told him only 9 years & then he told me what he had mentioned to his firemen. I asked him how he knew. He said by my style. He asked me if I would go down in the cut with him & I told him I would go & speak to the Colonel & I did & he said of course you can. When I got on the engine, the engineer says, “You can run her if you choose,” & I took hold. He said he could get me an engine if I was free from soldiering. He said engineers are a scarce article in this part now. I did not tell him but what I was an engineer. He says he gets 80 dollars per month. I would not mind changing with him during the war as far as the salary is concerned or the comfort either, but I am very well pleased with my position now & the Colonel told me to return my carbine as I would not need it any more so I don’t have only my revolver and saber to carry as arms & the revolvers can shoot nearly as far as the carbines anyway. I just suit the Colonel’s style to a cent for I can saddle up just as quick as any man in the world and I am always where he can call me when he wants me. He never has said a word cross to me since I have been with him.

He gave one of our other orderlies a blowing up the night before last on account of his being absent without speaking to him and he blowed the other one up this morning because he had not cleaned his horse properly & told him to clean his horse the first thing in the morning after this & never to leave him when he had fed him in the morning until he had cleaned him. I am up at half past 5 every morning & groom my horse & feed him & then come & cook my breakfast. I mess with the regimental Sergeant Major (Frank Calkins), formerly baggage man for conductor Parmalee of the Galena & Chicago Union RR. He says this morning, “Bent, I am glad you got this position for we have things all right now,” and says he, “the whole staff like you first rate.” I cook for him and me both. I get a great deal better rations here than I used to get when I was in our company for they have ham and fresh beef every morning in the non-commission officer’s mess. The Colonels—both of them—eat first in the morning & then we wash and use the same dishes; all of them except the frying pan. But I tell you, we enjoy eating out of them just as well as if they were [ ] ware. I just wish you could see me cooking my meals here. I will bet you would laugh. I was standing around our fire when the major brought me my letter from you & he says, “Kelley, I have got a letter for you from your sweetheart.” I took it and looked at it & remarked, “You are very good at guessing, but it is from my wife.” “Your wife!!” says he, “you are not married, are you?” Then Adjutant Ludlum told him I was married & had a little boy. The Major said I could not be more than 20 years old & here he was to find I was 23.

Mary, you may direct my letters as usual. There will be no trouble about my getting them. I think I have done very well so far for I think I have not written you a letter with a pencil until now since I have been in the service. But it is almost impossible for me to carry ink with me for I have to carry three blankets & my quilt & overcoat on my horse & I tell you, it is hardly possible for me to carry other things. I tell you, we look (all of us ) as if we had sold out & were moving out West when we get all mounted for a march. Mary, I feel in a great deal better spirits than when we were laying perfectly quiet in Alexandria for we see lots of fun in camp. My present writing desk is a board about [ ] inches long and 5 inches wide laying on the ground & I on my belly, but I can say Mary, I enjoy it as well as if I had all the conveniences in the world. But it makes my wrist ache having to hold the pencil so fast in my fingers.

Please inform me if you have tried that receipt

I sent you. I hope you have for I have perfect confidence in it for I know the man well that gave it to me & know his abilities. Inform me please if Isaac has paid you any money. Marcel & Uncle are well & doing well & send much love to all hands. Kiss the family for me & my boy lots of times for his Pa Pa. Tell Lura & Ellen to write & tell Isaac I want him to answer my letter. I some expect by the next letter that I will be on the Potomac somewhere. It is expected so by the most of our officers but don’t let that keep you from writing your regular letters to me for it may not be so. Gen. Sumner is promoted to Major General [and] has the management of 3 divisions. He is worthy of it. Kiss my treasure, Mary, & have him return it for his Pa Pa. Goodbye for this time. From your soldier husband, — Bent


Letter 15

Alexandria [Virginia]
April 20th 1862

Dear Mary,

Your kind & most welcome letter came to hand on last Friday p.m. & you may well imagine I was glad to get it for it had seemed an age since I had got one from you. I have got as smart as ever.

After I had finished [reading] your letter, I was strolling quietly along when who did I see coming but little Ike Seely. I knew him when he was over a block from me. Uncle Elisha & him & Sanford Pratt were going down to the wharf for him to take the boat for Washington. He is General Agent for the Riggs Truss & he says he has made [out] very well on them in Washington & is coming down here to make a strike. He agreed to come as early as last Thursday but he has not got along as yet. I did not know Sanford—he has altered so much. I had no kind of an idea how he did look. He appeared very glad to see me. He still stops here but is intending to go into business somewhere near at hand. If he is only a mind to, he can make a heap of money. But I know nothing of his abilities. He appears to be a very nice young man.

On Friday p.m., Edgar Davis & two more boys from Rutland got here. I think they are going out to Manassas & so on looking at the country. Edgar says that Carter is out beyond Manassas building railroad bridges for the government. The boys all look first rate & appear to feel tip top.

I did not expect to be in Alexandria so long when we were ordered in here & I don’t think any of the rest did [either], for our Division that we are connected with are before Yorktown now & why we lay here is more than I can tell, or any one else. But we will go somewhere this week you may just bet, for we have received orders to turn over all surplus saddles, arms, &c., that are not used by the companies & our officers are busy in packing them up today. It seems to me they are not going to let us lay here long for we are of too much value to government to lay on our oars when there is any use for us. It is impossible for me to tell you where we are destined to go now. It seems to me we will not be in the service many months longer now for there is an awful sight of cavalry in the Army of the Potomac since we have been here. They have sent some 4 or 5 regiments of cavalry down the river & they said lots of them had gone previously.

There is lots of Infantry going down every day. [It] seems as if there was no end to soldiers out here. It now looks as though the Battle at Yorktown must decide the fate of this Rebellion. I hope at least it will for there has been many valuable lives lost already and the very neck of the Rebellion is now broken, & they cannot hold out much longer (it is impossible). I hope that the struggle will close ere long so that husbands can return to their homes & make glad their wives & children. I am sure my presence would cause one heart to feel glad (would it not, Mary), but no one knows how long we will be detained. I hope not long after the war is closed, but that is not through with yet, and only an all wise Providence can tell when it will be brought to a final close. The boys from Rutland said they saw you before they came away. I tell you, that was some consolation you can bet. Davis said little Mitty was a pretty boy. You spoke of him looking very slim. He did not think he looked very bad considering the sickness he had had. I think him & you both will be better after you have succeeded in weaning him. I know it will be better for you. I want you to try that recipe that I sent you for I have great deal of confidence in its doing the thing up Brown. I hope your health will improve & Mitty’s also for I want to see you both in good health as you were when I saw you last.

Mary, I have not gone down to the Colonel’s since I have got well. There has been a vacancy in our non-commissioned staff and the Colonel appointed me corporal. The thing of itself is not worth mentioning, but the source it comes from makes it l00k a little different in my mind. There has got to be steps taken in small degrees in the army unless you start with them in the first place. As far as being corporal is concerned, I would rather be a private by a great deal but he put me in & probably for some motive or other if there is anything better coming, it can just as well come from where I am now as from the ranks. I am sure that if the war should last any length of time, I could make it pay me a little better than I have previously. I must close my letter as it is very near roll call & I must go down & take care of my horse.

Father & Mother are quite well as per letter from mother a few days since. They feel very bad in regard to the sudden death of brother Martin. Well they might for Mary, he was an ornament to any society. I have thought a thousand times how differently we were constituted for I was always full of cane & the White Horse & he was always grave & dignified. I little thought when I bid him goodbye that he would be in another & better world for I, it would seem, went even to the very jaws of danger, while he was left in a quite & peaceful home. But Mary, he was a pattern to live by. I can safely say that I don’t think he had an enemy in the world—at least I never heard that he did. But I must draw my letter to a close by sending you my usual amount of love & kisses; for my boy also, kiss the little fellow for me and tell him to be good & wait patiently for my return. Love to Mother, Father & the sisters. Write soon & all the news. So goodbye. Direct as usual. From your own husband — T. B. Kelley to Mary A. Kelley, his little wife.


Letter 16

Alexandria, Virginia
April 24th 1862

Dearest Mary,

On board the Geo S Fogg waiting for shipping to Fortress Monroe. We loaded yesterday p.m. & will go down the river as soon as we can get towed down. One steamboat tows eight schooners loaded with horses & men. We have 48 horses on this boat. Capt. [Kelley] is now on shore. Our boys got their pay for 2 months yesterday a.m. I had all I could do to pack up before I came on board so I did not get time to write until now. I would have sent you 5 dollars more if I had not bought me a pair of boots for my others were worn all out. I here enclose ten dollars.

I must draw my letter to a close as I probably can’t get another chance to send it ashore. I am well as ever & hope these few lines will find you enjoying the same blessing. Please accept lots of kisses for yourself & Mitty. Love to all. Write to Alexandria as usual until further orders. From your own husband, T. B. Kelley


Letter 17

Anchored at Ship Point, Virginia
11 miles from Yorktown
May 1st

Dearest Mary,

I received yours of the 19th on Sunday last. We got in here Sunday night & the other fleet caught up & the Lieutenant brought us our mail. We have expected to be unloaded every day since we have been here, but it does not now seem any nearer than when we first came here. There has some cavalry been lying here for 10 days or 2 weeks waiting to be unloaded, but the Colonel is doing the best he can. I went on shore the other night with the Lieutenant to get a paper & while there, we saw 16 Rebel prisoners. They were robust-looking fellows, I tell you—full of the old Harry. As our boys was driving down one of the tent pins, one of them was laying near and one of his comrades spoke & said, “Get up you d–d Rebel or he will hit you on the head.”

Marcel [Jones] has been here over three weeks [and] is in the front of Yorktown within a ½ mile of our outside pickets. He says McClellan is not going to fight the battle until he gets ready. When he does get ready, it will be done in a hurry & well done too. Marcel says Gen. Sumner said that all volunteer cavalry would probably be discharged before the middle of June, but maybe he does not know any better than any of us. But I hope he does. We got 26 dollars the other day & as we were going south, I thought I had better get me a new pair of boots & the whole company for that matter, for they all done so. There has been more sickness from that one thing (poor boots) than everything else put together. I got me a very good pair of boots for 5.55 and I had run in debt some. I have 5 dollars left to keep me until pay day. We have 2 months pay due us today, but God only knows when we will get it.

You spoke of my not sending you more money. Mary, I have been as prudent as I could be. I knew you had some 60 or 70 dollars when I enlisted & I knew you would not use it unless it was needed. Mary, I have sent you all I could this time for no one knows when we will get any more & I don’t want to be in a new country without any money. I will say this, use what you have just as free as though you had 10 times as much & I will see that you get some more. Mary, you must know that I can’t go looking as slouchy as the most of soldiers and I have some pride left yet [even] if I am soldiering it. But I hope we will come out right at last. I have sacrificed some, I am sure—all my happiness for one thing—and I have to do the best I can the most of the time. I sent you 10 dollars. I wish you would see Bro. Ike & tell him I have not got my pay yet (which will be no lie) & tell him to let you have that 10 dollars & I guess he will raise it for you, at least I think he will, if possible.

Many think there will not be such an awful battle here for they think the Rebels are preparing to retreat. I hope we can cut off their retreat & lick them & then take the balance prisoners. Then the thing would be pretty near whipped.

Mary, I must bring my letter to a close as I feel tired all out. Let me hear from you often. Kiss Mitty for me lots of times. Tell sister Lu that I read her few lines the other day & put them in the envelope & it slipped out into the water. I have forgotten what was in it but I know one thing that was in it—she agrees to write me a good long letter soon. I am thankful for those few lines for they serve to show that I am not entirely forgotten by my friends. Love to all the friends. Capt. Kelley is well, sends much love to you all. I hope ere this reaches you, our little boy will be quite smart for I want him to be looking well accordingly as he did when you went last. I must close as I am quite tired I have caught an awful cold. I lay abed all day yesterday but am a great deal better today. Lots of kisses for my Mary & Mitty. So goodbye. Write soon. From your ever loving husband, T. B. Kelley

P. S. I herewith enclose you an envelope directed as all had ought to be that come down this direction. Goodbye. From Bent


Letter 18

Onward to Richmond
In camp 21 miles from Richmond
Friday, May 16th 1862

Dearest Mary,

Your kind and most welcome letter of the 4th just came to hand yesterday and found us in a beautiful clover field as the advance of our army which we have been for the last week. Our company has been the advance picket two turns and only last night we was the only pickets on the right wing and an awful night it was for it rained continually and it was awful dark. I never got one wink of sleep all last night and it comes my turn to come on guard tonight. But I can get along with that for it is now fair and a splendid moon—but I am awful sleepy. The Rebel pickets was about 1 mile from us yesterday. Capt. Kelley advanced our lines yesterday.

This morning one of our gunboats came up the river & stopped even with our lines and a white flag was displayed within the Rebel lines & our craft pulled up & found it was 3 niggers who were kept as prisoners by the secesh, and as soon as our gunboat came around the bend in the river, they all skedaddled and left their prisoners and everything else behind them. The Rebels say now, take our gunboats out of the way [and] they could whip us to death. They say our gunboats have done them more harm than the whole army put together. But I guess that is a Beef Steak for where have we not been more than victorious.

We had an awful battle at Williamsburg, 14 miles from Yorktown on the road to Richmond. Our loss was terrible but theirs is more than ours. I was left in the rear to take charge of the company property so I was not in sight of it but our boys saw it, but was not called into action. It was said if they had been on the field 20 minutes sooner, they would have been in for they was asked for. The 5th Regular Cavalry went in where it was said we was called on to go in, and they was badly cut up. We have not lost but one man out of our regiment since we have been out on the advance & he accidentally shot himself in jumping his horse over a rail fence, the ball entering under his chin & passing near through his head. He was a sergeant [Sidney Smith Sessions (1840-1862) of Sycamore, Illinois] in Co. L. He lived only a few moments—never knew what hurt him. He never fell off of his horse but sat erect until taken off by the boys. (I mean lost by death).

We had four prisoners taken out of our regiment on the day of the battle at Williamsburg. They were out after forage and strayed off too far from our camp. One of them was that red-headed fellow that used to come from Bloomingdale to our place to drive team for Deibert & Bro. His name was Jacob Rickert. I don’t know as you know him but I guess you do. He belongs to Co. D. Our little Co. E is all whole except one man by death except those discharged by disability.

While on duty last Monday, our Captain and five men sent two empty saddles back to secesh. They shot two men while on the retreat but they was inside their lines so we could not get them. Don’t know whether they was killed or badly wounded but they fell from the saddle. That day a flag of truce came in accompanied by a lieutenant & a private in secesh cavalry. I tell you, Mary, the lieutenant was as keen an eyed man as I have seen in many a day. So was the other one but they sent the best they had and it is said they have 2 or 3 waiters apiece & they was brushed up & combed till you could not rest.

This morn, Captain & I took breakfast in a nigger house where the planter had gone into secesh. They gave us all the warm wheat biscuit we could eat and hoe cakes & ham we could eat for 25 cents apiece. Lots of our boys got hoe cake (that is made out of corn meal entirely). I found a china cup and saucer and a plate in the planter’s house but some one of the boys stole the plate today. I have got the cup & saucer in my valise but I don’t know how long I can carry them there. They are very pretty. I should think the world and all of them if I could get them home for we could have it to say I got them in Virginia while in the service of my country, would we not Mary? I seem to imagine myself just setting around a little table with our boy & yourself with them before me. I hope I can bring them safe through. I have packed them as well as I could. I hope I can find the plate. I had just drawed some salt from the quartermaster to put in some beans I was cooking & I put it on the plate & it was gone—salt and all. I had not been away from the tent more than ten minutes but I don’t know but I can get another for there was a whole set of china & silverware and there was a feather bed that could not be bought for 60 dollars if I had it in Illinois. It was the heaviest one I ever saw. I could have got it if I had any way to have sent it to Illinois. But it is an impossible thing, transported, unless it is US fixings. I never saw such sights of things left in one house—a fine splendid piano forte, lots of wardrobes, mirrors, parlor chairs, & sofas bed steads, & sets of crockery, glass platters. I tell you I would have given 1000 dollars to have had what will go to rack & ruin in that house. It made me feel lonesome for I kept wishing I had them home for Mary & Bent’s use for they would all get demolished there. But I might as well have wished in one hand and s—t in the other and see which would have got full first.

You wanted to know how the face of the country looked around here. Since we have left Ship Point, we have been in woods nearly all the time until the last 2 or 3 days [when] we would strike out on to an open piece maybe 4 or 5 miles in length & 2 or 3 in width. The face of the country is more like western New York but the soil is sandy and lots of quicksand at that. I have seen places in the road that look as solid as any other in the whole road and some of the horses would break through and would have all they could do to get out. We have had two very rainy days so it will be awful hard for our artillery to move along. We some expect to have a battle before we go 8 miles further. They say they never will run from the point where they are entrenched. I tell you, Mary, when troops are such awful cowards as to leave such fortifications as Yorktown, they can’t be very Bully fighting men. But they may give us a pretty good fight yet for they have the choice in ground and we have to drive them out. I never in my life saw such fortifications as are at Yorktown. If 50,000 of our men were in there, the entire confederate states could not whip them. They say the reason they left was because our gunboats was a going to cut off their retreat & was going to land troops above them.

Mary, I am sure victory is ours & it will soon be to a close. Some of Co. C boys of our regiment say they see Old Abe at Cumberland Landing 7 miles in our rear. I was very sure we would be ordered on tomorrow or I would not have written you tonight for I was awful tired. I have written you all I could think of now & I don’t know when I can post it now for it is nearly impossible to get our mail at all when on the march. You must keep up good courage & think all will be for the best and it will be. I will write you when I can get a chance to post it. I had a letter from Bro. Ike since he has arrived in Illinois. He paid you that 10 dollars. I herewith send you 5 dollars more. May God bless & keep you & our little treasure & protect me also till we can meet to part no more while on this earth. So goodbye. Love & kisses for all. Write me as before & oblige. Your own husband, — Benton Kelley


Letter 19

In Camp 8 miles from Richmond
The 8th Illinois Cavalry in advance of the Grand Army
May 23rd 1862

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 9th came to hand yesterday and I now lay flat on my belly on the ground to acknowledge the receipt of it; also to inform you of my continued good health which is very good—never better—and I tell you what it is, our boys all feel first rate for we have had nearly all the scouting & picketing to do since the Battle of Williamsburg and it is fun to see the Rebs get up and climb when we go out on reconnaissances. We was out scouting day before yesterday (Cos. E & K—the second squadron) & our skirmishers was within 5 miles of Richmond. They could see the spires of the churches very plain. We drove the Reb’s pickets in for 1 & ½ miles. I tell you, they know the 8th Illinois the minute one of them comes in sight and they don’t stand for them either. They are as afraid as death of us. All the prisoners we have taken say they fear us worse than the Regulars for our boys out West have fought better than any other State that has got soldiers in the Army. We go out nearly every day on scouts or reconnaissance’s and it is sport for us to see them scatter. It seems to me as if all fear of them had left our boys for they all pitch in to a man when they are ordered out on such business.

There is a full Brigade of Vermont troops encamped within a half mile of us. Captain saw a young man that used to work for Smith an Alonzo. I do not know his name & the Captain is out baiting his horses on the clover & I will not be able to let you know. One of the boys say that there is two full companies from Rutland in the Brigade. Doubtless there is many you know in there. If I could get away from camp, I would go over there and see some of them and find out something about it. I am informed that Vermont troops get 7 dollars per month extra from the state. I can tell you that makes some difference in the financial department of a soldier. While I write this, four boys from Rutland [from the 2nd Vermont Infantry] are over here. Horace Tower, Sergeant Potter from Clarendon, Young Dyer that used to work for Uncle Moses & a young [George] Ballard, Uncle John Ballard’s boy. They are all well. They say George Eddy is in the hospital as nurse. They are well and look hearty [and] like it as well as could be expected. They think the Quadrille will soon close, but who knows anything about it.

Our gunboats have done some heavy firing off towards Richmond. Have not heard of any damage being done as yet. We heard that the Rebels had concluded to make a final stand at Richmond and vicinity. We heard that they had held meetings there and would never surrender Richmond to the Yankees as long as one man was left. But I guess they will alter their minds in a few fine days longer. I tell you, it is awful hot here now. The thermometer [was] 92 in the shade yesterday. I tell you, it is enough to make a feller wilt. But we will see warmer days than that before we get out of it I am afraid. But I guess we can stand it if it don’t melt us down in our tracks. Prof. [Thaddeus] Lowe with his large silk balloon [Intrepid] accompanies the advance of our army. He was up 4 or 5 times yesterday. Have not learned his report as yet.

Mary, I have learned from Illinois by some of our boys in our company that it is a current report that Cos. E & D were all taken prisoners while on a scout but you must not harken to any reports or to what may be in any of the newspapers unless it is officially confirmed. They say it was in all the western papers to that effect. We have not lost a man from our company & Co. D has not lost but one taken prisoner & that was the one I wrote you about in my other letter. I hope we will get along as well in the future as we have so far but no one knows what the future will determine. I am willing to face the worst, let it be what it will. I never have enjoyed better health in warm weather in my life. I tell you, Mary, if I am spared to meet my little family, we can enjoy the thought that we have done our duty to our country and to our God for I am confident that the Lord is on our side, smiling at our numerous victories that have happened of late. I earnestly hope that this battle will be the final end of this horrid war.

It is rumored that they are evacuating Richmond today but I hope it is false for it will kill off our Northern men like sheep if we get much farther South. Our officers think we will not go any farther than Richmond this summer, whether or no, but Jeff Davis says Richmond will be in ashes before it shall be surrendered to us. But I guess he is bluffing—at least it is my humble opinion. But we will be in possession of the ground if there is not one stone left upon another. If they are fools enough to destroy their own property, let them do so. I will not worry for I know I shall never be a resident in this part of the country if I am allowed to have my own way about it. And I guess I can unless something turns up different from what I know of now. But there is some splendid country residences around here for the big boys of Richmond. I tell you, some are as nice as ever any need be.

Mary I sent you 5 dollars in my last letter and I enclose ten more in this one. I want you to use it as freely as you want to for I don’t expect for you to go without the necessaries of life on any consideration whatever and let you remain in Vermont or Illinois. I expect someday, if my life is spared, to remunerate for your board &c. but it can’t be done now. I will spare you all the money I can as long as I am in the army. I don’t want you to hoard it up but use it for your comfort & the comfort of my boy. You wrote as though I did not know that little Mitty was of some expense. I know from what I have heard men of large families say they had rather furnish a child of 12 years than one of 2 years & from that to five.

Mary, although I am far from you I know you have a great deal of trouble with him for I know well how he acts but probably no worse than thousands of other children of his age. But you must bear up under it as well as possible & when all of these difficulties are brought to a close and I am spared so to do, I will return to comfort and console you in your past trials & tribulations. I must draw my letter to a close by sending my usual number of kisses for my boy and Mary and the sisters. Kiss them all for me. Captain Kelley’s health is bully. [He] sends much love to you all and most especially to his poor old Mother. Kiss grandma for me and tell her I will come and see her when this war is closed. Direct your letters as before. Pleas acknowledge the receipt of the 5 and the enclosed 10 and much obliged. Lots of kisses, dear Mary, for yourself & boy. Goodbye for this time. your own soldier boy, — Bent


Letter 20

Mechanicsville [Virginia]
June 7 1862

Dearest Mary,

It is with the utmost anxiety that I have been wishing for an opportunity for to pen a few lines to you for well I know you expect your regular letter at least, but we are on picket duty and scouting all the time and I tell you, we are a pretty tired-looking set of fellows and our horses look pretty well jaded for we have to keep them saddled all the time when on duty. I don’t know but we are a going to do all the picketing for the Right Wing of our Army. We have done the most of it as yet. We can do it if any regiment in the US Service can & with as good cheer.

Your letter of the 22nd & 31st came to hand both in one mail yesterday. I don’t know as I would have got time to have written you today if I had not got excused from duty on account of my horse having a very sore back caused by the saddle remaining on him so long at a time. I tell you, Mary, we have had 2 or 3 awful battles since I wrote you last. It is horrible to think of, I can tell you. So many precious lives brought a sacrifice to this accursed Rebellion, but such has been the case with this on last Saturday and Sunday. It is of no use for me to attempt to give you anything about it for you have probably heard all the particulars, & more correct than I could give them. But such a sight is awful to see. Men lay on the field & many lay there yet, or did yesterday, that could not be buried (Rebels), & they were putting them in piles & laying wood and timber on them to burn them, for that is the only way the stench of their bodies can be extinguished. I tell you, Mary, it is the awfullest sight that can be thought of, to see so many men laying dead on the ground. They smell so, this warm weather, that that you can smell them a full mile distant.

Our loss was awful but theirs was more than ours by odds. They got the best of us on Saturday, but we made them pay interest at 73 percent on Sunday. Gen. Sumner has credit here. I don’t know who has it in the newspapers your way, & he has told McClellan if he had had his 8th Illinois Cavalry with him and the battle commenced two hours earlier in the a.m., he would have been in Richmond at sundown Sunday night & took over 30,000 prisoners. But we are on detached service under Gen. Stoneman who commands the advance. Two of our companies—F & D—are on detached service with Gen. Keyes and was in action two hours on Sunday & only lost 1 man killed & one wounded. It seems as though luck was on our side, but we may get cut up yet. I know we have been in as scaly places as ever any soldiers ought to get in and we have always come out right as yet. Day before yesterday, Company C of our regiment was nearly surrounded & they cut their way through as easy as rolling off a log. One of the boys—a young fellow from Whiteside County, Illinois—his horse stepped in a large rut and stumbled but not enough to throw him and a Rebel jumped over the fence to catch his horse by the bit & he shot him as he came within a foot of him dead as a door nail, & Tommy came on saying, “Boys, they don’t git me alone.” They only had two horses slightly wounded—not enough to play them out for their immediate use. There has been some heavy cannonading on our left today. Don’t know any of the particulars but I guess the Rebels know all of them from the acurate bursting of the shell.

Mary I am glad so much spirit is felt in regard to the enlisting of more men for they can take the places of our drilled soldiers that have been left in the rear to guard cities and forts that are of no danger of being attacked by any force to speak of. I should think the Rebs would begin to think that their light had pretty much burned out but they are spunky and are bound to hold out as long as they can. It is pretty currently circulated in our camp that we—the 8th Illinois [cavalry]—will not go any further than Richmond until after warm weather closes if the war should not be settled before that time. Also, that many of our officers will resign when we get there. Capt. Kelley is troubled quite bad with the rheumatism [and] has been unfit for duty for 4 or 6 days. He has made application for a furlough and the Colonel thinks he can get it too for he can’t stand it if he does not get better soon. I am as tough as a boiled owl.

You wanted to know if I wanted any more stockings. I have got one pair left that have never been on my feet & you could not send me any now & I can do without in hot weather. You said you thought I did not have to stand guard now. I don’t have to stand on post but put the guards on their posts and ride along the lines and see that all is well when my relief is on. It is some scaly now but I don’t seem to think anything about it when I am out & I am glad for many reasons that I don’t think of the danger. But I earnestly hope Bent may be permitted to meet his own dear little family and spend the few remaining years in happiness & joy untold & inexpressible. I am so glad to hear that Mitty’s health is improving. I felt a little afraid he would be a little puny boy by your letters heretofore, but I now think it was more on account of your nursing not agreeing with him. Kiss the little fellow for me and tell him to be a good boy and love his little Mother. I herewith enclose you 10 dollars for which please acknowledge receipt in letter following. I have had tip top luck in sending money to you so far and I am bound to continue this way of sending it to you.

I think this next week will decide the fate of the Rebel Capitol Richmond. Our boys are eager for it, I tell you. I got a letter from Ike and Mother in which letter she informed me of the death of Curtiss Coe who is a member of our regiment in Co D and was left sick in General Hospital Alexandria. He was a son of the Coe’s living just above Kelsey’s. I must draw my letter to a close as the taps are nearly due now & every light must be out then. Love to the sisters & lots of kisses for them, reserving a good supply for yourself & boy. From your own husband, Thos. B. Kelley

Direct as before. Tell Lura to write me a long letter.


Letter 21

Mechanicsville [Virginia]
June 15, 1862

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 7th came to hand yesterday p.m. and I hasten to reply. I tell you, those letters from Mary are welcome messengers I can tell you.

The rumor that “the rebels have got some cavalry and artillery in our rear and captured and burned” provision wagons was true. This raid on the Union supply line on the Pamunky river was carried out by J. E. B. Stuart and 1200 of his best cavalrymen who rode a circle around McClellan’s army on the Peninsula.

Our regiment is still doing picket duty and scouting but on picket the most of the time. I have it pretty rough and in fact, all the non commissioned officers do when on picket for there has to be a non commissioned officer at every post night and day. Our company stayed out on duty 48 hours this last time and it is said all the rest have to do the same. Where we are on picket is 8 miles from Mechanicsville, on the extreme right wing of our army. It is rumored here yesterday and this morning that the rebels have got some cavalry and artillery in our rear and have captured & burned 73 of our provision wagons, all loaded. As they could not take them, they are reported to have destroyed them by fire. It is also reported that they have burned three or four railroad bridges & all of our shipping at the White House [Landing] 22 miles distant, taking many prisoners. I tell you, it is hard to believe such a report but they are up to every game possible, I tell you, and the way they are reported to have accomplished it is an awful shrewd way. There is one thing sure, two rations were issued to this regiment yesterday for this a.m. so the wagons have not arrived for some cause or other. It is the first time in four weeks that we have not drawn full rations.

We came in from picket day before yesterday p.m. and at 5 p.m. the same eve, we were ordered to saddle & pack up & we have remained with saddles on our horses until yesterday p.m. when we were ordered to take off saddles but leave them packed. I suppose we go on picket this a.m. as it is our day. I was bound to write to Mary before we went, so I got up as soon as there was any light & got my horse fed & taken care of & then before getting my breakfast, I seat myself to write a few lines to Mary. I could not possibly get time to write you sooner. You don’t know anything about what we have to do now, Mary, for it is in a pretty critical place we are in & have to be ready for anything at anytime. It was rumored we were to have the assistance of another regiment to do picket duty, but we have not got it as yet. It does seem as though it was going to be forever and a day after before this thing will be closed up. I tell you, it takes us all down when we hear of such news as I have written in the fore part of this letter. If what I have written be true, it is an awful blow to us, I tell you. I hope it is not true.

You may know I was flattering myself that we would have Richmond this week but McClellan is slow and sure. If this report be true, it will hurt his reputation some but not much after all, for this is a good sized machine for one man to run, I tell you. [Marcellus] Jones says, when the ball opens, it will be the grandest one of the season. I hope it will soon open and close to our good. I am sure it will if all goes off as is anticipated. I wish it was over, you may just bet, but we have got to go slow and wait the time for McClellan, and I guess he will fetch it out all right.

You wanted to know if I could get paper enough. I have been a little short once or twice but I can get enough, such as it is. You must not be particular if the paper does not look as clean as it used to or some other failure. I presume to say that I have not lost any of my tidiness by being a soldier. I must bring my letter to a close as it near time for us to go out on picket and I have not had my breakfast yet. I send you 5 dollars. Please acknowledge the receipt of all monies I send you by the date of my letter. Marcellus is well and sends lots of love to you and lots of kisses for you & Mitty. Please accept my usual amount of kisses love &c. I want you to write as often as possible for I get over anxious once in a while waiting for one from you. I hope the report of the rebels in our rear is not as bad as reported at first but all will be for the best. Oh, how Bent would like to press his little wife to his bosom as he used to do but it rests with a kind Providence. Goodbye for now. From your own husband, — Bent


Letter 22

City Point Landing on James River
17 miles from Richmond
July 4th 1862

Dearest Mary! Dear!!

How anxious has your own husband been for the last 8 days knowing he could not let you hear one word from him (God only knows Mary how much I have thought about you) for well I knew you were aware that the struggle had commenced, and then not hearing anything from me, & not knowing the circumstances, you would think every hard thing had befallen me. But your own husband is safe as yet. I will now attempt to give you a sketch of the struggle so far. It is a long & tedious job, but I will do the best I can for I know you will rely on my doing it.

On Wednesday, June 25th, Cos. E & K (Second Squadron) were ordered out on a reconnaissance. We went 5 miles outside our picket lines within 1 & ½ miles of where Jackson’s Grand Army were in camp (at Ashland). We drove in his pickets for 1 & ½ miles, killing 4 or 5, & wounding many more, number not known to us. I tell you, we had some sharp skirmishing, but our side suffered only in the wounding of George Ringman of our company—Uncle Jonathan’s hired man—through the leg 2 inches above the knee. The Captain of Co. K had his horse shot through the head & one of his men had his horse shot through the upper part of his hip. Both horses still living. The bullets whistled very brisk for a half hour. When both captains thought it not safe to advance further, we cut and destroyed the telegraph for a half mile & returned to camp.

Being relieved from picket duty by Co. H of our regiment, the following morning all the pickets of Co. H were attacked by the advance force of Jackson, the Captain being shot so he died soon after. Our boys were 8 miles from the main body & so were obliged to fall back, the enemy hotly pursuing. But our retreat was well managed, only losing three men killed & two wounded. As our boys came in on the Mechanicsville Road, the regiment of Pennsylvania Bucktails lay in ambush awaiting their approach. They lay perfectly quiet until their advance came within 15 rods when they quickly jumped up & shot a volley, killing nearly 300 secesh, which I can tell you was so sudden on them that it nearly caused a panic among them. Our boys held their own for 1 hour when they were outflanked by an overwhelming force & 70 men captured, the balance making a successful retreat to their rifle pits where, Mary, they dropped the rebs in astonishing numbers. They held the rifle pits & fortifications from 2 o’clock p.m. until they were ordered to retreat.

The next a.m. at 9 at the Battle of Mechanicsville, our men killed 8 to 1. I tell you, Mary, that battle was an awful one considering our small force—only 15 thousand against 40 as our main body was across the Chickahominy [river]. Our regiment had to get out of their camp pretty sudden as 4 or 5 of the enemy’s shells burst in the camp but did not hurt anyone. As night came on, the battle grew fierce & we were formed in line of battle in the rear of our entrenchments, many of the Generals fearing that they would succeed in gaining entrance, but they did not, [due to] our boys dealing an awful fierce fire amongst them continually. We stood picket in front of the enemy that night but were not troubled to amount to anything. The firing died gradually away between 9 & 10 p.m. At 3 the next a.m., it commenced. Our men not being reinforced, were ordered to fall back to a level piece of ground 4 miles where the bloody struggle of Friday ensued. I cannot give you any of the details of this as our squadron was ordered to go to Dispatch Station to hold it against being destroyed, but the balance of our regiment was on the field all day, only losing two men & wounding three. I don’t know how it was possible for them to be in that galling fire & not suffering more but luck is on our side, or has been so far.

After our battle of Friday our men were ordered to fall back over the Chickahomony [river], leaving only the small force of Cos E & K of the 8th Illinois [Cavalry] on that side but we were well on the alert for anything that might turn up and at Saturday 9 a.m., Rebel cavalry were noticed by our outer pickets emerging from the woods 1 mile distant. Our boys sent for the reserve, eight in number, 5 being on the post, & charged on them, driving them back 3/4 of a mile. We then left videttes to watch their movements & came & cleared two of our hospitals of 260 sick, burying one man, & taking & destroying by fire the hospital stores & hospitals, then holding the entire 1st Virginia Regiment of cavalry & 2 pieces of artillery in check for 2 hours & 40 minutes. We were shot at by the rebel sharpshooters who crept up within 80 & 100 rods of us, but never a single shot took effect.

Our holding them in check so long for was to enable our sick soldiers to walk four miles to Bottoms Bridge, to cross the Chickahomony. Having a dispatch from Gen. Nagle to that effect, we fell back 1 mile & 1/4 to the Station where we had to burn some drugs & stores that was not taken away as we were ordered not to let anything fall into their hands that could possibly be destroyed. While we were doing that, we heard that the rebs were trying to flank us to keep us from falling back over Bottoms Bridge. In order to prevent a flank movement, 4 or 5 picket posts were established leaving us but 18 men to support the pickets. The rebs had probably learned that but one squadron was holding the Station, so they sent two squadrons on the road direct for it. Eight men was on this picket post & our reserve, commanded by Capt. Kelley was 20 rods from them towards Bottoms Bridge. The rebels, seeing but a handful of men, made a desperate attack, but our boys let a volley of carbine into their faces & then fell back on the reserve. They had to come through a small grove 13 rods wide & as the Captain heard the volley, he formed us in an angle position with the road.

Our boys made a good retreat to the reserve & after our boys had passed, we sent a volley of 18 carbine shots into their faces unawares, which did good effect, breaking their ranks & causing them to scatter out so their charge was broken as to its good effect. I was on the right & 8 or 10 feet in the edge of the grove and as they came through, I observed as I was ready to fire one of them who had seen us in line there & was going to be wise enough not to run into our line. He pulled fierce on the snaffle reign of his horse, stopping him nearly instantly. I raised my carbine on him & he fell, being shot through the right breast. I could not start my horse for some 8 or 10 seconds. All the rest of our boys had fell back & 40 or 50 of the rebels had passed me but I was not noticed by any of them. I raised my bridle hand & lifting my carbine & throwing my spurs into my horses flank, caused him to jump 8 or 10 feet. I crossed the point of the grove & I tell you, my little horse done some good running until I caught up even with Capt. Kelley who was surrounded by them. But before I had got entirely to him, he had cut his way out. I tell you, Mary, Captain was in a critical place & he had seen me & thought surely I had been cut off. But the dust flew so that I presume I was not observed by them in time. I was determined if they got Captain, they would have to pay some forfeit. But I tell you, his old Saber made some of their heads ache. I rode by his side until we had got entirely through them. One rebel who had a fractious horse had turned his horse about 20 rods to our right. I noticed him & turned my horse for him for I thought he had discharged his firearms after so long a charge & I was confident I was as good a man as he was. As I came near him, he drew his revolver. I thought that he was trying to scare me with an empty one but he shot and it passed over my head. I kept on & Captain hollered for me to come back, but I kept on until he fired again without effect & I wheeled & came back where Captain was & the other four. Shots whistled around us hurting nothing. Our loss was one killed from Co. K, none wounded. We killed 10 or 11 & got 3 horses, & forded the Chickahomony at Bottoms Bridge as it was cut away as soon as our sick had crossed. We had two boys hurt by their horses falling. One of them has got well & the other nearly so. We killed a lieutenant & the one that killed him got his horse. We received much credit by our action from Gen. Negley who had command at that point. We had a desperate time for a few minutes but got out all right. Our army has fell back to City Point on James River where our gunboats & supplies lay for us.

We have fought nobly & have won nearly every battle. Our loss is very great but theirs is estimated at 3 times more. Our front is well protected. We took 4 pieces of artillery yesterday & 400 prisoners & there has not been any big [ ] today. The Colonel is ready to go & I must accompany him as I am detailed as his orderly now until one of his gets better. Kiss the sisters & pa & ma. Many for you & little Mitty. Write soon. This falling back of our Army is not any sign we are going to be whipped here but to our benefit. I probably will give you a more explicit explanation the next letter. Bad weather prevents our further moving for a few days, at least. You will hear cheering news from this quarter in a few days. We are far from being discouraged. Write soon, dear wife, from Bent

Captain & all the rest of our boys from Danby are well.


Letter 23

Camp near Mechanicsville, Va.
Sunday 9 o’clock a.m., August 3, 1862

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 29th inst. came to hand this a.m. before I got out of my blanket. We were called out last evening at 7 o’clock to report to Gen. Hooker with our regiment. When we joined him, we found the 8th Pennsylvania Cavalry, the 5th & 6th Regular Cavalry, & two batteries of artillery reconnoitering with two days rations for men & horses. We moved out to our picket lines but took the wrong road & had to turn around & come in. It was half past 2 before I got to bed. I thought after we had got fairly started, what if we should happen to be gone 4 or 5 days. Why Mary would be in a peck of half bushels. But as it turned out, it is all right. It is our day to go on picket & I was bound to write to you anyway today, so I got my breakfast & at it I went.

I now think the reconnoitering will be made while we are on picket. I presume it will prove to be very beneficial to us. I would like to have had it went off as it was tempted last evening for continual picket duty is very disagreeable. I had rather run some risk & have a change. I hope we will not have to remain here much longer but the thing don’t look any more like a forward move than it did three weeks ago. We are not getting any reinforcements now. All the troops are going to Pope & up to the Rappahannock. It is awful hot here now but I presume it will be hotter yet before we get started. There is a great deal of sickness in our regiment now—two or three lay at the point of death. I guess you know one of them. His name is Charley Howell—the young fellow that brought the youngest Eldridge girl to the party at Uncle Jonathan’s & I guess you remember the time we had a party at our house and I was taken quite ill & he came in with one of the girls and talked quite a while. I tell you, he is a nice, young fellow but is awful sick far from home & friends. I tell you, Mary, I feel very bad for such young men.

You wished to know if I thought that the war would close this fall. It is impossible for me to tell anything about it anymore than you or anyone else, but I have my opinion that it might be fetched to a close if rightly managed, & they have got a man now that had ought to know enough to manage it. If he don’t, where can one be got that does know anything. It is my humble prayer that peace might once more be restored to our desolate land and then there would be my happy hearts. I know it would be so in my case but an all wise Providence will rule in spite of man or armies. I have made up my mind to not worry or trouble myself in the least for it is the best way. I know many who have brought on their fevers by first getting down-hearted, not eating as much as they ought, & having a great deal of labor to do & so would get sick. Whatever I do, I am bound to keep my spirits up. I often am interrogated thus: “Well Kelley, you seem to feel very well & enjoy yourself (I would go along singing something lively). Well I would say, “What is the use of getting otherwise?” Supposing a man does get down-hearted, he has no cure unless he cures himself. I never have been much down-hearted unless I was sick and then not much.

Mary, I will send you a song I & another young man in this regiment got up. I don’t think it is so coarse for all toe. I must close this letter or I don’t send you the song. Also a splendid air entitled “The cottage by the sea.” Kiss the sisters & my boy. I hope Pa is well by this time. Love to all the friends & your usual amount of kisses from Bent. Mary you may send me 8 more stamps if you are a mind to. Tell Lura to learn this song. Sing it to the cowards of Rutland and vicinity. It goes in the tune of “I’ll Be Gay & Happy Still.” Let me hear from you when you can. Tell the sisters to write to me. How I would like to see my Mary and boy. It is 1 year ago today before yesterday morning since I parted with them. I hope it will not be another long year before I will see them. From Bent


Letter 24

Harrisons Landing, Va.
Sunday morning, Aug 10th 1862

Dearest Mary,

I tell you this has been a busy week for Bent. I don’t know but I mentioned in my last letter containing the 20 dollar bill that this regiment was ordered out on a reconnoissance on that eve, but I believe the order did not get here until I had closed the letter. Anyway, we went out & I but just returned last Saturday night, leaving our regiment on duty at rear of Malvern Hills. I tell you, we had quite warm times on last Tuesday—our regiment being in advance, drawing the fire of the rebel artillery. But strange to say, only two men were wounded in the opening conflict. We retired in good order in the rear of our artillery which had opened a deadly fire on them which had caused them to skedaddle.

William Gamble was Lt. Col. of the 8th Illinois Cavalry when he was wounded in the chest while leading a charge at Malvern Hill on 5 August 1862. One of his troopers later termed him the “King of Terrors;” a man with the ability to look through another person, and a man from whom “one good lesson…suffices.” Pvt. Addison Teeple, writing to the Woodstock (Illinois) Sentinel, said of Gamble’s being wounded: “The Lieut. Col. passed to the rear looking very pale, and evidently badly wounded, though he still rode his horse.”  The best description of the wound comes from the surgeon who treated him after he returned to Evanston, Illinois, to recover.  “A rifle ball struck the lower part of the right breast, passed forward and around the ribs and through the right scapula, and was extracted from the back part of the shoulder.  The right lung was seriously injured by the concussion.” 

The smoke of our guns lay so close to the ground that we did not discover their retreat until too late to cut off the head of the column but we done our best and succeeded in capturing some 11 or 12 of the rear guard. We would have got them all had they not been under the range of two regiments of infantry, drawn up in line to receive us, which did fire one volley into us, killing two and wounding three of our regiment. Our Lt. Colonel [William Gamble]—who was gallantly leading his men—was shot through the lower part of his right lung. The doctors consider the wound doing as well as possible this warm weather. He has been removed to Fortress Monroe & will probably return to Chicago when he is well enough to travel that far.

Our artillery was following us so close that the noise of our horses feet drowned the rumble of the wheels so our artillery got up within a ½ mile of them & opened one gun on them before they knew where they were. I tell you Mary, if I ever saw skedaddling, that was the time. Our cavalry followed the flying rebels, capturing some 140 or 50 prisoners and a small battery of artillery. We followed them as far as safety would admit & returned to our force at Malvern Hills. Our regiment has been on picket since. I got pretty well worn down with fatigue and heat & came to camp to recruit up. I think an outside position is intended to be held by our general in command. 1

I tell you, Mary, I never suffered as much in my life with the heat as I did day before yesterday & yesterday I had to just quit & play out or it would me & I know it too. I am going to stay in camp until I feel able to join my regiment for duty for I know this, the Dr. will take my word for my not being able as I never have patronized him unless obliged to do so. He told me this a.m. that I needed rest as much, if not more, than medicine. But says he, “Kelley, you have over extended yourself & have been affected by the heat and I want you to keep quiet for a while & you will come out all hunk.” So I am going to follow the request of the Dr. for a while. I tell you, Mary, it perfectly awful to see us exposed to the burning rays of the sun the entire day with nothing but brush to keep the sun off when off duty & nothing at all when on, unless we have the good luck to be stationed in the woods.

Your letter came to hand yesterday acknowledging the receipt of the 10 dollar note. I hope you have got the one containing the 20 dollar note, written on the 3rd. I will send you 30 dollars in this letter as I don’t know as I need it about me, although it pretty well cleans me out. If I want any stamps, I will write to you & you can send them to me. In regard to your going West, keeping house, or any other feat you wish to perform, I want you to do just what you wish to do if you have money enough. If you have not, I will get it for you as I can as well as not. All I want, Mary, is for you to try to make yourself happy, let it cost what it may.

A letter from mother informs me that brother Ike has enlisted. I am sorry he cannot be in cavalry for I am sure he cannot stand it in infantry. I am going to do my best to get him transferred into this or some other cavalry for I am sure he can’t take the knapsack this hot weather. I know the US has not money enough to hire me to go in infantry. I did not want to have Ike enlist anyhow for he is free from draft on account of his eye and his health has been awful poor for the last few years. But he is fairly in & it is played out trying to get out unless by skullduggery & there it has to be played quite fine.

I am happy to hear that our New England states are promptly filling up their regiments to help in this struggle. It seems to me that the rebels must see the point by this time. Now, if the foreign powers will just dry up, we will cool this thing as cool as a cucumber in a short time. All I ask is to have something like equal numbers and then we can show them how to fight and fight honorably. Also things begin to look like fight like here now. We have an awful strong picket line outside our fortifications, 3 or 4 batteries of artillery, 4 or 5 regiments of cavalry, 6 or 8 brigades of infantry, so you can see we are prepared even on our picket lines to stand quite a force.

There will probably be some very important move demonstrated ere long, but who on earth knows what it is or even imagines. I don’t. But you need not be at all surprised at anything at this day and age of wonders. I guess this thing will come to a Whoa! Fan Stopper by and by, but I see I am using up all my paper and saying nothing.

Love to all. Kiss the parents & sisters and be sure to let me hear of the receipt of this money as soon as you get it from Bent Kelley. Kiss my little boy for me and try to break him of talking so naughty for I know he can be broken of it if he is taken in time. How do you like my song? The boys like it first rate. A sweet kiss Mary for yourself. I wish I could give it to you in person (I wait patiently). Tell Lura to write me. Uncle’s health is quite good. So is Marcell’s. They send much love to you & Mitty. Good night, dear Mary.

1 For another account of the action at Malvern Hill on 5 August 1862, see Letter 3; 1862-63: William F. Carman to Emma Carman on Spared & Shared 23. In that letter, William Carman of Co. A, 115th Pennsylvania Infantry informs his wife that his regiment was marched to Malvern Hill on the evening before, expected a fight on the 5th, but that the “artillery and gunboats done all the work.”


Letter 25

Yorktown, Virginia
August 24th, 1862

Dearest Mary,

I now take my pen in hand to inform you of our whereabouts. We arrived here day before yesterday after a tedious march in a storm of dry dust for I believe I never saw it as dusty in my life as it was coming here. We left the Rebel pickets 3 & half miles from our breastworks at Harrison’s Landing on Saturday (the 16) eve (as soon as dark), the wagon trains & infantry all having been gone two days. We were not molested on our march in any way, shape, or manner. We moved 17 miles the first night accompanied by two pieces of artillery. I was much surprised to not find them close at our heels. The cavalry all stood on foot as infantry pickets for 3 days previous to our evacuation. We hitched our horses in the woods about a half a mile from the line & went on foot. We was within 10 or 15 rods of them all the time. Not a single shot was exchanged. Some of our boys sung some of our songs for them & they answered them with secesh. Our retreat (or evacuation) was well managed. Not a man lost or a single cent of property fell into their hands. It was a clean thing.

We now lay in front of the great Rebel fortifications here waiting transportation. We got orders to be ready at any moment after tomorrow with 7 days rations so it will be impossible for me to tell when I will be able to write you again. But be assured it will be at my earliest moment. Our destination is Alexandria. I hope we will remain there a while and recruit up for we are pretty well drudged out for we have been in active service ever since we came on the peninsula, & I tell you, both ourselves and horses need rest for a while.

I hear that our Colonel is to meet us at Alexandria with recruits enough to fill up our regiment to its maximum number. I hope he will, for we were a crack regiment when we were full & I would like to see them all together as we were when we left Washington for Alexandria, but that never can be. Some have gone to another & better world and others are disabled for life. Others have been discharged on account of disability. What men we have got are good soldiers & brave ones too. We received the compliments of our General commanding for our brave & glorious conduct at Malvern Hills on the 5th last eve. He thanked us for our promptness in attending to all orders he had issued to us with promptness & dispatch, hoping that we will prove as good in future. He returned his thanks & left.

We are brigaded now with the 8th Pennsylvania & 6th US Cavalries. Connected with us is the Batteries A & B of the 3rd Regiment of Regulars. They are all mounted (Flying Artillery). Our General’s name is Pleasonton—formerly Major in the Regular service, a splendid man & a good soldier. He complimented us very highly on inspection the other day. He said we looked more like Regulars than the Regulars did themselves. I hope we will stay where we are now for we have a good leader & two splendid Batteries with us. In action, we have to support those two Batteries to prevent them being captured. We done it up to the handle at Malvern Hills.

There has not been any mail received since we left Harrison’s Landing. We expect it every day now. We heard it was at Fortress Monroe & have sent there for it but it don’t appear to come as yet. I am anxiously looking for a letter from you & I hope I will not be disappointed. We left our place of encampment where we were when I wrote you the hasty line with a pencil in less than half an hour after I had got it done. I tell you, I was glad I embraced that opportunity for I know you would have been very lonesome before you could have received any if I had not sent that line.

I don’t know whether we will remain in Alexandria long or not but hope we will remain there a month or two at least. They may not let us stop there at all. They may push us through to the Valley immediately, but I hope they will let us rest for a while. I must draw my letter to a close as it is just past retreat roll call, & in a few moments will come the call, Lights Out, & where would I be. I hope the time will soon come when I can see your face, never more to part. Kiss the sisters for me & write me directed as usual. I have not heard from home in 2 weeks. I wish Ike would come & join our regiment for it would be much easier for him than in the infantry but I presume it would be quite difficult for him to get it done unless he could get to some very influential man. It is going quite hard with him, I am afraid, if it is very warm.

Love to all the friends. Uncle’s health is good. So is cousin Marcell’s. They join in sending love to you & friends. Write me soon and all the news. I hope you received the letter containing the 30 dollars sent you while at Harrison’s Landing. Tell sister Julia I will write her when I get to Alexandria. Tell her not to get discouraged. Kiss my little boy and have him return it for his Pa Pa who is far away. I hope I can be spared to meet you ere long, but no one knows how long this struggle will last. But it seems to me they can’t hold out much longer when our forces get in the field. But they will do their worst. I don’t suppose I will ever be permitted to see you until this struggle is at an end, but I am bound to be content with my lot. From your own husband, — Bent Kelley


Letter 26

Editor’s Note: This letter was written nearly a week after the Battle of Antietam and a week to the day following the death of Bent’s only son, Smith Frank Kelley (1860-1862) although he had not yet heard of it. Family records indicate that “Mitty” died on 16 September 1862.

Sharpsburg, Maryland
September 23rd 1862

Dearest Wife,

You may imagine this has been an anxious week for Bent for I have not received an answer to the telegraph dispatch I forwarded to you at Frederick, I stayed there myself until after 10 the next morning & then left word with our quartermaster to get it & he laid there until 3 p.m. & it had not come then. I hardly know what to think of it as I requested an immediate answer when I left the telegraph office. I left my address with the operator to have him forward it to me, but Bent has watched in vain. I hope that our dear one is spared us. How could we part with him? But I am prepared to meet the worst intelligence in regard to him for he has been sick so long it does not seem possible for him to endure such hard pain & so long confining sickness. It would hardly seem possible for a grown person to stand it so long. Mary dear, let what will come. Be reconciled to it. I pray God that I may meet you & our darling boy once more on this earth. But should it be so ordered that he should be taken from us, don’t let it be the means of taking you away also. I cannot bear the thought that it is possible for any of us to be taken away. I am exposed to danger every day nearly, but it has been through the Providence of God I have been spared to my family & friends. Mary dear, you & Mitty are continually on my mind. I can’t keep from thinking of you both continually. Oh, if we three could meet once more, Mary, would it not be a happy trio? Pray, dear girl, that we may.

Mary, we have had an awful battle I did not know it had been so bad when I wrote you at Frederick. But it was really the Waterloo of America, resulting in a complete victory for us & routing the Rebels. Gen. Jackson sent in a flag of truce to Gen. McClellan requesting the privilege of burying his dead saying his army should remain where it was, but under his intriguing request, he skedaddled across the Potomac. One thing is sure, McClellan is too honorable a man to fight the Rebels. But if he ever gets them in another such a trap, none of Jackson’s intrigue will falter him. It does seem to me that the war must close before another three months passes. But we cant judge from the past for all has not been of any use—only to serve to concentrate the Rebel force where we could get at them.

Mary, you would not think it possible for such creatures as those Rebels to fight at all, but they fight like tigers. It seems as though they all were possessed. They are half clothed, many bare-footed & bare-headed & nearly all are mere skeletons living on such victuals as they have to flour, they bake themselves, having to mix it with water, no salt or saleratus to put in it. It does not seem as though they could go through another winter in the South for want of food & clothing. They say there is no clothing there now & what must they do when cold weather comes in? when we get all our new volunteers in the field? We must come off victorious. Capt. Kelley was much better last night. He intends starting for Rutland next Monday if he is able to ride. Bill Jones is much better. I wish it was so I could return to Rutland with Captain [Kelley], but it cannot be so.

Mary, one of our boys have got his discharge on account of a tumor on his neck & I sent my cup & saucer home by him. I have carried them in my valise on my saddle every day since I got them & have not broke them. I hope he will have good luck in getting them safe home. Much love to the family & a kiss for all. Kiss our little treasure for me. How I wish I could be permitted to do it myself. Let me hear from you soon as I wait anxiously. From Bent

Direct your letters as usual until otherwise ordered (a sweet kiss, Mary, from Bent)


Letter 27

Knocksville [Knoxville], Maryland
October 26, 1862

Dearest Mary,

Today I arrived at the headquarters of the 8th Illinois finding all things lovely. I had to walk quite a number of miles before I could find them but am not played out yet, although feeling some stiff. The Colonel was quite glad to see me. I told him my circumstances and he told me all would be right. Our regiment has gone out on a reconnoissance to Leesburg, Virginia, in force, taking some infantry and artillery with them. Marcell[us Jones] was left in camp in charge of the men that was unable to go out and of those that were able to go, but their horses unfit. Our regiment has used up their horses awfully, since I left, on their chase after Stewart’s Cavalry that was on the raid into Pennsylvania. The boys were all, or mostly all, out on that excursion, but none were hurt. The Rebels fooled them some for they were dressed in our uniforms with our blue overcoats. Our Boys took one prisoner. Marcell cramped on him so you can see our favorite Co. E was ahead, 2 or 3 was knocked out of their saddles & some few were hurt. Many of our boys have wished the Captain was here since I came, but I fear it will be some time before he will join us.

I walked 16 miles today in the rain. I got wet through & through. It is still raining but Marcell & I occupy the Lieutenant’s tent which they just got from government. All the commissioned officers have got them so I am all on the nip up for tonight. I feel some stiff but I guess I will be all hunk when I get my regular sleep and my cloths dry. One thing, I am in good spirits. I stepped onto the scales in New York City and I weighed 178 lbs. Mary, you will please enquire at the Post Office for me for Marcell forwarded some letters to me. They may come to you through Captain Kelley. Please open them & if anything of importance is in them, pleas return them to me. If not, you can burn them.

Mary I have got $5 left me now and I guess I had better keep it for they don’t know when we will get paid & I want some change with me. Mary your dear image has been in my mind every moment since I left you. I can’t keep it from me. I hope your health is improving every day. I want you to be a good strong woman when I get back to you again. Don’t over do nor work enough to hurt you. Now don’t for my sake. I must draw my letter to a close by wishing you all the happiness in the world. Give my love to all the friends and tell them I have got back to my company all right. Kiss the sisters for me, mother and father. I can think of no more to write, but I want to ask you to forget your bereavement, thinking it is God’s will—our dear one being called home from us. Let us look to our heavenly Father and he will guard and protect us in our hour of trial and of danger. So good night dear Mary. How I wish I could drop in and see you but lo & behold, months must pass & maybe years before I will be able to meet you again. Good night, dear Mary. God protect & guard you. From your husband, — Bent

Marcell sends much love to you & tells me to have you tell Lura he is in hopes he will be able to live through this & he will be able to appreciate such a bundle for he says he is in for the kind that hold up their head under all circumstances.


Letter 28

1 & a half miles from Knoxville, Maryland
Nov 1st 1862

Dearest Mary,

As we are to leave for the front tomorrow, I thought I would let you know that I was still all right, and not knowing when I could get an opportunity of doing so very soon again, but hope it will not be very long at the farthest.

Our regiment drew 217 new horses today which fills us up once more. Our horses were very badly used up in our chase after Stewart’s Rebel Cavalry when they came into Pennsylvania, but we are all right again—only our horses are green. Our company drew 19 new ones. I probably will have to take one of them but I don’t care. Anything that will go will do me.

The Boys are having fat times in old Virginia now for everything they get is confiscated—especially if it is in the eatable line. And I hear, by the way, that not many horses that are fit for service escape. I don’t know as I can blame them for it is a rotten secesh state—the best way they can fix it. I suppose there are some Union people in it, but they suffered when the secesh army was there and I don’t know but what is meat for the goose, is meat for the gander. I look at it in that light, but may be I am hasty. I can tell better when I get a pull at them again.

I have been in good health ever since I arrived here—all but a cold, & I did not expect to steer clear of that you can bet after living on Vermont foods and sleeping with the fair sex &c. &c. In fact, having a complete change of programme. But I guess I can wear it off in a few days—at least I hope so to do. I should hate mightily to be taken sick now for I never weighed heavier in my life to my knowledge. But I will take care of myself and trust to Providence & keep my powder dry.

We have a very pleasant camp here only 1 & ½ miles from Knoxville—a station on the Baltimore & Ohio RR and 5 miles from Harpers Ferry. The movement of our troops across the River seem to look as if a forward movement would be made soon. Our regiment (that part fit for duty) is over in Virginia 15 miles from the river on picket and now [that] we have got horses, we will join them as fast as possible.

I tell you, Mary, Bent does miss you now. I have caught 2 or 3 of the Boys in my arms in the night when I would be fast asleep thinking it was my Mary. I hope we will not be separated long. I can’t harbor the thought. But let us be separated short or long, let us be content with our lot. Much love to all the friends. Kiss the family for me but save my good night kiss for yourself. From your husband, — Bent


Letter 29

In the Field
Nov 9th 1862

Dearest Mary,

I improve the present opportunity in informing you of my continued good health.

We have been on the advance of our army ever since the 26th of October, engaged with the enemy every day, supporting batteries, and acting as skirmishers, and charging upon them when they were least aware of it. We never lost a man out of our regiment until the 2nd & he was killed by a solid shot thrown at a gun we were supporting and it passed over it, striking him in the Bowels, going entirely through him, killing him instantly. He never moved nor he never knew what hurt him. He was from Co. A of our regiment. 1

We have drove the enemy every day since we have advanced we have advanced from 5 to 12 miles every day. We are now at or near a little place called Emmitsville, Virginia—10 or 12 miles from Warrington, & 20 or 25 miles from Culpeper Court House where the enemy are said to be in force. Our squadron made a charge at Barber’s Cross Roads on the 5th inst. which resulted very well although against great odds. There was not only 55 men in our whole squadron & there were 4 or 5 hundred of the enemy & 2 pieces of artillery. We drove them from their position, killing 4 & taking 6 prisoners & wounding 22. Our loss was 2 killed and 8 wounded. Our company was as follows: Killed; John Brown. 2 Wounded; Ben Horner in the arm (will have to be taken off), Charles Plant in leg—bad, George Sager in leg—slight, James McConnell in one finger on left hand. [In] the other Co. B; one Corporal killed & 4 wounded. We received 5 charges of grape & canister but strange to say, only 2 horses were wounded by it.

John Brown’s horse was killed—he went too far. There was a Corporal found dead opposite him. It is thought he was taken prisoner & he shot the corporal, & then he was shot. Everything was found on him except his pistol that was taken. He went too far. I and Marcell[us Jones] & two more from our company & 1 man from Company B stayed on the very ground where the charge was made when all the rest had gone back. I fired 20 rounds of carbine & 18 pistol cartridges before they all got out of range. We got the adjutant of the 9th Va. Cavalry. He was wounded in the thigh—leg had to be amputated. One secesh captain [was] killed. I tell you, Captain Kelley was needed in that charge although the Boys done very well. We had no prisoners taken.

I got your letter of the 25th—only one I have received from you. We are so far from any headquarters, we don’t get mail only once in 2 or 3 weeks. I hope your health is improving all the time. Mary, don’t worry about anything and I think you will get along. The boys all live well or have so far. Our Horses get nothing—only what we forage for them, & the boys pitch in on hens & turkeys, honey, &c., &c. In fact, everything that is eatable & they can get.

Give much love to Captain & all the friends. Kiss the sisters. pa & ma, for me. Boys all say Mary’s picture looks very natural. Marcell joins in sending love. Write me often. From your Bent

Lieut. [Daniel W.] Buck recd a shot in his Rubber Blanket on the back of his saddle. If it had not been for that, he would have been killed.

1 Pvt. Samuel McGonnell of St. Charles, Illinois, was killed at Upperville, Virginia. His pension record confirms that he was “killed in a skirmish…by a cannot shot fired from the guns of the enemy.” Another affidavit says the artillery duel was at Snickersville, Virginia. Samuel was unmarried and had no children. He lived with his widowed mother before the war.

2 Pvt. John L. Brown (1831-1862) of Batavia, Illinois, was killed at Barber’s Crossroads, Virginia, on 5 November 1862. John was the son of John Mason Brown (1796-1843) and Nancy Westcott (1802-1881). He was also the husband of Mary Desire Wood (1839-1918) and the father of Julia Brown (1859-1951). Mary later married Charles Walker Shumway (1827-1913). In 1860, John lived in Winfield. He is buried at Arlington Cemetery, Section 13, Site 10034.


Letter 30

Camp Near Warrington [Virginia]
November 16th 1862

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 6th inst. came to hand yesterday and found us all quiet and well, only doing picket duty. Two companies at a time on duty. We fell back from the advance on the 11th inst., have changed camp two or three times on account of procuring forage for our horses that have got pretty well played out during the last three week’s campaign which I can tell you has been pretty fatiguing for man and beast both. It is impossible for me to tell how long our regiment will lay in camp but I guess not long for we have done very well. While they kept us on the advance, we were engaged nearly every day and never had to fall back a single rod. In our charge at Barber’s Cross Roads, we learned at Little Washington that we wounded 22 Rebels and killed one captain. They made a coffin for him there so you can see that we done very well. Our loss 2 killed and 8 wounded while their loss 4 killed, 22 wounded and 6 prisoners.

The Rebels say they can tell when our regiment is on the advance by our bold and daring way we encounter them. They say if it was not for our regiment, they could whip our cavalry high and dry, but I don’t take stock in all they say for I know there is just as good pluck in other regiments as in ours if they had had as good a chance to show it. There has been some good fighting on both sides in this advance—just as good as we ever fought, but they have to git up & went after all. They hate to sometimes, but discretion is the better part of valor sometimes. We fought on foot 2 or 3 days against their infantry and we made them hunt their satchels for we could load and fire faster than they could.

It is rumored that there will be a general engagement soon how true I am unable to say. But I some think it may be the case as we have large forces of infantry passing here nearly all the time. There is quite an excitement among the troops in regard to the removal of George McClellan but it is quieting down some. As my part, I feel as if I could fight as well as ever if we get a show—at least it looks so from where I sit. All I ask is to get someone at the head that will clean them out so we can (what is left of us) return to our families and homes. It seems as though it might be done sometime or other. If every regiment had done as much as the 8th Illinois [Cavalry], I think it would be pretty well played now, but I don’t see it. Our Company & Co. H of our regiment is in the First Squadron of our Regiment. The boys were all tickled to death when I told them Captain would be here next week. I did not tell them that he intended not to remain. I thought it would be soon enough for them to find that out when he came. I wish it was so he would stay with us, but I fear he will not.

We had quite a sad accident happen in Co. C of our regiment yesterday. One of the men was cleaning his revolver and it went off, shooting him through his brain. He lived some twenty minutes. He was not conscious of anything after he was shot. I cut his name and date on a small piece of board that marked where he [was] laid. 1

Marcell is a little under the weather at present but thinks it is nothing dangerous. I had a dream the other night. I dreamed I saw my little boy as I have heard you and the sisters describe him alive and well as ever, but I awoke only to find it a dream. Mary, I often think of you. I can go about nothing but what you are in my mind. How I sometimes think I can feel your soft hand still on my breast and your fair neck laying on my arm. But I fear it will be many months ‘ere it will be so (if ever), but I trust if not permitted to meet each other in this world, we will meet in another and better world where parting will be no more. Mary dear, let us meet our darling that has gone before to prepare the way for us. I will try. Love to all. A kiss for the family and friends. So goodbye, — Bent

Our chaplain preaches the funeral sermon of all our boys who have fell in our last skirmishes today at half past 10. It is nearly that now. Let me hear from you often, Mary. A sweet kiss, dear girl, for you.

1 The soldier who accidentally shot himself while cleaning his revolver was Pvt. Charles F. Braner (1840-1862), a farmer from Genesee, Whiteside county, Illinois. He was buried in Arlington Cemetery, Section 13, Site 7574.


Letter 31

Liberty Mines, Virginia
November 20th 1862

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 9th inst. came to yesterday and I hasten to reply as I could do it as well now as anytime, and in fact better, for I am at a private house now writing by the light of a Virginia taper made of wax & c (don’t know the other ingredients), but it gives a very good light.

We are on Picket duty at this point waiting until all of our forces which are with us get past. We are on our way to Fredericksburg. The enemy followed us quite close when we started to come this way until after we passed Warrington where I wrote you last. We came over the same ground day before yesterday that we did last spring. It looks desolate enough, I tell you. It is impossible for me to tell where we are going to have another engagement—probably not much this side of Gordonsville. At least that is the opinion of our men now. There is only a small cavalry force following us so we don’t pay any attention to them—only when they get too sausy. [Then] we turn in & drive them back. They have not shown themselves this side of Warrington.

I got a letter from Mother the same day I got the one from you of the 9th. They were quite well & send lots of love to you. Mother says it is lonesome without Bent and Mary around. I should not wonder for one or the other of us was there all the time and now neither one of us is there. I hope ‘ere another winter passes we shall be with her. She says she thinks of me often or nearly all the time [and] a great deal more than she does [brother] Isaac. It is no wonder for I was at home all the time and Isaac was away.

I am happy to hear you are all right. In fact, I was confident you would be, but I could of course not tell for certain. I was careful as anyone could be.

I must draw my short letter to a close as I have to go on duty in 20 minutes and we leave here early in the morning. It has rained steady for 2 days and half without stopping. It is quite uncomfortable standing picket when it rains or when it don’t. We have had a small snow storm of one day. It was some cold & we have had some 10 or 12 cold nights, but that is all. I must excuse myself and write more next time. But this acknowledges the receipt of your letter and lets you know I am in good health. Much love to all. Kiss the sisters for me. The Boys fell some down in the mouth when I informed them Captain was going to Illinois. Goodbye. Awful poor pen & ink too, I tell you. So goodbye from your own, — Bent

A good kiss, Mary.


Letter 32

Camp near Rappahannock River
6 miles from Fredericksburg, Virginia
Monday morning, November 24, 1862

Dearest Mary,

Yesterday, my usual day, was passed in the saddle from 8 o’clock a.m. until 5 p.m. when we came to head of navigation of the Rappahannock where we came to procure forage for our horses. Our officers generally think we will remain here until the Rebs are cleaned out of Fredericksburg. We have marched nearly every day since we left Warrington. Have had no trouble in getting here from that point. It has finally cleared up after 3 continual days rain. The ground is very soft and barely passable for our huge trains but we are safe at this point where we are accessible to forage [and] where I hope we can remain until our horses get some recruited for I tell you, they have had a hard time as well as ourselves and I would like to see them well provided for. They have had nothing but what we could pick up for them through this barren country. We have not drawn on the government for one pound of forage since we left Knoxville, Maryland until last night.

I got your letter of the 16th yesterday a.m. and I tell you I was glad to hear from you Mary, but let what will come, don’t you get the blues for God will guard & protect us both if we ask him aright. Mary, dear, I do try to live better than formerly and may I find strength to cary out my frail understanding. I feel as if I could say already that I have received some strength to carry it into effect. Mary, dear, I miss you so much since I have came back. I think of you so much that scarcely a night passes but what I dream of you.

I had a very pleasant dream last night about you. I thought you were with me and we were walking through a piece of nice clover and flowers and I thought we walked through a small town, arm in arm, and many spoke and says, “Bent what woman is that that is with you?” and I told them it was my Mary. I thought you were in bed with me laying on my arm and I thought I was kissing your sweet lips. I fear it will be some time before that will come to pass, if ever. I wish it might speedily come for I know, Mary, that we could enjoy it so well. I do love my Mary so well. It seams hard to be separated so long.

After I had woke up, after I had dreamed about you, I got up and fixed my horse that had got loose. I went to sleep and dreamed I was sent out to our picket lines and the Rebs had come in with a force of infantry and cavalry and cut our line in two, and I rode right into their ranks before I observed my mistake. I was stopped and questioned and I think it was a General stepped up beside me, handed me a letter, and told me to take it to some Brigadier when some prisoner that we had taken and had been exchanged, recognized me as belonging to the 8th Illinois [Cavalry] and let me out (I had passed up to that time as Stewart’s Cavalry attired in Union uniform). I was immediately arrested, my arms taken from me, and I was put under guard. While there I thought Marcell was taken and brought in where I was. I pretended I did not know him and we played that we had deserted from our regiment and came to fight with them when they gave us commissions and we took the field. When we got into an engagement, I thought Marcell privately told me we would slay our company and rush to our men, which was done, and neither of us was harmed. I thought that it was so slickly done that we was cheered for it till our ears were fairly deaf.

I don’t believe in dreams in any way so I think no more of them. I thought you had heard of my being taken and felt very bad. I wrote you a note on the 20th and heard I would get a chance to send it on the next day and I did not get a chance to send it until now & I took it out of the envelope and put it in with this as it saves a 3 cent stamp.

We have not got our pay yet and I don’t know when we will get it. You can tell Dr. Page that as fast as Uncle Sam pays me, just so fast in proportion, he will get his pay. Tell him not to worry, he will get it, if I am spared long enough to earn it. I think his bill is very reasonable all things considered. I got a letter from mother the day I got your last one. She says she has not heard from Mary in some time. Just write her when you get time. I know very well she is lonesome without either of us there. Father is running the station alone as yet. I wish this war were played out so I could go back to my old place for I know I would be just old persimmons. I am bound to wait patiently for the result, let it be what it will.

Lots of love to the friends and family. About my liking our new commander, I can’t say I like him but I don’t fear him. All I do is my duty as a private and mind my P’s & Q’s so as not to let him get the inside track. Marcell sayes he had rather fight secesh every day than to see him commander of the company for he neither loves, fears, nor respects him. Our 2nd Lieutenant is a nice man, a good commander, and a perfect gentleman, and in the short time he has been with us, has won the love of all. Kiss the sisters and the family for me. Your, — Bent


Letter 33

Camp near Bell Plains Landing
November 30th, 1862

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 22nd inst. came duly to hand finding me in the usual health which I am happy to inform you of. I never weighed more in my life than at present. I pull up 180 lbs. with all ease and am in good spirits generally, although not as good as if we were on the move for it seems to me when the 8th Illinois [Cavalry] is idle, that the wheel of time had ceased to revolve, and the war was not being prosecuted with the energy that it ought to be. I am in hopes that we will move forward in a few days at least, but it is impossible to tell whether we will or not.

We have had 4 or 5 days very fine weather. This morning opens finely, the sun shedding its effulgent rays upon us all plainly, telling one and all that it is the Sabbath day. We had general inspection this a.m. and I received the compliments of our 2nd Lieutenant saying I had the cleanest arms in our company and I don’t think he overrated it in the least, for I have spent three full days in getting them in order for I knew we would be called on for general inspection now [that] the Lieut. Colonel had command of us. The day after he came, the Colonel went to Washington and has not returned up to date and he probably will not until he is promoted to Brigadier General—at least it is the opinion of the regiment (at large), and I am sure if it was not for losing him that we would one and all be heartily glad of it for he is a worthy man a good soldier and holds the men of his command under good subjection without harsh or disgraceful punishments. I will here remark our 1st Lieutenant tied one of our Boys to a tree by his hand for cutting down a tree that he had his horse hitched to, the man not knowing it was used for any purpose whatever. The company got together and requested that he be released but all to no purpose. They told him that they had served so long without having any such punishments inflicted upon them and thought they could longer and remarked that the man did not deserve any such rude treatment under the circumstances. He drew himself up on his dignity and said he should punish his men as he saw fit and should not ask anyone how or in what manner he should do it.

There will probably be a petition handed to the Colonel stating the facts of the case as soon as he returns to us and the Boys feel confident that it will have a hearing, it will be unanimously be signed by the Company, and it will probably serve to keep him where he is, in case any promotions do occur which will be the case should Captain be promoted to Major or resign either. The Lieutenant has wished me to take the company clerkship for which I will be excused from camp guard & fatigue duties. I told him I would. It does not excuse me from the picket duty when we are on the march. Our Lieutenant-Colonel paid a visit to General Sumner a few days since and the General gave him the assurance that the 8th Illinois [Cavalry] was the best regiment in the U. S. service and he said that the General was speaking his sentiments also for he has been personally acquainted with him for 20 years.

I must close by wishing you health and prosperity until we meet and I am sure we will have it then. Kiss the family for me. Love to the friends and write me when you can. From your husband, — Bent

Accept my usual imaginary kiss for that is all I can send as we have not got our pay yet. I wrote Brother Ike a good long letter day before yesterday. His address is Co. B, 105th Illinois Infantry, Louisville, Ky.


Letter 34

Camp near Fredericksburg [Virginia]
December 19th 1862

Dearest Mary,

Early the next a.m. we were on the ground previously occupied by us the day I wrote you and we staid some half an hour when we were ordered over the river on picket. There we stood within less than a half mile of their fortifications & within 50 rods of their sharpshooters but was not fired on—only when our relief would come around once in 2 hours & when they would see a small squad together, then they would throw a shell at us to see if they could make us skedaddle. But that is played out. We have been under fire too much. We would seperate from each other & let them waste their shot and shell. They threw 5 shell at us at one time but, lucky enough, they did not hit any of us. [This was] as we was nearing the pontoon bridge on our way over. There the rebs noticed us & they had got very accurate range. They came very close. The infantry near began to look for a place to hide. A Major nearby spoke to his men and says, “What are you all afraid of? Why cant you stand fire like those Boys?” We was talking and joking and laughing about their random shots [when] they threw a piece of railroad iron at us, it going end over end, burying itself 2 or 3 foot in the earth.

We stood picket until 2 a.m. on Wednesday when we were ordered to evacuate our position in front of their fortifications. We got away our artillery, infantry, & cavalry. In fact, our cavalry (4 companies) was all there was over at all. The day’s fight I wrote you of was all the hard fighting there was. It was only desperate skirmishing after that, our men holding their position until ordered to evacuate. Our men suffered awfully in the fight. I have not seen our loss in round numbers but know it must have been very heavy owing to their position, and, in fact, everything in their favor. Where we will attack them is now not known to us, but it will probably be in the right flank or rear. They must be wailed out of that position in some other way than by moving on them in front.

We now lay in camp 5 miles on this side of the river but expect orders every moment to move camp. Our 2nd Lieutenant goes to Harpers Ferry today via Washington & Baltimore to look up some express packages for himself & the rest of the boys. The day we was on picket, I was walking through Fredericksburg which was plumb full of soldiers. I espied a pocket book and I picked it up and it contained these two 10-dollar bills, 75 cents in postage currency, & stamps. I waited some time about in that vicinity & heard no inquires in regard to it and I went back to our reserve. I have kept it, since said nothing to anyone about it and have not heard anything, and so I will forward it to you as I don’t need it myself.

Tell sister Lura I got her welcome letter day before yesterday and will answer it as soon as possible. I suppose you have heard all the news in regard to the battle & so I will not spend time & your patience by rehearsing it. Suffice it to say, it was desperately contested on both sides. Love to all and a kiss for the family saving lots for yourself. Write often and all the news. From — Bent


Letter 35

Addressed to Mrs. T. B. Kelley, Rutland, Rutland county, Vermont

King George Court House
23 Miles from Fredericksburg
towards the mouth of the Rappahannock river
January 3, 1863

Dearest Mary,

Your Bent is aware with what anxiety you are waiting for a letter but it has not been possible for me to pen you even a word until today since my last with the 20 dollars in it. The 3rd day after we moved camp to near Belle Plain Landing and was ordered to put up barracks, we went at work cutting down timber for it and I was consoling myself under the thought that I would have such a nice place to write to my Mary after we had got it done. But long ere we had got it finished, we were ordered to King George Court House on picket with 7 days rations. After we got out there, we did not get any mail until day before yesterday and then, strange enough to say, I did not get any but I heard since two came in that three had gone out for me. I came into camp yesterday after the muster rolls and I have just sat down to pen you a few lines. I did not get in until after 11 p.m. and have st start out just as soon as I write this.

Capt. has not got here yet but we expect him every day. I hope he will be here soon. I have written this in a great hurry as you will see by the scratches so you must forgive me for this time and I will endeavor to be more punctual in future.

Maty, I had the misfortune to lose my pocket book, knife and spoon, and everything that was in my right hand pocket the other day. We are on picket (our company) at a placed called Port Conway on the river opposite Port Royal and I was sentinel on the pier. Everything I had fell into the water and sank to the bottom. I had 11 or 12 dollars in it, I think. I will have you send me 10 dollars and a few good postage stamps in your next letter. I have borrowed five dollars of Marcellus until I can get some from home. It was a mean scrape but our pockets are put in straight with the seam and everything comes out if you lay down or are not careful. But it is the first money I have lost since I have been in the army so you must excuse me this time. Love to all the friends and a kiss for the family and a lot for yourself. I must hasten as it is now late and I have a good ways to go today.

From your own husband, — Bent

I enclose an envelope.


Letter 36

King George Court House, Va.
Sunda 12 M, January 11, 1863

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 1st inst. came to hand on Friday last and a welcome messenger was it too for we are so far from any direct communication that it seems to me we are nearly out of the world. We don’t get our letters more than twice a week. When in camp, we get them every day, and we don’t get papers more than once a week when we got one every morning when in camp.

I heard yesterday that Major E. S. Kelley was at our old camp at Belle Plain Landing. We expect him out here some time today. I hope he will come for we are all very anxious to see that old familiar face. He is Major of our Battalion which consists of Companies A & D from the 5th & [Companies] H & E from the 6th Squadron, which combined form the 3rd Battalion commanded by Maj. E S Kelley. So you will see, he will still be over us. I would like to see him before I wrote you this letter so I could inform you of some of the particulars about his journey &c., but I will not delay my usual day of writing to you on any unusual circumstances.

The Rebels are throwing up earthworks in front of our pickets. They are quite sausy of late, calling us Damned Yankee Sons of Bitches. Abolition Sons of Bitches, Damned Hottentots, &c. &c. We make no reply to any of their abuse but expect they will open fire on us and then they will ketch it hot & heavy—more lead than they will want, I am afraid. Every man in our company has to stand 3 hours in the night & 2 hours in the day time (all but one—he is the Lieut’s waiter). I have to do just as much duty when we are on picket as any man in the company. It is impossible to tell when we will be relieved now. I don’t care, only I would like to have it arranged so we could get our letters more regular. I had as leave stand picket as to be in camp all winter.

We live first rate but it costs something after all. Some of our Boys have spent 10 & 12 dollars apiece since they have been out here. It costs 50 cents to get a chicken roasted & stuffed. I have only had one since I have been out here. I get along as cheap as possible and keep up appearances, as the old saying goes, but it is natural for a soldier to get bread when he has lived on hard tack so long. We have drawn some flour in our rations twice since here & we get bread and biscuit made out of it. The Boys—some of them—get butter, but it cost 50 cents per pound, & my salary won’t afford it, although it would probably taste as good to me as it would to anyone else.

Lieut. Dana (our 2nd Lieut) and cousin Marcell board to a private house and pay $1 per day, so you see that is played out for me, & it ought to be for him for he might save considerable if he would at a salary of $20 per month. But he is his own boss & a single man. But he may see a rainy day after all when he could use some of his surplus funds. Our First Lieut. D. W. Buck is said to have the future Capt. of Co. E & Lieut. A. E. Dana First Lieut. & Orderly Sergt. M. E. Jones 2nd Lieut. The appointments are not made yet but that is the way they are thought it will be. I am sure I don’t care how they arrange matters. I can soldier it as well as any of them—that I am sure of. The officers don’t make much difference to me, only I would of course like to have good men & we have a splendid 2nd Lieut. & I guess Marcell will make a good one. I cant tell, but hope he will.

I got some boards and drove nails in it & fished after my pocket book but all to no purpose. She is played out. Let her rip. I will be all hunk after all. We have a fiddle here & one of our Boys can saw & we have quadrilles, waltzes, schottische’s, varsovianna’s, &c. &c. Lots of fun. There is a banjo in Co. H & one of the Boys can play first rate. So you see we don’t get lonesome.

Attributed to Stanton Allen (William Clements Library, University of Michigan)

But with all our fun & frolic, I don’t forget my Mary dear. I think of you often. I wish I could be where I could keep you warm these cold nights. My heart aches for you sometime. Would we not lay warm if you could sleep on Bent’s arm this winter? But I must banish the thought as it is all to no purpose. You know just how Bent would enjoy it & I guess you know how you would also. But we must be patient & time will determine whether it will be so or not. I hope it may.

I will close by wishing you to kiss the family & give them my love. There has nothing new happened since my last. So goodbye from your own husband. Write me all the news & as often as possible. Send me a few stamps in your next. From your husband, — Bent


Letter 37

Belle Plain Landing, Virginia
January 21, 1863

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 15th inst. came to hand last eve after 8 p.m. and I tell you, I was happy to get it as I had been kind of lonely all day and it had commenced raining. At first the report came in no mail tonight, so I had given up the idea of getting a letter from you last night when Bill Jones came in with two letters for me & be assured, one was from you. Oh how I wish I could pass these lonely hours in your company. Dear Mary, it seems almost too bad that we are separated for so long a time. Oh how pleasantly would these lonely hours pass off in the society of one I so dearly love.

Mary, it seems as if I loved you better every day I live. I long for that blest hour to arrive when I can fold you to my bosom, never more to separate. I cannot bear the thought that it must be for months either when it, by good management & good generalship, this accursed war might be brought to a close. And then how many hearts would be made glad & homes happy. I am sure we would not be left much in the rear of any. I know there could not be two more happy hearts than ours.

I am gaining nicely every day but it costs me something to live. We bought a nice ham this a.m. and paid $1.25 for it. We have to buy our butter at 50 cents per pound and flour 5 cents per pound. It is impossible for us boys to go the hard tack and salt pork already & I for one can’t go it. When I am well, I can eat anything that anyone can, but when I am sick, I like something a little different.

Mary about my keeping a diary, I will do as well as I can although it is hard work to carry one along in my pocket for it gets wet every rain and it looks bad. But I will do as well as I can. I almost forgot whether my last one of the 18th or 19th was No 3 or 4, but I think it was 4, & so I venture to number this 5. If it is not right, you can know this is the next one by the date of it. You need not send me any as I can buy me one off our sutler who has them for sale. I was just thinking of buying one a day or two before I got your letter. I am glad you made me think of it or refreshed my memory in regard to it for I will now do it or do the best I can.

You wanted to know whether I was Company Clerk. I am and when we are in camp, it excuses me from camp guard and all fatigue duties. But when we are on picket, I have to do as much as any of the boys, and the writing besides. I made myself down sick for I over done the last time I was out. I don’t hardly know what to do with myself. I get to lonesome to live, and I want to get at something and I ketch up a pen and write to somebody. I wrote to James & Margaret, Father & Mother & Brother since last Sunday & I wrote to you on Sunday.


Letter 38

Belle Plain Landing, Va.
February Ist 1863

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 25th from Clarendon came in last eve and a very welcome (but an unexpected) messenger. I like to have them come that way. It makes me feel tip top. It is quite warm today. The snow is leaving us very fast and I am very glad to see it for it has got to go sometime and if we had ever so much, we soldier boys could not enjoy it here. I want to see the weather so this Army can go forward or do something. It is awful to think how this weather is [such that] a horse will go in up to his knees every step he takes almost anyplace. It seems to me we will kill off all of the horses before the weather can possibly get good enough to move. I cant bear the thought of laying idle a moment. Every moment seems an age when engaged in soldiering. It may not to some, but it does to me when I know I have got such dear ones at home anxiously waiting for my return.

Mary I wrote in the plural before I thought. When it was done, the thought flashed on my mind [that] only your Mary is left you. I don’t think sometimes that our little Boy is among the departed spirits. I fancy I can see him as he would be if on earth. But it is a sad reality, little Mitty is gone. I think of him more than ever lately. But Mary, to tell the truth, I refrain from mentioning anything about it for I want to get your mind taken off from him. I am sure I don’t want you to forget him entirely, but not to mourn for him so much for I know very well, Mary would not wish him back to this sinful world. But let us meet him in that blest land where parting is no more.

I am quite smart today. I have got my diarrhea stopped and I eat quite a breakfast this a.m. of fresh meat and coffee. I am in hopes I will get along now without any further trouble. How I like to be well. I don’t believe any person in the world enjoys health any better than I do. You too told me not to get down hearted. I will try not to, but it comes tough sometimes to see how everything goes on. All I want is to get out of this thing with a whole hide and I don’t expect much else.

I don’t think the Major will remain with us very long. I know very well he won’t for he can’t ride and it is impossible for him to get Paymaster, and so he will of course go home. A Major’s wages amount to $163 per month. He is going to get a leave of absence for 30 days and go to Illinois and after his leave of absence has expired, he can get it extended if he is not able to return and offer his resignation which they are obliged to accept on the presentation of a Surgeon’s Certificate of Disability. He can draw full wages for the time he had been absent and for all the time he gets a leave of absence. I would of course like to have him remain but I know the service is detrimental to his health for if he should take the least cold, it would settle in the wound & he would, ten chances to one, loose his life. I can’t blame Major for the Dr. was talking with Gen. Pleasanton in regard to procuring a discharge and Gen. Pleasanton said tell the Major not not to be in a hurry about getting out of the service for he was wounded in it and they had ought to recompense him in some way, and if he could manage to get him a leave of absence, he would. I think the General was very fair about it. He was in the charge personally at the time Major Kelley was wounded and he knows the circumstances and he is a man in every sense of the word.

I don’t think the prospect very bright for my getting any better job but let it go as it will. I am bound to be content as contentment will bring forth happiness when it cannot be secured in any other way. I would of course like something that would recompense me better than in the ranks but I shall not complain as I am not the worst off of anyone after all. I know Bent has got near and dear friends that know well my abilities. It is quite a hard matter to get a position that amounts to anything without someone of influence works for you. I want to be spared to my Mary and when our beloved land once more smiles with peace, then I can claim my dear Mary’s hand, never more to leave her, and enjoy those few remaining years in enjoying each other’s society as I know we can. I am nerved up, dear Mary, in my loneliest hour by the thought of our future happiness for dear one, I am well aware never twain loved better. How I would love to pass this winter in your society. But it is impossible. I must here request you, under any circumstance, do not worry in regard to my welfare for it will not avail anything. If I am sick in this regiment, I will get as good care as a soldier can get under the circumstances for both of the surgeons are particular friends of mine.

Last evening two boys from Co. A of our regiment came in quite badly wounded. They were sent out (six in number) to kill a beef four miles outside of our picket lines and on their return to camp they encountered 20 or 25 armed citizens. They (the citizens) rose from behind a ditch fence, firing a volley at them. Our Boys wounded 2 or 3 in their returning fire but they could not capture any of them as they took refuge in a woods near at hand and the ditch fence was between them and our boys. Maj. Beveridge of their Battalion went out in pursuit of the Rebel civilians on the return of the men to camp and had succeeded in arresting some 20 or 30 which must have been some of the guilty party. I would like to see them brought to justice (strung up by the neck). One of our Boys has 7 buck shot in his body and his arm broken. The other is shot with a ball in the cap of the right shoulder.

I am much better today and am sure I will get along now without any further trouble. Mary, I forgot to inform you that I received those postage stamps. I got them all right, five in number. I think I was careless in forgetting to acknowledge the receipt of them at the time I got the money. Mary, I am happy to know that you are ready and willing to lend a helping hand to the sick and afflicted but don’t over do and get down yourself for I want you to enjoy your health when you have it. Give my love to Uncle’s family and tell them one far away is thinking about their welfare. Much love to the friends and a kiss for the family, keeping Mary’s due. Write me soon and oblige. Major E. S. Kelley joins in sending love to the friends and to Mary. I wish I could press my Mary to my bosom as I used to and kiss that noble brow. I know Mary loves me although far away. I want you to keep in good spirits and not worry about me. Write me when you can. From your husband, — T. B. Kelley, Co E, 8th Ills Cavalry


Letter 39

Belle Plain Landing
February 9th 1863

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 30th came in from the regiment to me on Saturday p.m. and letter No 5 dated the 28th came in this a.m. I am glad to learn you are still in good health as I had thought you could not stand it to take care of the sick in your delicate condition without making yourself down sick. I hope you will not get sick yourself I am quite smart at present. Have lost my appetite entirely and got a hogs. I can eat as much as 2 men had ought to and it sits well on my stomach too. Bill Jones has been staying with me—or at least has been eating with me—for the past 3 days and he says he never saw anyone eat as much in his life as I do. I can beat him to death eating. He has gone out to the company today for the first time since his return to the army. He is waiting to go home with the Major who intends to get away sometime next week or at least week after. The Major will visit Vermont on his return to the West.

You did not write whether it was Grandma Kelley or Grandma Round that was so sick but we took it from your letter of the 28th which was received last that it was Grandma Kelley. The Major has not received any letter in regard to her illness and it will serve to get him away from us sooner than he would under other circumstances. I hope she will get better soon. The Major worries a great deal about it and wonders why he don’t get a letter about her being so ill. I don’t think myself she can last a great while longer. Neither did I think so when I was there. I am sorry that it is so sickly in Vermont this winter. You must be very careful of yourself, dear Mary, and not get sick. I don’t know what I should do if you was to get sick. I know you are so feeble you could not stand a hard fit of sickness. You will be careful, won’t you? I know you are among your friends but still I could not bear the thought of your being sick and I not be with you. Mary, I am sure my being with you last fall saved you a long fit of sickness and if you will care for yourself, I guess we can be permitted to meet once more and spend the remainder of our days in each other’s society, which I know there is not any twain living could enjoy it better than Bent & Mary. How I long for the happy day to arrive when I can press my Mary to my bosom, never more to part on this earth. Mary, as you say, I believe our affections cling to each other closer than ever. I am sure it is so with me and I am well aware it is so with you. How I wish I could pass these long evenings in your society. Sometimes I pass them quite alone in my log cabin and sometimes with the Major in his tent reading some story or other. I manage to pass them as pleasantly as possible under the circumstances but how much more pleasant would it be if Bent could be where he could hold his Mary in his lap for hours & hours the long winter evenings and she with her head resting on his shoulder, stealing a kiss once in a while. I have known what it was to enjoy your dear society and I long to have it renewed. And I am sure it would be doubly renewed if we could be permitted to meet each other.

It seems to me this war must close sometime or other but it is played out trying to move [in] such weather as this. It is all the teams can possibly do to get rations to us now [that] we are stationary. And what could they think of if we were on the move? It is no use of thinking, nor I don’t allow myself to presume for a moment we can think of such a thing. But I wish we might move. I want to see something done [even] if it ain’t too pretty. But there is no danger of the Army of the Potomac doing anything over and above nice. There is too much changing commanders to suit me, although I have confidence in Hooker. But I don’t think that he can handle an army as large as this as well as little McClellan. How I wish he would return, and what a different spirit you would see in a short time amongst the men, I tell you. They all want him to return. His presence here would be like the return of a near and dear friend that had been absent for years to a circle of friends at home. But I fear he never will return to us. It is the wish of every soldier I have talked with that he should return. The Major thinks he will have some important command ere long and I hope he may, but I will hope for the best. I can worry my term of service out if they only give me health without much trouble, although it would be more pleasant to be with my friends.

Mary, there is some pretty bad news came from one of the Danby folks to one of the Boys here. It went on to relate that Tid[man] Hull’s wife had had an abortion case not long since and he thinks she is very ill and [he] is trying to get a furlough to go home. He don’t know that she has been in the family way atall. They say one of the boss Bridge builders that put up the Dupage Bridge done it for her under the promise of taking her East to her friends there. Tid does not know nor even mistrust anything wrong about it for if he did, he would not be so anxious to go home. I know I would not if it was my fix. If he succeeds in getting a furlough, I don’t think we will ever see him back here again for he will go to California or Australia or some other part of the kingdom. I knew Tid’s wife well, but I never mistrusted anything wrong about her. I never drempt of such a thing. I feel sorry for Tid and for his little family. I know he never will live with her again and he is of such a temperament he will indulge too free with the intoxicating cup and in a short time, he will be lost. I see him every day 2 or 3 times and I am sometimes almost attempted to tell him about it, but I won’t. I am a going to let it come out some other way. I know he ought to know it before he goes home. I would want to if it was my case. I would not want to return to what I thought was a peaceful and quite home and have such a thing as that fall like a thunder bolt on my ears. No, not I. I feel sorry for Tid for I know just how it will use him when he hears about it. But she got herself into the boat and let her row ashore. I am willing. It is awful to think of. I don’t allow myself to think of it. I don’t see what she could be thinking of. But let it rip—so goes the world. 1

I would like to spend these winter evenings in your company. How happy would we be, I tell you. It makes me laugh for joy when I think of it. But I hope the time will soon come when I can say, Mary come and sit on my knee as you used to. Don’t you remember long before we were married when I would come down from the Station as tired as a dog [and] I would take you on my knee and hold you for hours? And oh, how I enjoyed to. No one knows but Bent & Mary how we enjoyed it, does they? I know we could enjoy as well again if we could be permitted to meet each other. I often wake up in the night and lay thinking of you. Yes, dear Bent longs to meet his Mary once more. Won’t we be two happy persons? Yes, as happy as ever any two ever was in this wide world. I hope I will keep my health as good as it was before I was taken sick. I never weighed more in my life than I did before I was taken sick. I weighed 178 lbs. Now that was just Old [ ]. I felt tip top too and I am in hopes to feel so once more. I think there is no doubt but what I will.

I tell you, Mary, I enjoy writing to you. It seems to me I never could stop for I enjoy it so. But how much better would I enjoy it if I could meet you face to face and spin my yarns personally and throw the pen aside. But still I want the pen here. I don’t know what I should do without it here. It is a great blessing, is it not, Mary? I do so like to get a letter from Mary. It is read with so much interest. You would be surprised to see me—how anxiously every mail is watched for those welcome messengers. Please write whether it is Grandma Kelley or Grandma Round that was so ill and how they are now and all about it for I shall anxiously wait for it. Give much love to the friends and a kiss for all who would accept it. Write how all the sick progress and all the news in general. I got a letter from Mother last night. All well but Isaac. He was quite ill yet—not much expected to recover. Sweet dreams, Mary, and lots of kisses. I do wish I could give you one of the original. Write me, — Bent

1 Tidman (“Tidd”) Hull (1822-1890) was born in New York State and living in Babcock Grove (Lombard), DePage county, Illinois when he enlisted in September 1861 in Co. H, 8th Illinois Cavalry. In 1870 and 1880, Tidd and his wife were living in Syracuse, New York, where he worked as a clerk in a store. A pension for her husband’s service was filed by Tidd’s widow, Helen M. (Blanchard) Hull, on 10 July 1890.


Letter 40

Camp near Hope’s Landing, Virginia
March 5th 1863

Dearest Mary,

I have tried my best to pen a few [lines] to you. It is now 5 days since I wrote you & it does seem an age. And guess it seems two ages to you. But Bent has been busy nearly every morning since I came here. I have got very cosy quarters in a tent where there is 6 others. It is quite comfortable. I attempted to make some biscuit for supper and just as I had got them done, I was called upon by the Lieut. to go to the Headquarters and copy some Brigade orders that took two sheets of fools cap paper written quite close, so I had to go without supper until it was all done and my biscuit was cold. The other Boys had them when they was warm with butter on them. They said they were splendid when they was warm but I had to take it by their say when I had ought to have had the pleasure of trying them myself. They was pretty good when cold so they must have been very decent when warm.

Major Kelley left our camp for Washington on his 30 days furlough yesterday a.m. I was glad to see him get it as I would to have went myself for he did anticipate so much on his leave of absence. The first Major leaves tomorrow morning for Illinois on a 15-day furlough. I don’t think I am in for any of them 15-day fellers. I would only just get to living and then have to return to the army again. I do so long for the time to speedily come when I can get one of those everlasting furloughs. That is the one I will make application for. How would it suit your mind? Me thinks I can here you say. “I would like it well.” I know you would so love to get Bent with you once again, never more to leave you. Many of the men that have been granted leaves of absence are staying over their time. We have four marked deserters from our regiment and I am afraid when tomorrow night comes around, Tidd Hull will make five. One of the Boys marked deserter came in while I was there [and] the Colonel asked him why he did not get back day before yesterday and he told him he failed to make his connections and the Colonel told him to go to his quarters. Never said no more to him.

Our Acting Brigadier General is a going to raise this Brigade a little ahead of anything yet. We are to answer to three roll calls every day, and at 5 p.m. we are to have a company inspection of arms and clothing. All the company officers are to be present as well as the privates. And we are to drill every day at least one hour, half on foot or mounted. Every regiment of this Brigade must have a camp guard to consist of one captain for officer of the day, and 1 Lieut. for officer of the guard, 3 non-commissioned officers and 20 or 21 privates. Our picket lines where our horses stand have to be corduroyed and pine boughs put around them and our tents have got to be put up just in line and also a Sunday a.m. inspection of arms, ammunition, &c. The horses, private’s quarters, ambulances, hospitals, &c., and the ambulances, teams & forages shall form on the left of the regiment when inspected. Read this to Major Kelley and see what he will say about it. The orders are issued by Col. Davis, commanding the Brigade. Col of the 8th NY Cavalry, our regiment, and the 3rd Indiana are reported for not having our tents on quarters in line & for not having the company picket ropes up. The company officers have got to see that the horses are watered, fed, & groomed properly, and that the forage is properly taken care of and have to recite tactics at least twice per week to the regimental commander. I cant begin to tell what orders we have not got to do and won’t try any more. Suffice it to say, I am sick of hearing such too often here. I am to the end of my paper and ain’t hardly wrote a word about myself or the folks but I am tip top and so was the folks at home when I got a letter. Mary, you must excuse me if I don’t write you so much tonight as Bent is tired out or nearly so and is now after 10 p.m., all the Boys snoring, and me almost dreading to go to bed for it is quite cold and I sleep alone. Oh, how I wish I could steal into Mary’s nest. Oh, go away fly. There’s no use humming around here, is there. Such thoughts have to come once in a while but just imagine if that could be the case. Would we not be two happy mortals? OK? No!! I’m afraid not. I dreamed you was on my arm last night and when I woke up, it was Charley Howell who gave up his nest and come and slept with me to let one of our Boys sleep with his mess mate. Thought sure it was Mary, & Charley said this morning I kept him awful warm as I kept him close to me all the time.

Mary we have laid so many nights, ain’t we, and I hope we can have the pleasure of repeating them again and again. I can’t but express myself in the language of the favorite poet Byron who said, “Sweet one, I love to muse on thee At this calm and gentle hour When winds go singing pleasant times And Kiss each drooping flower. And bright above the holy stars Are dancing in their glee Then soft as angel whispers come Heart cherished dreams of thee.

Yes Mary, I have enjoyed many a lonely night dreaming of you and it was pleasure beyond description. I know you know what pleasure it is so I will not attempt to rehearse it for fear I must not do it justice. I must draw my letter to a close as my light is nearly burned out and I have not got any more. The 12th Illinois Cavalry went by our camp yesterday and encamped for the night about a half mile from here. Fred Usher, (young) Charley Finch, Steve Ackerman, and 3 or 4 more you don’t know came over and see me. I was glad to see the Boys, I tell you. It was like looking old Danby over for awhile. But I must quit for tonight by wishing you pleasant dreams and lots of love for yourself, our family & friends, & a kiss for our folks. I hope little Jessie is much better ere this. Write when you learn. — Bent

Little Fred Usher sent his regards to Mary. He is a good soldier so his officers say. He looks like one anyway. The rest don’t amount to much.


Letter 41

Camp near Hope’s Landing, Virginia
Sunday 1 o’clock p.m., March 8th 1863

Dearest Mary,

I have not been lucky enough to get a letter from Mary since I came here. No. 12 was the last one and that I got on Saturday before leaving Belle Plain on Sunday a.m. one week ago today. I have been very busy since I have been here to get the Books posted up as they have not been touched since we went on picket at King George Court House on Christmas day. I have got them posted up to date I think now.

The very night I wrote the last letter to you I was just fixing for bed when the Headquarters bugler sounded Boots and Saddles. I tell you, I was awfully out of patience for I was very tired. But I woke the balance of the Boys and set about saddling. We drew a new lot of cartridges and three days rations and as luck would have it, we were not ordered out, but we might as well have been on account of sleep for we did not get a wink of sleep. At daylight, or tattoo, we unsaddled and cleaned our horses and saddled up again and remained so all the day. We did not have to go out atall. I was nearly fagged out as I had taken some cold and then being broken of my rest, it came near worsting me. But I am all OK again.

Yesterday and so far today have been very busy with the 8th Ills for our Col (formerly the Lieut. Col.) ordered a Regimental Inspection. Mounted this morning. It was lowery—looking much like rain, and the inspection was deferred. And when the order was given to the regiment, the Boys sent up such a deafening shout that made the woods fairly ring. [But] in less than a half an hour, the regiment was ordered out on inspection. The most of the companies were talked to considerable, but Co E. With the exception of 1 man, not a word was said, and he had a fractious horse that did not need spurs & he had left them off and he was asked why he did not have them on. I think our company looked a little the best of any on the ground. And another little item, I would not have been ashamed to have stood by the side of any man in the regiment either, in looks of horse, equipments, arms or clothing. Our Lieut. gave me the credit of looking tip top every way so you can see I was no slouch. I must say, I took a great deal of pains for we have not had a Regimental Inspection since we have left the Peninsula and I knew what the Colonel was, so I thought I would not give him any chance to speak to me. I am glad the thing is over for once but according to a Brigade order, there has got to be a Regimental Inspection every Sunday a.m.; also of quarters of the several companies. Also a Company Inspection of arms & clothing at reveille roll call (6 pm.) every evening which, taking everything into consideration, does not amount to a row of pins—only to make the Boys trouble. Our Lieut. is not as particular as some, only on Regimental Inspection. Then he makes the Boys come up to the scratch. He gave our 2nd Duty Sergeant (Whittaker) fits this morning before we went on inspection on account of not having his saddle packed properly and when spoken to civilly about it, he answered very abruptly. The Lieut would have put him under arrest if he had not closed his features. But as the whole thing is over, I am very glad for I can now get time to write to my Mary.

I do wish I could get one of your most welcome letters. I know I have got 2 or 3 somewhere on the way, but that is not here where I can enjoy the privilege of perusing them. Mary, no one knows but Bent how much solid comfort I do enjoy perusing your kind and most affectionate letters. It does me so much good. It seems as if I could hear you verbally utter the self same things. I hope we will not long be separated. I do think it too bad that those near and dear friends must be separated so long and especially those who love each other as I know we do. But Mary, we are not alone. I am sure there is thousands who think they love with that same filial devotion but I doubt whether they do or not, nor is it just for me to judge. I know my own heart and know how well I love my own dear Mary and I enjoy the pleasant thought that I do love my companion unsurpassed by none in this wide wide world and I think she is well worthy of it. Mary, how much different I feel towards you to what I know many others do to their companions who were loose, careless, and rude creatures previous to their marriage. Now I am perfectly at ease while they, as it were, are on a nettle. You know well what I mean. Tidd Hull has returned from his leave of absence. He only went to Syracuse, New York. He met his wife there. I don’t think he knows anything about it yet, or he never would have come back. I know I wouldn’t. I have not seen him but Ed Hardy did and spoke to him.

Tell the Major that he must be sure to report himself here as soon as his furlough expires so they can’t get any hook on him as the Orders are very stringent now. No more furloughs will be granted—only to the best soldiers they may grant as many as they are a mind to and won’t accept of any short of 30 days, and then they must pay my expenses. I want one of those everlasting furloughs. Those will just fit me. I wish I could meet my little wife once more. I must draw my letter to a close by sending love to all the friends and a kiss for the family, saving your regular rations. Marcel joins in sending regards to you and the Major. Accept the compliments of Dan Deuse & E. A. Hardy who kindly tender them. Write when you can & I will, — Bent


Letter 42

On Patrol from Dumfries to the Occoquan River
Sunday, March 15th 1863

Dearest Mary,

Your Bent is all tired & worn out but he can find an opportunity of writing, but don’t know when he can send it. Our regiment left camp the 11th inst. I wrote you a few lines and left it with one of the Boys to send. I presume you have got it ere this. On the 12th we relieved the 3rd Indiana & 1st Battalion of the 8th New York Cavalry that was on picket & patrol from Dumfries to the Occoquan River—a distance of 12 miles which I can assure you are spread on pretty thick this going. I patrolled on the picket line for 2 days & then I was sent to help 20 of our Boys that was Patrolling to the Occoquan. I went on Patrol at 2 a.m. this morning and I believe I never saw as bad roads in all my born days. For three good miles it was up to our horses’ bellies in frozen mud. But we got back to camp at 9 a.m. and I commenced a letter to you & in fact finished it, but did not have a chance to send it off so I have wrote you a new one bearing the same date. Our patrol when I came here was 1 non-commissioned officer, either corporal or sergeant, and 6 men. The next patrol went out at 10 and back at 4 p.m. and the next departed out at 4 p.m. and were due back at 10 p.m., 1 corporal & 6 men from Co. H belonging to our squadron.

It commenced snowing accompanied by fierce thunder and vivid lighting but the Boys went [and] reported all right to the pickets at the Occoquan and left there for camp at 8. That is the last we have ever heard from them. They were surrounded by dismounted men in a deep cut in the road 4½ miles from here and taken prisoners. We found four sabers. Capt. Farnsworth of Co. K with his squadron was out scouting on Monday (they were taken Sunday night between 9 and 10 p.m.) and took an officer & 2 privates. The officer will not tell what rank he is. One of the privates rode the corporal’s horse that was taken prisoner. They—the Reb officer—offered to give us Co. H’s men, horses, arms, and equipment if we would let them go back, but we could not see it in that light. He probably ranked as a Capt. or Major. If he does, he alone will bring 8 of our men in regular exchange. If a Lieutenant, he will bring 5. So you see, if he is only a Lieutenant, he will exchange all they got from us & more too. We got 4 horses, 6 revolvers, with them. He says there is one horse in this regiment he will have if it cost a squadron of men to get it. He won’t tell whose it is, but all think it is Capt. Farnsworth’s Mustang Pony that has run down 6 or 8 of his regiment on a fair race. I guess they will loose more men than that if they get him. We went over the road twice after the Boys were captured with a non-com & 6 men. The relief I was on took through 4 men, 4 horses, and a yoke of cattle all OK. Never was molested. Now a Lieutenant and from 18 to 25 men have to go over the road once in 8 hours, or 3 times in 24. I have been once today. Left here from 2 a.m. and got back at 8 a.m. and the Lieutenant just came around and says Boys be ready to leave promptly in an hour and a half, which will be 4 p.m. so you can see a plump 50 miles before I can rest any, or my Horse much of any, but I can stand it I guess. I will try it and if my Horse plays out, I can foot it.

Our reason for patrolling this road is the government telegraph runs over it and we have to patrol to keep it in order and from having it cut by the Rebs. If we are not relieved pretty soon, we will have the most of our horses entirely spoiled. We were reported to be relieved in a day or two when we came out here. We were said to stand picket 10 days. I hope we won’t have to stand any longer.

I got your letter on Saturday by one of the Boys who was sent out with the mail. It was No. 16, date the 8th. I never have got No. 14 at all. Do you remember whether you have numbered a letter with that number or have you skipped it? I had began to think you had skipped it.

Very heavy firing was heard all the afternoon of yesterday in a westerly direction from here. You will know long ere this reaches you what it was. I judge our men have run afoul of Stewart or we have found quite a force somewhere. It was heavy cannonading. Some can also be heard north from here. I hope we are warming the Rebs at some point. I don’t think it amounts to much anyway, but hope it will.

I got a letter from Mother day before yesterday and a letter from sister Mag the one from sister Mag was started the 15 of February and closed the 11th of March. She has had sore eyes. She wants me to write to Henry and her also. I wish I could get from here until the roads get good. At least I wish it was so I could, but I don’t see any hopes of it. I must close, get my grub, saddle, & ride 25 miles before I rest. Much love to all the friends and family and a kiss for the sisters and Pa & Ma. Write me when you can. From your own, — Bent

Tell Major Kelley to write me if he is there.


Letter 43

Camp near Hope’s Landing, Virginia
March 26th 1863

Dearest Mary,

Nothing of importance has happened since I wrote you last, nor have I received a letter from you since, but I am well aware you are expecting a letter from me and I will try and spend a few moments in conversing with you which, dear one, is a great consolation to me. I can say I do enjoy it more than anything else I can do when I am situated as I am now. We are constantly doing something—either drilling on foot or mounted, or having inspection of some kind or other. I was in hopes we would be allowed to rest a few days after we got in from picket but we were called out on General Inspection the very next day.

Col. Benjamin F. “Grimes” Davis—“an old tyrant and nothing else.” His own Bots fairly hate the sight of him.”

We will have a Brigade inspection in a day or two by our now Acting Brigadier (Col. [Benjamin F. “Grimes”] Davis of the 8th New York Cavalry) an old Tyrant & nothing else. His own Boys fairly hate the sight of him. I wish we was out from under his control entirely or at least had a Brigadier that had some human feeling about him (which he has not got). I do wish it could have been possible for General Farnsworth to have remained in the field but he was not able to stand it. If he could have done so, we would be differently used. All the trouble with us is this Col. Davis as a Regular and he tries to make Regulars of all under his command, and it is just as impossible to make a Regular of a Volunteer as it would to make a new world. And if he is not old enough to know that now, he will find it out before many weeks pass. The Volunteers consist of men in all classes; the Regulars hardly without an exception are the ruff scuff of society—or the lowest grades at least—and when he tries to make Regulars of such as are in the 8th Illinois [Cavalry], he will have to be older than he is now by many years. But I will not criticize on it at present. I am at least sorry we happened to fall into such hands.

If we only had good weather for a few weeks, I would look for a move at some point of the Army of the Potomac. I don’t know but it will snow or rain all the spring. Yesterday it tried to snow, and as I write it is raining quite hard. I wish I could enjoy the pleasure of mingling in your society—at least until the ground became settled enough for the Army to make a move, but I don’t see any prospects of it as yet, nor as I might say, the least hope for it either. How mean it is to keep separated those who would enjoy each other’s presence so much.

Mary you are my all and I am constantly thinking of you. It is too bad we cannot enjoy each other’s society. We have been separated so long, I do wish we could meet again & that quite soon too but I fear many months of hard fighting must intervene ere we can. I must here remark our regiment has turned over all their wagons except two & pack mules are adopted in their place. I can assure you, they are much better while this mud lasts, but after that is played, I think the wagons will be the best. Maybe we will pass this campaign through with the mules but don’t know.

The New York Herald of the 25th has just came in. The Rebel Fort Pemberton has been attacked by our forces. I fear it will be all we bargained for to get her. I hear from Illinois that Bill Jones is quite ill [and] not expected to live. I hope that is exaggerated for it would seem too bad almost to have him taken away when he had passed through what he has and came out all right.

I expect there will be some very important military movements in the South & West within the next 10 days or 2 weeks. I am sure they can’t be decisive in any point. Anything to make this thing get to a close. I want to meet my friends and enjoy their society which I know so well. Sam Smith the sergeant that was in our company from Naperville & married while we were in camp at St. Charles has just returned where he has been absent for 15 days, or at least only 7 days at home. He says, “Bent, you can bet I enjoyed it.” Mary, I thought to myself, how different must be his love from my own, for he never stayed with his wife only one night unless he done it before he married her & I guess he did not. I know he could not commence to love as Bent & Mary does.

But I must close as I must do my chores for night. I hope the next few days will tell in our cause. Love to all the friends and a kiss for the family and lots for my Mary. Pleasant dreams to my lovely wife. How I wish I could have the privilege of letting you dream on my arm as you used to do. Wasn’t those pleasant times, dear one. No one knows but us, does they? I hope little Jessie has fully recovered. Write soon and all the news. I hear furloughs are played out. I guess we will go somewhere. — Bent


Letter 44

In the woods near Beverly Ford on the Rappahannock
April 17th 1863

Dearest Mary,

This is the fourth time I have attempted to inform you of my whereabouts since I wrote you last but before I could get it done, or anywhere near it, we would be called upon to march. We left for the picket lines the next morning after I wrote you. We stood picket until the Sunday p.m. following. I went out in company with 19 others & Capt. Southworth of Co. H of our squadron. We went some 15 or 16 miles into the country & run across a squadron of rebels. We charged them, taking 1 man, 2 horses, & 3 revolvers & chasing the others some 3 or 4 miles. My horse was the fastest one in the lot and I got some 100 or 200 rods in the advance of our squad. I fired 10 rounds during the charge & had to stop the chase to reload my revolver when they passed me but the Reb horses was fresh and our Boys could not ketch them so we returned to camp at the lines.

We had not been in more than two hours when we were ordered to saddle and pack up to go to camp. We did and had to stand to horse until 8 p.m. when it commenced raining and it was awful dark. We started to come in and got on the wrong road and one that cannot be equaled for mud and water. For three miles the mud & water was up to our horses’ bellies. We got into camp near Hope’s Landing at half past 2 the next a.m. At 6 o’clock a.m. the bugle sounded Boots and Saddles [and] we were promptly in the saddles and our whole brigade pulled out in the direction of Warrington. We went some 20 miles the first day and a tired set of men never was than the 8th Illinois [Cavalry]. I think I never have been so tired since I have been in the service. But we got some sleep [and] at daylight we were in the saddles again & our squadron was put as rear guard. We moved some 15 miles up to 4 o’clock p.m. and then pickets were put out while the brigade drew three days rations for horses and men.

At 10 o’clock p.m. we were called out and marched all night long, it raining continually. We arrived at Banks Ford on the Rappahannock at 8 the next morning when we halted & fed ourselves & horses and crossed without any interruption. The water was nearly over our horses backs. We went some 5 or 6 miles on the other side when we encountered Rebel pickets across another river called Hazel Run. Our advance promptly supported [and] succeeded in crossing. The Rebs had a Brigade of cavalry on the other side but dare not attack our advance. We took 13 prisoners, killing 4 & wounding quite a number, and turning square to the left, came to Beverly Ford 1 when we crossed the Rappahannock again. The water being so high caused by continual rain, it was over our horses backs, but our Boys all got over safe. A squadron of the 3rd Indiana [Cavalry] which was left for rear guard was charged upon by the Rebs and 1 killed and 8 taken prisoner. The men on this side broke the force of the charge by firing volleys of carbine into them. Some of the Indiana Boys lost their horses in fording but all the men got out safe with one exception.

We went into camp within a mile of the river and put up our ponchos for tents and built fires. Soon the Rebel artillery opened on our camp and we had to limber to the rear another mile, and such another night I don’t want to put in while I am in the service. It rained all day and all night, but we put up our ponchos and laid rails down to keep out of the mud. But we might as well laid plum in the mud. We could not get dry and there was not a dry thread in any of our clothes after being out in the rain all the night before and all day, but I got a board and part of an armful of straw and I pitched in. I got to sleep but that was about all. I could not bare anything on me for I would get so warm my damp cloths would sweat so and then if I left the blanket off, I would get so cold I could not sleep. But I put in the night the best I could and the next morning the sun came out nice and warm & I dried my cloths & blankets.

At 4 p.m. we were ordered to saddle & pack up and mount our horses when we moved back from the river one mile father in[to] a nice oak grove and on high ground. We put up quite comfortable tents today. A forage party was sent out—some from our company & some from Co. H under the charge of Lieut. Russell of Co H. I went and got a full bag of corn in the ear, a piece of bacon weighing 8 lbs. and a chicken, came into camp and got something to eat. And the next thing was to make another attempt to write to you. I have not been interrupted by anyone.

I can’t tell what on Earth we will do next but I suppose we will lay here until the roads get so we can move again, and then I expect we will visit the other side of the Rappahannock and have a muss. I don’t know—either does any of the officers—when the mail will go out. I done the best I could, Mary. I would get a letter started and we would be ordered into the saddle to march. I will write you again when I get an opportunity. You must not worry if you do not hear from me for I don’t know when we can ever get a chance to send any mail off when we are continually on the march. We are so heavily packed, I can’t carry any ink and only a few sheets of paper. But I can carry enough to write you for some time. I do wish it would get good weather and stay so for I want to see this thing brought to a close & it seems just as if when we were laying still, the prosecution of the war was stopped. I must close. So love to all and a kiss for the family and lots for Mary. From your Bent

1 Bent claims the regiment crossed the Rappahannock at Beverly’s Ford and then camped nearby, beyond Rebel artillery fire from the river, but the regimental history states that the regiment crossed at Kelly’s Ford. A squadron of the 3rd Indiana Cavalry, acting as rear guard, sustained casualties attempting to cross the river. The regimental history of the 8th Illinois Cavalry informs us that the 3rd Indiana lost one Lieutenant and 20 men. The 8th New York Cavalry also had one Lieutenant shot trying to ford the river which Bent says was running high from the continual rain.


Letter 45

Camp near Libertyville
April 20th 1863 (10 p.m.)

Dearest Mary,

We just got in from a scout of 60 hours today at eleven 30 a.m. and I can tell you we were a tired set of Boys as ever you witnessed. 100 picked men from our regiment and 100 from the 3rd Indiana [Cavalry] under the command of our first Major (Beveridge). We were within a half a mile of our old battleground at Barbee’s Cross Roads [present day Hume, Va.] where we charged last November. We captured the Lieutenant of the Black Horse Cavalry, his Orderly Sergeant, and seven privates, and never lost but one horse—not a man wounded. The Cavalry Corps set out on their way to Rebeldom this morning. We were allowed to wait until morning at 6 a.m., when we will join them. We probably will not stop for wind or weather this time. There is 30 or 31 regiments I hear today going so it will take something of a force to dispute our going just where we please. I hear we are to go in the rear of Lee’s Army and cut his supplies, if possible, and get his force in pursuit of us, and then Old Joe Hooker intends to wallop them. We are to go to the James River on the Peninsula so you see it is going to take some time to do it. We are headed for the Shenandoah Valley and we will probably go by that way.

I got your letters Nos. 27 & 28 this evening—the first I have had in 10 or 12 days and I was afraid the mail would not get in before we had to march. I tell you Mary, I was glad to get them. I must beg off a little tonight about a long letter for we were in the saddle from 5 a.m. yesterday until 3 a.m. this morning and in again at 6 to come to camp. And I had so much to do, I could not get at writing you before this late hour. We are ordered to have our horses groomed and saddled ready to leave at 6 a.m. tomorrow for the raid in the rear of the Rebs (I suppose). Now all I know about what we are a going to do is by hearsay and I place but little confidence in that but I know it is a going to be a big thing, but the point in indiscernible as yet. It will probably be seen ere many days pass by. I hope at least it will not be a failure on our part. I feel anxious that our blows should be decisive and telling in this our first outset of the Summer Campaign.

Mary you must not think it strange if you do not hear from me in sometime for we are going where we can neither get or send mail in a number of days. You can be assured that I will write you every opportunity I can get in the world for dear one, nothing gives me more pleasure than to write you. I got a letter from Ike today. His regiment is at Gallatin as yet and he don’t know where they will move but expects ere long. I received the $1 bill you sent me and the line from Aunt Lib tonight. Tell her I will answer it the first opportunity.

Get little Mittie’s grave stones just as soon as you can. We hear nothing about our pay as yet. Love to all and write me when you can. A kiss for the family and lots for Mary. So good night from Bent. My health is good and I am in tip top spirits so you must not worry about me in case you don’t hear from me as often as you would like to. All will turn out right at last. Pleasant dreams, dear one, and don’t worry about me for I will take good care of myself. Love to all the family and friends & tell Aunt Lib to give you lots of her nice biscuit and new sugar when you got there visiting for — Bent


Letter 46

Camp near Aquia Creek Landing
March [May] 12th 1863

Dearest Mary,

I can assure you I am now about to perform one of my most pleasant tasks and that is to converse with you on paper as that is the only way we can communicate our thoughts and wishes to each other. I received your letter of the 3rd, No. 32, the other day, and of the 7th last eve.

Mary, we have in the saddle nearly all the time for the last 20 or 25 days. We have eat, drank, and slept in them and what more could we have done? I don’t know what I should have done if I could not have slept in the saddle. I would have been completely worn out. We came in camp here day before yesterday in the afternoon and the next p.m. we received our pay for Nov., Dec., Jany., & February. We would have got our pay for March and April [too] but our rolls were not made out, so we could not get it. But I suppose it will be forthcoming soon as I worked on the pay roll nearly all night so we could have it ready for the Pay Master to take back with him. We will probably get it in a few days if we stay here, but I hope we will not lay idle long for I feel that our time is very precious about now for I think Stoneman’s Raid hurt them quite bad and they would feel it a great deal worse if they should be crowded on the front. Gen. Stoneman done just what he attempted to do, but would have done a great deal more if Gen. Averill had have connected with him as ordered when he left Kelly’s Ford. We only went to the Rapidan river and we fought all day dismounted against the Rebel sharpshooters who were in rifle pits just across the river some 20 or 30 rods. But we burned the railroad bridge under the galling fire of their sharpshooters before we returned.

We had only three men wounded and only one of them dangerously. He was shot through the neck but was alive the last I heard from him. I tell you, if Gen. Averill had made his connections with Stoneman, we would have accomplished a great deal more than was done, not saying in the least but what he done first rate—the best ever was done by any cavalry general as yet. I would like to have Gen. Hooker have force enough to move off on them and either crush them here or make them hunt their hole in Richmond immediately. Our men feel confident. They were not whipped or even drove this side of the river. But one thing I am sure of, Gen. Sedgwick has saved many lives by capturing their large siege guns and spiking them. They are just as harmless as doves now. We must have killed & wounded three times more men than they did of ours. But Hooker thought it best to retreat this side on account of they being so heavily reinforced, but I hope they will soon renew the attack and make the Rebs to get into two ranks.

We are laying on the ground where our infantry have cleaned all the wood off and it 1s awful hot weather. I am all broke out with the heat. I hope you have got my last letters written to you while on the march. I like your style on the stone ordered for Mitty. I sent you my form. You can act your pleasure about it and have it just as you want it. I send you sixty dollars this time. I would have sent you eighty if I had got my six month’s pay. Much love to all the friends and a kiss for the family and lots for my little wife. I hope I can give them myself ere long. write often. From Bent


Letter 47

Aquia Creek
May 30th 1863

Dearest Mary,

Col. Joseph Dickinson

I am now at this point to report to Col. [Joseph] Dickinson of Gen. Hooker’s Staff to act as scout down the neck again. I was notified to that effect last eve but did not have time to write you one word. So I improve the present opportunity for so doing.

Major Kelley left us for Illinois yesterday. He did not know whether he would visit Vermont or not. I gave him a letter with a $100 note in & a revolver and a (Spring Lance) for father so if he did not go further than Washington, he could forward by express the things I gave him.

As I have not got time to write more, I will close by wishing you health and prosperity and my best respects to all my friends. I will answer the letter from Dr. Page & from Lura at my earliest opportunity. So goodbye from your husband, — T. B. Kelley


Letter 48

[Note: The following letter describes the 9 June 1863 Battle of Brandy Station in which the 8th Illinois played a major role. “At first light on the morning of June 9, 1863, the Battle of Brandy Station was inaugurated when General John Buford’s “Right Wing”—comprised of 6,000 troopers and 1,500 infantrymen—approached Beverly’s Ford with orders to “disperse and destroy” enemy troopers situated in Culpeper County. The 8th New York Cavalry led the assault across Beverly’s Ford and a surprised Confederate picket on the southern bank of the Rappahannock River shouted, “Yonder come the Yankees!”

Shouting fiercely and swinging sabers overhead, the New Yorkers slashed across the river and were confronted by a sharp burst of fire from Rebel pickets concentrated on Beverly’s Ford Road. Taking casualties, the 8th New York nevertheless pressed on and forced the 6th Virginia Cavalry troopers back.

Camped the night before around St. James Church, a mile back of the river, General William E. “Grumble” Jones’s Brigade wasted no time in organizing a counter-attack. Three regiments charged north up the ford road and hit the 8th New York Cavalry frontally, and on the right flank. At this point, Col. Benjamin F. “Grimes” Davis was mortally wounded, and matters appeared desperate for the Empire State regiment.

However, the 8th Illinois, a brick of a unit exceeding 500 troopers that a Confederate opponent termed “by far the best Volunteer Regiment of Cavalry in the Federal service,” did not share the observation that the 8th New York was “forced to withdraw.” After crossing the river, the 8th Illinois cantered down Beverly’s Ford Road in a four-man front and shockingly observed that “the New York boys…coming back on the full run…in confusion.”

Wasting no time in filling the vacuum, the 8th Illinois surged ahead and ploughed into the by-now spent 6th Virginia Cavalry, “causing a rapid retreat on our part,” a Rebel acknowledged. Driving forward, the Illinoisans fired on the right flank of the 7th Virginia Cavalry, and soon an 8th Illinois squadron bolted down into the woods west of the road resembling blue wolves after their prey, “shouting as we rushed to the charge…they (the 7th Virginia) took themselves away fast as possible.”

Noting with admiration that the Federals “approached rapidly and boldly,” Major Robert F. Beckham ordered a detached gun to fire into the oncoming enemy—it did so, “doing terrible execution,” and Captain Sandy Forsyth was blasted to the ground, badly wounded. Captain Elon Farnsworth quickly rode up, observed Forsyth lying on the ford road underneath his horse. Captain Farnsworth immediately took command, while Sgt. George Hupp galloped up on his left flank, in the ford road.” (This is the moment depicted in the following painting.)]

Assault on Beverly’s Ford Road: Morning Attack of the 8th Illinois Cavalry at Brandy Station, Painting by Keith Rocco

In Camp at Catlett Station
June 12th 1863

Dearest Mary,

I had not had your last letter finished more than 1 hour before we had orders to March with three days rations immediately. We left for this point, came some 23 miles that night, and the next day 3 p.m. brought us here. We lay here until 4 p.m. next day when we saddled & went to Beverly’s Ford & arrived there at 2 a.m. We lay down for 2 hours an then saddled & the 8th New York Cavalry crossed the ford, encountering the Rebels, & pushed them for a while when they broke & came back on us. But the Gallant Old 8th Illinois [Cavalry]—ever true in Battle—never wavered but fought & charged the Rebel cavalry for over a mile during which time our Brigadier—or the Colonel of the 8th New York [Cavalry], acting Brigadier [Benjamin Davis], fell. Also the Captain in command of our regiment [George A. Forsyth] was wounded in two places & had to turn over the command to the next senior Captain who shared the same fate & he turned the command to Capt. [Elon] Farnsworth who led us all day.

Mary, two of our Boys were quite dangerously wounded—Charley Slyter through the top of [his] right lung [and] also J[udson] W[ard] Farrar, struck with a shell, taking his leg off just 3 inches above the knee, never hurting his horse. Many others had their hats & clothes shot through. We lost 3 or 4 horses, had three captains wounded, and some 50 privates & non-commissioned officers, and many horses killed & wounded. The 8th Illinois [Cavalry] never wavered but drove the enemy at every point they tried. And to think of our regiment facing a whole brigade of Rebs when they were in hot pursuit of the 8th New York [Cavalry] which broke and run just like so many sheep is enough to tell what material we are made of. A Rebel captain we took prisoner said if we had not come over just as we had, they would have killed & took all of the 8th New York [Cavalry] as prisoners. The 3rd Indiana [Cavalry] came just in time to support our left flank. We had it hot and heavy all day, but strange to say, all that we had wounded was in the first charge in the a.m. & we were supporting batteries all day. We found out they were getting very heavy reinforcements of infantry & so we were ordered back this side of the river. The most of our cavalry fought well but the 8th Illinois [Cavalry] have the name of being in the hottest place in the whole fight amongst the Generals. I have not seen it mentioned in the papers as so but I think it will come sooner or later. I know we would have it in the New York Herald or Philadelphia Enquirer had the reporter been over where we were, but he did not come over in over 2 hours afterwards.

I got your letter No. 37 today. Our Boys brought [it] from our old camp. The next day after the battle, we came back to camp here. Had not been in more than an hour before Lensey Morgan came over to see me. He looks well & says he feels well. He said Jo would be up in 2 or 3 days. He is 8 miles below me. I am going to try & go and see him before we move again if I can get away. Cousin Marcellus [Jones] has the command of our company and did all day the day of the battle. The 1st Lieutenant Dana has been detailed at Brig Headquarters. Marcell done first rate all day as well as anyone could do. The Captain, I think I wrote you, had gone home on a furlough. When you get the express package, you will find a splendid little gold pin with Bent’s features in it. Maybe that won’t suit you much. I thought it would fit you better than it would me for if I kept it, I might loose it, & if you had it, you would not. I got my pay & I have sold my watches I captured so I can send you 40 dollars. I think that is better than a thump in the back with a sharp stone. I hope Uncle took a receipt of the Express Co. for the money & stuff I sent by him for I would not loose the revolver for a song & then that 100 dollar Greenback is better than nothing these hard times.

I must draw my letter to a close hoping you will try and not worry about me if you should not happen to hear from me just so often but rest assured I will let you hear at my earliest opportunity. It is impossible sometimes. Love to all the friends and a kiss for the family and lots for Mary. Write when you can. From your — Bent (I can’t get ink)


Letter 49

Partial letter [July 1863]

…such is the fate of war—the brave must fall. Many are the ones I have seen which makes me shudder as I think of it, breathing his last on the field of battle. But I can’t say as I have the least fear when in action of being killed and am glad of it too for I know when I take a sober thought of it, it must be a dreadful feeling to feel as if you was going to be the next one to fall. All of Gen. Meade’s forces are here and in line of battle (fortifying I hear), and I heard last night that Gen. Dix was between Frederick & Boonsboro with 40 thousand men. If that is so, we will probably give Rebels a tough one in the next battle. I hope so at least, and hope they will conclude to fight us on this side of the Potomac for our men it seems fight better here than they do in Virginia. But it may be my notion. I hope it is for I hope our men will fight Rebels anywhere they meet them.

Our pickets got to firing so sharp, we had to saddle up twice yesterday and once this a.m. It is now 12M & still raining. If Lee is not over, this rain is not detrimental to us as it keeps him on this side where we can easy find him. Our Gettysburg fight was a complete success and I think one or two more such will wipe out Lee’s gallant secesh. I want to see it done soon for the longer a thing is put off when it can be done, so much longer it gives him a chance for remedies. I know we have got the inside track of them now and I want to keep it. And I think that peace can be brought about this fall as well as to go another year.

I suppose ‘ere this reaches you a great battle will be fought and a decisive one I hope. How happy would I be could I enjoy the society of my little wife this winter after so long a separation. Would we not be happy, dear one? I hope there is happiness in store for us yet. I feel confident there is. Let us look to kind Providence for protection in future as in the past and devotedly ask Him & we will still enjoy the blessed privilege of passing the few remaining days of our lives in each other’s society. If I should not be spared to my Mary. you must not complain, for it has been the lot of thousands who are near and dear. But enough of this.

I am in good health and spirits—never better, but it is awful hot and the flies fairly swarm around one. Mary you must excuse me for not writing you oftener but it is impossible for me to write much oftener, we are on the move so much. Give my best love to all the friends and especially to Dr. Page and family. Had a letter from mother and also one from Ike lately. All well as far as they know. A kiss for the family and lots for my Mary. Hope mother is much better. Write often, — Bent


Letter 50

Camp near Rappahannock Station, Va.
[Monday] August 3rd 1863

Dearest Mary,

Your most kind and welcome letter (No. 46) came to hand on Friday eve last and this being the first opportunity since its reception, I now hasten to answer it.

We were up and in the saddle at 2 a.m. on Saturday a.m., came down to the railroad bridge, and dismounted. Some of the boys as sharpshooters on the bank of the river drove off the Reb pickets and lay down a pontoon bridge which took 1 hour & a half. We crossed our Division of Cavalry and reconnoitered to within 1 mile & a half of Culpeper Court House when we were met by heavy columns of Reb infantry when we had to fall back. We encountered the Reb cavalry immediately after crossing and as usual found no trouble in making them skedaddle. They charged one Brigade, or nearly so, on our right flank in the first encounter, but they did not make a march on us for our Boys soon put them tails towards us by sending a few volleys of carbine into them. And when we had got them well to going, they were hurried by our artillery that had splendid range on them and was just more than putting the shell into their scattered retreating mass as good luck would have it the 8th Illinois [Cavalry] was not the boys that were charged upon and it was not in our power to help those that we as they was two strong fences between them and us. But our skirmishers that were in advance charged upon the retreating column and emptied quite a number of saddles.

The loss in the 8th Illinois [Cavalry] is as far as I have yet learned, 2 killed and 7 wounded. Sam Davis of our company was hit just above the heart with a bullet that had struck a tree and glanced. It went through his coat and shirt and just broke the skin. It was like hitting anyone with a sharp-edged stone. It numbed it for the time but he is now all OK.

We came back to within 2 miles of the river and went into camp. We have some infantry on this side of the river but I do not know exactly how much there is, but think it is the First Corps. At least we are sure that Lee has his army massed in the vicinity of Culpeper Court House and along the Rapidan River. But I don’t think we will make any demonstration on him for some little time yet as the most of our army is on the other side yet. I don’t think that the main crossing place will be here. I think either below or above here—either at Beverly or Kelly’s Ford. I don’t suppose it makes much difference where we do cross if we are only victorious and I earnestly hope we may be. And there is no question about it in my mind if the thing is managed right. I don’t want any pull backs at present for we are in splendid spirits for such melting hot weather. I think I never experienced as hot a day as on Saturday last [at Kelly’s Ford]—the day of the fight. I came near petering out with the heat. But I stuck it out. I am now all right and can stand just as much as anyone if it will help to injure the Rebs.

Boots & Saddles have sounded & I must attend to the call immediately.

Went to the front with our Division and stood in line of Battle for 5 hours. You will see the letter is messed up some by hurriedly slipping it in my pocket. We found the Rebs in line of battle some 6 miles in length. We took our position and awaited their coming but for some reason or other they did not make the attack. We stood in line until towards night when we put out double lines of pickets and returned to camp. It is now 8 a.m., 4th of August, and we are not attacked. Our men have got the RR Bridge done and have taken up the pontoons on which we came over here on so I guess our Generals think we can hold this position without any doubt. I must bring my letter to a close by wishing you health and prosperity until death shall separate us. Much love to all the friends and a kiss for the family. I hope mother and Hessie will get along now. They have had a very severe time. Lots of kisses for Mary. Write as often as possible, — Bent


Letter 51

Headquarters Co. E
Camp near Catlett Station
Sunday, August 6th 1863

Dearest Mary,

I now commence the pleasant task of conversing with my beloved wife and oh! how dear is the thought to me that you are beloved. The thoughts of you in my loneliest hours keeps my spirits up to their highest pitch. The thoughts of the many pleasant hours passed in your dear society since I first came to know you in our quiet home in Illinois. How pleasant were those days to your Bent. Long will they remain on the tablet of my memory. if years should pass ere we should meet, they will ever be fresh in my memory. Could I ever forget them? No! Never. Even before we were joined in matrimony, how dear were you to me. I could forsake everything for your society. When I think of the many pleasant hours pass with you alone without the least vile thought entering my mind, I cannot but enjoy the thought [that] I for one, have a true and devoted companion. Have we not enjoyed dearly those hours, dear Mary? I know well [that] never was hours passed more lovely by any twain in the world.

Who could censure me for wishing to get out of soldiering to meet once again that near and dear companion. May the days pass as a scroll until we are permitted to enjoy each other’s society. It is now but a few days over a year before I will be free to act for myself. If I had never a word from you in regard to re-enlisting, I don’t think I would ever re-enlisted. I know I never would now. So you can rest assured on seeing your Bent if he is spared when his first term of enlistment expires. But Mary, the first thought when they was talking about forming the New Veteran Brigade and then extending an invitation to our entire regiment and seeing all the men so willing, I could not think of being behind. I will say this, if they had re-enlisted us when the first intimations of it came around, they would have got every man, but now that is played out. They could not get one out of every ten now and in fact, I ain’t half as patriotic as I was two years ago. I know if I was out of this, it would take more than Uncle Sam would be willing to give to get me in again.

If my health & life is spared, how happy will be the meeting of those long separated husbands and wives, fathers & children, sons and mothers. I long for that time to come. Can I wait with patience for that time to come? I can but it will be tough. How I wish I could press you to my bosom this morning as I write you. I have got all washed and shaved up and am feeling bully. I have got a tip top tent with a rude table constructed in one side and a bunk in the other. We can sit on the bunk & eat at the table.

Our regiment went down to support Kilpatrick and guard the fords in his rear until he could destroy those gunboats the Rebs got from us. We were lucky enough to be on picket and so got clear of that journey through the dust as it is awful dusty here when we are on the march. We remained on picket just 10 days. I would liked to have stood there all the time as it was a bully place and the Rebs did not offer any hostilities whatever.

I must draw my letter to a close as I have got to write to Pa and Ma. Love to all the friends. A kiss for the family. Lots for you, Oh, how I wish I could give them personally. Write me often and all the news. Lieutenant [Marcellus] Jones commands the ambulance train of our Brigade so he is not with the company. I see him often. — Bent


Letter 52

Camp near Elk Run, Va.
August 16th 1863

Dearest Mary,

I now with great pleasure take my pen in hand to inform you of my continued good health and whereabouts, &c. We came here on Saturday (yesterday) to do picket duty & watch the movement of affairs in these parts. We are encamped in a nice piece of woods but I can assure you, it is awful hot and quite uncomfortable for me for we have to wear those thick woolen clothes all summer, where if I was in America, I could have on my thin pants & other clothing to match. I got your note written while at Uncle Moses’ this p.m. I am sure their affliction is acute. Well I know it for Laura was a good girl and a favorite child, no more so than many others who have been called to part with their all by death. We, dear Mary, for one can sympathize with them. But such is the destiny of human beings. All sooner or later must bid farewell to this world and friends to answer to the summons of a just and Holy God. Let us as far as in us lies be prepared to go at the call for in such an hour as ye think no, the son of man cometh.

Mary, if you can possibly comfort our afflicted friends, nothing would give me more pleasure than to hear you are doing it. But remember, your frail body will not stand much. Don’t over do nor go beyond your strength. I wish it was possible for me to come and see you, but I fear many months must elapse ere we can meet each other.

I hear no more about our veteran brigade. Maybe it has all blown over like a fierce hurricane. I don’t care one snap if it has. I don’t want their $402 bounty for 2 years more, after 3 years are out. Far from it. I would only re-enlist out of pure principle because the majority of the regiment would. I heard by one of our Boys that just came from Illinois and saw Gen. J. T. Farnsworth in Washington that he was going to get the regiment out of the field for recruiting service and give us all a furlough of 30 days and he said if it was possible for it to be accomplished, he would bring it about. I am sure he could not please T. B. in a better way than to give him 30 days of pleasure for I am sure it could be nothing else but pleasure to me to be once more with those I love. But I am bound to be content, let the result be what it may. I am not going to get my mind made up for a furlough and then, if we are not lucky enough to get it, we won’t be much disappointed.

I have just accomplished quite a charitable thing for the army this eve. It was this. One of our company—a private who has a wife and 3 children at home, he got his pay and he had no opportunity to send any home or thought he had not for he is not quite as risky as I am in regard to that. But any way, on Saturday as we rode down here, he lost every cent of it. I went to work and got up a petition and took it to the officers who headed it with $200 apiece and the non-commissioned officers gave from 50 cts to 2.00 until every cent was made up. He knew nothing about it until it was all accomplished & I went and handed him the money. I never saw a more expressive countenance of thankfulness than his denoted as I reached it to him saying, please accept the kind regards of the officers and members of Co. E, restoring to you the amount of your loss. It done me good, Mary, to do it.

But I must draw my letter to a close as it is getting late. I got the stamps all ok in two weeks. You may send me 8 more. Love to all & a kiss for the family and our friends. Lots for Mary. Write often, — Bent


Letter 53

[Note: The following letter describes the Battle of Culpeper Court House that was a skirmish fought on 13 September 1863 near Culpeper between cavalry of the Army of the Potomac and that of the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia. The Union victory opened up the Culpeper region to Federal control, a prelude to the subsequent Bristoe Campaign.]

On Picket at a nameless ford on the Rapidan River
September 16th 1863 (between 11 p.m. and 2 a.m. 17th)

Dearest Mary,

I now improve the first opportunity since we left our old camp of writing to my dearest wife. We left quite sudden early on Saturday a.m. and marched to Rappahannock Station and camped for the night. While there, we were favored with a nice shower which lay the almost suffocating dust. We were to effect a crossing at 3 a.m. but owing to the rain and Egyptian darkness, we did not cross until daylight when Gen. Buford’s Division crossed about a mile below the Station and Gen. Gregg’s Division crossed at the Station, and Gen. Kilpatrick’s Division crossed at Kelly’s Ford 3 and a half miles below us, (Bufords Division at 10 a.m.) We threw out skirmishers connecting with Gregg and Kilpatrick and advanced on them, never making a halt of over 10 or 15 minutes until we arrived at Culpeper Court House where we arrived at precisely 1 p.m. We captured quite a number of prisoners on our way, but at Culpeper we got 4 pieces of artillery and over 100 prisoners.

I have not seen the official report but these figures are within bounds. We lay at Culpeper about one and a half hours when our regiment were put in the advance on the centre. The first Battalion deployed skirmishers; the balance of us in line of battle closely following. After leaving Culpeper about one mile, we had to pass by fours through a piece of thickly wooded timber coming out on the open land on the brow of a hill sloping towards Johnney Rebs (they had during our halt at Culpeper retreated to the best position they could find). As the head of our column showed itself, Johnney Reb opened a battery at 3/4 mile range, dropping the shell most dutifully in the vicinity of the opening. But we opened ranks and advanced on them, letting our battery through which got in position, throwing 4 or 5 shots, dislodged Mr. Rebs, and they limbered to the rear. Our skirmishers finding it impossible to drive them, were ordered to dismount when we met them on foot.

As they were nearing quite a mountain, they had the position on us, but the Gallant Old 8th [Illinois Cavalry] were true in the hour of conflict [and] went up the wooded side where they were behind trees, walls, &c. and to cap the climax, 10 or 12 of them took refuge in a brick building firing out of the windows on our skirmishers. Our battery being in position, throwed 5 of the prettiest shots I ever saw made at the house, penetrating its walls like so much brown paper when Johnney Reb could be seen leaving in the rear with all possible haste. And then it was fun to see our battery put the shell into their scattered ranks and such deafening cheers as our line of skirmishers sent up. In the cellar of the house was the occupants of it and a near neighbor and family who had left his own house to seek cover in this one, it being a good cellar in it. Being built of brick, our carbine balls would not penetrate its walls. The neighbor [Mr. Curtis]—a man of about 45 or 47 years—and his little boy, about 7, were killed. A solid shot striking near the ground, burst the thick walls and throwing pieces of brick and stone in upon the occupants and his wife were wounded slightly on the head and face.

As we came up opposite the house, the Major gave orders for a Lieutenant and six men to charge the road up the hill to ascertain if they had a battery masked on us. I was one of the number. As we passed our line of foot skirmishers about 10 or 12 rods (in thick woods), 15 or 20 dismounted Rebs jumped in the road and sent a volley at us, but they was awful excited or something as nothing but my horse was struck, the ball passing in the lower part of his belly 7 or 8 inches in the rear of his forearm, coming out after going about 15 inches, striking him in the inside of the right hind leg. We wheeled to the right and took cover in the thick woods when Captain told me to remain in the rear and lead my horse which I did.

This winter 1864 Union Cavalry “picket map” (excerpt) depicts the Inskeep home impacted by the 13 September 1863 attack.

I went into the house, before mentioned, and what a horrible sight—neatly furnished once, but now torn all to pieces. On the front side, everything [was] broken and covered with brick and mortar and dirt. In the cellar lay the poor unfortunates, side by side—a daughter of the deceased parent with brush, keeping the flies from the lifeless forms of her parent and brother. I tell you, Mary, as hard a heart as a soldier naturally has, I could not bear to look on this [and listen to] the cries of the children and of the wounded mother. I talked with the woman of the house and asked her if she could blame our men for firing on the house as long as the Rebels had taken it for shelter. She frankly answered, “I do not blame your men in the least, but I do blame our men for coming in for I bolted the door and told them not to come in but they burst open and come in [anyway].” 1

Our boys succeeded in dislodging them from the mountainous position and drove them within 3 miles of the Rapidan River when we camped for the night. At 9 a.m. next morning, we attacked them, driving them across the river. They are strongly entrenched there and have a beautiful position for their artillery. We were dismounted and commenced sharp shooting across the river which was kept up until night when we were relieved and went into camp to the left of where we struck the river. Our squadron was sent down to the ford and vicinity I speak of in the start of my letter to do picket duty. Last night they attempted to cross on us but a few shots from our carbine told them it was a dangerous undertaking when they retreated and all was quiet until a.m. yesterday [when] they tried to cross on Gregg at the Rapidan Station. But he more than walloped them, sending them back in confusion. They repeated the attack on Kilpatrick and he served them the same sausage. At 2 p.m. we were relieved and went into camp with the regiment 80 or 90 rods in the rear of our reserve.

I was on horse guard and I built up a fire and I now have wrote you by the light of it. I have to get up every 2 minutes and put on brush or I can’t see how to write, but I guess you can make it out. I hear our infantry is coming up. If so, we will hold this position until they come and welt them out of it as it is too strong for us to take with light artillery. I think there will be some hard fighting here for it is a strong place and they have the position on us and they will hold it as long as possible and fools if they don’t.

Mary you would laugh to see me write two or 3 lines and then jump up and put on brush to keep up a blaze as we are not allowed to have a big fire. But after all the trouble it is a great pleasure to your Bent. My thoughts are now with you. One year ago today you had to bid farewell to heaven’s best gift—our darling boy. I can see him in imagination now. A little angel. Mary, we must not wish him back. He is waiting to welcome his parents to that blest abode. I feel it and may God prepare my heart and soul to do it. May we be permitted to meet around that heavenly throne one unbroken family. Mary, dear, there is enjoyment in the thought and let us hope for the best.

One short year and two short days to me (they may seem ages to you) but time flies faster and faster to me the longer I am in the service and if both alive, we will be permitted to meet each other in this world. May a kind Providence that has protected us both still keep us as in the hollow of His hand and may we spend years of happiness in each other’s society. I know well we can, dear Mary, if we are spared to each other for I can now appreciate your society better than ever.

I must close as it is nearly or quite 2 a.m. and I must get some rest. Love to all and a kiss for the sisters and family. I hope little Jessie is much better ere this. Send me some stamps in your next as I am entirely out again. I was going to write a line to send you by Marcell but we moved the morning he left. We was up at 3 a.m. — Bent

1 My historian colleague, Clark Hall, informs me that “the ‘brick house’ was the ‘James William Inskeep’ family home, then located on a northwestern shelf of lower Pony Mountain. The house actually survived the war but was demolished, afterwards. General Longstreet briefly camped in the front yard of this house as his Corps moved northward in the Pennsylvania Campaign.”


Letter 54

Camp near Stevensburg, Va.
September 20th 1863

Dearest Mary,

With pleasure I hail the moments that I can spend in conversing with you. I have tried twice before this week to answer your letter of the 13th informing me of the marriage of cousin Ed Seely. I can tell you Mary I would have enjoyed visiting with those cousins after being absent from them so long. I will wait with patience the allotted time.

We are reconnoitering the country nearly every day and bring in small squads of Rebs. I had to shoot my old horse by order of the Major and our company Quartermaster who pronounced him worthless, or thinking he never would get fit for service. It was no pleasant task for me to shoot the old fellow that has taken me through so many conflicts. I drew him at Knoxville, Maryland, on my return to the regiment from Vermont and I have rode him every day since. We have been in a good many close quarters since then. I can just inform you we have 60 new horses ready to fill up the places of the wounded horses, killed &c. I have the old horse one of our Boys picked up, he being shot through the hind leg, but can get along on a slow walk. I can keep my things together with him until the new horses are issued out to the several companies.

It seems queer for me to be left in the rear of the company. I don’t feel at home unless I am with the boys that are in on the muss and I have to remain behind unless well mounted. I hope the new horses will be issued out before we get orders to move again.

It seems queer enough that Aunt Sarah is to be married. I hope she will do well. You did not Inform me who it was but maybe I don’t know him. I would liked to have come to Vermont with cousin Marcellus [Jones]. I know we would have enjoyed visiting our friends there together. I meant to have wrote few lines and sent it by Marcell but at 3 a.m. the morning he left, so I did not get an opportunity to do so. But you know well I would liked well to do so. I don’t know how long Marcell could remain with you but not more than two or 3 days at the longest. I guess he will get his furlough extended if his health does not get fit to rejoin his command without it being detrimental to his health. I hope he will not attempt to return until he is fit for duty for I am sure he can recruit faster amongst his friends than he can in the field, exposed to camp usage. You said we would soon be in the Fall Campaign. It has been pretty freely opened by the cavalry now. I don’t think we can attempt to cross the Rapidan without meeting with a pretty warm reception for they are pretty strongly fortified all along the Rapidan, from Rapidan Station to the Rappahannock River.

Our Boys have just been ordered out to stop the Reb cavalry from making another raid in our rear. The distant roar of artillery denotes they have found something that is on the fight. I must draw my letter to a close by wishing you health & prosperity until we can be permitted to meet and pass our few remaining days in each other’s society. Love to all the friends and a lot of kisses for you & the sisters.


Letter 55

Camp near Stevensburg, Va.
September 24th 1863

Dearest Mary

I received your welcome letter this a.m. and now hasten to reply to it for we are all under marching orders to some point, but don’t know where and I don’t know as I care. I have now got me a thing for a horse and can keep up with the company and that is the thing that suits me for I can say for one, this rear soldiering don’t suit me. I want to be with the boys. I always enjoy myself a great deal better when I am up with them than I do in the rear for I want to know how the thing is going, and if I am with them I know, and if in the rear, we have all kinds of rumors. Time passes off much pleasanter than in the rear. I would not wonder if we moved on the Rebs here for to keep them from scooping Rosencrans out for they want to annihilate him if it is a possible thing. But I guess he will be enough for them—at least I hope he will.

Lieut. Dana got a letter from [Marcellus] Jones this a.m. and he is at last report with his Mother quite low under the care of his brother. Now Mary, I want you to be sure to go and see Marcell for I know you would enjoy seeing him first rate. If he gets well enough, he will call on you at Rutland, but for fear he might not get well enough. I wish you would, for it would be a great rest to you after your strict attention to Ma and little Jessie. Now Mary, do go down and see him. You can go on the cars in an hour or two within 7 miles and then get a conveyance from the Station to Aunts. I believe you wrote me you did visit them last spring so you know where it is, so please go as soon as you get this as he has only 20 days furlough and may be well enough to start back or tempt it. I fear his rashness on that act. I don’t think he looks out for himself enough as far as regards his health. Now Mary, you can just as well go and see him as not and I know you would enjoy it so well to. Now say you will and start right off and do it, and you will feel much better.

Our boys came in last eve from a cavalry muss near the mouth of the Rapidan. They left here Monday a.m., returning last eve. None of our company was wounded. Two out of Co. B in our squadron. One of our Boys [was] struck with a spent ball on the arm but only stunned for awhile. 25 of our Boys went out on picket this a.m. The wagons are all on the move tonight 8 p.m. and we expect orders early in the a.m. I hope we will attack them here to hold them from pressing Rosecrans so hard until he can get sufficient reinforcements. I would like to have Rosecrans have enough to just walk through them like soap suds into a sink spout. I just think he can do it if he only gets the men and I want to see this Army do something. Now it has got cool enough—the nights quite cool—I am sure some move will take place ere 48 hours rolls around us.

Our Infantry was moving all day today. I think we have got men enough here if they are only brought into the field for my part. I want to push on and see this thing closed out this fall but I fear it won’t be done. They can have my services in welcome. I feel better when we are pitching into them everyday than when we are idle for it seems as though we was doing something to bring the thing to a close. I will write you as soon as I get an opportunity and want you to do the same. May God in his mercy keep and protect us as in the past and his name shall have all the praise. Love to all the friends and a kiss for the family, saving your usual allotment and may the time soon come when we can meet personally and face to face I look forward to the time when we can with much pleasure. Let me hear from you at the earliest opportunity. Please send me a few stamps as I am where I can’t get any just now. I must draw my letter to close as I must write to Mother and Pa yet tonight. So good night dear Mary. Pleasant dreams. Oh that you could take one sweet night’s rest on my arm & I could kiss that noble brow of thine. May it soon come when you can, — Bent


Letter 56

Camp near Stevensburg, Va.
September 27, 1863

Dearest Mary,

As we are still in the same old spot, I find no trouble in finding time to pen a few lines to you. I received your short note containing the 6 postage stamps last eve and they come in play now. I was entirely out but burrowed some of one of our boys so I got my letters off as I wrote them. We have expected marching orders every moment since I wrote you until today and Lieut. W. M. Taylor (formerly of our co but now Corps Commissary of the Cavalry Corps at Gen. Pleasanton’s Headquarters) was over here today, he says there is no talk of a move around Headquarters when he left, so I will await orders without looking every moment for them and you can do the same for if there was any signs of a move, he would know it, I am sure.

Our company are 4 or 5 miles from here on picket (or a detail from our company of 25 men). They are in a bully section of country where they get all the hay they want for their horses and plenty of fresh pork & chickens and sweet potatoes & the old Irish potatoes. I wish I could have been with them. I would have been too if I had not been on duty at the time the detail was made.

George Ringman’s Headstone, Culpeper National Cemetery

George Ringman, the Dutch boy that worked for Uncle Johnt has got back to the company. He came the night before we crossed to occupy this position. He was slightly wounded on the Peninsula in a reconnaissance at Ashland the day before the 7 days fight commenced. He was wounded just above the knee—a flesh wound, and has been absent from the company 14 months. He was detailed in the General Hospital at Philadelphia as guard and orderly for the doctor which detained him there that length of time & he said he could have put in his term of enlistment there if he had been a mind to [but] he told them he wanted to come to the company. He said he had gay old times in Philadelphia and said if he had known just what he now knows, he would have put in his time there. 1

The very next day after George came back, all of our entire Cavalry Corps crossed the River. He only saw a part of it but I can tell you it made him look, for all the while he was with us on the Peninsula, he never saw but 3 regiments of cavalry at any one time. Now we have 3 or 4 regiments, or parts of regiments, in a Brigade, & 3 Brigades in a Division, & there is 3 Divisions in the Corps commanded by Major Gen. Pleasanton who commanded our Brigade—the first Brigade he ever commanded in his life. So you can very plainly see that the 8th Illinois [Cavalry] made him just what he now is—a Major General, and now the Gallant Old 8th Illinois [Cavalry] is the 1st regiment of the 1st brigade, of the first division of the Cavalry Corps of the Army of the Potomac. We was put in the first brigade just before we evacuated Harrison’s Landing with the 8th Pennsylvania Cavalry and the 6th US and now our brigade consists of the 8th Ills, 8th NY, 3rd Indiana, and a part of the 12th Ills Cavalries. So you see the Old 8th holds her position while all the rest have been taken out of the first brigade.

Gen. Pleasanton has made the remark in the presence of Lieut. Taylor 2 or 3 times that the 8th Illinois [Cavalry] was the best regiment of cavalry ever mounted. He ordered Gen. Buford to hold us in reserve after we got to the Rapidan to charge that ford. Gen. Buford told him there was only 340 of the 8th Illinois left and the 8th New York numbered some 7 hundred and if he wanted the 8th New York to be held for that purpose, he would do so. Gen. Pleasanton told him he had rather have the 8th Illinois for job of that kind than the balance of his brigade, but it so happened we were not called upon and I for one can heartily say I am glad of it for what there is left of us are proved material.

Our Boys all like Gen. Buford and he does the regiment, and I can tell you that is what makes the fighting men—is when they have confidence in their leaders in a skirmish. The last Monday or Tuesday, the smallest squadron in our regiment drove over a regiment of Rebs for a mile and a half and took a Lieut. Colonel and 20 or 30 prisoners and never lost a man killed or but 6 or 7 wounded, and those not dangerously. I can safely say luck is on our side.

I hear by letter from Mother that Sally Ann and Aunt Mary Johnt have gone East. I suppose you will see them both. Give my love to them and to all the rest of the friends and acquaintances. A kiss for the family and lots for my Mary. Let me hear from you often as they are welcome messengers when so far from you. I wish I could be with you again on my Birthday, the 10th of next month. I was with you last year and I enjoyed it so well. — Bent

Be sure and see Marcell before he returns and send me 2 under shirts, 2 over shirts & one pair of drawers by him & one pair socks. It is now 10 p.m. and I will retire pleasant dreams, dear girl. My imaginary goodnight kiss. — Bent

1 German emigrant George Ringman (1840-1863) could have stayed in Philadelphia if he “had a mind to” but chose instead to return to Co. E, 8th Illinois Cavalry. Two weeks after Bent wrote this letter, George was killed on 11 October at Morton’s Ford in Culpeper County, Virginia.


Letter 57

On Picket near Bealton Station
November 3rd, 1863

Dearest Mary,

Pardon my long silence, dear Mary, for this time only for I will try to do better in future. We have been on the move all the time and we have not had any opportunity to get even a sheet of paper or an envelope for our letters. Have not ben allowed to come up to where we were and now I have had hard work to get it after going through the regiment. In fact, I suppose I could have got a sheet of paper before but in fact, I have not had a single moment I could spare since I wrote you last for we have been at work on the Pay Rolls and I have had all the clothing accounts of the company to post up and foot up. It has all been put on to me this time for our Captain has gone to Illinois on recruiting service with a detail of one man from each company. He left just before we went to work leaving the Orderly Sergeant and me the only ones that knew anything about the company affairs. Our 1st Lieutenant has been detailed on Gen. Buford’s staff and Marcell[us Jones] has been ordered back to the company so he has command of the company now. It has been an awful job to get through with the pay rolls this time for the years clothing account has to be settled on these rolls and many of the Boys were away to the hospital last year when it was settled and their 2 years account has to come in. Also all of the boys that are sick and those that have been killed during the year. We have got it done now and glad am I for it has been an awful tiresome job.

I got a letter from brother Ike this morning. He is at Nashville, Tennessee. He is not able to do duty yet. He has been sick for a long time but is now able to be around the camp. He has not been in a fight yet. I think he is lucky.

Our first Major has just left us this morning to go to Illinois to take the Colonelcy of one of the new Illinois Regiments in the new Brigade you have heard me speak of. We have got to lose the 3rd Indiana Cavalry. They have all re-enlisted for 3 years more & their time would have been out in June next. I can tell you, Mary, we have lost the best and ablest officer in our regiment. The Major I speak of—Maj. Beveridge—has not got a single enemy in the 8th Illinois Cavalry. We are sorry also to part with our old fighting regiment, the 3rd Indiana [Cavalry], but I hear we are to get the 7th Indiana Cavalry in their stead. I earnestly hope they will be as good material as the 3rd, but I fear they won’t.

Marcell [Jones] is now with us & the Boys are all pleased with the idea of having him instead of the other Lieutenant for Marcell is more familiar with them. Mary, you did not mention in your letter of the 27th about getting a letter from me of Oct 18th, wrote with a pencil containing $20. I fear it has been lost. Please inform me by return mail whether you have ever received it or not. I hope little Jessie is better ere this. If Nancy Johnson is alive, give her my regards. Also to our friends & acquaintances. A kiss for the family and friends and lots for Mary. Marcell wants our photographs to put in his album. If that artist has got our negatives, get a dozen more of him. Also get Lura to get her photograph & send one to me and one to Jones to put in his album. Write you soon. — Bent

I hope you have got my letter of the 18th containing the $20 for we have had such good luck I don’t want it to change now. — Bent


Letter 58

Camp near Culpepper Court House
November 13th 1863

Dearest Mary,

Last eve brought me your letter of the 8th instant which I can say I was very glad to get on many accounts. First because I had not received a word from you in a number of days & did not know but what you had made yourself down sick watching over little Jessie, and then I had not heard from the last $20 sent you on the 18th instant which you said you had acknowledged the receipt of in a former letter which had never come to hand. And as I had sent the letter to Brigade Headquarters instead of taking it myself, did not know but what it had been opened and the money taken out and the letter destroyed. But I am in luck as yet as your letter of the 8th instant acknowledges the receipt of it all Ok.

You seem to want me to say whether you shall use the money sent you. Now Mary, I want you to use all the money for your comfort and not be so miserly in your young days. If our healths are spared, we have got start enough in the world to get along without being at all dependent on anybody. I want you to get you the 30 dollar furs if they sent you and get better still if you want them and other clothes, dresses, &c. In fact, everything you want to fix yourself for winter for you have not been any expense to me so far and I want to have you dress and look as gay as anybody’s wife. I don’t want you to be in the least way saving because your man is a private in the Army. I want you to dress as good as anybody’s woman. I have got money enough coming from government for clothing allowed me that I have not drawn to amount to 18 or 20 dollars which I will get this pay day & will send you $30 more as soon as we are paid off. I have made nearly $20 on this prize jewelry business within the last 3 weeks. I got one dozen gold pens & cases which cost me one dollar and 15 cents apiece and sold them all but 2 for two dollars & a half apiece. I run ashore for money to get the last half dozen & borrowed $5 of Curtis Weidman and as soon as I sold them, I paid him & had 14 or 15 dollars left.

There is a heap of money to be made on them & I might as well make it as anybody as far as I know. I herewith enclose you $10 which I want you to lay out with the other for your own comfort now. Mary, anything you want, don’t for pity sake ask me for your judgment had ought to be as good as anybodies—at least I am not afraid of it now. Use what you want & if this is not enough, you can borrow some of Pa’s & pay him when we get our pay, or of anybody else you can get it of for a few days. I know one thing, I am capable of supporting myself and little wife if I only have my health in as good style as anyone, and if I am spared to meet you once more, I will endeavor to show some of these sneaks that we can live as independent as them [who are] worth their thousands and enjoy it a great deal better. Mary, dear. you spoke in the little slip of paper as though I might re-enlist. As I told you before, I will not under any consideration whatever, so you can set your heart to rest about that. I will meet you as soon as my first term of enlistment is out if my life and health is spared me. I can endure every hardship for the next 10 months if I can only meet my little wife once more. How I would like to pass this long cold winter in your dear society. Would we not enjoy it? No one knows—only Bent & Mary.

Early on the morning after I wrote you at near Rappahannock Station on the 9th instant, we pulled out passing through Culpeper Court House on the road towards Rapidan Station. After getting about 3 or 4 miles from Culpeper we went into camp. all but our regiment which went out on picket for two days. I tell you it was awful cold. I never slept a single wink the first night but I made it up the next day in the daytime. I built a big fire and lay down beside it, rolled up in two or 3 blankets. I slept for 5 or 6 straight hours. When I got up, I went out in the country & got a nice hog of which I got a hind quarter which is just as gay eating as a soldier need have. The hogs are getting thinned out pretty well but a fellow that is good at it can hunt up a few now and then through this forlorn country.

I never was in better health in my life. I am just as tough as a bear and about as black as a Creole. I am in tip top spirits considering the irregularity of the mail. I want to hear from the absent ones and let them hear from me a great deal oftener than I do. I have had to carry your letters in my pocket 3 or 4 days before I could get a chance to send them off. But Mary, you must not blame me if you do not hear from me as often as you would like to for I write every opportunity. But we are so far to the front that we don’t get our mails or get a chance to send off any with any kind of regularity. I don’t know when this will ever leave here but I had an opportunity to write to you and I always improve it when I can.

Mary dear, I do think there is happiness in store for us yet. Seems to me I can look in the future and see Bent and Mary enjoying each other’s society as we used to. I have to laugh in my thoughts when I think how simple you used to be when we would be sitting together in the parlor when it would get dark enough for a candle. How terrible uneasy you used to get sitting without a light even if it was only twilight. I guess you could trust your Bent now, could you not? One thing is sure, I am not alarmed as far as regards you of ones troubling you. Do you think I am? Nary time. But I must draw my epistle to a close as I must write to Father & Mother and sister Mag. Love to all the friends and neighbors and a kiss for the family. Tell Lura I hope she has got someone for a husband that knows how to appreciate a wife. Tell her I wish her a long and happy life & I will endeavor to call and see her when out of this, if permitted so by kind Providence. A kiss for the family and lots for Mary. Write every opportunity and be careful of yourself. — Bent

Send me some postage stamps in your next letter. I am out. Don’t get down sick for the whole world. I don’t think it is your duty to wear yourself out entirely. Be careful. You will for my sake, won’t you Mary? — Bent

A sweet kiss, dear Mary.


Letter 59

Camp near Culpeper Court House
November 21st 1863

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 15th came to hand last eve and I can tell you I was very happy to hear from you for I had been looking for a letter for two or 3 days and I well know that you can tell just how any one feels when they are so anxiously looking for a letter and don’t get any. But it appears you did not write but once last week. I tell you nothing, can make me feel better here in the army than to hear my name called when the mail comes in. We generally get it about 8 o’clock p.m. and the boys—the most of them—get quieted down so anyone can hear when their name is called. I was nearly asleep in my rude tent as the mail came in but as the Orderly called my name, I jumped up as quick as though I was struck and run down to their tent and found it was from my Mary. Can I ever be thankful enough to you, Mary, for those welcome messengers. I only wish I could get them oftener.

It commenced raining last night in the night and it has kept quite steady at it. It is now half past two and going it like a good fellow. It does get so awful muddy. I hope it will quit soon.

Mary, I am in splendid spirits although far from my friends and many comforts which I might have if with my friends. In fact, deprived of every comfort, I can enjoy my own thoughts of past enjoyments in your dear society and what will be in future if we are spared to each other. One thing, dear Mary, we did not appreciate each other as well as we could now, for we did not either of us know what it was to be separated so long from each other. Mary, I am sure that our love was as pure as the driven snow. I can appreciate it now. But I could not until we were separated. May God in his infinite mercy spare us to meet again and may we live a long and happy life, devoted to His service.

Mary dear, I can’t see what is the matter lately. There is not 10 minutes in the whole time when I am awake but what I am thinking of you. I spoke about it the other day to my mess mate and says there is something going to happen, I fear, for I can’t draw my mind from home. And Mary, you are constantly on my mind. Let me be at what I may, I don’t let it worry me that anything is going to happen of a serious nature, nor I will not think so until I know of something certainly to cause it. I never was in better health and spirits in my life, & in fact, it is so with the most of the Boys. We have got so use to our soldiering, we can do it just as well as a man would go to work and do any job at home he was at daily as far as that is concerned. It don’t trouble me in the least. I want the time to soon come when I can meet the absent friends & mingle in the society of those I love. Mary knows I love those that love me and when I am deprived of that, my all is gone.

I wish I could be with you on the eve of Lura’s wedding. I think Mary, although we have been married nearly 4 years, if we could be there, we could cast a small shadow while the rest was putting us far in the shade. I don’t see as I have grown old in looks or feeling. I am pretty well tanned and tough as a bear, but if I could only drop my carcass into my suit at home, I guess I would look pretty scrumptious.One thing, I guess I would know how to appear as well as any of them. But there is no use in talking. I have got to wait until Uncle Sam can give me my muster out papers and the I will be just Old Persimmons. Tell Sister Lu I wish her all the happiness she is capable of and hope she has got a husband worthy of her and will use her accordingly. And may they live a long and happy life in each other’s society. Mary, there is no use in talking. I can’t quit on this sheet. — Bent

Our darling’s 3rd birthday has just passed but I can assure you, it was not forgotten—Nov 21, 1863—by me. Although I was on picket, my mind was miles and miles from my post. Never can Bent forget those two dates—February 14th and November 16th—let life last as long as it may. They will be fresh on the tablets of my memory. I was thinking of little Mittie. I went to a house where there was quite a smart little boy and I asked the woman how old he was and she said 3 years old & I says right off, my little boy would have been 3 if he had been permitted to live. The lady says, “Then you are married, are you?” and I said I was. She said, “You don’t look over 19 or 20,” and she was perfectly surprised when I told her I was 25 years old. She wanted to know how old you were.I told her just my age. She wanted to know if I did not want to see you pretty often. I told her I should think I did and hoped I could in about 10 months more & she wanted to know if I would not stay in the service after my time was out. I told [her] not a moment until I saw family and then if the exigencies of the case required my personal service, I would give them another 3 years trip. I said it more because we were in Virginia. It would not have been said if I had been talking to some Vermont woman.

Give much love to all the friends and especially to Johnt and wife. Tell them I hope Mary and Bent will be permitted to visit them as we used to do in their Illinois home. Has Jont said anything about that money? I give you the whole management of affairs and you can let him keep it or not just as you think best but I guess on the whole he had better keep it until we need some worse than now. I suppose he could get it any time. A kiss for the family and lots for my Mary. I sent you 10 dollars in my letter before this.


Letter 60

Near Elys Ford on the Rapidan
November 28th, 1863, 9 a.m.

Dearest Mary,

A favorable opportunity presents itself and I with great pleasure improve it by penning you a few lines for I well know they will be acceptable as I presume you are aware that our Army is on the move again. We left our camp near Culpeper early on the morning of the 26th and was put in charge of the wagon trains which I can inform you are quite extensive as all the supplies of the army for 10 days are in the wagons and the troops are supplied with 5 days rations in their haversacks.

There has been very heavy cannonading for the last two days and between 3 & 4 yesterday p.m., volleys of musketry could be distinctLy heard, but as to the result, I am in as much ignorance as anyone a thousand miles off. Very heavy cannonading can be heard this morning towards Rapidan Station or near Raccoon Ford above us. It has rained nearly all the morning and our trains are not moving which give me an opportunity of writing to my Mary. I can’t imagine what is going to happen to us for this is the first time our Army ever advanced but what our regiment was put on the advance. I am perfectly satisfied with our part and lot in this matter for I think it no more than fair for us to be in charge of the trains once in a while as long as it has got to be done by somebody. But to say the least of it, it seems queer to me to know the army is advancing and us not to have anything to do with it.

I think, however, we will be successful here for it seems to me we have got men enough to whip them blind. But one thing is against us. We have to assume the offense and they have got some very heavy fortifications on the Rapidan and I hear a continuous line as far back as Orange Court House and Gordonsville. But I hope for the best. There must be some move made with this army to keep them from sending away troops to Bragg. Quite favorable news have come to us from Grant’s Army, but whether they are reliable or not, I have my doubts although I am not altogether an unbeliever. Still I hope they may be true. One thing I am sure of, the Johnney Rebs are bound to fight just as long as there is any show for them and there is no use in talking about bluffing them off or coaxing them. We have just got to get in and knock the spots off of them or they will last just as long as we will. All I want is to have favorable weather and it will probably be decided who is the master of this field.

Our men are in fine spirits as far as I have seen. I saw the most of the 6th Corps night before last and the boys all looked hearty and felt well although loaded down with rations, knapsacks, blankets, overcoats, and 60 or 80 rounds of cartridges, gun, canteen, &c. There was very few stragglers as we passed along the same road and I don’t think I saw to the outside over 25 or 30 men. Nothing gives me more sure signs of success than to not see the men straggling along. I saw the two brigades of Vermont troops. They was looking first rate and was eager to mix in with the Johnneys. The troops of the 6th Corps think a great deal of the Vermont and Maine troops. They say there is no discount on their fighting. I saw the Rutland company pass but did not recognize anyone I knew in it.

Yesterday our regiment took another vote on this Veteran Volunteering. The terms of re-enlisting were to be immediately mustered out for their first term of service and mustered in as Veteran Volunteers and be paid their first bounty and all arrears due on their first term and have a 30-days furlough as soon as the exigencies of the case admits. Co. E did not volunteer a single man, and in fact, not one company in the regiment lost a man that could get a decent livelihood at home. Patriotism is a little thin at present in old regiments for the volunteers are mostly of a class of intellectual men and leaving families and near and dear friends at home and an absence of 3 successive years from them at once will satisfy anyone that is easy to be satisfied on the soldier question. One thing I am sure of, there is plenty of men in the North that are a great deal better able to leave home than the class of volunteers that came out when we did. And I am sure I will not stay in the service and cause chem to stay at home for everyone that remains in the service keeps just so many of the darned slinks out of the service and I for one want to see them have a little bitter with the sweet.

All I want is to enjoy good health and as far as hardships are concerned, I can stand the service very well. I don’t want any of those honorable scars they tell so much about. I for one, and my friends also, will know I have served my country honorably and for one can say faithfully for the term I enlisted for. And I hope and pray can be permitted to meet my friends and spend the flew remaining days of my life in promoting their happiness & those with whom we have to mingle with in society. May this be ours to enjoy, dear Mary, is the sincere wish of your Bent. Mary dear, it seems as though I could not stop writing to you for as the time wanes on, you seem nearer and nearer to me and I can surely say that you are in my mind more and more. I never lay down to sleep on the ground but what that silent prayer goes up for our protection and for the time to soon hasten when I can press you to my bosom and pour out my souls own language of sincere love for you for my pen in unable by far to do it.

I suppose that Lu had a gay old time at her wedding. I could not be with you but my mind was not far away. Let me hear from you as often as possible. Much love to all the family and friends. A kiss for all, not forgetting your regular rations. May success be ours in the coming engagement is my fervent prayer. So goodbye, dear Mary. — Bent


Letter 61

Camp near Culpeper Court House
December 3rd 1863

Dearest Mary,

A few leisure moments appear now and I will try and occupy them in informing you where we are &c. Our Army followed Lee’s Army and drove them into their entrenchments around Gordonsville which proved to be more difficult to take than the heights of Fredericksburg and surrounded by marshy low ground & could not be taken by storm. Gen. Meade had massed one Corps in their front and supporting them were 30 or 40 large siege pieces and had sent two more Corps on the flank and by the given signal, they were all to charge the works by storm accordingly. When all were ready, skirmishers were thrown out and when within a few rods of the works, they were up to their middle in mud & water. When the Corps commanders found this out, they had orders that it was an impossibility to gain the works in this way & accordingly fell back to our line previously occupied the evening before, thinking to draw them out but they were too wise to attempt any such move.

On the eve of the first inst., after dark, our Army commenced falling back over the Rapidan and [by] daylight yesterday morning, everything was on this side of the river. It is thought all active operations are done for this winter and our Army is thought will occupy its former position around Culpeper & Brandy Stations. I can see our winter’s work before us—sit on our horses and watch for the Rebels.

The night of the 30th of November was the coldest this fall or winter. I was on picket with three others of our company and I never experienced any colder weather in my life. The ice froze from an inch & ½ to two inches in thickness. I can surely say I have never passed a colder night since I have been in the service. It was all gammon to attempt to sleep for it could not be done. We built up an old sender of a fire but would freeze one side and roast the other. I can tell you, I never was gladder in the world to see daylight come. We will probably have to do picket duty on the right flank of the army this winter which will probably be somewhere in this vicinity. When we have orders to put up winter quarters, you may just bet I will have an old cabin worth staying in. But we won’t put up any thing permanent until we know we are going to stay here long enough to enjoy them. I love to have someplace where I can sit down and enjoy writing to my Mary.

There is a great deal of talk of Gen. John F Farnsworth’s getting the regiment to Illinois this winter, but I don’t think he or any other man can get this regiment out of the field for we done picket duty all last winter & expect to do it this also. One thing is sure, I want to put in these 9 months and 15 days just as quick as they possibly can be put in and then I can join my dear companion. I hope to spend a long and happy life. I do hope that we can get out of doing picket duty for it is so cold to sit up on a horse in the winter time. If we could only go to Illinois for 2 or 3 months, I tell you, could we not pass off this winter lovely. But I don’t imagine or dream there is any such luck for us—nor I don’t allow myself to think of it nor I don’t only when I hear them all talking about it. If we do, you may be assured that you shall come to Illinois to spend the time with me. If not, I will try and have things so I can write you as often as I did last winter from Belle Plain. I do love to get a letter from my Mary. I have not had one of your welcome messengers in over two weeks but we have not had any mail in a long time so I don’t think it strange for I know well enough you have written to me. — Bent


Letter 62

Camp near Culpeper Court House
December 7th 1863

Dearest Mary,

At last I have been blessed with your pleasant messengers. Two of them came to me while on picket day before yesterday. They were dated Nov. 25 [and] Nov. 28th—the last one containing 5 postage stamps. I thought I should get 2 or three letters when the mail did come through.

We are now within a half a mile of Culpeper and the cars bring up forage and rations to us every day. We have just came off picket. We got in camp last night. I can tell you it is awful cold to sit on our horses for two hours and a half in the middle of the night, and it is colder along towards morning. I don’t care how warm a person is dressed, his feet and hands are a going to get cold. The last night I stood, it did not seem over an hour for my thoughts were with you, dear one. Mary, it is pleasant for me to think of you and of the many happy hours we have passed so pleasantly together. I am sure we never have had any other than happy ones and for that reason I love to muse upon them. I know well we are just as capable of being just as happy as any twain in this world and when I think how cruel I would have been to have re-enlisted, it makes me feel almost ashamed of myself now. I am just in the prime of life [and] to be away from one that loves me and would try every way in her power to make me happy, I can here acknowledge it would have been as rash a step there has been.

Three men from our company went in as Veteran Volunteers. Two of them are married men with families. I think two children each. They are promised a furlough of 30 days and, if possible, before the Holidays come. Now we will acknowledge they will enjoy themselves well for the 30 days, but when that time is passed, they will come to the army and be confined for the balance of their terms and be used by many worse than slaves. I can safely say there is not Greenbacks enough in the US Treasury to even tempt me to enlist for three years more. [For] one thing, I love my freedom too well to be domineered over by men of not even my equal and half of the Commissioned officers are now made not by ability but from having shoulder strap friends. If it was perseverance and ability that was taken into consideration, it would look far different in my eye but that is not looked at in the least. If the lucky one possesses it, it has to be endured and with patience too. I know I can stand it for these 9 months if I have my health.

I am not in the least throwing insinuations upon [Marcellus] Jones—far from it. He is just as impartial as any man can be, but his hands are tied as it were now. Jones knows me as well as anyone ever knew another and knows I am just as capable of holding any office in a company as any living being, but every non-commissioned place is full in our company and I sometimes think I would not take anything again. But I don’t know but I would to scale the walls of inferiority by which I am surrounded. One thing I am sure of, when I am where I can help myself, then I can get just as good a position as anyone. But enough of this.

I received a letter from sister Mag yesterday and a line from Emma. I will enclose them to you now. Mary, just write sister a good letter and never throw any hints about thinking that she had forgotten you. Mary, I want you to use our money for your happiness and don’t mind anything what anyone says about it. If you can go to Marcell’s mother’s by the cars and stage, don’t wait for any other conveyance. If you can go to Middlebury and visit our friends there, I want you to go around some this winter and not be tied up there all the time. If you want the muff with your fur cape, why of course get it. I want you to get you a full rig. If you don’t get the muff, get you some fur mittens to match your fur.

Love to all the friends and a kiss for all and lots for my Mary. Write often. Go the rounds this winter. I will keep you in soap. I want you to enjoy yourself this winter. You have been tied up so long. A big sweet kiss. Goodbye from your ever loving husband, — Bent

I don’t know what else to do & and so I go to writing. I wish I could see you and stay with you for 4 or 5 weeks until I got real tough and then I could afford to come back and stay for 7 or 8 months without any trouble. But that will not be my lot. You know Bent loves his Mary and would be happy to stay with her but we are separated and it is owing to the management of affairs to when we can be brought together again. I long for the time to come but don’t know when that will come. I don’t hardly know of anything more to write as I wrote you last Sunday. I don’t hardly know what to do with myself. I get so lonesome in the hospital tent all day long. It rained awful hard and blowed also. I thought the tent was coming down once or twice but she stood it until morning. I was glad to see daylight come as ever I was in my life.

We have a newcomer in the hospital from Co. F of our regiment. He was out on fatigue duty cleaning up wheat to take to the mill for to make flour for the company and as he stooped over, his pistol fell out of his holster striking on the barn floor, shooting him in the right side in front, just below the ribs. The ball is in him. I guess it will go rather hard with him. The bullet is in him yet. I hope he will get along all right.

You must keep yourself all right and not get lonely anymore than you can help. Major Kelley got a letter from Louisa. She is well—only tired. She lives alone. Only 1 of Johnts girls are with her. Bill Reese look to things. A kiss for the family and lots for yourself. I wish you could lay on Bent’s arm one more night. From Bent


Letter 63

Camp near Culpeper Court House, Va.
December 20th 1863

Dearest Mary,

Although I am just as busy as I can possibly be any way in this world, I will try and inform you how and where I am. We have been busily engaged since we come off picket, putting up our log shanties. Me and my mess mate have got just as cosy a little shanty as can be found in this brigade. We have built a neat little fireplace in it and I can tell you that it is just neat. I would hate to leave it for anything but to come and see my Mary. If I could come and see you by leaving this or anything else, I would do it—and quick too. Since I have got my shanty put up I have been on detail writing for our Adjutant on these Veteran Muster Rolls. There is quite a great excitement in the regiment now in regard to it. I think there is some show for the regiment to go to Illinois yet, or at least the Veteran part of it, for there is an order issued that if 2/3 of a regiment re-enlists as veterans, they will be ordered to their state to recruit & refit. They may think it best to take the rest of us with them. I hope so at least, but under no consideration would I ever reenlist. I would rather stand picket every day this winter and come to my Mary when my first term of enlistment is out than to have 60 or 90 days furlough now and all the Greenbacks there is in the US Treasury. I feel it my duty, Mary, to return to you as soon as my first term is out and I am bound to do it, if I am spared to you.

I don’t want to spend the prime of my life away from my companion. The time will soon roll around when I can join you. It grows nearer and nearer all the time. I would like to go home with the Boys when they go but I presume you had rather not see my face this winter than to see me and have to part for 3 long years again. We got our pay day before yesterday and yesterday two of our Boys run horses and I won $17 on the race. I knew just as well which horse would beat before they run as after so I went in on share and came out $17 in the advance. And this morning I got a $50 Treasury from M. E. Jones and I, with great pleasure, enclose it to you. When I get my money, I want to send it home and then I am not losing it, or having it stolen from me. And I am just as saving as I can be for when I get out of this, we can commence to live on our own hook and in an independent style. I must draw my epistle to a close as I have to work on those Veteran Rolls until they are completed. I will write you just my first opportunity. My regards to all the friends and neighbors. A kiss for the family and lots for my dear little wife. I have bought me a new pocket diary for 1864. I will send you my old one as soon as December is out. Write me twice a week if possible and Bent will do the same. A sweet kiss, dear Mary. From Bent


Letter 64

Camp near Culpeper Court House
December 26th 1863

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 20th inst. came to hand yesterday (Christmas) and I can tell you it was truly a Christmas gift. Your letters seem nearer and dearer to me all the time and I really hope I can be permitted to get them as often while we are separated. As time wanes slowly on, it comes nearer and nearer the terminus of my enlistment and I am cheered up with your most welcome messengers with the pleasant thought that there is surely happiness for Bent and Mary. Sometimes I get to thinking about you and I say within myself for the moment I must fly to your arms to comfort and console you. I know well, dear Mary, that your hours are lonely ones from my own experience and on the account that we love each other so fervently, we feel it more and more the longer we are separated. May the time soon roll around when I can once more meet you and enjoy the pleasure of your dear society. When I think of the many hours I passed so pleasantly in your presence, I say to myself how came I to enlist? But then again, I never can regret the step I took if I am carried through this struggle safely for if I had not enlisted when I did, I probably would have enlisted in some infantry regiment and I would have been all broken down or else killed or wounded & in a crippled condition for life. There is certainly time enough plenty left for all these misfortunes to come yet. I hope the hand that has protected me in the dangers passed will still continue to shield me from danger and from every appearance of evil and bring me safely to my Marys arms.

I have been very busily engaged in making out the Muster Rolls for our Veteran Volunteers for the last week and I am now at Division Headquarters at work writing for the Mustering Officer. I quit business at 9 p.m. and thought I would certainly write you a few lines although I was just as tired and sleepy as I could be for I have not been to sleep a single night for 5 or 6 days until after 12 p.m. But I must not neglect my Mary, let what will come. I had ought to have written you sooner but I was so busily engaged, I could not do it.

I went to one of the veterans this morning—a German who had not got any friends in this country and in fact, had only been in America 2 weeks when he enlisted—and I tried to buy his furlough from him but he could not be bought. I offered him $30 in his fist for it but it was no temptation to him at all. I thought if I could get his furlough, I would go to Illinois and when I got to Washington I would telegraph for you to meet me in Pittsburgh. I lay more than 2 hours and thought over it as I was informed in regard to it just as I was fixing for bed at nearly one o’clock at morning, and I lay & thought how lucky it would be for me if I could only have the privilege of enjoying your dear society for 30 days, would I not give $30. I rather think I would. In fact, I felt a little disappointed. When I came to see the man personally, I found out that he wanted to enjoy the benefits of his furlough personally. Money was not any object to the Dutchman. When I had seen him, I gave up the idea and have fixed my mind up to wait until my term of enlistment expires when I won’t want any furlough.

Mary, you spoke something about teaching school this winter and I could not make out where you went to. I tried all around the letter to make some connection where it would make sense but failed. I don’t think you are healthy enough to attempt it and I don’t want you to attempt it for my part for any object of livelihood, for I think if my life and health is spared me, I can support my family in good style. I don’t want you to attempt to teach for I know it is too much for you. You could not stand it, and I don’t want you tied to a school house. I want you to go around and not work & slave yourself beyond your strength as you have for the past year. You have mentioned two or three times about the cost of your furs &c., and what others said about it. Now Mary, don’t never mention it again for you know I wanted you to use all that and $30 dollars more to clothe you this winter. And if anyone tries to make it any of their business, just inform them that you are Bent Kelley’s wife and you dress yourself to please him—not anyone else.

I sent you $50 on the 20th which I want you to use for your own benefit if you need it and to keep money by you in case you want to go anyplace. I want to have you enjoy yourself if possible & if anyone makes any remarks, you can refer them to me. I will acquit you for any proceedings. I hope you have got the money ere this and Mary, you know my wishes in regard to you and don’t be timid in executing any of them about the invitation to New Years. I would gladly accept it if possible, but don’t see how it can be done. You can eat a piece of turkey for me and it will answer. I hope you had a Merry Christmas—all hands—and I wish you a Happy New Year & many New Years to come. A Happy New Year to all the friends and a kiss for the family and your share kept safe for you. Write me every opportunity and all the news. I was sorry to hear about Father. The habit must have grown on him terribly. I pity him from the bottom of my heart. Poor man. I hope he will turn from the error of his ways ere long. May God have mercy on him.

Now don’t think of Teaching and especially if you are not strong enough. I would not be so fierce against it if I thought you was strong enough to stand it. You ought to know whether you are or not. Now don’t do anything you will be sorry for in future. I’m all tired out & I will retire. Pleasant dreams Mary.

We had to move from our nice winter quarters this morning some 5 miles to the right & front of the Army. There was some swearing done in the regiment when this order came but orders must be obeyed & of course it was done.


Letter 65

Culpeper Court House
December 30th 1863

Dearest Mary,

I now improve the first few leisure moments I have had in five straight days in informing you how & where I am. I have got our Veteran Papers for the 8th Ills completed and the Division Mustering Officer wants me to remain with him for a few days as his clerk has gone home on recruiting service and he has no one to help him so I have got consent of our Major to remain here. But I can tell you, it is quite a busy time with him now as all these Veterans Volunteers have to be mustered out of the first term of enlistment and into the next by him and he has to sign all the papers and certify to all besides giving them, each and every man, a separate discharge. Some of our Boys had the misfortune to lose their discharge papers and they could not draw their first $100 bounty.

Some 200 of our regiment left Culpeper this a.m. at 9 o’clock—a jolly set of men as ever was. When I saw the train pull out from Culpeper, I felt some as if I would liked to have went, but I could not even think of re-enlisting for 3 years for the pleasure of a furlough of 30 days. There was a Special Order received by telegraph from the Secretary of War to allow any member of the 8th Illinois Cavalry (that had served with the regiment for 15 months) to reenlist and it will embrace in that time all the new recruits, so you can see that there is something that is thought of us yet, for it is just the same as making the men of our regiment a present of $117 cash or giving them 9 months wages for no other man or men will be allowed to reenlist that is now a soldier (in any other regiment) unless he has served 2 years. I think the Special Order will be apt to take all of our regiment home—or nearly so, but I don’t care one snap if every other man goes. I am bound to stay my little 8 months & two weeks & I will join my little Mary and reenlist for life with her. And I will not ask for money for bounty—only that pure love that I am sure awaits me at home. It seems like a long time to wait but time flies from day to day and it will soon pass off. I long to see the time when I can seat myself by my little Mary’s side and hear that gentle voice once more. It will be too good for Bent, I am sure it will. But I sincerely hope and pray that it may be ours to enjoy.

Mary, I have been glad a thousand times that the government backed the track for if they had let the Boys went in when they first spoke about it, they would have got every man in our regiment & I know they would have got me then, but they never can see the time they can get me again for money or anything else. In fact, money is out of the question entirely. I can’t be hired and money is no more temptation than so many chips. I had rather enjoy the pleasure of your society than all the money in this world and if my life is spared me, I am bound to do it.

Mary, I am awful tired and I must close. But my will is good enough to write for two hours yet but I am awful sleepy. I have not been abed until after 12 for over 10 days and up early every morning. So pleas excuse my short epistle. I have not had a letter from you since date of 17th. Expect there is 2 in camp for me now & I am anxious to hear from there and see. Oh, how I wish I could have my little Mary to sleep on my arm. Would not repose be sweet? I hope the day is not far distant when it can be done. Accept my best respects for all the friends & a kiss for the family and lots for my Mary. I wish I could only let you have about a half a dozen real ones. I hope you have received my letter containing the $50 Treasury. Please write to me soon. From your ever loving husband, — Bent

P. S. Have you received the package of envelopes of mv address printed on them yet? A sweet kiss. I retire tired and sleepy. Pleasant dreams, dear Mary. I wish I could catch you sleeping and dreaming.


Letter 66

Culpeper Court House
January 8, 1864, Half past 1 a.m.

Dearest Mary,

I hasten to inform you of the return of our Brigade from Warrington & the welcome receipt of three of your messengers with them—one containing your Ambrotype which I can tell you I was very happy to get. And how much it looks like my dear Mary! To think I have kissed it 20 different times since I have had it & that has only been 24 hours. I should have written you a day or two since but I am writing for the Acting Commissary of Musters and I could not get time. I have not attempted to lie down for the past two weeks until after 12 and many nights until after 2 in the morning. But I was bound to let you know how I was & so at this late hour, I attempt to perform the pleasant task.

I am in good health—never better—but I don’t get as fleshy as I had ought to for the winter. But it is because I don’t get rest enough. I think I will have it some easier after awhile when these Veteran fellows get off out of the way. Our regiment has—or the Vets have—turned in their horses today and in a day or two they will pull out for Illinois. I would love to go but I can’t see no three years service—not voluntarily. I will wait for the Draft first, and I ain’t at all alarmed about that touching my case. I want to enjoy the society of those I love at home.

Mary, how sweet you do look in your picture—just as natural as life itself—just as if you was going to speak to me. I hope you will be always just as healthy as you look. I showed the Captain your picture and he complimented me on my choice for a life companion. By your features, he said you was handsome. I told him I did not boast of your beauty but of your goodness. He said he could see it.

I must not tary on this letter too long for I am awful sleepy and I have got to get up real early in the morning. I will write you in a day or two and more particulars in regard to our regiment going home. I wish it was so I could go to Illinois this winter but I can’t wade in on no three year lick for a 30-day furlough nor all the green backs this side of Calumet. I must close by sending my love to all the friends & neighbors and a kiss for all the family & lots for my sweet Mary. Direct my letters as per written envelopes sent you until otherwise ordered. Write soon and all the news. I expect to get your photograph and Ellen’s almost every mail. My good night kiss dear Mary and pleasant dreams. I hope soon to meet you and then we can quit sending our kisses by mail. Good night. It is just 2 o’clock a.m. January 8th 1863, as I retire. From Bent


Letter 67

Office of the Asst. Commissary of Musters
1st Division Cavalry Corps,
Army of Potomac
Culpeper Court House
January 15th [1864]. 10 o’clock a.m.

Dearest Mary,

I again with pleasure resume my pen to converse with my dear companion and what a great pleasure it is to me too, although I am just as tired and sleepy as I can be. Yes! Dearest, it is a pleasure that I don’t feel capable of explaining with the pen, and should I even tempt it, I fear I would drop the pen in disgust. I will not attempt it now for well I know that you can judge by your own feelings toward me what mine must be.

Mary dear, I feel that I have almost neglected you since I have been down here for I have not written twice this week. In fact, dear girl, I have not shut my eyes until after one & sometimes 2 a.m. and every evening I would think, well I will write to Mary tonight anyway & then I would get so busy at work on the Rolls, time would fly away, and it would be so late & Bent would be so sleepy that I would put it off & at last it has been just one week tonight since I wrote you. And I came to the conclusion I would not let another night pass until I wrote you.

My old chum came from camp to see me yesterday & brought me three of your welcome messengers. In fact, one of them only contained photographs of sisters Ellen & Julia, and another of your letters your own phiz. I know, Mary, you would have laughed to see me when I opened those letters—to see me kiss and re-kiss those images of my friends. It did really seem as though it was your identical self standing before me. At first you looked just as if you was going to speak to me. Ellen’s picture looks very natural indeed. I don’t think she has altered in the least in the looks of the features. Julia has changed considerable. I don’t think I would have known it had it not been with yours & Ellen’s.

There is only 60 men of the 8th Illinois [Cavalry] in the Army of the Potomac. 209 of our men and every commissioned officer we had left Culpeper on the night of the 12th inst. for Illinois under orders from the Governor of the State. I went down to the depot to see them start at about 11 p.m. I can say I did not care the turn of my hand about seeing them go. I do think the boys felt worse to leave me than I did to see them go for nearly all of them had to get out of the car and come and talk with me & give me a goodbye shake of the hand.

Ed Hardy was at last enticed into reenlisting. He was always dead against it and always said he would not re-enlist for all the Greenbacks in the US Treasury, but they won him [over] at last. He talked with me a long time and said he wished I was going home with them for we would have some gay old parties before our return and Ed said he was bound to have a dance at Dave Kelleys if he had to get it up all alone. He said he had soap enough to do it and he has for he had nearly $300. You see they get two months back pay & 100, old bounty and $75 advance bounty, & pay & that makes them quite a snug little pile. Ed had a splendid horse & he traded him off & got $ another one that answered just as well to turn over & got $40 to boot. But to my story, the officers all took their horses home with them. Marcell took home his stallion he got on the Neck. I suppose he will cut a big swell in Illinois with him. I don’t know whether he is broke to the harness or not, but I guess he is. I think the Boys will all have a good time and have lots of fun and I can safely say I don’t begrudge it to them—not in the least, if they come back at all. They will be back here in the course of 2 or 3 months without a cent to lay their jaws to and some of them two or 3 months wages in debt, and if I have good luck enough to live through my first term of enlistment, will have my $100 bounty and some money coming to me and will be free to act for myself which I think more of than all the money in Jerusalem.

Time flies slowly on and only 8 months more, and if our lives are only spared, what a happy couple we will be. I get to thinking so about it sometimes when I am alone and it fairly seems as though it was not possible for me to wait any longer. I must fly to my own dear Mary’s arms to heal the wounded heart which beats for me so pure and sweet. Me thinks I hear you quietly respond how well Bent knows his Mary. Can I help but appreciate that pure love and affection which is for me & me alone. No! dear Mary, should a kind Providence so will it that we never should meet on this earth, I am confident in the love that is bestowed upon me by my dear companion and I am sure it is returned with the same fervor and confident I am that it is appreciated would to high heaven every husband & wife could love as Bent and Mary. I am sure my love grows stronger and stronger the longer we are separated. It seems as though I never could stop writing to you but I must draw my epistle to a close as it is nearly 2 a.m. and a big days work for me tomorrow. I am glad sister Lura and husband have got safely home but sorry to hear of such tidings from my own dear home & my beloved parent. I feel that I could pity him from the bottom of my heart. I know well what makes him get so much so of late. He did not used to be so bad. It is because he has not got a child in the world to help see to anything about the farm, hotel or the station. I feel, Mary, that I can pity rather than censure him. Poor man. May he see the way he 1s destined ere it be too late is the prayer & earnest petition of his child!

I hope you have received my diary for 1863 I sent you for I would not loose it for a great deal. If you have received it, please let me know in your next letter. I received a letter from sister Mag yesterday. She is having all she can do to get along and clothe herself & the children. She is afraid you are out with her on account of her not writing but she tells me it is almost impossible for her to get time to write at all. She works very hard & sends Emma to school & Henry both. I am sure from what she writes that she has all she can attend to. Mary, do one more favor for me and that is write to sister when you get time—one of your good letters—and I guess you will get an answer. There is affection breathed for Bent and Mary both from her & Emma both. She told me she would send me her photograph in her next letter. I hope I will get it soon. I must draw my letter to a close by wishing you pleasant dreams & may they be of your absent husband. Good night, dear girl. Love to all the friends & neighbors and a kiss for the family and Lura for I presume she feels as if she was a family of herself. I only wish I could pass these long nights in my Mary’s arms. May the time soon come when I can. A sweet kiss and I’m off for bed. From your ever loving and affectionate husband, — T. B. Kelley


Letter 68

Culpeper, Va.
January 17th 1864

Dearest Parent,

I now take my pen in hand to inform you of my continued good health &c. I am in as good health as I have ever been since I have been in the army & I sincerely hope I will always be blessed with it while I am in the army. I am detailed at the Headquarters of the First Cavalry Division. Clerking or writing for the commissary of musters. It is some better than standing picket, that I am sure of these cold nights. I have been pretty busy since I have been here. I have not been abed but one or two nights until after 2 a.m. but I am getting the thing arranged so I can retire earlier. I have a good bed to sleep in and in a house at that, with a good Union family. The Captain I am writing for has his office in one part of the house. I enjoy myself first rate.

The most of our regiment has re-enlisted as Veterans but I choose to meet my friend in 8 months from day after tomorrow if I am permitted to live and have my health. I don’t intend to spend the prime of my life in the U.S. service and I think any sensible man will think he has done his duty to his country if he serves it as well and faithfully as I have for 3 years. So my friends can rest assured they will see me in 8 months & 2 days by time. But enough of this.

I herewith enclose you 5 dollars and my measure for a pair of boots which I wish you to get made for me & if they cost more, you can pay it & Mary will pay you. You need not send them until you hear from me again as I will send the address. I want them sent in as soon as I decide about it. I would not mind if you would bring them down yourself as you can’t have much to do this winter. Maybe you can come and make me a visit & I will give you all you can eat & a good bed. I guess you can come & visit me if you are a mind to. We will visit Jo & the Vermont Cavalry Boys & you can see old Va in all her beauty. If you make up your mind to come, you can come all the way by RR & tell Mary she can come too if she is well enough. I should think you would like to make such a trip in the winter when you have nothing else to do. In fact, I should really think you would like to get out of Vermont for a change. Come if you feel as if you could. You won’t be a hundred dollars worse off in 10 years from now. Don’t say a word to Mary about it unless you can come for anything in the world. I am pleasantly situated and can accommodate you both with all that you would eat, drink, or sleep so if you can spend the time & RR fare. I shall be happy to see you & Mary but if not, don’t mention it to Mary.

I wish you to get the boots long legs. In fact, a regular cavalry boot, french calf. Love to all the friends and neighbors & a kiss for the family for me. From your son, — T. B. Kelley


Letter 69

Office Asst. Comm. of Musters
1st Division Cavalry Corps. Army of Potomac
Culpeper Court House, Va.
January 22nd, 1864

Dearest Mary,

Yours of the 17th inst. came to hand last eve & I was quite happy to get it. I was afraid you had not got my envelopes I directed to you ordering my letters sent to these Headquarters but the Headquarters orderly brought me one of them last night and I hope he will keep on doing so. I thought I must write you tonight if I had to sit up all night to do it & it is now just 7 minutes after one o’clock a.m. But to tell the thing just as it is, we have not been abed at all lately but we are getting our writing fixed up so we can see out of the woods. And I am heartily glad of for it has been an awful job. But there is one thing, I am blessed with a bully good bed when I do want to lay down with the son of the family. I am stopping with or where Captain has his office. I have been boarding with them since I have been here. I draw my regular rations and the lady takes them & I eat with them and, take it all around, I am living bully—just as well as anyone could wish. And today Captain went to Division Headquarters and got a permanent detail for me. He thinks all the world of me and well he might for I have just done everything in my power to help him along through his hurry. He says we will have it easy enough to pay for it after awhile.

I would liked to have wrote you twice this week but it was utterly impossible, Mary, without sitting up until 2 or 3 a.m. to do it and I knew you would know I was all serene where I was. But still I know how anxiously those messengers are looked for. I wrote Father a letter the other night enclosing him $5 for a pair of boots. I have got pretty near played out of boots & I thought I would try an eastern pair and see how they would wear me. I wrote for Pa to come & bring them down if he had nothing to do this winter & let you come with him for I knew it would do you both good to get away from home once more in your lives. I would not have you attempt to come here alone for anything for I presume it would be an impossibility nearly for you to get permission to get through to the Army. If Pa can come, have him call on Gen. Jno F. Farnsworth MC of Congress from Illinois in Washington, & he can procure passes for you both. But Mary, don’t you for all the world undertake to come to the Army alone for my sake. I am pleasantly situated here & could get comfortable quarters for you in a Union family’s house with them while the Army lays here and would like to have you come, but not for the world would I have you attempt it alone. I herewith enclose a letter for anyone to Farnsworth. Love to all. Write soon & all the news. A sweet kiss from Bent.

Have Pa send the boots as soon as possible to the address sent him.


Letter 70

Headquarters 1st Div. Cavalry Corps
Culpeper [Court House, Va.
January 25th 1864

Dearest Mary,

Your most welcome letter of the 21st inst. came duly to hand this eve and I was glad to learn that my order for boots had got through all right, and by the tenor of you letter I perceived you did not have the least intimation of coming to see me. I am just as comfortably situated as I could wish to be [able] to accommodate you for I am with a nice Union family and can get a nice room and I am at work in the same house and you can be with me for 5 or 6 weeks at the least. The lady here says she will do all in her power to make you comfortable and I am sure the Captain I am with would be very happy to have me have the society of my companion.

I did not know but what when I wrote you first that Pa might think he could spend time to come and see me, but I fear he will think it too great a task. You can watch for an opportunity when someone that you know is coming through to Washington and come with them. I sent you a letter to enclose to Col. Farnsworth who will procure the necessary papers for you and anybody else you could have come with you. I don’t want you to run any risks to come to me. I know if you do come, we can enjoy it nearly as well as if we were at home for I am not tied down as when in the company. If you come, you [have] no need to bring over $50 for I have $22 by me now and you must look sharp for pickpockets for they are quiet numerous.

You will be aware I wrote you in regard striking the odd days of the month leaving Washington to come on the train where you would be used well. It is the young man I told Pa to send my Boots addressed to—Thomas Ferris, brakeman on the passenger train—a nice young man dressed in a suit all alike nearly gray but checkered. He comes down on the even dates next month, I think. He will know you, I think, for I have shown him your picture. Don’t run any risk, dear Mary, to come to me. I would not have you for all the world. Anyone you can get can find Gen. Farnsworth at the National Hotel, I think. If not, you can find out by almost anyone. And dear Mary, it will be a great pleasure for him to do anything for Bent’s wife. I know it would for he thinks a great deal of Bent, I assure you.

I don’t know what our folks will think in my having you come down but Mary, we can enjoy 5 or 6 weeks in each other’s society and then if I live to get out all right, I know we never can regret the time we have passed together, No Mary, never. It does seem like a short time—7 months 3 weeks—but if we can pass 5 or 6 weeks of that time together. It will not seem so long to your Bent. I have such a good place for you to stay here that it seems as though I must have you come. Some will say Bent is foolish, but Bent knows his Johney business and what little it will cost will be made up in happiness. And if we live, we won’t be a cent worse off for it 5 years from now. And if I or you do not live, we never will be sorry in this world. So talk enough. If anyone wants to know any particulars in regard to your coming to the Army, just give them my compliments and refer them to me and all will be serene.

You may bring me a pair or two of socks if you are a mind to for my socks are pretty well worn out. When I commenced to write, I thought I would not write much and so I commenced on a piece of a sheet but lo and behold, I could not stop when I had filled that. Let all the Boys go in Vets & have their furloughs for 30 or 40 or even 60 days. If I can only remain in the army and have the society of my Mary for 5 or 6 weeks, you are my all as far as person is concerned although I would like to see all of my friends and a kiss for the family. Write by return mail. A sweet kiss to bid you good night. I hope ere 10 days passes, Mary & Bent will be together and then, dear Mary, how happy will be our hearts, will they not? Pleasant dreams, dear Mary, & may they be of your dear husband who is thinking of you.


Letter 71

Culpeper Court House, Va.
January 30th 1864

Dearest Mary,

Another long and lonely week has passed away and not one word from my Mary. But in fact, to tell the real truth, I was not looking for letters as I was for yourself personally thinking there could not be many days but what someone, you or at least Pa would know, coming to Washington. I have been down to the train every night for the last 5 days thinking you might have come or started as soon as you received my letter. It seems as though everybody’s wife had come in that time but Bent’s, for from eight to a dozen ladies would get off every night. Last night I felt almost certain you would come for the train did not come until just dark when it should get here at half past 3 p.m.

I am in good health & splendid spirits & weigh just as much as I ever did in my life—that is 178 lbs. I weighed just that when I left Vermont to return to the Army when I was home one year ago last October. We have had just as nice weather as I ever saw in my life for the last 5 or 6 days, but this morning it looks some like rain & it don’t make a cents difference with me whether it does or not. One thing, it would be more sure to have the Army remain quiet than anything else, so here’s to rain or snow for awhile at least—enough to hold the Army quiet.

Love to all the friends & a kiss for the family. Write me as soon as you get this & direct as ordered. A sweet kiss & I close so as to get it off this morning. Come as soon as possible. From your husband, — Bent


Letter 72

Culpeper Court House, Va.
January 31st, 1864, Sunday morning 6 a.m.

Dearest Mary,

Your kind and long looked for letter of the 25th came to hand last eve and I was very happy to learn that you had not started for the army yet for I learned that it was an impossibility for a lady to procure a pass to visit the army through any one but the Provost Marshall of the Army of the Potomac. I was informed so by my own Lieutenant Dana, who is at Headquarters on the staff of Gen. Merritt, our Division Commander. His sister is at Washington and he sent her a pass yesterday.

I will go to Headquarters and get a pass for you and I don’t want you to start under any consideration until you receive it. I may not succeed in procuring a permit for you, but Lieutenant says there will not be any trouble about it, so do not start even if get a chance until you get my letter containing the permit or pass.

I was so glad when I got your letter stating you had not started. I was lucky enough to get almost all the money I had lent out yesterday and I sold $31 in Confederate money for $7.75 to a man living out in Oregon that came to visit the Lieutenant that stops here. So will send you $25 dollars. I want you to come as soon as the pass reaches you. There will be no trouble in Washington as long as you have got that. I wrote you a letter yesterday. I have been very anxiously looking for you for the last 5 or 6 days and you can just bet your bottom dollar I was glad to get your letter of the 25th. I think and know you can be safe to start from Rutland with the addition of $10 more to this and what you have got and you can borrow that of almost anyone that knows you until I can get my pay. So you need not draw from your deposit.

I think Mary you will find someone you know coming from Rutland to Washington almost anytime and when you get there, you will be all serene. You have your valise marked with your name & residence on it before leaving Rutland and you need not bring anything—only just what you will want for your own comfort and be sure to do that and have that complement full. About the expense of your coming here, I don’t care so much as the turn of my hand, the money I made myself personally, & I know what I want for my own happiness and I hope you think so too. One thing I am sure of, I can be well paid for the expense of the trip by enjoying your Society for 20 or 30 days and then if I should happen to be taken away this summer, you will never regret the time and money spent to visit your Bent.

Mary to tell the honest truth, I have made up my mind so much to see you I must have you come anyway. Please write as soon as you get this and let me know when the boots left Rutland as the young man they was sent (or ordered to be sent) to has gone to Philadelphia sick, but there will be no trouble in getting them, I don’t think. You must write me when you anticipate leaving Rutland so I can be on the lookout for you. Get everything ready to start as soon as your permit gets to you & if it don’t come, you won’t be put to much trouble. Mary, you will know that Bent would be well paid for all the money it would cost just to enjoy your dear society. I must have it so anyway and Lieutenant thinks there will be no trouble in getting the pass.

You wanted to know whether Lieut. Jones would probably come to Vermont or not. It is my opinion he will not for the officers can not get only 35 days leave any more than the men and he has got so many to visit there and some that will stick closer than a brother. Mary I am awful glad I did not go in Veteran for there is a great many now returning to the army without a single cent and 3 years more to serve which makes them feel (& look) blue enough too.

Mary, you had better buy you a valise large or a trunk, either one. It won’t make any difference for there is plenty comes to Culpeper every night—trunks & regular houses at that. I guess you can get anyone to trust you until I can make my connections & not draw on the Bank. If you get a trunk, get a good one and one that suits you for it will come in play. And get your name marked on it & residence. Bring what you want but you need not trouble yourself anything about Bent. He is just old Pie.

Mary you spoke of Laura’s intended feeling so bad I think he must have felt quite bad but not so much as if he had been her husband for he did not know her as his wife & did not more than half appreciate her love only think was it either of us would not the feeling be more acute I think you will endorse my sentiments.

Let me hear from you by return mail and as often as you can. I am not so busily engaged for the last two days. My Capt Kennedy left for Washington yesterday morning to be gone 5 days. He tried to get leave for me but could not do it. Much love to all the friends and neighbors and a kiss for the family and lots for my dear Mary, & pleasant dreams dreams while we are absent. And I am sure when we are together, they cannot help but be pleasant. I long to enjoy your dear society. A sweet kiss for my Mary. From your Bent


Letter 73

Headquarters 1st Cavalry Division
Culpeper January 30th 1864

Brig. Gen. R. M. Patrick
Prov. Mar. Gen. Army of Potomac

I have the honor to apply for permission for my wife, Mars. Mary A. Kelley, to visit the Army of the Potomac for (20) twenty days. I am very respectfully your obedient servant, — T. B. Kelley, Clerk of Com. of Musters, 1st Cavalry Division


Letter 74

Culpeper [Court House]
February 2nd 1864

Dearest Mary,

I have just received my application returned to me disapproved so you can see it is of no use to try to come to me. I am now sincerely glad you did not come on uncertainties as I requested you at first. It does not seem to me I could give up seeing you. In fact, I wont do it without another effort. I am going to write to Gen. Farnsworth at Washington and see what he says in regard to it. I can’t no more than be flatly refused assistance. So here goes a letter for him with this one to you. If I am lucky enough to get it, I will forward it to you double quick.

I sent you a letter containing $25 day before yesterday & in that letter I believe I told you to purchase a trunk. You had better not until I send you the pass to come on if you have not got it yet. Please let me know when you sent the boots & to what address to the very letter as the young man they were ordered to be sent to has been taken sick and has gone to Philadelphia, so I have got to know just what name—to the very letter—to enquire for as I forgot whether he has a middle letter or not, & just how he spells his last name. The way I have it is Thomas Ferris, Alexandria, Va.

Mary, be of good cheer. If I am not lucky enough to have you come to me, one thing is sure—I will meet you in 7 months & two weeks if I am spared to do so. I then will not be under military rule. Love to all. A sweet kiss, dear Mary. I am old persimmons & would like to see you, but I must wait I fear. Love to all. Goodbye—Bent

Write as soon as you get this. A sweet kiss & pleasant dreams. — Bent


Letter 75

Fredericksburg, Va
Friday, May 20th 1864

Dearest Mary,

I was very much gratified last evening to receive one of those welcome messengers from yourself personally, this being the first one I have received from my own dear Mary since you left my side at Brandy Station, Virginia. I, of course, got the line from Uncle George as I have acknowledged heretofore, but that is not those I get from my Mary, I can tell you. I have been anxiously looking for it for some days as I knew the mail was coming for Headquarters & could see no earthly reason why I could not get one as well as any one else. At last it has come and am glad to learn you are so comfortable and feeling so smart.

I was awfully worried in regard to your safety until I heard from you. But I think you are just old pie on the shelf now. Mary, you wished me to say I would release you from your promise in regard to being doctored. I must say that was sacredly asked and sacredly given, and nothing no mater what would make me relinquish it on that account. You may feel some delicacy in regard to it but you know Dr. Page well enough to know that you can trust him. I, for one, can say that I have all the confidence in the world in him, and more that he can help you. And if it is only done in season, I think without a shadow of a doubt in my mind. Mary, your Bent is anxious to see you a strong, healthy, robust woman and for that reason exacted the promise from you while we were together. You must not blame me for not giving you off for I do think you can be made a strong, healthy woman. And then we could be so happy.

There is nothing from the front reliable—only the distant booming of the cannon. There has some Reb prisoners passed through here in the last two days—shabby looking fellows, I can tell you. We some expect orders to march tonight but certainly in the morning. Some says one direction & some another. I am sure it is towards Richmond.

Mary, I dream of you often of late. I cannot see what in the world is the cause of it unless it is because you are on my mind so much. How I long for the time to soon come when I can press you to my bosom and say I am free from bondage. May this be ours to enjoy, dear Mary, is the prayer of your dear Bent. I am sorry to hear that Lura is so low. I hope she will soon recover from the attack which so suddenly prostrated her.

There is no news whatever from the front, but one thing—there is reinforcements going through here all the time for the front and they are all heavy artillery, armed with the musket. They have fought one or two engagements and have done it as well as any of the troops.

I am glad to learn that you have got the album and ordered the photographs. I am in no particular hurry for them but as soon as possible. I am in splendid health but it is awful hot here. Love to all the family and friends and a kiss for them. Don’t rob yourself while you are so doing. Write every opportunity and all the news. From your ever loving and affectionate husband, Bent

To his Mary.


Letter 76

Camp near Charles City C. H., Va.
June 15th 1864

Dearest Mary,

Your kind and most welcome letter of June 3rd came duly to hand on the eve of the 12th and in a half hour after I got it, the Division had orders to move to Long Bridge on the Chickahomony. We left Old Church at 5 p.m. & arrived at Long Bridge at 9 p.m., a distance of 16 miles. We crossed the 8th New York Cavalry, dismounted, four miles below the bridge. They getting in mud & mire up to their middles & some up to their waists. They followed the river up to near the bridge when they encountered Rebel pickets & only a few shots were exchanged when the Rebels fled precipitously to the rear.

The Pontoons were on the spot and in an hour they were laid and the balance of the Brigade crossed, composing the 3rd Indiana, 1st Vermont, 22nd New York, and 1st New Hampshire Cavalries. It was now after midnight but nothing daunted. Our cavalry advanced out 5 miles & put out pickets [and] awaited the dawn. At 3 a.m., Gen. Warren with the 5th Corps commenced crossing and at 8 a.m. the 5th Corps had crossed, followed closely by the 2nd Corps. They marched for this point where they arrived that eve. The 2nd Brig of Cavalry under the command of Col. Chapman of the 3rd Indiana [Cavalry] opened on the Rebels at daylight and fought them the entire day, driving them over White Oak Swamp towards Savage Station where they encountered Rebel infantry in large force. Co. Chapman dismounted his Brigade and held the enemy in check until the 1st Division of the 5th Corps came up to his support, but even they were not enough for the Johnney Rebs for they were in very heavy force.

Col. Chapman, as soon as relieved by the infantry, fell back into some of McClellan’s old earthworks near White Oak Swamp. Soon our infantry came pell mell back, but Col. Chapman rode along the line and told his men not to give a single inch. When the Rebs came up, our dismounted Boys gave them such a volley they could not face it & they broke and fled to the rear. The infantry, seeing this, rallied and came & fell in with our Boys and held the ground until 10 p.m. when they were ordered to the rear, bringing off all of our wounded.

The 3rd Indiana [Cavalry] fought very gallantly—something after the old sort of fighting when the old Brigade was with Johnney Buford. In front of Co. F, 3rd Indiana, was found 15 dead Rebs and 22 wounded. So you can see they must have done something. Our Brigade, the 2nd, lay at Haxall’s Farm, four miles up the James River from Harrison’s Landing. All the Army lays around in this vicinity but you can rest assured that they will not remain quiet long. No one knows what the future will bring forth, but ere another week elapses, you will find that Grant is on the way for Richmond on the Petersburg rout. I see that Army Headquarters—Gen. Grant’s—are all packing up so I must close this epistle by sending you and friends much love and a Kiss for all the family, and don’t rob Mrs. TB of her share.

I dreamt of my Mary last night—a good dream. Hoping to meet you again in a short 3 months, I remain as ever your most obedient and dutiful husband, –Bent

Tell Lura Bent I will come & see her in 3 months.


Letter 77

Camp near City Point, Virginia
Headquarters Ambulance Corps, 3rd Cavalry Division
June 23, 1864

Dearest Mary,

Last eve I was greeted with another of your most welcome messengers. I can say that truly they are welcome ones. Nothing in the world gives Bent more pleasure than to get a letter and have the post mark Rutland for well I know it is in nine cases out of ten from my Mary, assuring him that there is one that still loves and with that true love that can come from none but a devoted companion. None but loving, dutiful wife can pour forth those loving strains of true devotion. Mary, imagine the contentment I feel in retiring to my soldiers couch thinking of my own, my true, my constant companion. Is this not bliss beyond description? Yes, dear Mary. And your Bent appreciates it. There is scarcely a single hour in the day but what you are the theme of my thought. And I can assure you they are pleasant ones knowing by the past what must be our future enjoyment. I can safely say if I am permitted to meet my own companion without a scar, I shall never regret the step I have taken for I could have never contented myself at home, seeing all my associates leaving to fight for the maintenance of this blood bought Union, and most prosperous of all Nations on the face of the Globe. I am confident that if I had not come when I did, I should probably have been in some infantry regiment drudging and toiling myself to death under the load and maybe I should have long enough ere this filled a soldier’s unknown grave. I am thankful for myself that I came when I did and look for protection in the future as has been granted in the past. Can we as husband and wife be thankful enough for the many blessing bestowed on us during my absence from home? I for one can truly say never. Mary, when I think of the watchful care that has been over me in the dangers I have passed through, I can truly say I could never repay should I spend the remainder of my life devoted to His service. We have been called to part with all we held near and dear on earth [our son Mittie], but not for a moment would I call Him hence. There he waits to welcome us to that better and happy land where parting is no more. Mary, your own dear Bent is happy—happy in the thought that there is one that loves and prays for him although far away .The months we will be obliged to be separated are now so few the days are counted. If both are spared, it will be only 86 days from today & time flies swiftly away—most especially when my letters are so regular from Mary. How I long for the time to hasten when I can press you to my bosom as of old and imprint that pure burning kiss of love on those lovely lips. When I get so wrapped in the pleasant thought, it seems as though I must fly to my Mary’s arms who is ever ready to receive her own dear Boy.

But I must draw my letter to a close as it is now getting late and I must tell you also that the Division went on a raid this morning, leaving at early dawn. They have gone to cut the communication by rail from Lynchburg to Petersburg and so on South from Richmond. There was one Brigade of cavalry with our Division from Butler’s command, making in the whole about 9 thousand effective men on this raid, with three batteries of artillery. A lieutenant of the 2nd Ohio Cavalry has just come from the command. [He] was cut off from them while waiting to instruct a column moving to the right and could not connect with the main column. They had up to the time he came away burned two stations and was tearing up the railroad with all possible speed, the Rebs close at their heals. We were ordered here to await their return. It is now 10 p.m. and the roar of musketry and awful heavy cannonading from our gunboats can be heard. It is awful hard fighting this eve, the 22nd of June. May God in his mercy crown us with victory is my earnest prayer. From Bent

Aunt Mary is now among the Saints of light that have long been welcoming her there. Poor sufferer while here, but happy there. My good night kiss to my Mary & pleasant dreams. Love to all the family and friends. I only wish I could be where you could lay on my arm. Would not that be rest truly? Write soon and all the news from your own husband, — Bent

I never heard harder fighting in the night since I have been in the service than this very night. Send me photographs every letter now the mail is all OK. — Bent

Send me some PO Stamps — Bent. I wrote a letter to Sister Ellen today hope she will answer it soon. Tell Ella I have not heard from her either since I have been in the army.


Letter 78

Camp near Light House Pt on James River, Va.
July 5th 1864

Dearest Mary.

I received your kind and most welcome letter of June 26th day before yesterday but owing to our changing of our camp to the above named place, I could not answer it. And more than that, I have been very busily engaged making out the necessary reports for the Lieutenant. There is some probability that the command will remain quiet for a few weeks for they are both horses and men pretty well played out.

This morning I received your letter of July 1st from Dorsett with a new photo of mine. Was that copied from the one taken when at Rutland when we were married? It looks some like the one and it ain’t so bad a picture after all. I went over and saw Daily and Wooley yesterday. Capt. Kennedy has gone to Washington to be mustered as Major of the 9th New York Cavalry. Lieut. J. K. Malone was there and was glad to see me. Daily still remains with Malone and Wooley with the Captain. I don’t know who will be mustering officer to fill Captain’s place. I hope it will be someone that will keep Wooley for he has got so long to stay yet.

I got your first letter that you wrote after your safe arrival in Rutland from the Army. The Captain had carried it in his pocket until he had worn out the envelope and gave it to Wooley and that is the first time since he has seen me. You wanted to know about how large a force of Rebs hold Culpeper. I think only a party of guerrillas infest that country. I don’t think that they done anything to Mr. Bruce’s folks. I wish I could get a word from them. I hope they are all right. At least I am so glad that you are getting doctored for your complaints for I want you to be a strong, healthy woman, for well I know if your health is good, there is any quantity of happiness for us. I think there is no two persons in the world that can live as happily as Bent and his Mary.

I have no news to write—only heavy cannonading once in a while. I was in sight of the famous town of Petersburg the other evening. There was some shots exchanged. I am in hopes that the hardest of the fighting is through with. I think Richmond must fall by inches. Our Division of Cavalry lost all of the wagons, ambulances, and artillery they took out with them but they run a close chance of losing all their command. They done a big thing. They cut all the Southern communication with Richmond, they burned 5 trains of cars & 5 locomotives. I don’t know exactly how many men were lost but the figures are pretty well to 3000. I am glad so many of them came back as did. 1

This illustration depicts the Wilson-Kautz expedition returning to Virginia. Image Source: Harper’s Weekly, August 6, 1864.

I must close by sending love to all the family & friends. I wrote this letter on my knee, so please excuse its looks &c. My usual amount of kisses and may the time soon come when I can give them personally. From your Bent. I hope all is well. Write soon.

1 Bent is referring to the Wilson-Kautz Raid of late June 1864. Led by Union Generals James H. Wilson and August Kautz, the objective of the cavalry raid was to cut railroads between Lynchburg and the supply center at Petersburg. While the raid had the intended effect of disrupting Confederate rail communications for several weeks, the raiding force lost much of its artillery, all of its supply train, and almost a third of the original force, mostly to Confederate capture. The raid’s partial failure added to frustrations for Grant, Lincoln, and the Northern populace in spite of pinning Lee into a defensive position at Petersburg,


Letter 79

Camp near Light House Pt. on James River, Va.
July 8th 1864

Dearest Mary,

I was awaked last eve at 10 p.m. by the cry of the mail boy (“letter for Kelley!”). I got up and hunted all over camp for a light but no one had one. I came back and blowed up a coal or fire & hunted through our mess box and succeeded in finding a small piece. I think I could not enjoy a night’s rest with one of your unbroken letters in my possession. Indeed, I never would like to try it as an experiment. How I love to get those welcome messengers, ever breathing tones of love and prayer for my welfare. How could I think of retiring to my soldier’s couch with one of those precious messengers in my possession still unbroken. I could not sleep one wink, I am sure, for many a night have I lay and thought of my wife until 12 or 1 o’clock before I could or even think of sleeping. I hope soon to be permitted to be with her who so anxiously looks for my return. The time for my term of service to expire slowly approaches. I don’t know whether I ever saw time pass more sluggishly along. I am sure it is all on account of our anticipating so much happiness in each other’s society that makes it so.

You spoke in your letter of the 3rd from Dorsett that you did not like to visit so long away from home because I could not enjoy it with you. I have often told you that I wanted you to visit more and you would enjoy yourself much better than being pent up in the house having nothing but thoughts of past and future destiny running in your mind. Nothing gives Bent more pleasure than to know that Mary has taken it into her mind to visit some of our friends. I have made up my mind to stay in Vermont, certainly until March 1st 1865 unless something happens more than I know of now and you may rest assured that I will enjoy myself in your society, visiting our friends. I am sure that our friends in Rupert would be glad to have Bent and Mary visit them and I am bound to, if I am permitted to be spared to come to Vermont all right. There is many of our relatives I would like to visit that I think would be happy to have us come, that I got no opportunity to visit when was home either the first or second time. I guess we will give them a sweater this winter on the visiting line if we are well and hearty. Now it is only 10 weeks from tomorrow and Bent can say he is free from the soldier bonds. May the time soon roll around. I sometimes get impatient for it to come although I have not fired a shot at a wild Reb this season and am not exposed to much of any danger. But I am tired of being in this business and separated so long from those I love.

I am glad sister Ellen did not get offended at the letter I wrote her for I am sure I done or said no more than I would to anyone I had any respect for in the world. Did she let you see the letter? I feared she would not but I told her considerable truth in it and I related a good deal of experience. Love to all the family and friends and tell sister Lura she owes me a letter & she can’t answer it a moment too quick. Kiss the family and keep your regular rations. Soon, if I am spared, I can give them personally. Write often. — Bent

I am well and hearty—never better. My usual sweet kiss. Write soon. From Bent

Enclosed please find the photo of Lt. [Benjamin F.] Gilbert, 3rd Indiana Cavalry, a friend of mine commands. Capt. Kennedy is now Major of the 9th NY Cavalry and now commands the Regiment as all the senior officers are wounded.


Letter 80

Camp near Light House Point, Va.
July 10, 1864

Dearest Mary,

I now take my pen in hand to inform you of my being detailed at Cavalry Corps Headquarters with the Ambulance Officer there—Capt. Myron Hickey—with whom I got acquainted with while at Stevensburg. Major Forsyth of the 8th Illinois Cavalry, now on Gen. Sheridan’s staff, procured the detail for me. Lieut. Boutelle is soon to leave the Ambulance Corps of the 3rd Cavalry Division and there is a new man coming in his place and there would be but a small show for me to keep the place for every strange officer has his own pets and I had got Lieut. Boutelle’s papers all finished up to date. And knowing that I could get this job, I asked Lieut. if he would relieve me and let me accept a detail at Corps Headquarters, and he told me he would with pleasure.

I don’t think I will have as much to do as with Lieut. Boutelle. I don’t care how much there is to do—Bent can do it and won’t quibble for I am not exposed to the fighting part of the army, & it looks as if I might have a chance to meet that lovely face once more if I am not exposed to the leaden missiles. However, I am thankful for any place for two months and 7 days from today.

I have not received any letter since the one I received which I answered on the 6th inst. I hope you did not hurry yourself to leave our friends in Dorsett for I am so sure you enjoy yourself better than when at home, all the time surrounded by one thing day in and day out. I want you to move (out and) around amongst our friends so you won’t be an entire stranger to them (if I am) for I am bound to visit amongst them this winter if I am permitted so to do. Now Mary, if you will only visit Middlebury and let me know when you will leave for there the exact date, I will address your letters for two weeks at that place so you can hear from me just as often as though you were at home in Rutland. Just let me know the exact date you will go there on and I will do the calculating on the mail arrangements for I know by my own feelings how anxious you are to hear from your Bent. And I want to have no failing on my part to have you do it, and as long as I have an opportunity, I will improve it in writing to you or some of the rest of my friends. Mother has been very punctual of late. I have heard from her once in two weeks for the last 8 weeks and such letters as she writes me does my very soul good.

Mary, I get impatient sometimes to have the time pass swiftly by and hasten the time when Bent and Mary will be made the happiest of twain for I am well aware it will be the case when we meet. May a kind Providence guard and protect us and hasten the time when I can press my dear little wife to my breast as in days passed by. How happy was we then and did not know it. This war has learned many a one a lesson by experience.

I wonder how the 8th Illinois Cavalry likes their Veteran operations. I see in last night’s paper they were engaged near Middleton, Maryland and near Frederick. I want them to have some hand in suppressing this Rebellion and now the Johnney Rebs are once more in Maryland, I am sure they will for all the troops that can be spared from the Capitol will be sent out to expel the invader from the sacred soil of the Union. I feel bad for the citizens of Maryland and Pennsylvania on account of they being robbed and plundered every year. But I think a good Rebel Raid up amongst some of the Copperheads of the North would arouse their Union sentiments some and the means of making decent men of them after being robbed of their all and burned out of house and home. I am confident that a good genuine Rebel Raid would do the thing up to the handle for I am sure nothing wound arouse their ire of anyone so quick as to see his own property going to waste in his own face and eyes. I would like to have the Rebs take a turn into Ohio and cool off some of those Copperheads there for there is not many in and along the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania. I am sure that not many of the [Rebel] army that has gone North will ever live to report to Gen. Lee at Richmond. It seems as though I could see every able bodied man seize his musket and come forward for the present time they are wanted—not when the invader is safely in his hole again. I await with calm patience the result of the next few days. May God protect the Right is the earnest prayer of your own husband.

My kind regards to all the friends and kisses for the family. Let me hear from you every opportunity and all the news. Lots of sweet kisses for my dear, dear wife. from your loving husband, — T. B. Kelley


Letter 81

Headquarters Cavalry Corps
Camp near Light House Point, Va.
July 17th 1864

Dearest Mary,

I well know you are anxiously looking for the arrival of this welcome messenger, but when I inform you that no mail has arrived at or left these Headquarters in four long days, you cannot help but see the reason for the delay. When I understood that no mail came or left, I did not write my usual letter for I would have to carry it about my person for there would be no mail bag to put it in, so I thought I would put off writing until it was resumed again. Last eve the mail came in and I think there will be one going out tomorrow. None left this a.m. but there never does on Sunday. But anyway, I will pen a few lines and run the risk of sending them to my Mary.

The Rebs made sad havoc in my-Maryland in the last few days, but last eve’s paper states they are all safe across the Potomac again. I am in hopes they will all be captured yet. One thing is [certain], the Army of the Potomac is not there or they would not many of them report to Jeff Davis & Co. at Richmond, Va. I don’t think Grant had any idea how many of them there were, or he would have sent some more than he did, for he only sent one Division of the 6th Corps in season to do any good. What he sent away last, did not get there in time to confront the enemy. The 8th Illinois [Cavalry] was engaged from the outset and I understand were cut up some. The man I love so dearly—Lt. Col. D. R. Glendenin—was wounded. I hope he was not seriously for I can get my little satisfaction out of him and let him enjoy the blessings and comforts of life afterward. But enough of this. All will come out right, I hope. I have not heard how Co E got along or what their loss was—if any. Hope not severe. But troops in cases of that kind fight very desperate and inevitably must lose some.

I think the Johnney Rebs euchered all the old fogies in and around Washington on this raid as near as I can learn, for they could not tell how many there was or which way they wanted to go, or when they was making for Baltimore. They was sure Washington was what they was after. I guess there was no scouts that was worth a meal of cold victuals or they would have known more in regard to them. I am not able to say who saved Washington from their grasp but one thing I am confident in my own mind, the old troops saved it, for it is [true, as] some of the Rebs say, the Militia won’t stand unless mixed in with old troops, for the [Rebel] Yell and the charge terrifies them. But it is all passed and our glorious Capitol is safe from the hands of Rebels and I am thankful for it. No matter who done it, it was well done.

You may ask me why is this Army here so quiet. All I can say, we are as far as we can get unless we sacrifice all concerned. Their works have got to be sieged out and in no other way can Richmond fall a prey to our hands. Very heavy cannonading was heard up the river yesterday. I heard out men was planting a Battery on Duval’s [Drewry’s] Bluff in easy range of Fort Darling. I hope it is so. I also hear our line is 7 miles shorter than two weeks ago—the 5th Corps having. been drawn in. I await with patience for 62 days the result if they don’t get into it in that time. I won’t volunteer another day.

The last one from you was dated at Dorsett July 6th. How full of love & confidence are those welcome messengers. Love to all enquiring friends and a kiss for the family and lots for my dear little companion. I enclose two envelopes. Write soon. From Bent.


Letter 82

Headquarters Cavalry Corps
Camp near Light House Point, Va.
July 19, 1864

My Ever Dear Mary,

I was sweetly slumbering in the arms of Morpheus at 5 a.m. this morning when I was awakened by a noise from the outside of my tent, saying, “Bent, here is two letters for you.” I got up and pulled open my eyes and found them both from my Mary, found them to be dated severally July 11 and 13th. I, of course, read the later one first and finding you were well in that, I opened the other and found two pretty roses. They were pretty well flattened but their fragrance had not all left them. How I love to peruse those messengers. Dear, dear Mary, it makes me almost frantic with joy, and that I can know that all my Mary wants is to have Bent once more restored to her lilly white arms (no flattery whatever) and how long every day and hour seems as my time is drawing near the terminus.

Well, I know I can make my Mary happy. Yes dear, one know it well by the past and I not only hope to make you happy, but by far still happier than ever, heretofore for I am confident we have learned how to prize each other by this separation and I am resolved to profit by the lesson of experience. I have learned, I hope, never to cause my dear little Mary one pang of sorrow in future and I am confident she did not nor does not now think I have ever cause her one because I did not love her.

Mary, I have always known ever since I have come to the years of manhood that I was my worst enemy. I am well aware I have got as many true friends as any young man need to have that has no more money than I have got, but I am not in the habit of purchasing my friends for bought friends cease when the soap runs out. But enough of such.

I am happy to learn that you and Ellen enjoyed the visit so well amongst our friends. It has been a good many years since I saw any of them but still there is many of them fresh in the tablet of my memory never to be erased as long as time shall last. I hope to be able to return to Rutland and after I get everything in readiness, I hope to be able to visit both your friends and mine before returning to Illinois. I am sure—in fact I am confident, they will all be happy to have us call on them and most especially they had ought to be, for they don’t often see twin cousins. Does that hurt your feelings (how are you feeling). I have never had that thing throwed in my face but once since I have been in the army & then it came from a fool and someone that never saw you done it merely because he was mad or vexed at me. Not one of the Danby boys ever said one word about it to me and I would not care a cent if they did. I was one of the parties in the bargain. I could accept or reject at my own pleasure and if I got the worst of it, I want to find it out myself. I think I had ought to know whether I have got the worst end of the bargain. I am perfectly satisfied as yet and I am sure Milly is also. I should think Ellen might make a bargain with Cousin Frank. I don’t know of anyone I would rather she would marry and I really think she would make him a good, dutiful wife. I don’t know anything how far she has carried on her flirtations, but I guess not so far but what she could be made to love such a man as Cousin Frank P. Jones, for I think from all I can glean, he is a good man and an honorable man and one that knows how to use a wife when he gets her. Just find out if there is any show to make a match out of them and I will put the thing a[ ] for I am sure that Ellen has come to the years of understanding and had ought to know that she cannot carry on a flirtation with a married man without creating the worst kind of stories about her. I sincerely hope she has not been the girl thought by many to be. I am sure if she is, your sister there is affection left in her bosom yet and I think it could be all captivated and consumed by one man. I think Frank is the man that could do that and I would not be afraid to propose her to Frank. I want you to find out how Ellen does feel toward him and inform me in your next letter. I just think I can make all necessary arrangements. I would like to have Ellen and Frank make a match. I think she should make him a dutiful wife as well as him a dutiful husband. I wait with patience the answer to this.

I am sorry for Cousin Marcell [Jones]. He has always been a dutiful soldier and was loved and esteemed by all the company if he has been suspended. I don’t know whether they could cashier him or not. I think not without a court marshal, and if they court martial him, he has got to prove himself dutiful in performing the part allotted to him by his superior officers for I am sure he must have been acting under orders or he would not have been there. I hope he can get all back pay and an honorable discharge from the service. I don’t want him to be in service any longer without he wants to be and I am sure he has got gumption enough about him to make as much money out of the service as in it and it has come to the pass that shoulder straps are on everybody and everything now a day. I hope he will get out of it all right yet, but I hope he won’t be foolish enough to spend all he has made out of it trying to get satisfaction for it is hard to be got at the [ ].

I received the letter containing the 2 photos but no writing. Thought it strange at the time but can account for it in my mind now. Give my love to all enquiring friends and a kiss for the family. Tell Ellen to answer my letter if she is not mad. Lots of sweet kisses for my Mary. You spoke of not receiving my letters. You will find at least 3 or 4 in Rutland if they have not been captured. I saw Joe Gurtin day before yesterday. He was well and sent much love to you and the family. Write often. All quiet here now—only once and a while some artillery dueling. From your own, — Bent


Letter 83

Headquarters Cavalry Corps. Army of Potomac
Camp near Light House Point, Va
July 23rd 1864

Dearest Mary,

Again I seat myself to the pleasant task of writing to you and you may well be assured it is a pleasant one for Bent to perform. I received yours of the 16th inst. last eve and was glad to learn that you had had a good visit with our friends at Dorsett. I hope you did not leave there until you got your visit out for I am sure you had plenty of time to devote to that. I am pleasantly situated in writing you this letter—better than I have to write any one to you since leaving Culpeper. I have been ordered to Clerk for Dr. Dubois, Asst. Surgeon, USA, and Medical Inspector for the Cavalry Corps. I came to work for him this morning. He is a splendid man and the man that detailed me here is a nice man also. I do not know how long I will have to write for Dr. and so I will leave my address as heretofore for the Corps Headquarters are always convenient to each other, whether in camp or on the march, and I can get them from Capt. Hickey’s Office as well as from here. I received the stamps, 8 in one letter and 5 in another all right, and the photographs I have not received but 1 of each since the one taken from our wedding pictures. I will now tell you how many I have received in all—only 4 of each, and I would like certainly 3 more of each to fill all I have promised.

You remarked that you had no money by you. I have borrowed considerable since I left Stevensburg but they have got to wait until pay day for it I will send you $5 to get the pictures and what other stuff you want. I don’t know but I will have to loose the $60. I sold one mule for the quartermaster took it from the man and told him that the man that sold him the mule could not collect anything for it. I saw the fellow last eve and he said he would see me again. It has cost me something to live this summer on account of being in a Mess where we bought all of our extras such as ham, potatoes, pickles, condensed milk, &c. &c. I run the Mess for one month and I have to wait on the boys until they get paid for their share. And unless the army gets paid before I am mustered out, I will have to loose two or 3 of the accounts. We hired a Colored man to cook for us at the rate of $15 per month. We had him ever since we left Stevensburg until I left the train and the Boys had no money and I had to foot the Mess bill and the colored man’s wages and wait on them until they get money. I know it would be all sound if the army got paid before I left but I fear they won’t and I would not give much for a debt after I got away from the army. I will not take on about it for everything may come out all right yet. I know I am money ahead yet and would not feel it if I should have to loose 60 or 70 dollars but a penny saved is as good as one earned and I will have a plenty of use for Green Backs when I get home again and I want all I can get and get them honestly.

You thought you would not visit our friends in Middlebury until my return from the army, you can do as you think best. If it is in the power of possibles, I will come to Vermont before leaving for Illinois. I have heard 3 0r 4 officers say that we would have to go to the state to be mustered out. I don’t know but it is so. If it is, I must abide by it. If not, I will come to you for I want to come to Vermont and spend the fall and winter for I think I can afford to lay on my oars for 1 winter out of 4 and I know so well how welcome I think I would be amongst my friends in Vermont. You may just bet I will play my cards fine to get mustered out of service in Washington. If I think I can’t make it work, I will write you in season or if a letter will not get to you soon enough, I will let you know by telegraph for I am as anxious to meet you when I am a civilian as anyone could be another and if it can’t be done in Rutland, let it be done in Illinois.

Ellen wished in your letter me to inform her what I thought of Dr. Frank P. Jones. I wrote all in my letter previous to this one that I knew about him and wrote her a letter the same day. I would like to have her hitch horses if they could make up their minds to it. I think from what I have heard that Frank is a splendid man and understands his Johnney business up to the scratch and she has seen him personally lately and I have not. I want Ellen to write me and I will answer every interrogatory as well as I can and as near the point as I can. I would like to see them coupled up if they love each other well enough to try it for life.

You appeared some uneasy about Joe Gurtin in your last letter. If you have received my letter previous to this, you have heard he was well. I have been over to his camp, but he was out on picket. I will see him ere I write again if we don’t move. All is perfectly quiet in this region now except occasionally a few artillery shots. On Thursday eve I could hear volleys of musketry accompany the artillery but none since or even to what effect at the time. There is some talk of our moving but where or when is wrapped in a mystery as yet. I do not anticipate anything more than a raid at the most as we can do nothing else now. I can safely say I never saw time drag as slowly since I have been in service. I know it is because my time is so near out. I send my usual amount of kisses for the family and lots for my little wife. Tell Jimmy Post and wife I would like to hear from them. Love to all the friends and write to Bent every opportunity. From your ever loving and affectionate husband, — T. B. Kelley


Letter 84

July 26th 1864

My Ever Dear Mary,

Another of those welcome messengers came to hand last eve bearing date of the 20th and with it came one from Sister Ellen. How I do love to get those welcome messengers from those I love. Pen and ink refrain from proving or divulging the secret of it, but there is no use in trying to tell how happy I am to get them for I am well aware that my Mary thinks just as much of her Bent’s letters and therefore knows how to appreciate them. Soon the time will come when I can be permitted to enjoy the society of my friends and above all, the society of my beloved companion who waits with patience the allotted time. Then will there not be two as happy persons as ever lived? I am sure there will, but I dare not speculate on the time for scarcely is there a day passes but what some old soldier whose time expires this fall is recorded among the deceased in this office for all there descriptive lists are sent here and a Certificate of Death accompany them to the Department at Washington. How true it is that in the midst of life we are in death. Who then is that faithful and wise servant that when his Lord cometh, shall find watching.

Mary, very many I dare say that have thought they loved with the same fervent and pure love that we do and have thought that ere another month should pass would be safely in each other’s arms, that have been called to meet their God. Let us pray for the protection of that Kind Providence that has ever watched and guarded us through the dangers of the past and let our prayers be unceasing and from our inmost souls. Then I doubt not that we may be restored to each other’s arms to spend the few remaining days we have to remain on this earth in the enjoyment of each other’s society. Then, then I am sure we cannot but praise Him for our past blessings. How thankful, dear Mary, I am that I have been protected this far through all the dangers of the field of battle and from the prevailing diseases of a camp life. I sometimes think that were I to devote the balance of my time in fervent supplication to Him who has bestowed this blessing, I could not repay for them. But I trust I may if my life is spared and I am sure Mary will help me to do it (I hear you answer from my very soul).

I must hasten to inform you of the departure of the Cavalry Corps on another raid—the 1st Division and 2nd Division. The 3rd Division is on picket and the picket lines must be kept up at all hazards. I think they will make a demonstration south of Petersburg and Lynchburg over nearly the same route taken by Wilson, but this is only surmising on my part. There is two Div’s going where Wilson only had one and I think they will cut some of the North Carolina railroads. Last eve and in fact all day yesterday was occupied by steady cannonading and musketry and it is thought that Grant has opened the siege on the entire line. And while that is going on, he will send the cavalry to destroy the railroads.

I have been very busily engaged in making the Doctor’s returns for May and June and about 2 hours before the Corps had orders to move, I got them completed for his signature before he left. I do not accompany the expedition but remain in charge of the office and papers. I have a permanent place here now I think and it is a fine place too. Everything is nice—only the eating part our rations are hardtack and salt pork and once and a while potatoes. But I will not complain as long as I have as good as thousands around me. All I want is good health and I can stand the fare. A letter from Mother today informs me that some of the hundred day men have died from sickness and wounds and John Weidmans Curtis’ brother is wounded. Did not state how bad. Bill Newton and George Sandy Esquire Janes, old man Jeimmerson and Cheeny are among the hundred day men.

I hope to be able to visit Vermont before coming to Illinois but I can’t tell as yet. I have got 54 more soldier days to put in from this eve. I wrote Ellen a letter which accompanied letter No. 88 of yours. Tell her I will answer her letter as soon as I get an opportunity. Love to all enquiring friends and a kiss for the family, but don’t rob Mrs T. B. of her share. Write every opportunity. Tell Ellen to frese to Dr. P. Jones if she can. From your true and faithful husband until death, B. K.

Tell Pa I wish I was there to help him through haying. I would not charge him $2 per day. — Bent


Letter 85

Headquarters Cavalry Corps
Aug 1st 1864

Dearest Mary,

Last eve I received yours of the 23rd. I had been looking for it for two or three days and it at last came. We have moved our headquarters across the Suffolk Railroad some 12 miles from Light House Point. We left our camp at that Point this a.m. at 7 o’clock. We have got a miserable place out here—nothing but dust and devastation in its worst forms. The general took the two divisions and crossed the James River in conjunction with the 2nd Army Corps. They were engaged for two days. They captured 4 siege pieces & 3 caissons & 80 or 90 prisoners & killed & wounded quite a number more. Our loss was slight in the infantry & cavalry both. The command moved across the river on the eve of the 29th and had a cavalry fight near here & established headquarters and us fellows in the rear got here today at 12M. How long we will remain here is more than I can say but hope not long. It is such a horrible place.

I regret to learn of the Death of Uncle James. I allotted so much on seeing him on my return trip from Vermont to Illinois with you. One after another passes from earth. While here, we all should cherish that pearl of matchless price that when our forms shall perish, can purchase paradise. The heart that knew no trouble has everything to learn for life is but a bubble from the cradle to the urn.

I received a letter from Margaret of the 17th inst. She has as many friends visiting with her as ever.

It’s awful hot and lots to do. Mary you must excuse me for not writing you a long letter this time. I am all tired out and have lots to do before bed time. I will do better next time. Love to all the friends and lots of kisses for Mary and the family. I do not know as you can read these scrambles but you may guess at the most of them. Don’t walk to the village whatever you do. Wait till you get a chance to ride or send. From your own, — Bent


Letter 86

Headquarters 8th Illinois Cavalry
August 3rd 1864

Dearest Mary,

One more of those welcome messengers reached me yesterday and happy I was to get it for nearly one week had elapsed without hearing from you. I have got rid of two of my felons and the others do not pain me much. All of our boys were sent to dismounted camp on the 1st inst. and they en mass made application to be mounted and join the regiment so Col. Gamble—our own colonel—sent us horse and equipments and we got to our regiment last night. The regiment has just returned from a raid through Loudon Valley, Virginia, and they will probably remain quiet for the next three weeks. I would not stay in dismounted camp for $5 a day. Capt. Buck told me I should not have to do anything but take care of my horse until my time was out so you can rest assured if I have my health, I will be with you soon. Only 14 more days. If they keep us in the field until our time is out which I know very well they will not, Mary will we not be once more thankful for the kind protecting care that has watched over us in the hour of exposure and trial? I hear a still small voice answer (truly we will).

I did some think of trying to get a discharge when my hands were so bad but Gen. Farnsworth was not here and I would not ask anyone else. And as I have got along first rate, I am very thankful I did not tempt it for I get a full discharge if I wait just 14 days more (2 weeks), and Capt. Buck says he will not expose any of his old men to danger. So you can rely on my seeing you soon if my health is spared. It seems as if I could not wait to wile away the time. I am so anxious to get home to my Mary. How long we have been separated. When we think of it, the very prime of our lives have passed while we were separated. But may a kind Providence still guard and protect us in the future as in the past and may we spend many happy years in each other’s society profiting by the lesson of experience we have learned while we were separated.

My kind regards to all the friends and neighbors and a kiss for the family. Mary if we can only be permitted [to love], in less than three weeks Bent can give you his own good night kiss. Gen. Farnsworth has not returned as yet so I cannot answer you in regard to where we will be mustered out of service but as I said before, I will telegraph if I do not find out in time to let you know by mail. Mary, you must be very careful when you start for Vermont for pickpockets if you are alone because they are very numerous now. Scarcely a day but what someone is robbed. You must take care in addressing my letters hereafter. Viz: T. B. Kelley, Co. E, 8th Ills Cavalry, Washington City.

Love to all and kisses for the family and lots for Mary. From your Bent. Write soon. I hope I can come to Vermont to come West with you.


Letter 87

Camp 8th Ills Cav.
Giesboro Point, District of Columbia
August 19th 1864

Dearest Mary,

I have heard nothing from you in now over 17 days but it is all owing to my being jaunted from pillow to post. I am sure they have been written and I will get them sometime. I have got a very bad cold and two felons coming on my hand—one on my index finger and one on my left hand thumb—so it makes my writing some inconvenient just at present. I meant to mention in my letter of the 13th that I paid the charges on the package of $50 I sent you by Express on the 12th.

I am now with the detachment left on the Point and will remain with them until I get fully able to take the field. I have got a very bad cold on account of getting awful wet on the p.m. of the 17th. Coming over to camp here, there was not a dry thread in any of my clothing & my satchel was broken into at City Point, Virginia, & all my clothing stolen, so I had to let them dry on me. I would have remained with Corps Headquarters but they had to take the field immediately and all the Boys joined the regiment that was away from it when they got here and I thought I would have some chance to recuperate if I joined the detachment left here. I don’t think that I will have to go out to the regiment anyway for Lt. Jones has charge of the camp here & I can get some job from him I guess. I am not going out until I am able anyway.

I have no envelopes with me but you may have some of those printed ones left. They are all right now. I think, Mary dear, you must excuse this short letter for my finger aches so hard it seems as though I could not write another word. Just as soon as it gets well, I will write you one of my old fashioned ones. Much love to all the friends and a kiss for the family, not robbing yourself. I ever remain your faithful, — Bent

Only 29 days longer a soldier.


Letter 88

Camp Stoneman
Giesboro Point, District of Columbia
August 22nd 1864

My Ever Dear Mary,

I now through the medium of the pen but in other hands endeavor to let you know how and where I am. My felons are very painful indeed. I have now three on my right hand and one on my left thumb. I think they are some easier today. I have had three of them lanced and they are running nicely. A lady here in camp dresses them for me and makes my poultices for me so you can see I am well provided for in that respect. I have this day turned over my horse, arms and equipments but will remain in this camp as long as I can get such care. If I do have to go to the hospital, I shall receive good care there for I am acquainted with all the doctors and nurses for it is our regimental hospital. You need not give yourself any anxiety in my part for I shall be well provided for under either circumstances. I have not received a letter from you since I left Light House Point but I am sure they have been written. Hoping to hear from you soon ( as you know those messengers are comfort), I remain as ever your own, — Bent


Letter 89

Camp Stoneman
Giesboro Point D. C.
August 24th 1864

My Ever Dear Mary,

Yesterday brought me two of your ever welcome messengers dated 6th & 12th inst. I can say I was glad I went to the office for I got them as soon as the mail was looked over at the P. O. in Washington, they being directed to Corps. Headquarters. They had to go there and be returned here. I presume long ‘ere this you have got my letters notifying you of my joining the detachment & the money I sent you by express, I suppose, has come to hand long ‘ere this.

I have got all four of my felons lanced and can rest very well nights now. I will do the best I can under the circumstances but my hand gets so tired I can’t write much. I have got three large poultices on my right hand so it is rather bungling work taking it all into consideration. The stamps came all right in the letter of the 12th and as regards my arm ,it has got all right again & the doctor thinks he has got the inside track on my felons. They all discharge nicely & do not pain me near as much as they did. I slept bully last night and night before, so dear Mary, do not worry anything about me for all will come out right at last. Only 24 more days and you can bet Bent won’t see any Rebs unless they come here. They might as well discharge me for I never will be able to serve Uncle Sam any more as a 3-year man for if I should have the best kind of luck, I could not more than get well by the 18th of September.

I have not heard from or seen Farnsworth since I came here. As soon as I can find out in regard to what I wrote him I will let you know for I know you are anxiously waiting to know & I will let you know in time if I have to telegraph you from Washington.

Mary one word in regard to your working. I don’t want you to lift your finger to do anyone’s drudgery. You never had mine to do & you need not do it for anyone else, I am sure. What good is it going to do you to doctor for your health and keep on your feet all the time. Now Mary, won’t you heed me and comply with my request? Your Father is amply able to hire his work done if the other girls can’t do it. You have got money enough to pay for your board if you have not already earned it, and I don’t want you to get all worked down spring poor by waiting on their boarders. Now won’t you stop right where you are and if any questions are asked, just tell them you will pay your board and they must get someone to do the house work. Ellen cannot take much of any interest in the affairs at home or she would help you some. I don’t see how she can do as she does for my part. But enough of this. I have got all tired out and must stop by sending love to all the friends and a kiss for the family and plenty for Mrs. T. B. Write every opportunity & address as per printed envelopes. A lot of sweet kisses for my Mary. Send the photographs as soon as you can and oblige, for Bent will be anxiously looking for them. From your ever loving and faithful husband, T. B. Kelley


Letter 90

Hospital, 8th Illinois Cavalry
Camp Relief, Washington D. C.
Sunday morning, Aug 28th 1864

My Ever Dear Mary,

How can I pass such a beautiful morning without improving some of it in writing to you? I have had my hand dressed and it does not pain me very much. I came here yesterday noon and the doctor reopened my thumb & the forefinger on my right hand. The other two felons are getting along nicely. He is putting on some kind of salve to heal them. I never will be fit to go into the field before my term of service expires so you need not worry as far as I am concerned for I get the best kind of care. When I am with any of our Boys, they don’t feel it a burden to wait on me. I am in good spirits and am patently waiting for the happy hour when I can meet my dear little wife.

You wished to know what made me write so despondent in one of my letters. I will tell you. I have got to lose nearly all the money I have lent out while I was on the campaign and over $50 it cost me of borrowed money to run our mess from the time we left Stevensburg until about the first of July. And I have borrowed some to keep along with since. And it will take the most of the pay I have coming to foot all the bills. But I don’t care so much for that. I will not leave the army owing anybody a cent if it takes the very last I get. I have got that much honor left. I did not think I should get cheated out of the money I expended in the mess if I did all the rest, but so it appears. The note I wrote you, there is not a shadow of a chance to get it. The man is discharged and gone home. I have quit worrying about it and await the result. All I ask is to get once more in America, if I ain’t only got clothes enough to cover my nakedness.

I cannot get any decisive answer in regard to where we will be mustered out but will let you know as soon as I do. Gen. Farnsworth is in Illinois now and will return some time next month and then I will know just how it will go. I will telegraph you in season to meet us in Illinois if we go there. I want to meet my Mary as soon as anyone when I get home. Do not get discouraged at my ill luck &c. All will come out right at last. If you have it by you to spare, send me 10 dollars in your next letter and have it addressed plain and well sealed. Address as the envelope you sent me with the ½ sheet of paper in. T. B. Kelley, Co. E, 8th Ills Cavalry, Washington City, D. C. and I will get all addressed in that way for the mail carrier knows me well and knows where I am. Love to all the friends & all who enquire. A kiss for the family and lots for Bent’s wife. Write me often. Got your stamps & I think they will last me out of service. From your ever loving and affectionate husband, –Bent

Mary you may think I am asking too much of you to write to Mag & Hank but you certainly have more time than I do. You need not make lengthy epistles. Did mother write you that Dr Potter of Danby was dead. He was killed by a shell while looking for a location for a hospital. Brother Ike has got a Bully job—Sergeant of the Ambulance Corps in his Division. Has a horse to ride. I am very glad of it on his account for he is so very delicate in health since in service. — Bent


Letter 91

On the Potomac
Port Tobacco, Maryland
September 13th 1864

Dearest Mary,

I came in from a scout last eve of six days down the Potomac looking for deserters and smugglers which infest the shores of the Potomac in great numbers. Port Tobacco is situated on a rivulet emptying into the Potomac two miles from Washington. There is but eight Union men in the town of 300 inhabitants. We live well here but it costs like fury—60 cts. per lb. for butter, 30 cts. for eggs, and 25 cts. per bushel for potatoes. And those are the very necessaries of life when a soldier can procure them.

I received your letter about a ½ an hour before I left on the scout containing the photograph. I would like to get one set more if possible before I left the army but there is no doubt in my mind in the least but what we will be mustered out in Washington, seeing we have been kept here so long. Only four days more—working days—and then your Bent is free from the bonds which bind him here. I only hope we will be mustered out in Washington. I would not begrudge $100 dollars no more than I would a cent if it would be done, although I know that your father and mother want me to come to Illinois as soon as I am clear. But I will stay in Vermont if I get any kind of business that suits me and pays well. I know I can get it if I go to Illinois, but I do want to visit our friends in Vermont before I go there and money is nothing compared with the pleasure we will enjoy in so doing, will we not? I am so sorry I could not write you the two letters in the place of this but soldiering must be done while you are in it & I had to go out. We caught three of the smugglers and seven deserters this trip.

There is a battalion of our regiment here (four companies) and Capt. Buck commander of the whole thing, acting Major. I think this will be the last letter I will write until we go to Washington to either be mustered out or go to Illinois. Col Farnsworth has not got back to Washington yet & so I have not got a definite answer in regard to where we will be mustered out, but our colonel says we will be mustered out and paid in Washington. I only wish I could believe it. I fear I am too anxious to come to Vermont to have the privilege granted. You well know I want to see my father & mother, but my Mary is first and the well beloved of my heart. It is her I now forsake all to love and cherish and I only wait for the blessed moment that will make us the same as before. Is there not pleasure in the thought that if our lives are spared we can once more enjoy the society of each other. You are my all, dear one, and it is for your own enjoyment I want to be spared to you for I know so well I am capable of making you so happy. Much love to all the friends and a kiss for the family and that loving and devoted kiss for my little wife. You only write one more letter and that the next mail, sending 2 more photographs. Your own, — Bent


1863: Daniel Franklin Houghton to Mary Ann (Houghton) Greene

I could not find an image of Daniel but here is Corporal Alonzo Smith of Co. G, 16th Maine Infantry. He was wounded at Fredericksburg too. (Taj Patel Collection)

The following letter was written by Daniel F. Houghton (1841-1889), the son of Abel Houghton (1796-1890) and Elizabeth Parlin (1803-1881) of Weld, Maine. Daniel enlisted when he was 21 years old as a corporal in Co. E, 16th Maine Infantry on 14 August 1862. Daniel was severely wounded during the Battle of Fredericksburg on 13 December 1862 and to save his life, his left leg was amputated. He was discharged for disability on 15 May 1863. A history of the regiment reveals that during the Battle of Fredericksburg, its first engagement with the enemy, the 16th Maine, “unskilled and untrained though we were, to us belongs the credit of bull-dog fighting, until 54 percent of our number were killed or wounded.”

Adding a note at the end of Daniel’s letter was “Angie” whom I believe was Mary Angelia Leavitt (1841-1896), Daniel’s fiancé. The couple were married on 3 May 1866 in Weld, Maine, and they had at least eight children born between 1867 and 1883.

The letter was addressed to Daniel’s older sister, Mary Ann (Houghton) Greene (1828-1906) who married William K. Greene (1821-1889) in 1862.

For a great short video, see “Redemption of the Blanket Brigade: 16th Maine at Fredericksburg.”

Transcription

Rare patriotic letterhead labeled US General Hospital (armory square) Surg. D. W. Bliss

U.S. Gen. Hospital (armory square)
Ward H, Washington
[April 1863]

Dear Brother & Sister,

Thinking you would excuse me for not writing before, I will try and write you a [few] lines to let you know that I am about the same as when I wrote you before. I have not got so I can sit up straight in bed yet. That don’t look much like getting home, does it? Well never mind. I shall get home sometime. It would be very pleasant to be sent home and amongst my friends. I often think of you all & I hope I shall be able to see you soon.

There is but a very few here now that was here when I came here. There is new ones coming in here almost every day, We have some Union citizens here now from Virginia. They were taken prisoners & so exchanged.

Roscoe’s folks are all well. Mr. Cory is smart [ ] boy. He is in here with me quite often. Angie is well but she says she won’t write until some of you write to her. I guess she is getting to be homesick. I have told you all the news I could think of & now I will ask you a few questions & then close.

1—Is sleighing all gone there?
2—How does your leg hold out?
3—How does your stock look this spring? I presume it is quite high there? Has Minnie gone home yet? How does all your folks do? There I guess that will do.

Please write soon. May God watch over & bless you & your family. My love to you all, — D. F. Houghton

Mary Ann, as Dan was writing, I thought I would write you a few lines. I do not know what to think about Daniel for sometimes he seems real smart and then he appears to be quite bad, but all I can do is to hope for the best. I wish he was at home. He longs to be with his friends. Oh, I hope he may soon. I do not dare to let him know how unhappy I am, but try to appear gay and lively. I am almost discouraged. Should be quite if I did not have so many kind friends to encourage me. I have a very good place at Roscoe’s. They are very kind indeed. She is a lovely woman. She does a great deal for the soldiers. Write soon, — Angie


1862: Member of 105th New York Infantry to his Sister

The following letter was written by a Union soldier named “Bob” who indicated that he had recently participated in the Battle of Fredericksburg. He also suggested that he was a part of “King’s Division” but of course King had resigned his commission in October 1862 and elements of his command were reassigned, some placed under the command of John Gibbon and some under Abner Doubleday—both of whom fought at Fredericksburg in William B. Franklin’s Left Grand Division.

James Newton served in the 105th New York Infantry and was wounded at Fredericksburg on 13 December 1863 (Robert May Collection)

Since the author asked about the 130th Regiment, he must have known soldiers who served in that regiment. But was it the 130th Pennsylvania or the 130th New York Infantry? I was able to rule out the 130th Pennsylvania Infantry because none of the few Pennsylvania regiment in either Doubleday’s or Gibbon’s Divisions were raised in Cumberland and York counties where the 130th Pennsylvania was raised. So where was the 130th New York Infantry raised? Most of the members were recruited in Wyoming county, a relatively low populated region in western, upstate New York. I could find only one other regiment raised in this region which was the 105th New York Infantry—a regiment that figured prominently at Fredericksburg in Gibbons Division of Gen. Reynolds 1st Corps. Here the 105th New York lost 78 killed, wounded and missing. After assailing the Confederate right at the point of bayonet and overrunning the Confederates position, when they were not reinforced, they were counterattacked and grappled in hand-to-hand combat before yielding the hard-earned ground. The “gallant old 105th New York was annihilated,” according to their commander Isaac S. Tichenor. “Captain Abraham Moore [Co. F] tried to rally the surviving members of the regiment. He failed. One soldier explained, “The 105th New York Volunteers was literally killed in action.” [See “The Fredericksburg Campaign: Winter War on the Rappahannock” by Francis A. O’Reilly, page 241] A great number of the surviving members of the 105th New York were taken prisoner.

One possibly is that the letter was written by Robert Lutze (1844-1907) who had a sister named Elizabeth (b. 1850). Robert served in Co. K, 105th New York Infantry, mustering in at LeRoy, New York. He was transferred to the 94th New York when the 105th was disbanded after Fredericksburg. I am unwilling to attribute this letter to him without reservation, however.

Transcription

December 26th 1862

My dear sister,

I received your welcome letter today and I was very glad to hear that you all keep well. Yes, Beckie, we were in [the fight] of course. They do not know how to fight without King’s Division to hold the flank. We came out alright. I wish you would in your next letter let me know what Brigade, Division and Corps the 130th Regiment is in—that is, if you know.

Well, we have 170 men in our regiment. When the regiment came out, it numbered 870 men. Well, Beckie, I spent my Christmas on picket and had for dinner hard tack and coffee. Today I had some hoecake for dinner and for supper I boiled some mush. I bought the corn meal from a darkey.

I shall not write anything about the battle as I wrote to Father a few days ago and told him enough about it. The next time you see Abe and Cal, give them my best wishes for their future happiness. I think writing is about played out for this time. So is the northern army if I know anything about it. When they put Mac [McClellan] out, then they ought to have sent the army home and saved those 20,000 men that Burnside killed.

We are both well and send our love. Your affectionate brother, — Bob

1863: Daniel Warner Button to Jane (Tuttle) Button

I could not find an image of Warner but here is one of John Kirkpatrick who served in the 45th Pennsylvania. He was mortally wounded at the Battle of Antietam. (Barry van Brunt Collection)

The following letter was written by Pvt. Daniel “Warner” Button (1841-1864) of Co. I, 45th Pennsylvania Infantry. This regiment was mustered in at Harrisburg in November 1861 and saw service in South Carolina where they participated in the Battle of Secessionville in June 1862 before returning back to Maryland for the Battles at South Mountain and Antietam. This letter was written shortly after the Battle of Fredericksburg where they were held in reserve and suffered no casualties. Warner would later be wounded in the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House on 12 May 1864 and died of his wounds on 21 May.

Warner was the son of Hiram Button (1817-1899) and Jane Tuttle (1821-1897) of Middlebury, Tioga county, Pennsylvania.

This letter from the collection of Greg Herr. To read other letters by members of the 45th Pennsylvania that I have transcribed and published on Spared & Shared, see:

Jacob B. Eshleman, Co. B, 45th Pennsylvania (Union/1 Letter)
Lawrence P. Williams, Co. D, 45th Pennsylvania (Union/1 Letter)
William B. Glenn, Co. E, 45th Pennsylvania (Union/3 Letters)
Homer S. Thompson, Co. E, 45th Pennsylvania (Union/1 Letter)
Henry Tyrus Rice, Co. G, 45th Pennsylvania (Union/1 Letter)
Eli Smith, Co. G, 45th Pennsylvania (Union/1 Letter)
William Chase, Co. I, 45th Pennsylvania (Union/2 Letters)
Thomas Layton, Co. I, 45th Pennsylvania (Union/1 Letter)

Transcription

Camp near Fredericksburg, Virginia
January 3, 1862 [should be 1863]

My dear parents,

I now take my pen in hand to let you know that I am well and hope these few lines will find you the same. I received your kind and welcome letter you wrote to me. Uncle John is at the hospital at Frederick City [Maryland] sick. I have seen Charley and Alpheus Button 1 the other day. They are well. They would come home if they could. When they have been in [the service] as long as I have, they will wish that they was home for I know that I do for I think that I have done my share of it.

William Gridley 2 is dead. He was wounded in the Fredericksburg fight and he died two or three days after.

Mother, I sent you one dollar in a letter for stamps. Did you get it? So I can’t think of nothing more so goodbye. This is from your son, — D. W. Button

to Jane Button. Write soon.


1 Charles (1843-1863) and Alpheus Button (1841-1909) were brothers and privates in Co. A, 136th Pennsylvania Infantry. The regiment was mustered into service in August 1862 and it’s first engagement was the Battle of Fredericksburg. Alpheus survived the war but Charles was killed at Gettysburg.

2 William M. Gridley was a private in Co. A, 136th Pennsylvania Infantry. He enlisted with Charles and Alpheus Button. William was from Tioga county, Pennsylvania.

Memoirs of Sergt. James W. Kenney, 1st Independent Battery, Massachusetts Light Artillery

Headstone of James W. Kenney, “sargeant of artillery” and a “brave soldier, a good citizen, an honest man”

The following memoirs were recorded in 1893 by James Woodell Kenney (1835-1900), the son of Michael Kenney and Jane Woodell (d. 1844) of Arlington, Middlesex county, Massachusetts. Kenney’s memoirs and his military records inform us that he mustered into the 1st Independent Battery, Massachusetts Light Artillery in August 1861, commanded by Josiah Porter. He was wounded in May 1864 during the Wilderness Campaign and mustered out of the battery on 29 August 1864 after three years service. He was married to Lizzie S. Shattuck on 24 December 1868. In 1870, James and Lizzie were enumerated in Charleston, Mass., where he was employed as a clerk in a printing office. Vital records of Massachusetts inform us that he died of a cerebral hemorrhage on 6 April 1900 in Boston.

James’ brother, Andrew J. Kenney (1834-1862) is mentioned several times in the memoirs. He mustered into Co, B. 40th New York Infantry and was killed in action during the Battle of Williamsburg on 5 May 1862. According to Mass. vital records, he was married on 25 November 1860 to Mary Jane Hodge (maiden name Woodell) in Ashburnham, Massachusetts.

The memoirs were addressed to James’ nephew and namesake, James W. Kenney. Family tree records are scanty but my hunch is that this nephew was James W. Kenney (b. 1858), the son of Michael Kenney (b. 1831) and Mary McKenna Sheehan (1828-1882). Michael was a rope maker and later a shoe factory worker in Roxbury, Massachusetts and during the Civil War he served as a private in Co. K, 1st Massachusetts Infantry.

[Note: These memoirs were provided to me for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by Tom Clemens. I could not find them transcribed elsewhere on the internet or in book form though the original might be housed at the U. S. Army Heritage & Education Center at Carlisle Barracks, Pa., as they claim to have a folder marked, “Memoirs of James W. Kenney’s Service.”]

Transcription

Dear Nephew and Namesake,

I greet you in love and kindness. Thinking you might like a short sketch of your Uncle Jim for whom you were named, and as I may have passed beyond “the River” before you grow old enough to remember me, or read these lines. the most of the sketch will be about my military service in the War 1861-5 which I thought might interest you. I kept a journal while in the service of every day—the drills, marches, reviews, battles, &c. After keeping it over two years, and being afraid I might lose it, I sent it home by a comrade going home on a furlough and he lost it, so the journal was gone up. What I write you in this will be taken from letters I wrote home and other memorandums. By reading this you will see what battles I was in any by referring to the History of the War, you can obtain an account of those battles. I was in the Army of the Potomac and served under every General that commanded it from General McClellan to General Grant.

I will commence with my birth, town, name (that is, the J. W. part) and follow with the army life. So many years have passed since that took place I cannot remember many things I would like. — Uncle Jim. January 1893

I was born in the town of West Cambridge, Mass., now called Arlington (name being changed about 1867) on September 26, 1835. I was named James Woodell for my grandfather (Woodell being my mother’s name before marriage). I also had an uncle J. W. who served in a Mass. Regoment and was killed in the Southwestern Army and also other relations who served in the Army or Navy in the war.

The town is between Lexington and Cambridge…The British troops crossed the river and landed in Cambridge, passing through West Cambridge on their way to Lexington and Concord. On the night of April 18th 1775 about midnight. the next morning the Battle of Lexington and Concord was fought and as the “Yankees” were coming in from the other towns making it rather warm for the British, they commenced to fall back to Boston. They were under fire almost all the way and lost many men on their return. There were more British and Americans killed in West Cambridge than at Lexington, and to West Cambridge belongs the honor at making the first capture of stores, provisions, and prisoners in the American Revolution on that day in the center of the town.

Cambridge is the place where General Washington took command of the American Army, its headquarters being there at the time. The old Elm tree under which he stood is still standing. Also the house in which he had his headquarters, bing for years the home of Longfellow—the poet. Here is also Harvard College, founded before that time….I was born on historical ground and grew up with a strong love for my country. My father had also held a commission as ensign in the 1st Regiment Mass. Militia under Gov. Lincoln in 1832.

I will not enter into details of my early life but will say my Mother died when I was quite [page missing]

…as the lawyer had to go out of town to court, he could not attend to the details. I offered my services in any way and it was left in my hands to call a meeting that evening at his office or the Town Hall. I went out and found the others, then got three uniforms—two that had belonged to father, and one that belonged to me as I had been in the militia before father died but gave it up then. Then got a fife and drum to make a noise and went all over town telling every one of the meeting in the Town Hall that evening. The Hall was not large enough to hold the crowd that came—the largest gathering ever held in town. We soon raised a company, the lawyer was chosen Captain and I was chosen First Lieutenant. As the Captain had so much to attend to in court fixing up his cases and turning them over to other lawyers. I had all the charge of the company in drill and I often duties in the daytime. We drilled in forenoon and afternoon on the street in marching and company movements and in the Hall in the manual of arms in the evening. My older brother Andrew came home and enlisted in my company. So we all three were in the service.

We continued drilling until the last of May when we were told of a regiment being raised in Brooklyn, New York, by Henry Ward Beecher that they had seven companies and wanted three more to fill the regiment and start at once for the Seat of War. My company and two others from Mass. took special train for New York on the evening of May 30th, arriving the next morning, and after breakfast, went over to Brooklyn and took quarters in a five story armory large enough for two companies on a floor. In the afternoon I went over to New York and took boat for Governor’s Island to see your father. I found him in “Castle William,” the round fort on the point of the island. He was surprised to see me. On Sunday we all went to hear Beecher preach in the morning and in the afternoon a few of us went to the Catholic Cathedral to hear the singing. It was fine.

We found out that there were not 7 companies—that all there were was about 150 men—the toughest looking you could find and they were not drilled or uniformed. The food they gave us was so bad we could not eat it and we could get no satisfaction from those raising the regiment so we called a meeting of the officers of our three companies and voted to return to Massachusetts. (You will understand we were Mass. troops and not mustered into U. S. service.)

On the evening of June 4th, took boat from New York to Boston, arriving the next morning. After breakfast, the officers went to the State House to see the Quartermaster General of the State and have him put us in camp until he could send us away but at that time the State did not have camps for troops as they did later on. But we were granted leave to go to Fort Warren (Boston Harbor) until we could make arrangements for something else. the companies went down in charge of their 1st Lieutenants and the Captains remained in town to see what they could do. They came down to the fort on June 8th and we went up to the City and were dismissed until the 11th when we all reported and started again for New York, arriving the next morning and taking boat up the river for Yonkers. On the morning of the 13th two of the companies were mustered into the U. S. Service. As each company was a few short, we lent them a few men to be exchanged back into our company later on. My brother Andrew went into one of those companies [Co. B, 40th New York Infantry] and remained in it until he was killed at Williamsburg, Virginia.

As we were going to New York Regiments, we would have to get N. Y. State commissions. The two companies mustered in were mustered as they were, officers and men, but my captain wanted a new election which was held and the same officers reelected although te captain tried to make a change and throw me and another out, and put in two friends used to drink and bum around with him. I heard what was going on and we had a row. He got some plain remarks from me and it ended in my taking all the men but about 12 and marching them out and took cars for New York City. I had two offers while there to take my men, fill up my company, and go as captain in some New York Regiment but I had enough of New York and was going home. I got quarters for my men that night in the Park Barracks near City Hall and started for home the next evening and arrived all right. The citizens were provoked at the action of the captain in breaking up such a fine company. I was offered all the backing with money wanted to raise another company but I was anxious to get away and did not want to wait so long as to raise and drill another company. A captain belonging to the 16th Mass. Regiment Infantry wanted me to take my men and join his company but as I could not get any satisfaction as regarding my being an officer in his company (and the men wanted me as an officer over them), I would not go. So you see I had bad luck all around in getting away. One reason was Mass. was so patriotic. We had about three times as many companies enlisted in the State as was called for.

I remained around home working or attending to some military duties until August 27th when being in Boston I found out the Boston Light Artillery had returned from its three-months service and was reorganizing for three years. I dropped my commission and enlisted in the Battery and was mustered into the U. S. Service for three years on the 28th of August. We went into camp in Cambridge about half a mile from the Arlington line.

Arriving in camp we were formed into Gun Detachments and the Warrant Officers appointed. I was made Gunner with the rank of corporal and took charge of a Gun Detachment. I soon picked up the drill (as artillery was new to me) and soon had the best drilled squad on Sabre and Gun Drill. I was promoted to Sergeant afterward and remained as such during the rest of my service.

Perhaps now would be a good time to give you an account of the organization of a Battery and the duties of the men. This will be on a war footing as all troops are about one-third less in time of peace. Artillery is generally formed for field service, one third short range (smooth bore) 12 lb. Howitzers or Light 12’s called Napoleons, and two-thirds long range, or rifle, generally 10 lb. [ ], although our army had about the same number of each at the last of the war owing to the nature of the ground fought over being woody. Most of the fighting was at short range. There are 14 carriages in a Battery, 6 gun carriages with a gun mounted on the hind wheels, and an ammunition chest on the front wheels. The trail of the gun hooks on the axle of the front wheels when on the move, but rests on the ground when in action. Six caissons which carry ammunition, two chests on the hind wheels, and one on the front wheels, the front and rear parts of the caisson couple together the same as the gun carriage and are alike and can be exchanged when wanted, Thus in action the caissons are left in a sheltered place when convenient and if the ammunition of the gun limber is running low, the limber of the caissons come up and take its place and the gun limber returns to the caisson and refills from the rear chests, ready to exchange again. There is an extra wheel on the rear of the caisson, an extra pole under the carriage, shovel, axe, pick, water buckets, &c. One carriage called Battery Wagon with half round top to carry extra feed bags, parts of harness, halters, saddlers tools, wheelwrights tools, and various stores. One carriage called Forge or traveling Blacksmith Shop for shoeing horses and doing iron work of all kinds.

We have about 140 horses, three pair to each carriage, one for each sergeant, bugler, and artificer, and the rest are extra or spare horses to replace those broken down or lost in action. There are 150 men in a full battery, 5 commissioned officers (1 captain and four lieutenants), 8 sergeants, 12 corporals, 2 buglers, and three artificers. The Battery is divided into sections, two guns and two caissons make a section. Also into Gun Detachments, one to each gun and caisson.

Now I will give you a list of their duties. The captain is in command of all, one lieutenant in command of each section (taking 3) and the rest of the junior 2d in command of the caissons when they are away or separate from the guns. One first sergeant who is over he company next to the lieutenants and receives orders (in camp) to pass down to the other sergeants for details &c. draws rations, clothing &c. One quartermaster sergeant who draws forage or grain for the horses and looks after the baggage wagons. Six other sergeants, one for each gun and caisson, they having charge of the two carriages, horses and men. Twelve corporals, one for each gun and caisson and called 1st and 2nd Corporal (A Gunner and No. 8 man). They are under the sergeants. Buglers who blow camp and drill calls. Three artificers (one blacksmith, one wheelwright, 1 harness maker) to attend to all the work in their line. There is a driver to each pair of horses and he rides the nigh one when on duty. They take care of their horses—cleaning, feeding, and driving. Also take turns standing guard over the horses at night. Others are detailed to clean the extra ones and one man takes care of each sergeant’s horse as he has to look after the others while cleaning and feeding.

I will now give you the duties of the gun squad with the gun unlimbered and in position, the limber in rear of the gun, horses facing the rear of the gun, the drivers dismounted and “standing to horse” holding them by the bridle. The pole driver holds the sergeant’s horse when firing, he being dismounted and in charge of the gun. Standing in the rear, 8 men and the Gunner is a gun squad. the Gunner goves the order to load, cut the fuse, fire &c., he receiving the order from the sergeant, also sights the gun. The men are numbered from 1 to 8. No. 1 is on the right of the muzzle and sponges and rams the gun. No. 2 opposite him and he inserts the cartridge and shot or shell, having one in each hand. No. 3 on the right, he thumbs the vent, then steps to hand spike in end of te trail and moves the gun to right or left for the Gunner, then pricks the cartridge and steps to place. No. 4 is on the left and he fixes a friction primer to the lanyard, inserts it in the vent, stepping back to place, ready to pull at the order to “Fire.” No. 5 is on the left and half way between No. 2 and the limber. He takes the ammunition from his position to No. 2. No. 7 stands on the left of limber and takes it to No. 5. No. 6 stands at the rear of ammunition chest, cuts the fuze and delivers it as ordered to No. 7. No. 8 is the 2nd Corporal of the Gun Squad and in charge of the caisson and remains with it and attends to any order received. If to pack any ammunition from rear chests to limber, he would dismount his drivers and set them to work. The men are drilled at all the duties on guns and horses. Also drilled to work short-handed, one man doing the duty of two, three or more. On drill the sergeant would say, No. so and so knocked out, and sometimes would knock out almost all the squad and then en would go right along with the drill so when it came to active work, the men knew just what to do.

We remained in camp at Cambridge drilling on the guns and in field movements from August 28th until October 3rd. I went home quite often while there as the horse crew passed the camp and our officers let me go out of camp when not required for duty in camp or drill, and then men did not abuse the privilege. On October 3rd we started by railroad for Washington, passing through New York, Philadelphia, & Baltimore, arriving all right and going in camp on Capitol Hill in rear of the capitol.It was quite a different place then from what it is now. The capitol was not finished and on the Hill were log houses with negroes, pigs, and geese around loose (we caught some). The streets were awful from the gun carriages, wagon trains, &c. The mud at times was up to the hubs of the wheels and horses up to the belly.

When we left home we had two six-pound smooth bore guns, two six-pound rifled guns, [and] two twelve-pound Howitzers. While here we received orders to turn in the four six-pound pieces and take four 10-pound Parrott Guns, rifled—a fine gun and extreme range—about 5 miles.

There was a review of 75 horse companies and 22 batteries by General Scott, the President, Members of Congress, and others. We were picked out and received orders to join Gen. Franklin’s Division across the river. On the 14th October, we crossed Long Bridge and went in camp near Fairfax Seminary about three miles from Alexandria. Our camp was named Camp Revere in honor of a friend of the captain—Major Revere of the 20th Massachusetts Infantry. Our division has twelve regiments of infantry, 1 regiment of cavalry, and 4 batteries.

We had been assigned to Gen. Franklin’s division, which was then lying about four miles northwest of  Alexandria, on the borders of Fairfax County, the division headquarters being at Fairfax Seminary, the New Jersey brigade then commanded by Gen. Kearney, and the First New York Cavalry, lying upon the slope of Seminary Hill, south of the Leesburg pike, a brigade commanded by Gen. Newton located along the pike north of the seminary, and a brigade commanded by Gen. Slocum lying northeast of Newton’s brigade, and north of the pike, the camp of its nearest regiment, the Sixteenth New York Volunteers, being perhaps thirty rods from the road. These troops, with four batteries of light artillery, constituted this division in October, 1861. When we arrived, there was a battery of New Jersey volunteers commanded by Capt. Hexamer in the vicinity of division headquarters, a battery in the immediate vicinity of Newton’s brigade, a battery of regulars, D, Second U. S. Artillery, lying near the pike, and opposite, Slocum’s brigade. This battery was located upon a plain, which the road from Alexandria reaches shortly after it crosses the run which makes its way from Arlington Heights southeasterly to Alexandria. The First Massachusetts Battery encamped in a piece of woods on the east side of this run and at the left of Slocum’s brigade. In this camp, which was named Revere, we remained until winter. Our drill-ground was on the plain beyond Newton’s brigade, on the north side of the pike,—of this field we shall have occasion to speak later. The inspection of the artillery by the chief of artillery of the army, and the review of the division, were made upon the high plateau west of the seminary.” Pvt. A. J. Bennett, First Mass. Light Battery

The execution of William Henry Johnson, 5th New York Cavalry

We remained here all winter with plenty of Division reviews, inspections, and camp duties. While here our Division had the 1st Military Execution for deserting. A man named [William Henry] Johnson, 1st New York Cavalry, was on the outer picket line and he left his post and rode towards the rebel lines. When a long distance out, he met a squad in Rebel uniforms and was halted. He said he had deserted. He had his horse, saddle, and bridle, sabre, carbine, and revolver—government property. The officer in charge asked him all kinds of questions as regarding our line, position of picket posts, &c.. He also asked to see his carbine, looked it over, cocked it, and told the man he was a prisoner. The squad was some of our scouts. He was brought in, courtmartialed and sentenced to be shot on the 13th December. The Division was ordered out to see the execution. We were formed on three sides of a square in double lines with the other side open and the grave dug in about the centre of that line…He was brought on the field in a wagon seated on his coffin and a horse with reversed arms (as at a funeral). They entered on the right of the line and passed through all the line. As they passed along, the band of each regiment played a funeral dirge (going to his own funeral). Passing on the left of the line, they drove to the grave. He and his coffin were taken from the wagon, the Judge Advocate read to him the charges, findings, and sentence of the court martial.He was then blindfolded and seated on his coffin. The firing party then stepped up and shot him. The line was then faced to the right and all were marched by close to where he lay. He was buried there. No one was sorry.

In November we had a Grand Review at Bailey’s Cross Roads. Over 75,000 troops before the President, foreign ministers, Members of Congress, and others. It was fine. Four batteries were picked out to fire the salute and we were one of the four. Instead of firing so many guns for the salute, we fired so many batteries, all the guns in a battery being fired at once, and counting as one gun. Then the next and so on.

On January 20th, we had one of our men thrown from his wagon and killed. While out after wood, his team, ran away and striking a stump, threw him off. This was the first death in our company. We remained in this camp all winter attending to drill and camp duties.

I will give you an account of what some of our camp duties were. 1st call in the morning at 5.30 when we get up, put on our boots, and are dressed. 5.45 fall in for roll call and served with a dipper of coffee. 6.00 fall in again and clean around the horses, also clean and feed them until 7.00 then breakfast. 8.30 guard mounting when the old guard are dismissed and the new guard go on for 24 hours. They are divided into three reliefs and go on for two hours and off in 4 hours. 9.00 water call when the drivers take the horses to water. 9.30 sick call when all the sick go to the doctor’s tent. 12.30 dinner. 3.30 stable call when the stalls are cleaned. Also horses ed and cleaned. 5.30 evening roll call, 8.00 tattoo roll call. 8.30 taps when all lights are put out. No noise or talk after that. Also about five hours drill beside if the weather is good. Every day field drill, gun drill, or sabre.

After remaining in Camp Revere from October 14th until March 10th, the army started on the march for Centreville and Manassas where the Confederate army were in winter quarters. We had large bell tents called Sibley tents that would hold 12 men each while in winter camp but when we received marching orders, we also received orders to turn them in and draw small ones called shelter tents, one half tent to each man. They would button together. The men would cut three small poles, one for each end and one for a ridge pole, put the tent over and pin it down. Two men could crawl under and sleep.

We had orders also to turn in wheelbarrows, shovels, hoes, pitchforks, small camp stoves and a large quantity of other things we could not carry. I was left in charge of all this property with a guard of six men, one sick man, and a prisoner and two teams. I had to take an account of all the property, turn it in at a government store house in Alexandria, and get a receipt for the same. Then take my men and follow on after the company and report. I overtook them at Annandale on the 14th March on their return from Centreville and Manassas where they had been and Lee’s army had fallen back towards Richmond. When this was found out, the plan of operations was changed ad we (the army) were ordered back to our camp. As we had cold rains on the return march and the men slept on the ground, they suffered very much.

At this time the army was formed into corps, three divisions in a corps. I told you before how many were in a division so you will understand the size of a corps. Our division was the 1st Division, 6th Corps—one of the best in the army and called the “Fighting Sixth.” We lay in camp on our old campground about three weeks, having drill, reviews, and inspections. On the 25th March, General McDowell reviewed and inspected about 50,000 troops. On the 27th, Lord Lyons and other foreign ministers with Members of Congress reviewed about 33,000. Also a review by General McClellan and others.

April 4th last night we received orders to be ready to start in the morning. Were up, tents struck and all packed before sunrise but did not start until about 10 o’clock. I was again left in charge of some stores with two men and orders to turn them in to the quartermaster’s department. The next afternoon at 2 o’clock I took the cars (baggage train) and went about three miles and stoped until six, then thirteen miles and lay on a side track until 10 the next morning in an open baggage car. Then we started again and I found my company at Manassas. Owing to rain and snow the roads were so bad we could not move. There were also various steams of water that had becone so deep we could not cross. We lay in a plowed foeld in a sheet of mud until the 11th when the steam Broad Run, having fallen, the cavalry found a place up the stream where we could cross. The water was up to the axle of the carriages. After passing the run, the fields were so soft we would get all ready and put on whip and spur to the horses and start across, sometimes clear up to the axle, and they would become stuck. Then all the men would get hold and help them out. Each carriage would take a different track in crossing. After getting about two miles beyond the river, we received orders (our Corps) to return to Alexandria, turned back and by a forced march reached Manassas on April 12th, marched again to Fairfax, and camped.

On the 13th reached Alexandria and camped outside the town near Fort Ellsworth. On the 14th we shipped our guns, caissons, and horses on stream transports, and men and baggage on schooners. On the 15th, 16thm and 17th the rest of the corps were being shipped to join General McClellan before Yorktown, he having taken the rest of the army some time before down the river. Sailed early on the 18th, the schooners and some transports in tow of the steam vessels, arriving at Ship Point about three o’clock on the afternoon of the 19th. On the 20th and 21st, unloaded the cavalry and artillery on account of the horses and left the infantry on the transports to await orders, it being understood we were to sail up the York River and attack Gloucester Point opposite Yorktown when McClellan attacks Yorktown. My brothers were in camp about three miles from our camp but I could not go to see them. While laying here the Boys killed quite a number of snakes—Blue Racers. Some of them were four or five feet long. They would crawl in along side the men in the night to keep warm and they would find then in their blankets in the morning.

From the 22nd until May 4th we attended to our regular duties with nothing of interest that I can think of. We could hear the firing every day at Yorktown. On the morning of May 4th, we were having our Sunday morning inspection when the officer commanding the artillery of our division informed us that Yorktown was evacuated and gave us orders to reship. We were all board by midnight. Started up the York River the next morning and reported at Yorktown, remained all night and in the morning, May 6th, we started up river again for West Point, reaching there early in the afternoon. Our horses, arriving first, were landed during the night and our carriages the next morning, May 7th. Some of our infantry that were landed the day before were skirmishing all night. We took position with our guns and were in our first battle. We also had General Sedgwick’s Division with us. The Rebs opened on our troops, steamers and transports. We replied to them and advanced a strong line of infantry and won the day. Our gunboats in the river aided us by rapid firing with large guns. There was a French gunboat came up the river with us to look on. Some of the shots struck quite near her and she run up the French flag and beat to quarters. We remained in harness all night and I was sergeant of the guard and had a gun loaded to fire as a signal if needed.

On the 8th [May], General McClellan and staff arrived, the rest of the army having marched from Yorktown up between the James and York rivers, his right joining our two divisions, remained here the 9th and 10th, the gunboats going further up the river and shelling the woods. On the 11th, moved a few miles and camped, remaining the 12th and moving again on the 13th, camping at Cumberland, remaining the 14th. On the 15th, up at four and ready for the march. Went to the White House—a fine estate belong to Lee. It was a beautiful place, a large number of slaves, and they had nice quarters and workshops. The fields of grain and everything looked fine. The 16th, 17th, and 18th were quiet but we moved again on the 19th. On the 20th and 21st we moved along and on the 22nd remained in camp. Also the 23rd and 24th. On the 25th, we marched again and camped on a plantation belonging to Dr. Gaines who raised grain and tobacco. The Rebs threw a number of shells into our camp today.

For the next few days we lay in camp here and could hear firing at different points along the line. I stood on the brow of a hill and looked down on the Battle of Fair Oaks. Could see the lines move up, hear the cannon and musketry, the yell of both armies as they charged. Also the Battle of Seven Pines. While in this camp I received a letter from your father informing me that in the Battle of Williamsburg (May 5th) that our brother Andrew J. was killed and that your father was wounded in the same battle and was then at Annapolis, Maryland in hospital.

On June 11th we started from camp (leaving the camp standing under guard) at 4 o’clock to relieve another Battery on picket at Mechanicsville where there were a few houses and a ford across the creek. Our troops held one bank and the Rebs the other. We could see them working on earthworks on a hill, but they remained quiet until about 6 p.m. when they opened on us. Each section of the Battery lay quite a distance from the other. The short-distance section was in the road leading to the ford. One long-range section to the right and the other to the left of it. So the lieutenant from right and left would go to the centre and eat with the captain and other lieutenants. As the officers were at supper when the firing commenced and only the sergeants in charge when an aide rode up and ordered us to reply to them. To the fort on the hill was about one mile. I from the left and sergeant Lawrence from the right, each dropped a shell in the breastwork. We heard afterwards from some prisoners that came in that we killed quite a number and dismounted a gun. They soon stopped when they found out what was in front of them. The lieutenant came up running and asked who gave the orders. I told him. Soon the aide returned and told us to stop. The lieutenant told me and I replied, I have a shot in the gun.” He said fire it but don’t load again. I asked could I fire where I wished, He said yes. I dropped the breach of the gun all I could (for elevation), pointed it toward Richmond, which was 4.5 miles and let it go. As the gun would carry about 5 miles, I have often wondered where it went.

We remained here a week laying around the guns, day and night, but we were not troubled again while there. On the [ ] we were relieved, returned to and struck camp, leaving Dr. Gaines’ place and crossing the creek at Woodbury bridge and camped in a field near Fair Oaks. On the 19th, moved a short distance and camped. While here I went among regiments of our line and found [ ] regiments and two batteries from Massachusetts. i found some friends in some of them. The sights I see in passing over the fields of Fair Oaks and Seven Pines were hard. Men thrown into [burial] trenches, some having as many as 100 to 150 in a trench. Many had been only covered as they lay on the ground by throwing dirt up from each side and as the rains had washed parts of them out—arms, legs, face, &c. and those parts were one living mass of maggots. The stench was horrible. And the troops were camped among the graves and had to drink the water. The reason they were buried so was after the battle, there was an awful rain storm and the creek was overflowed and the bodies were under the water. When it went down, they were so bad they could not be handled. The dead belonged to both armies.

Captioned “Woodbury’s Bridge—Chickahominy River.” Library of Congress

For the next week things remained about the same, firing along the lines every day and the regular camp duties. On June 26th the Rebs crossed at Mechanicsville and above, turning our right, where there was a terrible fight—the first one of the Seven Days. General Porter commanding the corps on the right was forced to fall back to Gaines Mills. On the 27th was the Battle of Gaines Mills. We crossed over at Woodbury Bridge and were in the battle in the afternoon. It was very fierce and the loss was large on both sides. At night we crossed back over the creek and took position on the front line remaining all night.

On the 28th, moved back to creek and took position to command another bridge. Troops passing all day and fighting at different points on the line. We held the position all day and on picket at night. Moved back before morning passing through lines of battle. I will explain something here something of the way we were falling back. While say one half of the army were fighting today, the other half formed the second line in rear of the first, ready to support them or take part holding the line all day, and at night the first line passed through the second and formed in their rear, being the supporting line that day. And at night change again from first to second.

On the 29th June was the Battle of Savage Station. When I passed here there were piles of rations—beef, pork, rice, hard bread, &c. Tons of musket and artillery ammunition, shot, shell, &c. All the stores of all kinds the teams could not carry were piled up and set on fire. Also hay and grain. The soldiers were taking the fuses out of the shells, pouring out the powder and in fact, destroying thousands of dollars worth of property. This was a railroad station and that is the reason there was so much property there. We had railroad trains moving what they could and kept them at it so long we could not get back. so the bridge over the creek was burned, the train loaded with stores, the engine started and all run into the creek.

You will form some idea of our wagon train when I tell you if it was put in a single ine, it would reach over 50 miles. We also drove a large head of cattle.

On June 30th, Charles City Cross Roads and White Oak Swamp Battles were fought. We were in the Charles City Cross Roads fight and had it hot. We fired so long and rapid our guns’ breach [became] so hot they would go off when the vent was uncovered. Although we wet the sponge in water, the water passed into the vent honeycombed them so bad that they had to be taken out and new ones put in as soon as we had an opportunity, a man coming from the gun foundry. We fired that day from our long-range guns about one ton from each.

I told you I had a good drilled squad ad we use to see who would gwt the first shot when we received orders to commence firing. I got the first shot and I suppose they fired at my smoke for while loading for the second shot, my No. 3 man at the vent, and my head by his side sighting the gun, a shell passed through him and over my shoulder, spattering the flesh and blood in my face and clothing. After dark we lay around the guns with a skirmish line in front. At midnight the lieutenant told me to wake my men and mount the driver and tell them and the other men not to speak a word or strike a horse and if they became stuck on stumps or in a hole, to leave then and save my horses if I could. If not, leave them. We drove off on the grass without a sound being made. One of our officers (said to be Gen. Kearny) rode up to the picket line and asked for the officer in charge, gave him orders to move the line back and uncover a cross road through a wood as he wished to pass some artillery. the officer, thinking it all right, moved the line and we passed through with everything all right. When we came out on a pike road inside our line, an officer sat on his horse and told us to let them go and we went down the road flying, arriving at Malvern Hill at 4 o’clock in the morning of July 1st, took position in line, and was in the battle part of the time. As our corps was out of ammunition, we received orders to go to the rear. Towards evening we took position for the night.

July 2nd left our position at 2 a.m. and marched to Harrison’s Landing, the troops coming in all day. When we arrived here we entered as fine a field of grain as ever you see, but before night, with the rain and the tramp of troops, it was all gone and was our sea of mud. Thus ended the Seven Days Battles before Richmond—one of the grandest movements of the war. When you think of the country we had to fight over, the large force General Lee brought against us, and we saved our trains and cattle, also artillery and troops.

On the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th, we were in different positions in reforming the lines. On the 8th, President Lincoln with a large staff and guard rode around the lines and received the troops, the gunboats and batteries firing salutes. The infantry built long earthworks and the artillery was placed in them all along the line, the guns being about 17 yards apart and the infantry camped in the rear. A strong picket line was out about 3 or 4 miles. We had drills and other camp duties every day. Otherwise it was quiet until the night of July [ ], when at midnight, the Rebs having brought down some batteries on the other side of the [James] River, opened fire on our gunboats, transports and camps. The gunboats and some batteries near the landing replied. The camps all turned out. It looked fine to see the shells going through the air when they didn’t come too near. In about an hour it stopped and all was quiet again and we turned in. The next day several regiments were sent across the river to destroy some buildings used by then=m for observation and a strong guard left to prevent the move again. A large number of men were dying in the camps every day from the hardships they had passed through but only one died in our camp from fever. Sometimes twenty or thirty dead bodies would pass our camp a day and I suppose the same in other parts of the army. It was very hot while here—from 100 to 115 degrees every day.

We received orders to turn in our guns and draw others of a different kind. We received six light 12-pounders or Napoleon guns, short-range (less than a mile) but the most destructible gun in the service for close fighting. Expecting the guns were ready, we took the horses and only 12 men and went to the landing and then found out we had to put the carriages together, mount the guns, and draw the ashore. Also all the ammunition, It took all day and was a hard job. The glass stood 80 degrees in the shade.

On August 6th, some 30 lb. Parrotts took position on our right. On the 7th Battery, B. Md. Artillery took our position and we moved into camp half a mile in the rear. On the 11th, received orders to be ready, packed up and hitched every day but did not start until the afternoon of the 16th when we crossed the Lower Chickahominy on a pontoon bridge which the gunboats were guarding. On July 18th, passed through Williamsburg (the place my brother Andrew was killed). On the 19th, passed through Yorktown and reached Lee’s Mills on the 20th and were ordered to Hampton. On the 23rd, we shipped our carriages on an old ferry boat that used to run from Boston to Chelsea which reminded us of home.

On the 24th shipped our horses and men on schooners. On the 26th went to Aquia Creek and received orders on the 27th to proceed to Alexandria. Arrived there on the 28th and disembarked, went into camp outside the city near Fort Lyons, and quite near the old camp where my brother was last winter.

On the 29th the Battery was ordered out towards Centreville and as our teams had not arrived, I was left in charge of baggage and stores with a guard until they came. The Battery returned to camp on September 2nd in the night and the next day moved to the old campground of last winter. In camp the 4th and 5th. In the 6th we received orders at 5 p.m. and were on the road at 6 passing over Long Bridge, through Washington and Georgetown on the trot and camping beyond on the Poolesville road (as the Rebs had crossed into Maryland). Remained in camp the next day. Troops passing all day. On the 8th passed through Rockville and at 7 went in position for the night. Marched the next day and camped at night at foot of the Sugar Loaf Mountain. Remained in camp the next day and marched on the following one camping near Buckstown. On the move next day and at noon, halted near Jefferson. Started again and halted near South Mountain, then opened the battery on Crampton Pass, South Mountain, where the Rebs were in a strong position on the side of the mountain with both artillery and infantry. Our battery was engaged part of the time, but being short-range, could only reach part of their line, but other batteries could. Part of our infantry moved on the front and another force moved into the woods and up the side of the mountain and flanked the position, driving them up and over the mountain, taking artillery, baggage wagons, and prisoners. We moved up the hill and camped on the field with the dead and wounded.

We were on the move again on the 17th and could hear rapid firing in the direction of Sharpsburg. We arrived at Antietam Creek at noon where we found a fierce battle going on. We was ordered into line on the right of center where the battle had been fierce, the dead of both armies and wounded lay thick as the field had been charged over two or three ties by both armies. In passing through a cornfield to take position, many a poor soldier (wounded), Union & Reb, would raise himself on his elbow and ask us, “For God’s sake” not to run over him. I can say I never run over a wounded man while in service. I rode by the lead driver and looked out for that. We took position within 500 yards and opened fire, remained on the field that day and the next, engaged or under fire.

On the night of the 18th, could hear the Rebs moving artillery or trains the most of the night, not knowing if they were massing troops for a final charge on our right, or a flank movement in the morning. As soon as daylight on the 19th, our skirmish line was advanced with a strong supporting line and forced the Reb skirmish line back. They soon found they had no support as their army had gone and left them. They threw down their guns and came in as prisoners.

We started after them at once, passing over the field of battle and I must say, I see worse sights here than on any other field I was ever on. Thousands of dead and wounded of both armies, killed in all kinds of ways and positions, and those that were killed at the first of the battle were swollen to twice their size and turned black. The stench was awful (when men are killed in health and full blooded, they turn soon) and the sun was very hot. In all the buildings from the field to the river, we found them filled with their wounded whom they had left behind. Lee’s army had crossed at Williamsport.

On the 21st, camped at St. James College. On the 22nd, moved into camp at St. James College. On the 22nd, moved into camp at Bakersville and remained the rest of the month and until October 9th when we went to Hagerstown and washed up the Battery for repairs and painting, and harnesses for oiling. After getting about half done, we were ordered on picket at Williamsport, put our carriages and harness together and went on the 16th finishing while there. We went out three or four times at midnight (with other troops) to command a bridge expecting a cavalry dash. The nights were very frosty and cold standing on watch. On October 31st we were relieved by the Baltimore Light Artillery and marched to the south side of the Blue Ridge, crossing at Crampton Pass and camping for the night. Then crossed the Potomac at Berlin on a pontoon bridge and entered Virginia once more.

During NOvember there was nothing of interest—only marches taking position in various places. Lots of rain and some snow. General Burnside had taken the place of General McClellan at the latter part of the month. Gen. Hooker’s Division was passing our camp and I run out and watched for the battery your father was in, he having returned to duty. I see him for about half an hour—the first time for eleven months.

December 4th, marched to Belle Plain and went in camp, remaining in camp until the 11th. Some rain and snow. On the 11th we started for Fredericksburg and camped near the river. On the 12th, crossed the Rappahannock on a pontoon bridge below the city (called Franklin’s Crossing) and went in position near the Barnard House. The day was foggy but about 3 o’clock it lifted and the Rebs opened on us and there was some brisk fighting. At night it stopped.

Early the next morning, the 13th, the firing was rapid and lively on both sides. At noon we moved and took position on the right of the left wing of our army, when the whole of the infantry line (in that wing) advanced towards the railroad and a fierce infantry fight took place. The Rebs moved a battery to rake the line, when our battery opened on their and blew up a number of heir limbers and the loss of life must have been large. We soon silenced that battery.

Our troops were repulsed with a large loss in killed and wounded and they fell back to their old place in line. Towards evening the opened a cross fire on us from a battery near the town. Their 1st shot smashed a wheel on a gun limber, took off a sergeant’s leg, and a private’s arm. Some horses killed and wounded. On the 14th and 15th lay in position with few shots from either side, both watching for a move from the other.

On the night of the 15th all the army fell back across the river on the pontoon bridges. These were covered with hay to deaden the sound. We were all across and the bridges up before daylight which surprosed the Rebs who expected to see us before them in the morning. Our battery was the last to cross, being with the rear guard. We had a large loss and no gain in this battle. We then returned to the same camp occupied before the movement. Remained here until the 19th when we moved and camped near White Oak Church on the Belle Plain Road. Nothing of interest during the rest of December—only the same as when we are in camp long. On the 28th I got a pass, mounted, and went out to find your father’s company. After riding about all over the army, I found him.

From January 1st to 20th, we were in the same camp building brush stables for the horses and attending to other camp duties. On the 20th, left camp at noon and marched across country striking the Warrenton Pike near Falmouth where we camped for the night. A cold rain all night and for the next three days. In the morning we were soaking and puddles of watrer where we lay. We had hard work to move our carriages, the mud was so deep. We had to take the horses from one carriage and put them on another, then return for the others. Sometimes we had from 8 to 28 horses on one carriage. Pontoon trains, baggage wagons, siege guns, and ambulances were struck fast in the mud. Mules and horses were mired and became so weak as to fall over in the mud and drown. I had to take a mounted detail of 16 men, go back and find the forage train, get a bag of oats, and put it in front…[the remainder is missing]

Eyewitness to War—the personal experiences of those who lived through the Battle of Fredericksburg

The following excerpts from letters and diaries of soldiers and citizens, still retained in private collections, were all published on Spared & Shared in the last 15 years and shed light on the Battle of Fredericksburg and the morale of the armies before and after the battle. These accounts offer a thought-provoking perspective, exposing hidden truths and intimate experiences only found in private letters. Filled with raw emotion, these letters and diaries help us shape our understanding of the war.

There are a total of 83 different Union soldiers (in 73 different regiments) who wrote letters or kept diaries from which these extracts were drawn; 4 in the Army of the Potomac (AOP) Headquarters, 18 in the Left Grand Division, 26 in the Center Grand Division, 28 in the Right Grand Division, 5 in the Reserve Grand Division, and 2 unidentified soldiers. Unfortunately, there are only three from Confederate soldiers, two of whom were eyewitness to the battle. In addition, I’ve included here 3 excerpts from letters written by Union soldiers not at the battle, and 2 by civilians (see index).

As one delves into these personal accounts, a stark and unsettling reality unfolds. The morale of Burnside’s Army of the Potomac was anything but strong; it was a concoction of disillusionment and despair. Many enthusiastic volunteers who had rushed to enlist in 1861 now languished in fatigue and frustration, disheartened by the agonizingly slow march towards victory over the rebellion. While a fresh influx of recruits and new regiments in the fall of 1862 offered a fleeting glimmer of hope, the Lincoln Administration’s pivot to the liberation of slaves crushed the spirits of many. There was a pervasive belief that their officers were inept and cowardly, with the fighting spirit burning bright among the troops, who felt betrayed by their leaders. A growing consensus painted politicians and War Department officials as corrupt self-serving puppets, prioritizing their selfish agendas over the fight for the nation’s soul.

Entering the Battle of Fredericksburg, the Army of the Potomac faced more than just the enemy; they grappled with relentless weather torments that delayed their movements, sometimes limited their rations, and they were plagued by shoddy footwear—many were left completely barefoot. Anxious and apprehensive about being forced into a winter campaign, they resented the pressure from a demanding public, who seemed oblivious to the harsh realities they endured.

After the Battle of Fredericksburg, the morale of the Army of the Potomac reached an unprecedented low, surpassed only perhaps by the disheartening experience known as “Burnside’s Mud March” a few weeks later. A significant number of Union soldiers came to believe that continuing the fight against the Confederate army was futile, deeming it impossible to ever conquer them. Despair nearly took hold, and it may have prevailed entirely were it not for the astute leadership of President Lincoln, who publicly recognized that although the assault on Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia had failed, the Union army had displayed remarkable skill and courage in their efforts, while he also acknowledged and empathized with their considerable losses.

All of the letters and journal entries presented here are organized in chronological order by their writing dates, providing a clear insight into the state and morale of Burnside’s army leading up to the battle. I have categorized them into three distinct sections: Before, During, and After the Battle; however, it is important to note that letters dated during or after the battle often include descriptions of the preceding events. One letter, in particular, stands out as the definitive account of the battle from start to finish: the account by Edgar A. Burpee of the 19th Maine Infantry. I am particularly grateful to Derrick Williams for generously sharing this remarkable piece from his personal collection. If you find yourself short on time, I strongly recommend dedicating at least a moment to read Burpee’s letter, dated 15 December 1862.

Related Reading

Burnside’s Bleak Midwinter, by Albert Conner, Jr., and Chris Mackowski, 3/21/2017. (HistoryNet)


Before Battle Letters

James Henry Clark, Co. A, 3rd Vermont, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., VI Corps.—Left Grand Division (The Civil War Letters of James Henry Clark)

Camp near Aquia Creek, November 19, 1862 to his cousin.

“You ask me what I think about the war. Well, that is a hard question and I don’t know as I can make you understand just what I do think about it. In the first place, I will tell you what I know and then what I think about it. First, they are making a regular political thing of this war. The Democrats and the Republicans are now having a great struggle to see which shall be master instead of united and forming one grand Union Party as they should do till this war was ended. But this party spirit has become so powerful that the two parties are almost at swords points—they having become so antagonistic—and as long as it remains so just so long the war will not be prosecuted successfully. That makes out to be one fact. And now secondly, our generals, I think, are too jealous of each other. One is afraid that the other will do something and get his name up and they are so jealous that they do not cooperate nor work together as they might if it were otherwise. And then we have a great many officers that are both unworthy and inefficient and really incapacitated for the offices they hold which were, perhaps, obtained for them through their wealth or the interference of friends, or maybe by their former station in society. This is all wrong and not as it should be.”


Henry Fitch, citizen, Bergen Square, New Jersey (S&S18)

Bergen, New Jersey, probably Wednesday, November 19, 1862 to his son.

“I see by the papers that railroad is finished from Aquia Creek to Falmouth, that the pontoon bridges have arrived ready to be used for the crossing of the Rappahannock at Fredericksburg and that our gunboats are on their way up the river and nearly to Fredericksburg. From all this I infer that you will move soon from Stafford Court House and will meet the enemy in battle at Fredericksburg unless they retire beyond reach of our gunboats to a more defensible position. I see by the papers that the force of the enemy under Gen. Lee at Fredericksburg is estimated at 100,000 & will reach 125,000 before Burnside gets ready to fight them, but that Burnside says he has plenty of men to do all his work.”


Samuel Brown Beatty, Co. E, 57th Pennsylvania Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Division., III Corps.—Center Grand Division (S&S22)

Camp on the Rappahannock, Eleven miles from Fredericksburg, Va., November 20, 1862, to his wife.

“Sabbath morning, Nov. 23—Four miles from Fredericksburg. As I did not get my letter sent when I commenced it, I thought I would write some more and let you know something about our travels since we crossed the Potomac. We have marched about one hundred and seventy-five miles and we are not at Richmond yet. It is getting some cold and disagreeable but I have not suffered any with cold yet. I have all the clothes I can carry on the march and I hear nothing about winter quarters yet. We have eaten our last cracker this morning and we do not know when we will get any more but we have never starved yet and I think we will get bread before very long. I am very glad that you do not know how we get along here in the army but then it might be worse.

I got a letter from you last night dated the 10th. I was glad to hear that you were well. You must not get discouraged about anything much less about writing for I get the most of your letters and it does me a great deal of good to hear from you. I still hope that I will see you at some time and then I will be able to tell you all about our fatiguing marches and sufferings and privations. I suppose tomorrow we will try to cross the Rappahannock River and the Rebels are on the other side and we will have to force our way across, but we will do our best to cross.”


George Morgan, Co. F, 11th New Hampshire Infantry, 2nd Brig, 2nd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (When I come Home)

Fredericksburg, November 21, 1862, to his father.

I have a little leisure time and I will try and write you a letter to let you know that I am alive and well but we are a having a pretty hard time of it. It has been a raining now for three or four days and it is muddy and bad traveling now. We got here the 12th. The city is held by the Rebels. We come right close to the city but they did not trouble us any. They say that Burnside has sent in a flag of truce giving them a short time to surrender the city. If they don’t surrender, I suppose that we shall have to fight a battle here before many days. I can write what they tell me but we don’t know where we are a going nor what we are a going to do one day afore hand. They tell us that we are a going from here to Richmond. They say that we have got to stay here about a week so that they can get along supplies. It is sixty miles from here to Richmond. They say that we can go there in six days but suppose that we shall have to fight some before we get there.

Last night we had to move off into a piece of woods. It got so muddy that we could not stay where we were. We built up a good big fire and so we laid very comfortable all night. There is a large army here now and there is a good many of them sick. There has eight or ten died out of our regiment. There has not any died out of our company but there will be alot of them die before spring if we stay out here…It is a pretty hard case to get much to eat but meat and hard bread. We get some fresh beef and salt pork and some bacon. We ain’t allowed to steal anything on the road. The Rebels property is all guarded. The army ain’t allowed to destroy anything as they pass along.”


Horace Augustus Derry, Co. D, 20th Massachusetts, 3rd Brig., 2nd Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S10)

November 22nd 1862, Camp near Falmouth, Va., written to his mother

“…We are paddling around in the mud now up to our knees. It has been raining for 3 or 4 days but it is a little pleasanter today and we are drying our things. Yesterday in the afternoon, I was ordered to go and get 24 men and go on guard over to Gen. [Darius] Couch’s Headquarters and over we went through the mud. We stopped there until dark and then there was 24 more came and I went and found out there was some mistake about it and they told me I might take my men and go back to camp and back we went through the mud again and that is about the way things are done all of the time. I shall be glad when we get some of our old officers back that knows something. Captain [Ferdinand] Dreher has got command of the regiment now. He is a Dutchman. You know we have been on the march the most of the time since I came back. One day they marched us 20 miles and all we have on the march to eat is raw pork and hard bread. The boys find a great deal of fault and say they do not have enough of that. We are close to Falmouth and on the other side of the [Rappahannock] River we can see the rebels on picket and we expect to cross in a few days. The pickets are near enough to talk to each other. We do not get many letters now for the mail does not go nor come regular now and I do not think it will until we get into winter quarters and I don’t know when that will be. I do not see much signs of it now and for my part, I do not want to go into winter quarters. I want to fight it out and come home…”


William Washburn, Jr., Co. A, 1st Massachusetts Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Division., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S20)

Camp Mass. 35th Regt. near Falmouth, Va., November 22d [1862] to his friend.

“Fredericksburg, which is in plain view from the place I write from, is a much smaller city than I expected to find it. It looks very prettily from a distance, situated as it is in a hollow on the banks of a fine river, with very high hills in nearly every side. If its streets present no better appearance upon close inspection than did those of Falmouth, I can’t speak much in its favor as a cleanly city. However, I may not have an opportunity to form an opinion in that respect, for there’s every prospect now of being obliged to shell the place before the rebels will surrender it. In that event, it will probably be entirely destroyed, or so disfigured as to make it impossible to gain an idea of its previous appearance. We have now been here for three days, and during that time the cars have been running constantly to and from Fredericksburg, either bringing reinforcements to, or carrying supplies from there.

Today, the sun has appeared for the first time since arriving in Falmouth. The roads are in a terrible condition from the heavy rains which have just ceased. Wagon trains, ambulances, and every conceivable kind of vehicle traveling the turnpikes, meet with the same fate, viz: “Stuck fast in the mud.” A few days of sunshine will dry up the roads in a measure, and allow the forward movement to go on. Another great drawback to the advance is the want of shoes. Perhaps you will be loathe to believe it, but it is a fact nevertheless, that a great many of our soldiers—even in this new regiment, are entirely destitute of shoes or boots. Some are actually bare-footed, and out of my company alone, numbering now but sixteen, twelve are unable to march any great distance because of the worn out condition of their shoes. Requisition after requisition has been sent in to headquarters, and always with the same result. “You will get them as soon as they come,” is the invariable answer, and in the meanwhile, the soldier is obliged to go around in his bare feet, or wear shoes so full of holes as to render his going any distance without wetting his feet an impossibility. Whose fault is it? If government is unable to better provide for its soldiers than this at this season of the year, it had much better send the men home for they cannot stand it a great while longer. I’ve sent in a new requisition for shoes for my men this morning, and the only comfort I got was that they were probably on their way from Washington.”


Dwight Jairus Brewer, Co. F, 20th Michigan Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S22)

Opposite Fredericksburg, November 24th [1862] to his sister.

“We are now 30 or 40 miles from Richmond and about 6 miles from Aquia Landing. Our forces are in possession of that place and the railroad from there here so that it is easy to get provisions to us. We shall probably cross the river—or attempt to cross—soon as our men are placing a pontoon bridge across. The rebels can be seen on the other side and our men talk with them across the river.”


George W. Fraser, Co. E, 122nd Pennsylvania Infantry, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S17)

Camp near Rappahannock River, November 25, 1862, to his brother.

“We are encamped about 1½ miles from the river opposite Fredericksburg. The town is said to be still in the possession of the rebels but will soon be shelled if not evacuated. We occupy the left of the Center Division of the Army of Virginia, being the Third Army Corps. The whole army commanded by Gen. Burnside moves together whenever any part of it moves. We are all in very good health and some of us are growing stouter although rations are very scarce on account of the large number of troops gathered here and the inconvenience of the transportation.”


Wilber H. Merrill, Co. H, 44th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., V Corp—Center Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Fredericksburg, VA., November 25, 1862, to his parents.

Well here we are down near Fredericksburg where we were soon after we left Harrison’s Landing. The rebels occupy the town in force. The report is that Burnside has given them fourteen hours to remove the women and children. They say that they are busy at it now. I don’t believe that they will stand and fight here but they may. I don’t pretend to know. Only sunrise will tell.”


William Henry Jordan, Co. K, 7th Rhode Island, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (William Henry Jordan)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va., November 26, 1862, to his parents.

“We have been laying here for several days for some reason unknown to us. How long we shall stay here, I do not know. I suppose you have read all about it in the papers before this time and I do not know what to write. There is all kinds of stories agoing in camp. The story is now that we have orders not to open upon the town for there is not going to be any more fighting till after Congress sits. It looks very reasonable by our laying still here so long for our batteries are all planted, ready at a moment’s warning, and the City would be ruined in a very few moments.

I think God is having a hand in it and it will be all right. I fear that you borrow too much trouble about us. Oh, do not feel too uneasy about me — only remember me at the throne of grace. I feel confident that God will carry me through if I trust in Him which I am endeavoring to do.”


George Morgan, Co. F, 11th New Hampshire Infantry, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (When I come Home)

Falmouth Heights, Virginia, November 27, 1862, to Austin

“I take my pen to write you a few lines to let you know that I am well. I say that I am well enough but I have got the yellow jaundice and half of the regiment has got them and I want mother to send me out a little wormwood in a letter for that is the best of anything that I can take.

It is Thanksgiving in New Hampshire but it is about the same with us as any other day. We don’t have anything to do today. The officers has all gone off — I suppose to a good supper. The weather here is a getting cold and rainy. Last Tuesday, three of our company went off on picket duty. We went over to the Rappahannock River. We was posted right along on the side of the river opposite the city of Fredericksburg. The river ain’t more than 10 or 15 rods [~70 yards] wide. The Rebel pickets were right along on the other side of the river but they did not trouble us nor we them. We could talk with them across the river but I did not say a word to them.

That [Fredericksburg] is a nice looking place — what we could see. The buildings come right down to the river. There was two bridges destroyed here by our folks — one railroad bridge and one other, but they are a going to put a pontoon bridge across and they say that we have got to go across into the city but I don’t know when. Then we shall have to fight some. They have been telling that they were a going to bombard the city the next day ever since we have been here. The thing of it is, they don’t dare to fight. They are afraid of the Rebels. I expect this war will be settled up before long. They are all a getting tired of it and they don’t want to fight any longer.

We have got to go into winter quarters before long for it is getting cold now. The ground freezes here every night and we shall all freeze to death if we don’t go down further south before long. But I guess I can stand it as long as the rest can. The biggest part of them has got their boots all wore out — some of them are just about barefooted. My old shoes are good yet but I should [have] a pair of boots now. I have not had my feet wet since I have been out here by the shoes leaking…The teams out here are as bad off as the soldiers. The horses and mules are as poor as crows. They are a dying off every day. They will have to have a new set before long.”


Martin VanBuren Culver, Co. A, 16th Connecticut Infantry, 2nd Brig., 3rd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S4)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va. November 27, 1862, to his sister

….I don’t know how long we shall lay here but there don’t seem to be any move at present. But still we may move tomorrow….It is cold here. We have to wear our overcoats most all the time. We have got a new colonel from the 8th [Connecticut]. His name is Upham. He is only acting in place of Beach for he has gone home sick. I don’t think that he will get back this winter if the war lasts. We have all kinds of rumors here everyday but I don’t mind anything about them. They [say] that we shall be home by Christmas but I don’t want you to say so from me for I don’t think that. It is too good to be true. But I wish that it might be so for I have got sick of it and all the rest of the soldiers and I think that they have got sick both North and South. I think that it will be settled this winter but it may not be so…..This is a lonesome day to me for I am thinking of home today all the time. I am out of money, out of tobacco, and out of everything else. If you will send me some money and a pair of gloves, I can get along till we get paid off—if I live long enough….


Charles Clarence Miller, Co. D, 140th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 2nd Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S21)

November 27th 1862, Camp near Fredericksburg, to his parents.

“Since I wrote to you we have moved on again towards Aquia Creek and Fredericksburg. There is about 40 thousand rebels at Fredericksburg. We are in camp only two and one half miles from there but we have a very large force here but it will be a very hard place to take, I think, on the account of crossing the river as there is no bridge over the river. But we could easy burn the city by throwing shells into it as we are elevated so much higher than it. They have given them so long a time to surrender and if they do not, we will burn it to ashes.”


Joseph Donnell Eaton, Co. I, 1st Maine Cavalry, Escort 1st Corps Headquarters—Left Grand Division (S&S9)

Frederick City [Maryland], November 27, 1862 to his father

“…The Army of the Potomac has come to a halt at the Rappahannock but I trust it will soon be on the move again. Burnside will cross in spite of all opposition, though no doubt he will have to burn the city of Fredericksburg. He holds the very position that McDowell held last May when we were there and I tell you, when he opens his siege guns on that city, it will be a hot place. I hope this winter campaign will close this war. The weather is fine now and if it continues so for a few weeks, no doubt there will be considerable fighting. I would like to see it all, but in this war — especially this winter campaign — it is a duty of each soldier to himself to look out for himself. I am not afraid of the fighting for I can go into a fight as easy as to a day’s work in the field, but the exposure that cavalry is subject to will kill ten to the bullet’s one. And as long as I have the privilege of good quarters and a chance to take care of myself, I shall do so…”


Will Dunn, Co. F., 62nd Pennsylvania Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (The Civil War Letters of Will Dunn)

Camp near Falmouth, November 29, 1862, to his parents.

“There is some very strange rumors in camp now about peace being declared. It is rumored that the rebel generals A. P. Hill and Robert E. Lee of the Confederate States of America and Ambrose Burnsides—now commander of the Army of the Potomac—has come to Washington to have an interview with Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, and I hope they will compromise and in our favor for I think the rebels is at our mercy. We have army enough for to go right through them.”


John Hancock Boyd Jenkins, 40th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 2nd Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (Teach my Hands to War)

Near Fredericksburg, Virginia, December 3, 1862, to Mary.

“I only received your long and welcome letter today at noon. The delay was caused partly by our being on the march from Warrenton to Fredericksburg with our communication lines cut off, and partly by the “red tape” regulations in regard to mail carriers. Letters have now to go first to Corps Headquarters. They they are sorted & sent to the Division Headquarters. Then sorted again & sent to Brigade Headquarters where they are sorted again & sent to the regiments. This delays letters a long while, though I think it will be better when the new plan gets fairly to work.

We are at present tolerably comfortable and several cords of clothing, blankets, &c arrived yesterday, which was not at all disagreeable. The boys got up a torchlight procession last night in honor of it and all night & today the camp has been perfumed with old trousers, shoes, and such articles burnt to get rid of them…

The way the wood will disappear wherever we camp this winter would astonish you. I suppose we have burnt 200,000 cords where we are encamped now. This, of course, I mean for the whole army.

I am sorry to have disappointed you by not coming, as we both expected, but you must lay it to the account of Horace Greeley and the “On to Richmond” crowd. Only for their forcing on the army when half prepared, I would have seen you & done what I could to change the direction of my letters…

I don’t know about letting you off so long without changing your name, but I can’t lose sight of the fact that I am no better to be brought home safe than were any of our gallant dead in this awful war. I humbly trust that whether He brings me through safe or not, He will give me strength to serve Him with a whole heart. Don’t think I’m canting, Mary. Twenty pound shells bring eternity very close, and I’m not of the stuff that can look lightly on “falling into the hands of the living God.” I know, Mary, that many irreligious men have done well in battle, but what right has a creature owing everything to his Maker to offend Him when so utterly dependent on His mercy? Still, let us hope that we may yet live together and serve Him as He would.

Aunt Caroline’s wonder why they fight is natural enough, but the President’s Message answers all of her questions. Separation would be continual war. We must conquer or be slaves to the leaders of the South. Better short misery than long. Better a general war for a few years than a border war always existing.”


Anthony Gardner Graves, Co. F, 44th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S22)

Camp of the 44th Regiment N. Y. S. Vols., Near Falmouth, Va., December 3rd 1862 to his friend.

“The weather is very cool now-a-days—especially in the night, and one army blanket is hardly sufficient to keep us warm. It is blowing a perfect gale here today and I assure you, it is anything but comfortable out of doors. We are laying within three miles of Falmouth. Our camp is in the centre of a large pine wood. The trees are all cut down and stumps dug out and cleared way for our camp. Most of the men have logged their poncho tents up as though they was going to stay here all winter. We (the sergeants) have got a large bell [Sibley] tent which we got when we was at Headquarters doing Provost duty. It is large and if we should go into winter quarters, we will log it up and make comfortable winter quarters for us.

We have been out at this place two weeks and the reason for our delay here is on account of the army being entirely out of commissary stores. Another thing, the whole Rebel army is on the opposite side of the river and it would be impossible for this army to cross the Rappahannock here without a great sacrifice of lives, and the different armies advancing on the rebel Capitol by the way of the Peninsula, Petersburg, and on the south side, which will compel the rebel army to fall back from the Rappahannock on Richmond. Then we will advance and not until. The Rebels are in a bad state and they know it. They are half clothed and half fed, with their supplies cut off from the army for one week would compel them to lay down their arms. They are now calling on every available man to come to the rescue for they see that they are in a tight place. Our forces are advancing on them from all directions and they will soon creep into their hole at Richmond. There is one thing certain, if Richmond is not taken this winter, I don’t think it ever will be for the two year and nine months men’s time will expire in the spring which will take off half of our army so something must be done this winter.”


Charles Robert Avery, Co. K, 36th Massachusetts Infantry, 2nd Brig., 3rd Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S12)

Opposite Fredericksburg, Va., December 5th 1862 to his father.

“We have been camped here for more than a fortnight & done nothing but cook, eat, drill, & sleep. Fredericksburg has not been shelled yet. When will it be? If the Rebs contest the ground, it will be sharp work for the Army of the Potomac to get over to them so as to have any sight at all as they are up on a hill & have their own chosen position. But then if Burnside undertakes to make an advance, I think that it will be a perfect success.

You get more news in one day than I do in one week. How does the President’s message take in Springfield? I think that goes ahead of the [Emancipation] Proclamation in one sense. It is a trying thing that will work on both sides alike. If it does not, I shall be much mistaken. If that is what Burnside is waiting for before he advances, we most likely shall not see Richmond this winter which I was in hopes to do. I hear by the Baltimore Clipper that the Reb’s military authorities will contest every step of ground even if the civil [authorities] should surrender to us the City of Fredericksburg…We have heavy frosts out here but they do not affect me & we have warm days to match. It has rained for 2 hours now so we have a prospect of more mud seeing that we did not have any when we first camped here. If we can stand this climate, what can’t we do when we get home. I expect to be at home next summer though I may slip up on my calculations…”


Will Dunn, Co. F., 62nd Pennsylvania Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (The Civil War Letters of Will Dunn)

Camp near Falmouth, Va., December 6, 1862, to his parents.

“We are having very disagreeable weather. It commenced raining here yesterday morning and it turned into snow in the afternoon and it snowed all night until the morning. It was a hard looking for a person to live in those little shelter tents. Last winter there was thirteen of us in one tent and fine boys they were, but poor fellows—they are all either dead or discharged. There is only three of us left and we still tent to together. Us three boys has a log house built and a fire in it. We live very comfortable. I wish we would stay here all winter but that will not be for there is all appearances of a move now. It’s my wish and always has been to push on and I hope it will be settled some way this winter. I would like very much for to be ready to go home early next spring. I think when the western army makes a strike and our fleets begin to work, I think this will make Johnny Reb jump out of some of the Cotton States.”


George W. Shoemaker, Co. G, 126th Pennsylvania Infantry, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S13)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Virginia, December 7, 1862 to his sister.

“…you said in your other letter that you wanted to know how my clothes and boots is. We have got plenty of clothes for we can get clothes any time now. And my boots is very near as good as when I got them. And the whole regiment refused coats like you spoke about the drafted men having for we had more clothes than we could carry. I have got two blouses to wear now and if they would give us as much to eat as wear, we could get along. But we have plenty now for there is plenty of sutlers coming since we have got paid off. But they sell everything for four prices.”


Peter V. Blakeman, Co. A, 122nd New York Infantry, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S4)

Virginia, Sunday [December] 7th 1862

…We started Thursday [December 4, 1862] on the march and had a hard one that day and the next day we started very early and about eight o’clock it began to rain and rained until 3 and then it began to snow and grow cold and at dark it was freezing cold and the ground was was two inches of snow on it and snowing like the devil. We had to scrape the snow off a spot to lay down on and was as wet as could be. There was no wood to be got but green pine and it was most dark when we got to our stopping place and we had a hard time of it. I faired rather worse than the company for they got there by 2 o’clock and had time to get up their tents and make a fire but we had nothing to eat — any of us. I are with the train as guard. I have nothing to do with the camp.¹ — Peter V. Blakeman


Herschel Wright Pierce, Co. A, 76th New York Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., I Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S21)

Camp of the 76th New York Vols, Aquia Creek, [Virginia], December 8th 1862, to his brother.

“I have nothing new to write except that it is intensely cold here with about 2 inches snow on the ground and as we have no stoves, it is extremely uncomfortable in the tents. We build a fire in front of our tents and enjoy it afterwards as well as we can. My fingers are now almost stiff with the cold and I have to write on my knee which accounts in a great measure for these uncouth characters and cold as it is, I must write today as we march again tomorrow. All manor of rumors are afloat and Heavy Rifled Siege Pieces are passing this point for the front at or near Fredericksburg. I suppose we shall be thrown to the front in Doubleday’s Division as it is well known that this brigade is a Fighting Brigade. Whether we shall fight at, or along the Rappahannock depends on the Rebs themselves. If they stand, there must be a fight. If they retreat, we shall follow them up.”


Cornelius Van Houten, 1st New Jersey Light Artillery, Battery B, 2nd Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (Cornelius Van Houten)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va., December 8th 1862, to his father.

“I had not been on duty two days before we had orders to march. Well we have been marching ever since until we encamped here and now we are under strict marching orders. We marched out to Warrenton. We stayed there a few days, then we marched back to Fairfax. Then we had travelled 80 miles. Then to Fredericksburg is a long distance. I don’t exactly know how far it is. Through all this march, it rained constantly. You can judge how the roads were with a whole division traveling over it. We marched for ten days steady. You can think how pleasant it was after we marched all day to encamp with no tents—nothing but the coverings of our guns to cover us—hungry, wet and cold, tired. I tell you, Father, I thought something about my snug little room above the warm dining room.

Father you must not blame me for getting a little homesick and wishing the war was over so I could come home. Father, if I could come home safe, I would be contented to live on the poorest fare and in a barn or cellar for we have no tents yet. It has been snowing and it is very, very cold. It seems to me I never was so cold as now. But I must not fill your ears with my troubles. You have enough to think of taking care of the family. Don’t think of me for I guess I shall live through it and if God spares me to come home again, I will be an Old Soldier or Patriot—but my patriotism is most worn out.

Father, you must not expect to see me this winter for we are not going in winter quarters at all. We expect to encamp out all the rest of our time unless Richmond is taken before spring, which event I am afraid will not happen.”


Hannibal Augustus Johnson, Co. B, 3rd Maine Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S22)

Camp near Falmouth, Virginia, December 8th, 1862, to his friend.

“The weather for the past week has been very cold—full as cold as we found it anytime last winter—and on the 4th of the month, snow fell about two inches deep and at this moment it is none the less, the sun not being warm enough since its fall to melt it a bit. If we lived like a civilized being, we should think nothing of the cold, but to have nothing to cover you from the snow, rain, wind and cold with the exception of a thin piece of cotton duck four feet square [which] is rough enough for an Indian who is used to such treatment but it comes hard for us. And withal this, the North is clamorous for an advance. Now take it home to yourself, how could you live to be very thinly clothed and as poorly fed (for I have just made a dinner off of the worst of wormy hard bread—worms just like those you find in a chestnut) to lay out on the frozen ground and with snow on that that with nothing over your head but the cold sky for when we are on the move, we seldom ever put up our shelters at night when we know we are to start again at early dawn with only one of them government blankets over you. Do you think you could stand it long? If you think you can, just make your bed tonight out in the yard with only one blanket over you and in the morning I think if you had life enough left to speak, you would say that it is impossible for a winter campaign in as cold a climate as we are in now.

This morning I came very near freezing one of my hands in going to the spring after water for my humble breakfast (for we have no protection for our hands) and it was a long time after I got back to my tent before I got the frost out of it. We have been on the ground that we are at present eight days and the men have built themselves log basements and shelters for a roof but this had to be done all between drill hours for they drill us just as if we were raw recruits. But the general commanding, seeing how the men were suffering from exposure, this morning opened his hard heart enough to countermand the order for drill today so that the men might make themselves comfortable and the brigade campground looks like a mammoth ship yard for most every man is at work on pine, black walnut, and red oak logs, and by night there will be a vast village of log houses and in these houses with a fire all night, it is all you can do to keep warm. If I had not received a box from home with underclothes, vest, boots, &c., I do think I should of froze to death for government is very dilatory in getting clothes for the men for men with bare feet is a very frequent sight. Also men without a single shirt to cover themselves with, for many are the cases in the regiment like this.

Yesterday there was a great rejoicing in camp for the men had six potatoes apiece given them by our able Commissary and we had been out so long that their appearance was like the sun after a long storm, and says we to ourselves, goodbye wormy bread for one meal at least. Are not these pleasant auspices for a winter’s campaign? Is not the future encouraging to us? Should you not think our courage will be good? Now you may think I am in bad humor, getting discouraged, discontented, heartsick, and all this, and that under such circumstances apt to exaggerate somewhat, but such is not the case. I am in as [good] spirits as ever I wish to be, but the other day I see something in one of the New England papers that got my dander up and I have only partially got over it now. It was this. There was some three-cent correspondent that chanced to be at our Division Headquarters on Thanksgiving Day and he went on to tell what they had for their dinner such as turkeys, chickens, puddings, wine sauce, and all this and that, and wound up by saying that by being in the field, we continue to live in style and how fortunate the Division was in having such as able Commissary and Quartermaster and went on to give them a puff. But if the fool had come into our regiment and seen the dinner the men that doing all that is done, suffering all that can be thought of, I think he would sing another tune for all in the name of heaven we had on Thanksgiving Day was wormy hard bread and coffee without a particle of sugar to make it palatable. And after all this, this ignoramus went on to say how well we were provided for and this same jackass went on to say that the men were all clothed and in the best of spirits, eager for an advance—the sooner the better. Now this is one of the damndest lies ever told. The men are in rags and they do not want to advance—no more than a cat wants two tails.

Now this is not an act of the men being afraid to meet the enemy for fighting is the very last thing thought of by them. The enemy that they do fear though is the cold weather which will kill more than the bullet ever thought of doing. So when you hear anyone say that the men want to advance during the cold weather, you may say to yourself that he has only visited the comfortable quarters of the general, not the uncomfortable ones of the privates. On Thanksgiving Day I could not help thinking of the two such days I passed in your family—the first one when I was with Kitty’s family, and then we passed the day at your Father’s hospitable home. The second [time was] at your home and I could not contrast those two days with the one just past and gone and note the difference. But I hope and pray that my last day of this kind is passed—that is, as a soldier—for I have passed two of them. On the first one we had pea soup. The second I have already numerated. My Father was going to send me a box of articles such as we have on such a day at home, but I, fearing I should not receive it, wrote him accordingly and I am much obliged for your good intentions. I will take the will for the deed.

I am afraid as you say that the 8th Massachusetts have seen their pleasantest times as soldiers for men now in the field are put in to fight, not to be a mere show, although some of them go in fortifications to drill at Heavy Artillery and do not have the many changes a soldier in the field is subjected to. But this class gets as much praise as if they had done all the fighting that has been done but we being in Kearney’s old Division and having got a good name (for our Division is called the “Fighting Division” by all that know us), we have got to keep in the field to keep our name where they now are. And the other day, after being reviewed by General Hooker, he told us that the first troops that entered Richmond would be Kearney’s & Hooker’s old divisions.

I am glad to hear of one person being tenderhearted, meaning yourself, and no doubt such scenes as those you passed through at the departure of the 8th [Massachusetts] aroused such a kindred feeling, and I myself considered that as one of my redeeming traits before enlisting. But being associated with nothing but men for the last 19 months, and those men seeking the blood of their fellow man, I say I have lost some of the more sensitive feelings I at one time possessed. But at the same time, I can say that in all the temptations that has been around me, that today my morals are better than they were the day I left my own native state which I know many cannot say.”


Charley Howe, 36th Massachusetts Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (Letters of Charley Howe)

Near Fredericksburg, Va., December 9th 1862, to his parents.

“Since I last wrote, the company has been on picket on the Rappahannock. We went down Thursday afternoon and everything betokened fair weather. The old City of Fredericksburg was in plain sight and the clocks could be heard to strike very plainly. The evening was beautiful—not a cloud to be seen, and the moon and stars shining in all their splendor. Dogs seem to be numerous in Fredericksburg for their barking and fighting could be heard all night long. Occasionally a loud laugh, cheer or rather yell from the opposite side of the river convinced us that the rebels were not far distant. At length all was quiet. Everyone seemed to have gone to rest but the pickets who stood carefully watching the river and rebel guards lest the skunks should cut up some of their midnight gun games and take us prisoners in the face of our army.

About two o’clock A. M., clouds made their appearance and in half an hour a cold rain began to fall which turned to snow sometime in the forenoon. About five o’clock P. M. we started for camp and when we reached it, we were a gay looking set—ice and snow clinging to our clothes and equipments. Our tents, which we fortunately had left standing afforded us but little shelter but not until we had built some roaring fires could we feel comfortable. Soon we were told that a mail had arrived and to my great satisfaction I received father’s letters of the 23rd and December 1st. This with a good supper counterbalanced my uncomfortable feeling and (to use a favorite term), I was all hunk

What do you think of the [President’s] message [to Congress]? My opinions is that if the South don’t accept of it, they will accept of nothing and we will stay our three years out. But they will come to terms—mark my word. That message came from a long head. I think more of Mr. Lincoln than I ever did before and he can be pardoned for his past slowness. He calculated to suit in a measure all parties. Of course all will have to knuckle a little, but for all that, I think all will be satisfied unless it is the damned abolitionists. But it is not for me to comment on it. All I hope is that the loafers up North will shut up their blab about the South’s repenting their folly and all such nonsense as that.”


George W. Fraser, Co. E, 122nd Pennsylvania Infantry, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S17)

Camp near Falmouth, Va., December 9, 1862, to his brother.

“Our present camp is within 1½ miles of the town of Falmouth which is situated on the Rappahannock river opposite Fredericksburg. The rebels are said to occupy that city with a strong force. Our pickets are on this side of the river and the rebels right opposite. It is rumored in camp that three of their pickets were frozen to death the other night. This is indeed quite true as they are very scant in clothing—some having no shoes to their feet and not more to cover their body than a shirt and a pair of torn pants. They are indeed a pitiful set of human beings. I and no one else can understand why so many troops should be lying idle here at this point. Some think that the army is waiting for supplies; others think that Burnside is afraid to make the attack and waiting for Congress to try to offer a compromise to the rebels. But I am very much inclined to think that we are holding them at bay here at Fredericksburg while the greater part of the army is approaching Richmond by way of the Peninsula and James river. This is only my opinion and I hope is very near correct. We are not yet in winter quarters but it is generally supposed that we will stay here for some time. Some of the boys have built their winter huts. I have none yet but will commence building tomorrow. There is snow on the ground but the weather is generally very pleasant for this season of the year….Our regiment is not as healthy as it might be. The general complaint is rheumatic fever and jaundice.”


James Sanks Brisbin, 6th U. S. Cavalry, 2nd Brig., Cavalry Div. —Right Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp 6th US Cavalry, Belle Plain, Virginia, December 9th, 1862 to his wife.

“The river is now frozen over but not hard enough to bear. If the river gets solid, I think we will either go over or the Rebs will come over. All the people of Falmouth and Fredericksburg are camped out. It must be pretty cold on the women & children.

I think the great battle of the war is at hand. All other battles will be as nothing when compared with it. They say we have four hundred thousand men here. I think not so many as that but we certainly have three hundred thousand and that is a good many men. The Rebels must have two hundred and fifty thousand so we will be able to get up quite a respectable fight. Half a million of men fighting will raise considerable smoke and dust and make quite a noise.

I suppose you would not care if there was a fight & they did keep me under arrest and keep me out of it, but I would not miss the next battle for anything. I would rather lose a leg. Our men are all anxious for a fight & confident they can whip the Rebels. The next battle will end the war, one way or the other. If we are defeated, I think the Confederacy will be acknowledged. But if we whip them, they will make peace. God grant the war may soon end.”


Jacob Pyewell, Co. I, 106th Pennsylvania Infantry, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div. II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S22)

Camp near Falmouth, Virginia, December 10, 1862, to his family.

“We had orders last night to have 3 days rations cooked and in our haversack and be ready to march at a moment’s notice so that don’t look as if we would stop here much longer. To where we will go from here, I cannot tell you but I suppose it will be on towards Frederick[sburg] and from there on to Richmond. From what I can learn, the Rebels are pretty strong at Frederick[sburg] but we will weaken them when we get at them. I think somehow or other that we will go right through to Richmond this time. We will go right through on the fast time this time. I don’t think there is going to be any more skedaddles. I think now we have got the force to put down this rebellion and the right man [Gen. Ambrose Burnsides] at our head and I do believe that he intends to settle this [war] this winter.”


Charles Clarence Miller, Co. D, 140th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 2nd Div.; V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S21)

Camp near Fredericksburg, December 10, 1862, to his parents.

“We are in camp near Falmouth & Fredericksburg is across the river Rappahannock. Last Friday it snowed all day and most all night and it is still on the ground but not as much as it has thawed some and made it very muddy, but today it is pretty warm and I think that the snow will go very fast and if it does, it will be very muddy.

Today they are a giving the boys 60 rounds of cartridges each as tomorrow they say we have to move again but they do not know where but think into winter quarters. That is the reason that we have to get those cartridges for as every man has to have sixty rounds when they encamp for the winter. I think that it is about time that they did move again as we have not got much more wood to burn. If the war lasts two years longer, there won’t be woods left for to make rail fences as we burn all that we can find when we stop.”


John W. Lund, Co. C, 8th New York Cavalry; 1st Brig., Cavalry Div. —Right Grand Division (S&S23)

Belle Plains, Va., December 11th 1862, to his family.

“I wrote a few lines to Lucy some time last month. We were then in Warrenton but our headquarters are now at Belle Plains. It is about 5 miles from Fredericksburg. We are now doing picket duty on the Rappahannock below Fredericksburg. We have not had any fighting since we left Warrenton but we are expecting a large battle in a few days as there is any quantity of rebs on the other side of the river. We have exchanged papers with their pickets and traded sugar and coffee for tobacco as it is a scarce article with them and tobacco with us. I don’t know as I can write anything about the war as you know more about it than we do here. It is not very often that we get a newspaper without our friends send them to us…

We have had some snow here and very cold weather but it is quite pleasant now—but not very pleasant soldiering for we have not had as much as a shelter tent since we came into Virginia. But hard fare will not kill what is left of us or we should have been dead long ago. You wrote that John Balch said he was sick of a soldier’s life. He has not seen any of it yet. Let them follow the 8th Cavalry where they have been for the past three months and they will know something about soldier’s life.”


William Capers Dickson, Co. I, Cobb’s Legion (Cavalry) Battalion (S&S13)

Camp near the Rapid Ann [Rapidan river], December 12th 1862 to his sister

“I cannot find words to express how miserable I was when on opening it I beheld what it contained. I could hardly realize that my dear brother was indeed dead. But I can dwell on the subject no longer. It makes me miserable. The weather is very pleasant at present though there has been snow on the ground for five or six days and it was so cold part of the time that some of the men’s whiskers froze where they breathed on them. There was heavy firing going on yesterday some miles from here, supposed to be at Fredericksburg, and the report has just come in that it was Gen. [J. E. B.] Stuart and that he had blown up the pontoon bridges there and taken three companies of Yankees. I think there is to be an awful battle fought at Fredericksburg and I pray that God may prosper our side. The Yankee force there is suppose to be about two hundred and forty thousand and our force one hundred and twenty thousand. They have the advantage in numbers but God will defend the right.”


During the Battle Letters & Diaries

Samuel Holmes Doten, Co. E, 29th Massachusetts Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S23)

“Thursday, December 11th—We were ordered at one o’clock this morning to issue cartridges to the men and at 8 o’clock we were in line ready to start. We waited till 4 o’clock p.m. and marched to the banks of the river when we were ordered back again. We pitched some of our tents. Everything had been got ready to leave this place for the other side of the river. At daylight this morning, our batteries opened and were replied to with spirit. We have 140 guns in position and shelled the woods and city. The city was soon on fire in several places and was burning. We laid three pontoon bridges over but with heavy loss and sent over a Brigade but it was then too dark to send more. The Rebels made some good shots at the bridge. Columbus Adams returned to the company today.

Friday, December 12th—Broke camp at about 8 o’clock this morning and took up line of march for the river at 10 o’clock. We crossed over the pontoon bridge at double quick and into the city and formed line of battle. The city is badly riddled with shot and shell. At 3 o’clock p.m. our batteries begun to shell over us and the enemy to reply. Troops have been crossing above and below all day. At 3:30 o’clock p.m. the Rebel batteries got good range of us and dropped their compliments among us. Lieut. Carpenter [Co. H] was wounded in the arm and many shells struck close to us. At sunset the shelling stopped. I found a Secesh flag—a small one. It was in a house that had been shelled. We held our position for the night and laid down on the ground beside our stacks.

Saturday, December 13th—We passed a chilly night. Got breakfast at 7 o’clock and at 9 o’clock formed in line of battle and marched down river. At 9:30 the rebels fired the first gun. It is a good day and pleasant but very smokey. The firing has been very heavy on the right and left flanks and at times the musketry has also been heavy. We are the centre division and stationed in front, close to the banks of the river. At 4 o’clock we were ordered to the left. The Brigade formed in line of battle on the battlefield just within reach of the rebel guns. We remained here ready for action but was not called in. J[ames] L. Pettis of my company was wounded by a rifle shot.

Sunday, December 14th—We started last night at about twelve o’clock and went to the bridge to relieve the Brigade, then on guard. When we got there we found it already done by Gen. Sigel so we marched back to where we started from at daylight, position just to the right of the one near the river under the hill. At 7 o’clock we fired our first gun for the day and was quickly replied to. We soon after marched back to near the bridge and then stood all day in the mud. As the City Mayor’s house was nearby, I went into it. It is terribly shattered and torn to pieces. It was an elegant house and surrounded with beautiful grounds. After dinner I heard that some of the captains of the 18th Mass. Regt. were wounded. Went up to a house nearby that was used for a hospital and found Capts. [William H.] Winsor & Drew of Plymouth, both wounded quite severely. They told me that Capt. Collingwood of Plymouth was also wounded but I could not find him. At night our regiment took position on higher ground and laid down for the night.

Monday, December 15th—This morning the sunrise was bright and clear. We found that our troops on the other side of the river had not been idle through the night but had thrown up four batteries for large guns as we cannot make headway with small guns or light batteries against their entrenchments. It is said that we have 10-inch Columbiads in Battery. If so, we shall soon have music about us. Our plans of operation seem to be Hooker on the right, Franklin on the left, and Sumner in the center. Hooker and Franklin were engaged yesterday and suffered severely and apparently gained nothing. Sumner was also engaged and suffered some with a like result. We have lost from six to eight thousand in killed, wounded, and missing. We have stood to our arms all day ready for any emergency. At about eight o’clock this evening we were ordered to be ready to march and all orders to be given silently as possible. Soon all the troops were moving as they have been ever since dark over the pontoon bridge back to the old camps. All the afternoon the ambulances have been very busy carrying over the wounded. We have orders to bring up the rear and to take up the bridge over the creek, three in number.

Tuesday, December 16th—We succeeded in taking up all the bridges and loading them into boats and as they were outside of our picket line and the pickets taken off. It was dangerous work but we accomplished it by two o’clock this morning and then took up our line of march over the river bridge and back to our old camp where we arrived at three o’clock this morning, tired and wet through with sweat. Thus ends our crossing of the Rappahannock. We did not expect to get much sleep and was not disappointed. At daylight this morning we had rain and having no tent up, we had to get wet. At about 9 o’clock a.m. it cleared away cold. We pitched our tent and tried to dry our clothes. [James L.] Pettis was carried to Washington. [Benjamin F.] Bates, when he found or rather thought we were going into battle, made good time over the bridge to Falmouth. Six batteries have been shelling the rebel’s batteries. What we are to do next is not yet revealed. Quite a number of stragglers left over the other side were taken prisoners this morning. The bridges are all taken up and as far as that is concerned, all is about as it was before.”


Alonzo Clarence Ide, Co. C, 2nd Michigan Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S23)

“Thursday, Dec. 11th—The battle of Fredericksburg has commenced. Our batteries are shelling the town. We have orders to be in readiness to march at 4 in the morning in light marching order.

Friday, Dec. 12th—Time 9 a.m. Our Brigade has just crossed the river. We crossed on the pontoon bridge and are now in Fredericksburg occupying the lower part of the town.

Saturday, Dec. 13th—The ball has opened once more this morning. The fighting so far has been mostly done with artillery.

Sunday, Dec. 14th—Time 4 p.m. This day has been comparatively quiet. There has been more or less cannonading and some skirmishing going on today.

Monday, Dec, 15th—Today as regards fighting has been pretty much like yesterday with but few exceptions.

Tuesday, Dec. 16th—Last night we recrossed the river at about eleven a.m. [p.m.] and now occupy our former camp opposite Fredericksburg.”


Gen. Sumner made his headquarters in the Lacy House, or Chatham Manor, on a hillside overlooking the Rappahannock river opposite Fredericksburg. Hull and other members of his company in the 8th Illinois Cavalry stood in line in front of the house on the 11th, 12th and 13th of December where they had a view of the entire battlefield when not obscured by smoke.

Delos Hull, Co. H, 8th Illinois Cavalry, 1st Brigade, Cavalry Division, IX Corps, Right Grand Division (S&S23)

Thursday, December 11th 1862—We were off at the appointed time. Took the road to Falmouth. Went to Gen. Sumner’s Headquarters and was drawn up in line and stood there all day. Our forces commenced to built three pontoon bridges across the river. They made out to get one nearly done when the Reb sharpshooters opened on them from the houses and began to pick off our men who were to work in the bridges. This was a signal for the ball to commence which it did in good earnest and continued for nearly 4 hours when both sides seemed to have a desire to rest a spell for they both ceased firing. It’s so very smokey [like] a fog.

Friday, December 12th 1862—Were routed out at 5 o’clock a.m. and started for Headquarters at 7 o’clock and were drawn up in line & stood there all day. There was not much fighting done—only artillery. There was considerable of that. We returned to Belle Plains at night. The weather was good but it was very smokey. Troops were crossing all day.

Saturday, December 13th 1862—Were routed out at 5 o’clock and started at 7 o’clock for Headquarters. Arrived there at 8 and was drawn up in line. There was a good deal of skirmishing and artillery fighting all the forenoon and about one o’clock it became a general engagement. We were drawn up on a hill where we could see all the movements. It was awful hard fighting. It raged with all the fury imaginable from one o’clock until 7 p.m. when both sides seemed willing to rest for the night. Our loss was much heavier than the enemy’s for they had earthworks and our Boys had nothing to protect them. When the firing ceased we held about the same ground as in the morn. The weather was fine, only it was quite smokey. Gen. [William B.] Franklin captured a battery and a brigade of infantry from the enemy.

Sunday, December 14th 1862—Were routed out at 5. We started at 7 o’clock for Headquarters. Arrived there and were drawn up in line when Cos. E, H, K, and D were detailed to go across the river and relieve Cos. L, I, C, & F who were on picket. Went down to go across the river and as we went over the hill on this side of the river, the Rebs saw us and began to shell us which they kept up pretty lively until we got across. We had to go about one mile to the right of Fredericksburg (up the steam nearly opposite of Falmouth) where we found them. Our line of pickets were only half a mile from the enemy’s batteries and right out on the flat in plain sight where if more than two of us got together, they would throw a shell at us. The pickets were not more than 70 or 80 rods apart. The weather was very warm and nice although a little smokey. There was not much fighting—only the artillery and a little skirmishing with the pickets. Our [men] were getting up their wounded all day.

Monday, December 15th 1862—We remained on picket all day. No. fighting except a few shots exchanged between the batteries. Spent most of the day in searching the houses to see what we could find. There were two splendid houses and the residence of Mrs. Ann E. Fitzgerald. The other a Mr. Hoover (I believe) in the latter was left a splendid piano and in fact in both of them nearly all the furniture was left. Weather clear.

Tuesday, December 16th 1862—Were routed out at about 3 o’clock and ordered to pack up and mount which we did and came down to the bridge to come across the river and found the artillery and infantry all moving. They seemed to be recrossing the river. We recrossed and came to [camp]. We remained in camp all day. No forage for our horses. We got all of two quarts of oats.

Joshua H. Tower, Co. F, 1st Massachusetts Heavy Artillery (S&S23)

Fort DeKalb [Arlington, Height’s Va.], December 13, 1862, to his sister.

“There is a battle being fought at Fredericksburg about sixty miles from here and about half way between here and Richmond. The papers say it will be the bloodiest battle of the century. Already there are five thousand sick and wounded in the hospitals from that fight. The Union forces under Gen. Burnside have got possession of Fredericksburg and are driving the rebels out of their fortifications but it will cost seas of blood to do it and then they will retreat into other fortifications to be still driven, unless some fortunate circumstance shall give us Richmond while Burnside is engaging the rebels at Fredericksburg.

17th. Since writing the above, news has arrived that Gen. Burnside has retreated across the Chickahominy [Rappahannock] and abandoned the fight after losing ten thousand men killed, wounded and missing. Burnside, in his dispatch to the general government, says he felt that the enemy’s works could not be carried and that a repulse would be disastrous to  his army. Finally, I can’t tell anything about it when the war will end or which will come off victorious, but hope we shall come [out] top of the heap.”


John Boultwood Edson, Co. E, 27th New York Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S23)

On the Battlefield of Fredericksburg, December 13th [1862], to his father.

“This is the second night that we have bivouacked upon the battlefield. The enemy is in strong position before us. We crossed in force yesterday morning the night before after our forces had finished shelling the city. Our regiment was ordered over & deployed as skirmishers and scour the country a short distance in front after which we returned across the river. The next morning—yesterday I mean—the whole Left Grand Division crossed. Our position is near the center. Our lines is about 10 miles long so you may judge of the quantity of ground we cover and have to fight over. Our brigade lay under the fire of the rebel batteries all day. Tomorrow we take the front as skirmishers. I may fall. It is a hard contested field. It is (nip & tuck) with both sides so far although I believe the advantage if any is with Stonewall Jackson. I hear [he] commands the rebels.

We attacked them on the left this forenoon with a view of flanking them but did not make much headway. They have a very strong position. The troops have to spend the night in the open air & tonight are not allowed to unpack their knapsacks. This order is that we may be ready to support the skirmishers in case they are being driven in…I will now close this as I write under some difficulties sitting upon my knapsack & it upon the ground. The Rebel campfires are only a little over half a mile distance. So goodbye. If we meet no more here below, may we meet in a far better world where war & conflict is not thought of. May God defend the right is the sincere prayer of your son…”


Herbert Daniels, 7th Rhode Island Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S22)

Fredericksburg, Virginia [14 December 1862] Sunday Morning 10 o’clock, to his friend.

“There has been a great battle & Percy & I were in it but we were not hurt. The mail is going in a few minutes so I can’t write much. Lieut. [George A.] Wilbur was hit in the leg—not very bad. Mr. [Harris C.] Wright [of Co. B] was badly wounded. I can’t find out whether he is alive or not. He was rather rash, went up with the Colonel to the front while the rest of us were lying down. Thursday they shelled the city all day but we did nothing but look on. Friday forenoon we entered the city and stayed all day & night until yesterday noon when we went in the field and stayed till dark, lying down behind a hill except when we stood up to fire. The Colonel [Bliss] said the fire was as hot as men were ever exposed to. Only 18 men of our company & 14 of Percy’s could be found at night and yet there was but 1 known to be killed. Not a man in the regiment ran away or flinched. [Lieut.] Col. [Welcome Ballou] Sayles was killed instantly. We shall miss him very much. I don’t believe we shall go into battle again today.”


Josiah R. Kirkbride, Co. C, 23rd New Jersey Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S23)

Near Fredericksburg, [Virginia], December 14, 1862, to dear ones at home.

“I have half hour to write in. Yesterday we were in a very heavy battle for about two hours. I came out safe and sound. There is a few out of our company wounded. They are Capt. [Samuel] Carr in the foot, Alonzo [Moorehead] Bodine in the back, and one or two others. There is a very heavy battle here and we do not know when it will stop. We may soon be in it again but we are getting the best of them. We were in one of the heaviest [fights] ever was seen. The shells bursted all around us but I am safe. Give my love to all. So goodbye for the present. Pray for me.” 


Austin Doras Fenn, Co. H, 10th Vermont Infantry (S&S22)

[Rockville, Maryland-, December 14, 1862 to his wife.

“…The last news we have got here from Burnside [at Fredericksburg,] he was driving the rebels right along. He won’t when he has drove the rebels out of one place have to sit on his ass six weeks to talk about it. I believe he will have Richmond by New Years.”


Theodore Harmon, Co. I, 153rd Pennsylvania Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., XI Corps—Reserve Grand Division (Harman’s Civil War Letters)

[Camp] Dumfries, Virginia, December 14, 1862, to his wife.

“And now I must let you know that we had a very hard march and hain’t done marching yet. We have marched now for days through the mud and dirt till over our shoes. That was the hardest job that I ever had but this morning I feel good. I am ready for another march and I think we will march off very shortly. I thought we would take off already but we wait for our rations. They are all we just got two crackers and one pound of steak for one day and that was rare but the men ate it raw. But I can’t do that. I just threw my steak in the fire till it was roasted, then I ate it. I tell you, Louisa, soldiering is a hard life but I like it better than I did. I think we will be down in Fredericksburg tomorrow. Then we will have some fighting to do. But that is just what I like.

I seen more soldiers this morning than I ever seen [before]. They are all moving down to Fredericksburg. They’ve been marching through this place since this morning daylight but I think we will start pretty soon too and I think they are about 30 thousand of soldiers that camped here last night and they are all going down to Fredericksburg. And if we are all down, they are about three hundred thousand soldiers there.”


John Boultwood Edson, Co. E, 27th New York Infantry, 2nd Brigade, 1st Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S23)

Still on the Battlefield, Monday morning, December 15th [1862] to his father.

“Yesterday all day we were on picket and had to lay under their fire all day. Whenever we would put up our heads, they would pop at us. The Rebs are very strongly fortified. It will be a great sacrifice of lives to take their position. Yesterday being Sunday, they did not commence on either side.”


George Everett White, Co. K, 120th New York Infantry, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S10)

On the Battlefield, December 15, 1862 to his father.

“We came on the field Saturday. Have laid under fire ever since. We expect to have a fight any moment. The Rebs are in the woods about 25 rods in front. I have not time to write. Much the most is just going out. ‘Tis a big fight, this being the 3rd day. We are alright yet. Nobody hurt in our regiment. We are in the extreme front. Will write more at the close up etc. of the battle. We are in Sickles Division, Gen. Hall’s Brigade. The dead and wounded lie around very thick. Can’t write any more.”


Edson Emery, Co. E, 2nd Vermont Infantry, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S19)

Battlefield Fredericksburg, Va., December 15, 1862 to his Mother.

“This is the first opportunity I have had to write you. This is the fifth day of the fight here. Saturday our regiment was engaged. We lost about 60 men in killed & wounded. Our company had four wounded—no one that you knew except Fred Chamberlain. He was only slightly wounded. We was very fortunate. We was under a terrible fire. The great share of the fighting has been with artillery but we expect hard infantry fighting before it is over, The whole Rebel Army is here & they have great advantage in position. They are protected on a high hill. Our line is about six miles long. We are now waiting for our reserves to come up. Then I suppose we shall try to carry their works. Philo is well & tough. Our regiment done splendidly in the fight, so our Generals say. It is fine weather now.”


Edgar A. Burpee, Co. I, 19th Maine Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S23)

Fredericksburg [Virginia], December 15th 1862, to his father. [Includes several sketches]

Edgar A. Burpee, Co. I, 19th Maine Infantry, Maine State Archives

“Have just sent you a few lines stating we had gained possession of this city and I was yet safe. While waiting for our troops to get arranged properly for an advance, I will commence to you a statement of what has occurred since I wrote you while on picket. We were relieved from picket at about 7 o’clock in the eve and after a march of 1.5 hours reached our encampment which, by the way had been moved to a hill a short distance from the one we had occupied two days before. After pitching tents, and building fires, we commenced anew to enjoy ourselves. This was Wednesday evening and while sitting by our fire—for I tented with the Lieutenants—who should approach us but Geo. Green of our city on his way to see Edward. We were very glad to see him and our tongues were busy enough talking about Rockland people and news. We had him sleep with us that night and he will tell you about what transpired so I will not pause here to write about it.

At about 2 o’clock, Lieut. [Gershom F.] Burgess was summoned to the Colonel’s quarters and when he came back he reported that we had received orders to march in the morning at 6 o’clock with our rations and blankets but not knapsacks & other baggage must be left behind, and all our preparations must be made quietly. Being acting orderly, I summoned the company at 4 o’clock and gave them the orders and all immediately commenced operations. At the appointed hour we were in the line and took up our line of march down the hill to the plain and found our whole corps in motion & when our place in the line approached, we found them. Let me say, however, that at about 5:30 o’clock, while we were busy at our work, the report of a gun was heard which rolled through the morning air like a deep roar of the thunder. This was a signal gun and to us indicated that something was in the process of being done. At 6 another was heard and immediately after the rattle of musketry and some other guns intertwined with musketry from our forces at the river engaged in laying the pontoon bridge.

We marched with our Corps about a mile near the river and on a plain between the two hills stacked arms and lay down awaiting the order to move forward. We were here waiting for the pontoon bridge to be laid so we could cross. This was done by the Engineer Corps supported by the advance of our division (our division being in the advance of the whole corps). All this time the guns of both forces were constantly being fired and such a roar I never heard before. It seems as if the very heavens were filled with thunder and it was striving to see how much noise it could make. We found afterward that our force were engaged in shelling the city.

About 4 o’clock we moved forward toward the city and came upon the river bank amidst the dropping of rebel shells, and at double quick crossed the pontoon bridge & set foot in the doomed city for the first time. We filed out into the street that runs along the river’s bank, having the honor of being the first regiment of our brigade in which was the 7th Michigan & 16th Massachusetts had preceded us, and as we entered, ran up the street some 5 or 6 rods in the advance of us skirmishing and the bullets of the rebs came whistling thickly over our heads and into our midst. 

When we first enter the city, you come upon the river’s bank which gently rises from its edge and extends to the middle of the place & then descends again so the city sits upon a hill. Its streets are laid out in regular squares (I shall draw you a plan as soon as I can). Some skirmishing going on in the next street above us. The men nicely protected from the rebel shots.

When the pontooniers commenced to lay the bridge, the rebs kept silent till they had laid about 6 rods & then from the houses & the guard house marked [on sketch], their sharpshooters rapidly picked off the men This was a trying time. Every man who stepped out to do anything was of course a mark. The 7th Michigan being at supporting distance was ordered to cross in boats. No one seemed willing to run the risk. Gen. Burnside addressed them saying he wanted the men to cross & appealed to their patriotism &c. (so report says) when they immediately volunteered to go. After taking a drink of whiskey, the boats pushed off and in a few minutes touched the other shore notwithstanding the rebel shots from this city. The first man who landed fell dead & some of the others were wounded but ashore the rest went & soon after others and a struggle for the mastery began which ended in our gaining the ground.

The laying of the pontoon bridge over the Rappahannock

Our batteries too poured into the Rebels showers of shell so that they completely riddled the houses nearby killing a large number of the enemy. Several houses were at this time on fire having been set by our shells and as it was near dark, the light of them aided us in our operations. The men were ordered to remain in this street till morning and make themselves as comfortable as possible. By 7 o’clock the firing had nearly ceased and our pickets were thrown up the street when our men commenced to making themselves comfortable by ransacking the houses and stores, tearing down fences and out buildings. In 15 minutes after they commenced, the street was filled with soldiers running to and fro, loaded with boards, beds and bedding and clothes of all descriptions, crockery ware and household furniture, tobacco, bee hives, flour, sugar, and every variety of goods from apothecary, dry goods, grocery, liquor, and jewelry, stoves. It was amusing though sad scenes were occurring around us, to see the different acts, faces & attitudes of the men & hear their expressions. One fellow came out of a house dressed up in women’s clothes & his queer pranks caused a great deal of merriment. Eatables were freely distributed and fires being built them men commenced to cook their suppers.

The ransacking of Fredericksburg by Union troops

The old regiments declared thy never lived as before. Everything was in abundance, so much so that it was hard to give away many kinds of articles. Bread and flapjacks with honey & preserves were quickly made and devoured. Every pocket was filled with tobacco or some trinket or other. Our haversacks were well stoved with some article of food and most of us had a good bed with a prospect of a night of rest. The men seemed wild with joy, yet found so many things they would love to carry with them they seemed almost frantic because they had no place to put them.

All this time the dead and wounded were being brought down the street. The surgeons were busy attending to those badly wounded and the little foothold we had gained now became at once a scene of revelry & a hospital. On going up the street we could see & stumbled over the dead of both sides, some with their legs or arms shot off, some struck in the head with shell, and others rifled by bullets. Some of the wounded would crawl to some place of shelter and there groan till their comrades came to their relief. It was indeed a sad scene and many a brave heart softened by the thoughts of the many who would mourn the loss of those who lay about us gave forth its feelings of pity and sympathy.

We lay down and slept what we could but ready at any moment to form in line of battle for as there was but few men over comparatively and danger of an attack was apprehended. Morning came and at any early hour we formed again into line and moved up or toward one square and formed in line of battle. By this we advanced toward the enemy and at the same time made space for more who came after, to form in our rear to support us. Thus we moved forward, one square at a time, the enemy at times shelling us at a furious rate—especially when they saw our troops pass by the streets. We were ordered to lie low or march in a stooping position so that we were often covered from the enemy by the houses or fences.

To show you how you see between each perpendicular street is a regiment. Our regiment marched up A street, the 34th New York up B, 1st Minnesota up C street, and then form in the same position in D street as we were on the first, and so on, one square at a time. Also a line of regiments was extended along nearly the whole length of the city so we advanced in strong force. We lay on the 2nd street till about noon waiting for other brigades to come over and during that time our men were sacking houses & cooking, for the inhabitants, when they left the city, did it in haste and most of them left everything they had in their houses without moving them. As the men went into the houses, used their dishes, stoves, wood, and flour, &c. and a fine meal was prepared. It was curious to observe the effects of our shot and shell. Some struck chimneys, others would go straight through a house & inside would smash looking glasses, tables, chairs, and cut up all kinds of capers. One house had 25 shot holes through it. And most every one had a mark of a shell in it.

Chaplain A. B. Fuller, 16th Mass. Regt.

The ambulance corps were also engaged carrying off the dead and wounded. As the rebs were in the buildings & fired from them, it gave our men a very hard chance to make their shots effective. Consequently we suffered considerably. All about the streets, many a dead rebel lay, showing our men had not fought in vain. In the street where we were two or three rebels lay; one had his whole side and his arm off, another had the top of his head and brains carried away—both shocking sights. The Rev. A[arthur] B[uckminster] Fuller, chaplain of one of the Mass. Regiments also lay here dead from a bullet in his breast. You remember he is a correspondent of the Boston Journal and signed his name A. B. F. 

At noon we moved up another square in to Princess Ann Street—one of the main streets of the city. At this time the part of the city seemed alive with troops and we had quite a force here. The rebels had also fallen back to the outskirts of the place so we had almost complete possession. As we were nearer the rebels they threw shells into us quite freely but fortunately no one was seriously injured. I assure you these shells are frightful things as [Gen.] Heintzelman calls them and when they come too near they make feller haul in his head just a little. The rebels have good range and plunked the shell right into the street where we was most every time.

About the middle of the p.m., or rather toward night, we began to prepare to sleep. Orders came to lie down by the side of the street, on the sidewalk, and to have no fires. Great care was taken by our officers to keep the men from being exposed and of doing anything whereby the enemy might know how much of a force we had in the city. At this order our men immediately searched the houses nearby and brought from them bedding and a line of beds could be seen all along the street in a few moments. Our company was not behind in the matter. We found some nice feather beds and mattresses and “laid in” for a good rest. But we were disappointed in this for just as we had prepared our hotel for occupancy, the Colonel sent word for us to go out on picket and we had to leave all and instead of rest, the prospect was that we should have a night of weary watchfulness.

Obeying orders—a soldier’s stern duty—we with another company from our regiment proceeded two squares further in the advance and after being divided into the outer picket and reserve, commenced our night’s labor. Lieut. Burgess was in command of the outer picket and was stationed behind a house one square forward of us thus [sketch].

The advance picket was to keep awake all night but in the reserve one part slept and the other kept awake, ready for an emergency. The rebel pickets were in front of us only a short distance and we could hear them talk & walk about. Also as they were at work digging their rifle pits. The house where Lieut. Burgess was stationed was open and his men were allowed in part to remain in it. I visited it and found it one of the most richly furnished and elegantly finished mansion I have seen in all my journey. The furniture was of latest style and much of it was fancy articles such as inlaid tables, chess tables, stands, &c. &c. large pictures hung about the room, statuary, large vases or flowers stood upon the mantle, rich carpets covered the floor, extensive libraries were in appropriate apartments, closets of china, glass and crockery ware, vessels for liquor, grand piano, harp, and huge stands of music. Larder filled with all kinds of eatables. Clothing apartments hung with the most costly apparel. In fact, everything to make a home pleasant & happy—all that one could wish was found there—and all strewn in confusion about the house having been left by the flying occupants and sacked by the soldiers. It was sad to see such a waste of property, and if the owners ever return, they must feel heart sick. 

A widow lady lived there and she had a daughter who it appears is quite genteel and of a literary turn. I picked up an account book and found in it a photograph which I will send in one of my letters. If I had only known as much as I do now, I would have had some silver ware to send home for there was plenty of it about me. I set out to take 2 silver candle sticks but thought I could not send them home for perhaps a very long time. Picketing here was fine fun and our boys enjoyed it to its fullest extent. Towards morning when it became light enough for the rebels to see our men, they began to shell us and they sent them over us and they would burst over us and the pieces would fly in all directions. We had to lie down on the ground and they passed by without injury to any of us. The rebels were on the alert all the time and the moment one of our men showed himself, either a sharpshooter or the batteries on the hill beyond would send a shot at him. This music was kept up all the forenoon and we had exercise enough to keep us warm by dodging shells and changing about keeping watch.

About twelve o’clock skirmishing commenced on our left and in half an hour our troops became engaged in good earnest. Regiments were sent out to reinforce the picket. Some brigades advanced. Batteries came to the front and a general movement commenced along the whole line. We were relieved by another company & rejoined our regiment which was in line and on the move. The streets were filled with moving lines of soldiers. Officers were busy riding with speed to different parts of the city. Orderlies from the headquarters of the generals commanding issued forth with orders and the different brigades were quickly formed in position to advance. The whole force moved to the left and by the streets running directly from the river toward the rebel batteries, went onto the field. We advanced slowly down the street under cover of the houses till we came near the scene of conflict. We could here see nearly the whole field and our brave men as they advanced under the heavy fire from the enemy’s batteries and the musketry fire from their rifle pits which made our situation very critical. Our men were suffering greatly. 

The wounded were brought in twos and threes and in quick succession. The dead thickly lay upon the field and our lines became rapidly thinned and we seemed to gain but little ground. The rebels had a grand position. Their fire was direct and yet they could cross fire and their men was entirely concealed by their pits. Their lines of battle stood up in the hill ready for reinforcement and it appears almost impossible for us to make any impression upon them. At this time our division was waiting ready to advance when the division now in the field should become exhausted. The fire from both sides now became general and the roar of the artillery, the shriek of the shells, the rattle of the musketry, seemed to shake both heaven and earth. If a man’s knees shook any, he could well say he wasn’t scared any—it was only the ground trembling under his feet. While waiting, I received a letter from Mother containing another from Sina and as we were all down on the ground, I [got] down on my knees and read them. I assure you, I enjoyed them and did not feel any more lost as to what they contained & read them as well as if in the quiet of our paint shop. The last of Sina’s letter encouraged me much and I felt to go forward with a stronger purpose to do my duty, and more cheerful heart, trusting that all would be well with me, even if among the killed.

Gen. [Oliver O.] Howard walked often along the line & encouraged us by his words and presence. A balloon was in the air in rear of the city to observe all the movements. (Johnnie used to write that he could not see all that was going on and therefore could not write but little about a battle. I say the same so you must excuse what I leave out. I saw though more than I can write & so much I don’t know what to write about first.)

About 4 o’clock our brigade was ordered in and down the street with a rush we went. As soon as our front came in sight, bang went the rebel guns and whiz came their shells at us. Our regiment was in the advance but happily the shells went over us and before they could get their range, we were under the hill out of range. On came the other regiments and we were formed into division. I suppose this was with the intention of charging up the hill in this manner. We immediately lay flat upon the ground to keep out of the rebels sight but a shell from their flank battery soon convinced us that they saw us and they commenced a cross fire which had their range been perfect, would have cut us up terribly. They could but depress their gun enough to hit us and out the “buggers” came out of their earthwork and commence to shovel away and then they could not bring their piece to bear correctly and they they run their gun out of the work on the top of the hill and in plain sight of us, commenced a rapid fire which sent the shells into our brigade nearly every lick. I kept my eye on them and one I saw go over and strike in the regiment just in our rear, then another beyond, & the next one came right for me. I tell you, I would have sold my skin for a five cent piece when that whizzing, ragged thing made for me. But before I had time to think twice, it struck about 15 or 20 feet in front of me on a line with the cannon & sent the dirt about like grain from a seed planter (or sower). I assure you, they strike solid. They go ker chuck and make the splinters fly furiously.

Col. Francis E. Heath, 19th Maine Infantry—“cool in danger—courageous in battle.”

As we were drawn up, one shell came and struck in the center of one of the regiments in our rear and all back of us skedaddled some three rods, when by the efforts of their officers they were rallied. Our regiment remained firm and in their advance preserved their line perfectly and gained by their good behavior the praises of the general in command. Gen. Howard and the old regiments in our brigade. Gen. Howard came along after dark and said, “Men of the 19th Maine, you have done nobly. Your constancy deserves great praise.” Our officers led us in with a coolness seldom exhibited by many of those in volunteer service. Col. [Francis E.] Heath is a fine officer. He is cool in danger. Courageous in battle and rigid in discipline yet kind and indulgent to his men. Our lieutenants performed their duties in this trying time with much credit to themselves and by their example, Co. I came up to the mark promptly. 

We lay here with this battery playing upon us for perhaps 10 or 15 minutes when our batteries commenced to return their fire and soon silenced it. All the men were driven from their gun & we saw one shell burst under the gun & there it up much as two feet but did not disable it, I think. When our shells struck their earthworks, the dirt flew high in the air and the rebs skulked out of that quickly. Just in front of us a line of skirmishers kept picking off the men at their guns and along the rebel lines. One reb was standing on the hill when a skirmisher just forward of our company loaded his gun and days, “I’ll have that fellow.” He fired but missed him. He cooly loaded again and says, “I’ll have him this time.” Just after he fired, the rebel clapped his hand to his head and dropped. Bully for the skirmisher. One more mustered out of service. I could tell many of just such incidents as this but cannot.”


After Battle Letters

George Morgan, Co. F, 11th New Hampshire Infantry, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (When I Come Home)

Near Fredericksburg, Virginia, December 16, 1862, to Austin

“I have not had a chance to send this letter out till now. I have been in one hard battle and come out without being hurt and I never want to go into another — they call it that. There was seventeen out of our regiment killed on the field and a large number wounded. Benjamin [P.] Nelson was killed. The ball went through his head. He was close to me when the ball hit him. And George [H.] Filbrick [Philbrick] was killed, and they are all that we know were killed out of our company. Charles [C.] Pike was wounded in the face. George [M.] Jewett was wounded through the hand, and Robert Blood was badly wounded, and Dave Bunker, John Lorden, and John Rollins, and [I] don’t think of anymore in our company that was badly wounded. David [B.] Fellows is a missing. They don’t know where he is. You will probably get the news about this battle through the newspapers before you can get any letter from me…

We are now back to our old campground. We went over to the City [of Fredericksburg] last Friday morning. They bombarded the city a Thursday and drove the rebels out. There was a lot went over before we went. We laid by the side of the river that day and night. There is a steep high bank along side of the river and we laid close down to the river so their shells went over us, but some of them struck into the river. They killed one man that afternoon that belonged to the 12th regiment right to the end of the pontoon bridge. We saw the shell when it struck. There was a regiment a coming over the hill and the rebels throwed over and one struck right in among them and it laid out three. I don’t know whether it killed them all or not. They carried them off in an ambulance. It is hard business to see them killed. We went up on to the street and there we see some half a dozen dead rebels. They said there was a lot more but I did not want to see them.

They got quite a lot of stuff out of the houses. They got flour and some tobacco and a lot of other stuff. They next day was Saturday and we went into the battle about one o’clock and we stayed on the field till after dark and then we went back down to the river. They carried off our wounded that night and the dead lay there. Now they don’t dare to go and bury them. They went up and picked up some blanket and other stuff but the rebel sharpshooters fired at them. I would not [have] went for all the stuff that there was there. There was lots of stuff left on the field and the rebels will get it.

Austin, you wanted to know how near I came a getting hit. I can’t tell you exactly but I guess that the bullets came nearer me than you would want them to come to you. There was one shell that throwed the dirt and mud all over me. The damn things whistled pretty close to me sometimes. When I come home, I will tell you about it — probably some that you won’t hardly believe. It would make your hair stand on your head to have seen that battle.

You wanted to know how near we were to the rebels. I should think it was about 50 rods to their entrenchments. I don’t think that I killed any — at any rate, I hope that I did not. I don’t think there was any rebels killed in that place to speak of. I don’t blame the rebels for fighting. I would fight if I were in their place as our army is a destroying and wasting their property. But they will get sick of it after awhile. I wish that we had some of the newspaper writers here where we could handle them. They never would write another letter for a newspaper. They lie like the devil.

We have not heard a word from David Fellows yet. I guess that Dave must be dead. The wounded soldiers, I don’t know how they be. I have not heard anything about them.”


John W. Morgan, Co. B, 7th Indiana Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., I Corps—Left Grand Division (S&23)

Fredericksburg, Virginia, December the 17th 1862, to his mother.

“I wrote father a letter on the 15th and told him what I was doing that night. About nine o’clock, [Lt.] Col. [John F.] Cheek come to the Capt. [William Cyress Banta] and told him to get his men in line without making a bit of noise. He said that we was going to charge the enemy batteries. I began to think that somebody was going to get hurt and I made my calculations to hurt somebody if I didn’t get hurt first. But I soon found instead of charging the enemy’s batteries that we were going to get on our own side of the [Rappahannock] river as easy and as quick as possible. We wasn’t allowed to speak above our breath nor let our canteens rattle. Our cannoneers wrapped their blankets round the wheels to keep them from making noise.

Just before dark a barrel of whiskey came to us to give us before making the charge. I seen the barrel but didn’t know what it was for—only to give because we was so exposed to bad weather. They wouldn’t of got me to drank any if I had knew it was to charge a battery. I think that I have got nerve enough to go anywhere the 7th Indiana Regiment goes and it will go anywhere it is ordered. If it is ordered to charge a battery, it will do it without whiskey. I guess that this beats any retreat that has been made since the war commenced. We went across the river and hardly a man spoke a word.

Gen. McClellan went up in a balloon and looked at the enemy’s breastworks and told Gen. Burnside that he would not undertake to take them and he knew that if he didn’t fight that he had to get out of there without the enemy knowing it. I don’t know how many we had killed and wounded. We have not made any report yet.”


Samuel Holmes Doten, Co. E, 29th Massachusetts Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S23)

“Wednesday, December 17th—It is a very cold morning. Had a good night’s rest last night. At 12 o’clock we were ordered for picket duty. Started after dinner. I had one half of the pickets & Lt. Col. Barnes the other half. Set the pickets above the railroad bridge on the river. They exchanged prisoners today. Saw a lot of secesh prisoners. They were a motley group and poorly clad but full of grit. Said they were tired of the war but could hold out as long as we could. I am acting Major of the regiment. It is very cold weather.”


John H. Backster, Co. F, 27th New Jersey Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S18)

In Camp two miles from Fredericksburg, December 17th [1862] to his Parents

“Two days march brought us to the place where we are now encamped called Falmouth. Thursday morning [11 December], I was awakened by the booming of cannon. Our batteries had opened on the rebels to cover our men that were building pontoon bridges across the Rappahannock. We were held in readiness for marching all that day. At night we encamped in the same place of the night before. Friday morning [12 December] we were marched forward with the expectation of being in a battle. That day we crossed the river and occupied Fredericksburg and lay between our batteries and the rebel batteries. In the afternoon of Friday, the rebels dropped a few shells among us or solid shot. One shot passed directly over my head and struck within a few feet of where I was standing. One shell bursted above our heads, a piece of which struck a man belonging to our company by the name of Bonnell who was the only man in our regiment hurt.

Fredericksburg is deserted by the inhabitants and presents a forlorn appearance. There is hardly a house but what has been struck by a shell or cannon shot. The rebels threw many thousand dollars worth of tobacco in the river. Our troops found a great deal of tobacco in the city. Thursday and Friday the battle was fought mainly with artillery. Our batteries soon stopped the rebels from sending shells.

Friday night [12 December] we encamped in the city right out in the open air. I slept soundly. We were not allowed to make fires that night as we were within fair range of the rebel batteries and if they had known our position, they could have shelled us very easily. Friday afternoon I saw five dead rebels. They were laying in a garden unburied. They were sharpshooters that had been picking off our men when they were building the pontoon bridges. Saturday morning [13 December] we were moved very early so as not to be seen by the enemy under the brow of a hill about a quarter of a mile down the river and on the side toward the rebels. We lay under the shelter of this hill all day. We had to lay flat down holding our pieces in our right hands ready to move at a moment’s notice. We were acting as reserves ready to go to the front in case our troops were defeated. That day there was some very hot work in front and our heavy artillery firing. We lay between the rebel batteries and our own all day and could hear the shells and shot whistling over our heads. We were out of danger—the hills sheltering us from the fire of the rebels. From where we lay, we could hear the musketry firing of both sides which was kept up incessantly all day long. Some of our divisions suffered a great deal on that day. Our troops attacked the rebels in their chosen positions which gave the rebels a great advantage over our troops. This day was the turning point of the battle and I fear we lost more by advancing on Fredericksburg than we gained.

Saturday night we were ordered to move down the river which we did, moving down the river a quarter of a mile where we marched straight out from the river towards where the battle was raging. Our brigade formed a short distance from the battlefield and under the protection of rising ground which hid us from the rebels. As soon as the brigade was formed, we were ordered to lie down. We expected to go in the battle which was then raging but did not go. We slept on our arms that night in readiness to move at short notice. We had plenty of straw to lay upon. The rebels had encamped in the same place a few nights before. In the morning [14 December] we moved back to the city where we stayed all day. The night before a few shells passed over where we were sleeping. I think our colonel expected our brigade to go in battle the day after we were led up to support our men.

Balloon ascensions were made by our men all day Saturday [13 December]. It think it was lucky for us that we were not led forward as the rebels had all the advantage. Sunday, there was very little firing going on. Sunday night we slept in the city in the open air near the place where we stayed the night before.”


Samuel Sylvestor O’Dare, Co. F, Baker’s 1st California (71st Pennsylvania), 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S22)

Fredericksburg, Virginia, December 17, 1862, to his parents.

“I take the pleasure of writing you a few lines. I have again come out of battle safe. We had a hard fight at Fredericksburg. We were among the first to cross the river and was exposed to a heavy fire near all the time for 4 days and lost many men.”


Charles Tolman Moody, Co. H. 5th New Hampshire Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S1)

December 17, 1862, Camp near Falmouth [Virginia] to his Mother.

“…We have had one more battle & a hard one too.  My Captain was killed. Capt. [William J.] Keller wounded in the arm. Josiah [S.] Brown killed. Luther [A.] Chase killed. Charles Hart killed. Oh, I cannot tell you all of them. They are too numerous to be mension. Julious Hut wounded. Mr. Shoales wounded & pretty all killed & wounded. There is 60 or 70 men [left] in our [entire] regiment. I don’t know what they will do with us. The Col. [Cross] is wounded & started for home this morning. Our Major killed. Jackson was hit with a shell & I have not heard of him since. I do not know where he is. Our battle was in Fredericksburg City, the other side of the [Rappahannock] River. We had to fall back this side of the River. They licked us. They had forts built in all directions for those large cannons so they could fire on us in all directions. A man could not step on the battlefield without stepping on a wounded or a dead man. Mother, it is awful to think of it. I never have been so homesick since I left home as I did when I came back in camp & to look at the regiment & see what few men there was. We left Concord with 1000 men and now sixty or seventy men left in the whole regiment. Just think of that. This makes 10 battles our regiment has been in. It is awful lonesome here. I hardly know what to do with myself. The Boys look down-hearted enough, I tell you. I wish they would let us come home now there is so few of us. Lieut. [Samuel B.] Little was all cut up—hit in 3 places. He came to us before we was going on the field. I don’t know whether I shall ever come home to wear those clothes or not…”


George W. Fraser, Co. E, 122nd Pennsylvania Infantry, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S17)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va., December 17, 1862, to his brother.

“You may have heard some stirring news from the army near Fredericksburg. I mentioned in my last that we were to march on the 11th inst. We did so on that morning but did not go more than a mile from camp where we slept that night. On that morning about four o’clock the firing on Fredericksburg commenced and all the boys were anxious for the fight. On the 12th in the afternoon we crossed the river on the Pontoon bridge at Fredericksburg. When our company was about half-way across the shells and balls from the rebel batteries behind the town came whizzing over our heads, some dropping within six feet of us in the river, others bursting over our heads. Some of us were terribly scared, but scared as I was, I had to laugh to see how the boys would “juke” when a shell would fly by our heads. Our regiment was hurried across the bridge as soon as possible and we lay along the right bank of the river until the firing on us ceased. During the day I and some others went into the town and entered some of the houses. They were all deserted and I never seen furniture in such confusion as they are there. The beds torn up, cupboards, desks, and bureaus torn apart, and the dishes, clothing, &c. scattered all over the house. It is pitiful indeed to look upon. Such confusion I never before did see and it is utterly impossible for me to describe the sight. I captured about four yards of the finest Brussel carpet, some neat patch work, a molasses kettle containing some flour, two pairs of scissors, a needle case, and many other small articles. Anthony captured a silver table-spoon, some sugar, flour, &c. We could have got any amount of the most costly china-ware, flour, and furniture.

Fredericksburg seems to have been a rich and intelligent town but it is ruined considerably by the shells that were thrown into it. In almost every house we would find a library containing the best of books. I wish you could only see how things look in the ruined town. That same evening we recrossed the river to cross again the next day. We encamped on a muddy field for the night and recrossed the river once more the next day and landed safe on the other side. We were taken out on picket within 300 yards of the rebel breastworks. There we lay flat on our backs or bellies behind a low bank of a fence. We were not allowed to rise or else the rebels would have fired on us. We lay here all night and the next day (Sunday 14th inst.) resting as best we could while the shells were flying over us, some bursting just over our heads. When we were taken out on picket on the 13th, the rebels spied us and directed a few shells at us but we lay down flat and they passed over us without doing any harm. On the 13th there was very hard fighting all day and continued until late at night. On Monday the wounded were removed across the river and early on Tuesday morning we recrossed the river and returned to our old camp. So here we are all safe and sound and not a man killed or wounded [though] a few are missing. As luck would have it, we did not get into the fight. Carroll’s Brigade belonging to our Division was in the fight and suffered considerable. The loss in killed is estimated at 1,700 or 2,000 and wounded and missing about 5,000 or 6,000. I suppose you have the news more correct in the newspapers. I enclose a few relics from Fredericksburg for Emma. I send them in place of a Christmas gift.” 


Samuel Holmes Doten, Co. E, 29th Massachusetts Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S23)

“Thursday, December 18th—It has been a bitter cold night but as the sun gets up, it is a little warmer. Everything has been quiet through the night. A fatigue party went over to bury the dead. We were relieved by the 7th Connecticut at about six o’clock p.m. and got back to camp at about 7:30 p.m. Got supper and turned in for the night.”


Eben Lawrence, Co. C, 16th Massachusetts Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S22)

Headquarters 16th Regt. M. V., Camp near Falmouth, Va., December 18th 1862, to his father.

“As I have a few spare moments, I thought that I would write you a few lines informing you of my soldiering the last seven days which have been very hard indeed—the hardest that I have yet seen. The 10th [of December] orders came to get ready and prepare for battle. At 4 o’clock everything was arranged. No sooner than had we got ready when the signal gun bawled a loud roar for the battle to commence. Directly after the signal gun’s load report died away, they commenced and such a roaring of artillery was never heard before. Our division was ordered about two miles from near a piece of woods where we remained all day and night waiting for orders to move elsewhere.

Orders soon came and we marched near Burnside’s Headquarters, formed in line of battle, and remained there until night, and then were ordered to the river about 3 miles below Fredericksburg. We remained by the river side until Sunday morning [14 December] when we crossed. Then we marched up to the front and formed line of battle and laid down on the wet ground so the Rebs could not see us. In a few moments orders came for two companies to go and hold the line of advance. Companies A & K were the first to go. Co. A had 6 men wounded. Co. K had 7 wounded, 2 killed. The companies that then had to go were Co’s I & E. E had 1 wounded and none killed. Co. I had one wounded. 

About 4 o’clock (Sunday) the rebels hoisted a flag of truce when the firing stopped on both sides, laid down their guns and met each other half way and [had] quite a little chat. They wanted to exchange tobacco for coffee. Quite a number of us let them have our portions of coffee for tobacco. They say that they want this war could be settled without fighting. I tell you what—it is not very friendly to meet them rebels or even to have them meet us. We would meet them half way from the outer lines, shake hands and chat a spell, bid each other goodbye, and then run back and get our guns and fire to each other.

At night our company and Co. D went on guard and laid down on our bellies on the cold wet ground within 100 yards of the rebels. About every 10 or 15 minutes—whiz, a ball would come and strike in a few feet of us. Laid 7 and a half hours at night—Sunday night—flat on the ground, watching for the rebels.

Monday night we had to go on the advance lines again and it was sad to see our dead lay scattered all over the ground in such large numbers. I laid [with]in a few feet of many a brother soldier. I could stretch out my foot and touch some of the dead, they were so near me. What a night that was. Dear father, a man cannot find words to express the horrors of war. It is dreadful. But alas! such is the voice of many. Monday about 12 o’clock at night we recrossed the river and now remain in our old camping ground. You can plainly see about where we lay by looking at the map of Virginia. We lay about 2 miles below the city of Fredericksburg on the west side of the Rappahannock River. We never can take the town of Fredericksburg and hold it.”


Edgar E. Griggs, Co. D, 29th New Jersey Infantry, Provost Guard, General Headquarters, AOP (S&S19)

Potomac Bridge, December 18, 1862 to his friend.

“I suppose you have heard of the great battle which occurred within a few miles of here. I wasn’t very near, but near enough to hear it. The cannonading commenced on Thursday and continued all day, and it was renewed the next day. But Saturday was awful, and it was a day I never shall forget. There was a constant roar of artillery and infantry from morning until night. I could see the shells burst in the air, and vast volumes of smoke, arose from the deadly weapons of destruction. There wasn’t any fighting on Sunday of any account, but was renewed on Monday. Our troops had possession of the city [of Fredericksburg], but the Rebs have it so strongly fortified beyond the town, that we couldn’t advance without a great loss on our side. So that night our troops fell back across the river, but they hold the town at their will, and you see after fighting and losing so many lives, we gained nothing, and such is the way the war is carried on, and has been ever since it commenced. And I hope we may soon see an end to it. This last battle was fought without the consent of Burnside for he said they were too strongly fortified for him to attack them with the force he had, but Halleck ordered him to go at it and he would send him reinforcements. So he went at it, and gained nothing.

Our company with three others, went to Fredericksburg on Saturday morning to help put across the two pontoon bridges (so I haven’t seen any of them since Friday). When they got there, the shells fell around among them, so the officers had to move them off out of danger.” 


George E. Gulick, Co. K, 30th New Jersey Infantry, Provost Guard, General Headquarters, AOP (S&S22)

Aquia Creek, December 18th 1862, to his friend.

“We got to Liverpool Point about sunset the last day’s march and there we stayed all night for we were the last regiment to cross the [Potomac] River. So we got to Aquia Creek the next morning where we went into camp and we have been here ever since, working all the time on loading boats and loading up cars such as ammunition for Burnside’s army which they made use [of] at the Battle of Fredericksburg which lasted 5 days—one of the greatest battles that has been fought yet.

I was not very close to the fight but two companies were in sight of it last Sunday night & helped guard about 200 prisoners all night long. I can see rebels everyday now. The worst of all is to see the killed and wounded. Last night I helped carry 400 wounded men from the cars to the boat to take them to the hospital. It nearly made me sick [to] look at them. Some were wounded in the leg, face, right through the back, and still they were alive and it is no telling how soon we may be called to go into a battle because we are not at Washington now in our nice little bunks.

We get 8 hard crackers to eat everyday and a little salt pork and a little shelter tent to sleep under—just large enough to hold two. Things look more like war down here. I believe some of the 15th [New Jersey] Regiment was in the fight but I don’t think they all were. The rebels are a great looking set of soldiers. Some have not got any clothes scarcely and some without shoes and dirty and very scurvy. They say that we are not going to whip them yet awhile.” 


Constantine Alexander Hege, Co. H, 48th North Carolina Infantry (S&S23)

Near Fredericksburg, Virginia, Thursday morning, December 18, 1862, to his parents.

“I am somewhat unwell at present. I was taken with a chill and then a pain in my side night before last, but I feel right smart better this morning. I think that it was just a bad cold which I taken because I have nothing but old pieces of shoes on my feet. My toes are naked and my clothing are a getting ragged…There has been a very hard battle fought here last Saturday and our regiment was in the hardest of the fight. I did not have to go into the battle because I am so near barefooted. The Colonel gave orders that all the barefooted men should stay at the camp. I can tell you I was glad then that my shoes did not come because I would rather loose a hundred dollars than to go in a battle. There were a great many killed and wounded it is said that there were ten thousand Yankees killed during the battle. I do not know how many of our men were killed but I know that there were a great many wounded. There were 19 men wounded and one killed in our company. The  human suffering, the loss of life, and above all, the loss of many a precious soul that is caused by war. Would to God that this war might close off this year and that we all could enjoy the blessing of a comfortable house and home one time more. I never knew how to value home until I came in the  army.”


Lucien W. Hubbard, 14th Connecticut Infantry, 2nd Brig., 3rd Div.; II Corps—Right Grand Division (May Heaven Protect You)

Camp near Falmouth, December 18, 1862, to his mother

“We have been into another great battle. Our regiment went in the battle with 362 men and came out with 105. Our Lt. Col. was wounded and our major. We had 1 Lieut. killed and all the line officers except 4 are wounded. Our company lost two killed and considerable many wounded. George Carlock was killed. Fred Standish was wounded in the hand.

We had good times while we were in Fredericksburg, We rummaged the houses and found flour and meal and sugar, butter, jellies, tea coffee and all the dishes you can think of. I made some slapjacks and I got some dried apples and made some apple dumplings and I found a piece of fresh pork and made a pot pie. Oh we lived high and slept in a cellar. I received your photograph and I never saw a better likeness in my life. I send you an old copper coin I found in Fredericksburg. I had a lot of them but they were all stole from me. I send Sarah a piece of red cambric I found in the city. I received the letter she wrote me.

We have evacuated Fredericksburg and have gone back to our old camp again. I will write a few lines to Mrs. Grey on this sheet. Give my love to Jose and Sarah and Charlie. Tell him to be a good boy and mind his mother. Give my love to Mrs. Perry and all the people in general. Tell them that I am bullet proof. A ball dare not hit me for fear that will stop it or else it is afraid it will knock me down.”


George Morgan, Co. F, 11th New Hampshire Infantry, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (When I Come Home)

Falmouth Heights near Fredericksburg, Va., December 19, 1862

“The army here now is pretty quiet. They got pretty badly whipped in the last battle — or to say the least about it, we had to double quick back across the river the next Monday night. They would have taken the whole of us if we had not got back across the river — that is, our division.

Our folks have been over to bury the dead. They went over with a white flag. The city was full of rebels and they had to go away out back of the city to get onto the battlefield. They wanted me to go out of our company but I swore that I would not go. Anyway, I went a little ways with them and turn around and went back. Them that went said it was a horrible sight to see the dead bodies in that place. They dug ditches ten or fifteen rods long and throwed them right in two or three deep and they said that some of them weren’t covered more than six inches deep and they were robbed of everything they had. Some of them were stripped off naked. When I came off the field, it was after dark and I went by lots of dead bodies and if I had had courage, I could have got any quantity of stuff out of their pockets — and they most all had some money — but I would not have put my hand in one of their pockets if I knew that I could a got a hundred dollars. They won’t get me to touch a dead soldier if I can help it. Ben Nelson they said had thirty dollars in his pocket and they stole that. The rebels got a lot of stuff there.

This is the damnedest place that a man ever got into. There is a good many of the old soldiers that swear that they never will fire another gun in a battle. Our army never can lick the rebels in God’s world. The soldiers are a dying off fast out of our regiment. There was two died last night and there is a lot more sick ones. They don’t mind much about a man’s life out here. It is cold enough to freeze the devil here this morning. The ground is froze as hard as a rock. Last night after dark our regiment had to go over the river to carry off a pontoon bridge. They did not dare to go down with the teams so we had to carry the plank and timbers on our backs about a mile. They worked mighty still, I tell you. They did not speak a loud word.”


Barzilla Merrill, Co. K, 154th New York Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., XI Corps—Reserve Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Fredericksburg, December 19, 1862, to his wife.

“When we came back to Fairfax the second time, we lay in camp about two weeks. Then we had orders to march—Sigel’s whole corps. Consequently we started one week ago yesterday morning, taking a southerly course marching every day, and last night we got into camp here, averaging about eight miles per day. Some of the way the roads were very bad—mud was ankle deep; some of the way the roads were good. Part of the time there was short rations. The teams are in this morning and we have plenty to eat again. We had to march about half of one night. The same day or the day after we started, the battle commenced to Fredericksburg. It was the design of Sigel’s Corps to flank the enemy as near as I can learn but we did not get through in time or I think that we would have had to have walked in.

As near as I can learn about the battle, it was a whole slaughter on our side and not a very heavy loss on the side of the enemy. Our men succeeded in taking the place and the enemy fell back to their pits and batteries and they just mowed us and we could not make our big guns work very much and the next day night we evacuated the city. While our folks were there, they destroyed large stores of their provision that was stored there. 

We are now about four miles from the city and in sight of the enemy’s campfires. Their pickets and ours—some of them—are not more than a hundred rods apart. There is no firing of pickets now on either side. How this thing will come out, I can’t tell. I think they won’t fight anymore just yet.”


Andrew J. Lane, Co. D, 32nd Massachusetts Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S23)

Camped in our old camp about 3 miles from Fredericksburg, December 19th 1862, to his brother.

“We have been in a tough old fight, I tell you. But the Rockport boys come out all safe. We did not have any killed in our company. We had five men wounded. Our regiment went up on the charge bayonet. The rebels are on a hill entrenched and they can’t be drove out very easy as there is a clear field in front of them for half mile that we had to cross. Our army had to fall back. We stayed in Fredericksburg two nights. It was directed we fell back in the night to this side of the river. Then we was ordered to our old camp. We just got in when we was ordered to go on picket. We have been on picket two days. Come off last night. I haven’t had a chance to write before since the fight and haven’t got much [time] now. I will give you the details some other time about the battle when I have more time. There ain’t any snow here now. It is good weather.”


Stephen Selby Fish, 17th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp 17th New York, Near Potomac Creek, Va., December 19th 1862 to a friend.

“I tell you, Eliza, you can but faintly conjecture the feelings of a person when entering the jaws of death. Despite the strongest drive and the calmest mind, there are emotions that thrill the whole being of a most uncomfortable character. The feeling is prevalent to a much less degree when in a fair engagement on a charge or otherwise energetically employed than when as our Division was all day Sunday lying under a slight cover but short range from the foe, when but a stir to raise a head was a summons for a score of bullets.

The details of the Battle at Fredericksburg you will of course read in print long before this reaches you. The 5th Army Corps [of] Gen. Butterfield (formerly Gen. Porter) went upon the field Saturday p.m. They gained at dusk a ridge which had been contested for by both armies all day. This we held during the night when we were relieved. There was no general engagement Sunday except such as I mentioned above, which is more properly picket firing than a battle, but I assure you it is more torturing to be on picket where for either party but to show their heads is to call for a death warrant than to fight a fair field battle.

I know the most fictitious minded of us never hugged a delusive hope with greater ardor than we did the ground the 14th December 1862. When night brought relief, it was with ecstasy that we “Schanged posish.” That bloody chapter is ended. Many thousands of brave men have fallen victims of the foeman’s steel; yet no advantage is gained. We are no nearer the close of the war for aught that has been sacrificed to the rashness of the Commander in Chief of the USA. The foe have their position and fortifications in such a manner in the rear of Fredericksburg that will cost the sacrifice of more men than Uncle Samuel has to spare at this time.

I do not think it should be charged to the gallant Burnside that he has slaughtered a legion of freedom’s sons to no purpose; but I do think the military dictator at Washington will have to answer for the lives of thousands if he gave preemptory orders to storm the enemy’s works when the commander in the field and all his marshalls in council assembled decided that it would be of no avail. Burnside managed the fight nobly. His Marshall Corps, Division, and Brigade commanders heartily cooperated and the men fought as bravely and desperately as those engaged in a righteous cause ever could. The fight of Saturday is the true and only Waterloo that has been reenacted during the contest. The battle opened and closed upon the same fields with but very little change of position. One Brigade and Division was led to the front…” [rest of letter missing]


Ebenezer Buel, Co. B, 9th New York Cavalry, Cavalry Brig., 1st Div., XI Corps—Reserve Grand Division (S&S10)

Headquarters 9th New York Vol. Cavalry, Camp near Stafford Court House, Va., December 19, 1862 to his wife

“…There is yet no definite report from the late battle but we met a serious repulse and for the present everything is in a state of uncertainty. There has just come orders into camp for all to saddle up & our squadron is to go out at midnight on a reconnaissance. I shall not go this time but remain to take care of things in camp. The roads are in a most dreadful state & a movement is a calamity—especially if in the night. The weather is cold & piercing—especially in the night. I do not know how long we shall be here but most likely not a long time. I hope not for it is not possible to get forage for our horses. The country is so lean hereabouts, it affords no help and the going is so bad transportation for it cannot be got…” 


David Vining Lovell, Co. E, 17th Maine Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S21)

Camp near Falmouth [Virginia], December 19th 1862 to his sister.

“I thought as I had a few moments to spare I would write you a few lines to let you know that Dave come out of the fight all right. It was a hard fight but our boys stood up to it like men. There was but 2 killed out of our regiment but some of the other regiments got cut up awfully. A battlefield is an awful place—if once seen, can never be forgotten. The cries of the wounded and the dying is more than humanity can bare—some crying for help—some for water—some for their friends to come and get them and not leave them there to die. It is awful.

Fredericksburg was a fine little place before the fight but is about all burned now. There was 4 churches and a lot of stores. It is about 6 times as big [as] Yarmouth, but our force threw shot and shell into it all day before we went over to the fight and then after we went over the bridge the Rebs began to throw shell into it. So between the two, they have just about stove it all to pieces.

I had a letter from Mary yesterday and one from Timothy and Lewis. They [were] all well. Timothy is sick of the sham. He don’t know anything about it yet. Let him go into one fight and be under fire for 60 hours in the very front in the mud, 3 or 4 inches deep, and nothing to eat but hard bread and raw pork—and not enough of that—and then he will know something about war. I wish it was at an end for I have seen all I wanted to see but we have got to see more before long. I think there will be another fight before long but there may not be another fight for some time.”


Daniel Wilson George, Co. E, 5th New Hampshire Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Falmouth, Va., December 19, 1862, to his cousin.

“With much pleasure I take my pen in hand to let you know that I am alive and well. I have been in a great many hard places since that I left New Hampshire and expect to go into some more before I get home. Last Saturday I was in a battle and a hard one too. This regiment lost one hundred and seventy-eight men killed and wounded and there is eight for duty now in the 5th New Hampshire Vols. I got two guns shot out of my hands and got knocked over in the bargain, lamed my back but I have got over it now so that I am alright. Morrison [George]  got shot through the thigh. It was a flesh wound. Joseph George  got hit but not bad.

I have been in nine battles and this is the first time that I have got hit atall. I have been well through this campaign and hope to remain so. I have been with the regiment wherever they have been—through thick and thin.”


Anthony Gardner Graves, Co. F, 44th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S22)

Camp of the 44th Regiment N. Y. S. Vols., Near Fredericksburg, Va., December 19, 1862 to his Father.

“Our army has moved and again met with defeat. We left our camp at daylight on the morning of the 11th and marched to within a mile of the river in front of the city where we lay for two days awaiting for the pontoon bridges to be built, the workmen being drove away by the rebel sharpshooters who was concealed in the buildings in the city. General Burnside gave orders to have the place shelled when some two hundred pieces of cannon opened onto it and the city was soon to be seen on fire in three or four places. The cannonading was terrible—the severest that I ever heard. The rebels “skedaddled” from the city and workmen went to work again on the bridges and at night had them all finished.

In the morning (Saturday) Sumner’s Corps commenced crossing and at about ten o’clock they engaged the enemy and the fighting was obstinate in both sides, neither gaining any advantage. At 4 o’clock we was ordered over and took up a position on the edge of the town where the shell, shot, and bullets was flying in all directions and we had to lay flat on our faces to escape the bullets. At about half past five we was ordered to advance on the double quick and hold a position which was about a mile across an open plain. We all fell promptly into our places and at the command, we went forward on the double quick with fixed bayonets through a perfect shower of shot and shells. The Colonel and Adjutant were both wounded in the early part of the engagement. They was both slightly wounded in the arm. I did not expect to ever get over the field in safety for the men was dropping on both sides of me, but thank God I am again spared.

We gained our position at about dark where we layed down under the protection of the bank which gave us very good shelter. We lay in this position for thirty-six hours with nothing to eat but a few hard crackers. Monday night at 11 o’clock under the protection of darkness, we was relieved by the 9th Army Corps. We then went into the city, stacked our muskets on the side walk, cooked some coffee and pork, and then made our beds the best we could in the street and went to sleep. Just think of the poor soldiers a laying down in the gutters of the street with but one thin government blanket to keep us warm, while the people in the North can sit by their warm fires and say, “Why don’t the army move and finish up this rebellion.” But I tell you, it does very well to talk, but to put down the rebellion is another thing. For my part, I hope it will soon be ended. But I commence to think it never will be by the force of arms. Our men don’t fight as well as they did when we first come out. There is not the same spirit in the men. They have been in so many battles and seen so much hardships that they are demoralized. Our regiment has now been in six battles and lost heavily in them all, while there is regiments that have been lying around Washington and different places ever since the war broke out that have never seen a battle.

Our loss in this last battle was not very severe. We had two or three killed and about forty wounded. Our company went in with twenty-nine men. We had none killed and but two wounded. Their names are Corporal Robert F. Buchanan and John Eller. Buchanan in the right arm and Eller had his thumb shot off. There is two men missing but I think they are stragglers and will soon turn up. We are now encamped in the same place we were before the advance. The weather is very cold down here. Last night it froze everything up. This morning our canteens froze tight up so that we could not get any water out of them.”


John Hawn Boon, C. A, 24th New Jersey Infantry, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp Knight, December 20, 1862 to his family.

“Well, brother, we have had a big fight in Fredericksburg but I was not in it. I was sick with the lung fever but I am better. But if I had been well, I would [have] been in it too. I hope that this letter will find you all well, and in good spirits, for I am. Well, Edward, there was two men killed in our company. One of them was Jonathan Simpkins and the other was Levy Kelley. But there were fourteen wounded but I can’t tell you their names. Jacob Nixon was one that was wounded. He was wounded in the arm and leg, and Henry Donaldson right through the stomach, but I don’t know whether they are dangerous or not. But the rest of our company is not severely wounded, I don’t think.

Edward, I tell you that it was awful to hear the guns. But I don’t know how it must of been for them that were in the fight. I laid in the tent sick. Edward, I have seen Isaac Nixon and Isaac Hawn and [they] look as hardy as bricks. There was in the fight. Isaac Hawn got shot in the hand but Isaac Nixon did not get a mark. I have seen a few others that you know. I have seen George Efert and John McClain.”


Nathaniel Low, Jr., Co. K, 11th New Hampshire Infantry, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S9)

Camp of Gen. Ferrero Brigade, Falmouth, Va., December 20, 1862 to his wife.

…It is a week ago that we had the big battle. God grant that I may never see another day like it. It will be a day never to be forgotten by those engaged. It is called the bloody fight of the war. I don’t think you were out of my mind for a whole hour during the day. I remember when we were making a charge in the face of the rebel cannons, their fire was deadly. It was mowing our ranks down. The chances looked black for our lives. The men began to falter. It was then I remembered what you wrote—“Nat, be brave.” I jumped forward, waved my sword, told the boys to follow or be branded as cowards & I believe if I say it myself, Company K got to the front first & stayed there. Anyway Major [Evarts Worchester] Farr says Co. K is the fighting company. We hear that our lamented, brave Capt. [Amos Blanchard] Shattuck is to be buried tomorrow at Manchester with Masonic honors. Poor Shattuck. I can’t help thinking of him…”


Theodore Harmon, Co. I, 153rd Pennsylvania Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., XI Corps—Reserve Grand Division (Harman’s Civil War Letters)

Camp near Stafford’s Court House, Virginia, December 20, 1862 to his wife.

“I sit down this afternoon with a sad heart to drop a few lines to you and to your parents to let you know that I have just arrived from the camp where [your brother] Josiah was camped. I went out yesterday and stayed till this forenoon but when I came to the camp, I enquired for Company D [129th Pennsylvania Infantry] and when I found it, I went to the tent where there I seen Hiram Hankee [Hankey] and P. Rime and Ed Brinker. And then I asked where Josiah was and then they told me that he was wounded and was in the hospital. Then that broke my heart to hear such news but they said he was just slightly wounded. The doctor dressed the wound and took the ball out and then he felt better again. But the doctor said that it weren’t dangerous with him.

And John Schiffer is wounded and taken prisoner but he is paroled but not exchanged yet. And James Heller is in the hospital too but he has got the rheumatism. He wasn’t in the battle and he can be glad of it. They say it was awful to see our men fall and the balls came just like hail and killed our men like flies. The loss [in] killed, wounded, and taken prisoner of that regiment was about one hundred and forty men and out of Company D was twelve wounded and two killed and four taken prisoner and a few missing.

But they told me that they have seen enough of fighting. They don’t want to see more of it. War is a bad thing to hear of but it is worse to see it. I think I have seen enough of it too. I don’t want to see more of it either. I am just seen enough of it if I only wouldn’t never see more of it. It is nothing but humbug and money machine. Our officers is too dumb to fight. They know how to take the men in the fight but they don’t know how to get them out. I think our loss is about ten thousand killed and wounded and the rebels is about twenty-five hundred killed and wounded. That’s what the rebel paper says…

We are about ten miles from Fredericksburg but they say we will go back again to Fairfax [Court House]. But if we must march back again, we must have shoes. We are almost bare footed. Our shoes are worn out. But I think we will get them before long. But other clothes, I have plenty. I have two good overcoats but I wish one of them was at home. I have plenty without one. I found one. The clothes is plenty. The camps are all full of good clothes but the shoes is very scarce.”


James Henderson Rutledge, Co. K, 50th Virginia Infantry (S&S23)

Camp near Richmond, December 21, 1862, to his parents.

“There was a considerable fight at Fredericksburg last week and we whipped the Yankees badly. We are expecting no fight here soon.” 


Charles Clarence Miller, Co. D, 140th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 2nd Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S21)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va., December 22nd 1862, to his parents.

“I thought that I would write a few lines to let you know that I am still well and alive after the great battle that we have had at Fredericksburg. And I hope that this letter may find you still well and alive. We are in camp in the same place where we were when we left for the field of battle. As I have little time, I will try and tell you a little of the fight at Fredericksburg.

Thursday the 11th, we left for the march about 4 o’clock in the morning. We traveled nearly 4 miles when we were halted to wait for orders. We had not stopped long before we had to move on so then went on till about one mile from the city where we again stopped at the foot of a hill so that the rebels could not see us. When we got there, our batteries had opened fire upon the city and before long they had it in flames. We lay there nearly two days. At night I went to look at the desolated city as it was in flames. It was a splendid sight to behold.

Saturday morning [13 December] we are still here but it is pretty foggy and the batteries are still. About noon they opened fire from both sides at a horrible rate but our batteries soon silenced their guns as they could not throw their shells over to our batteries. Along in the afternoon, our infantry opened a tremendous fire upon the rebel’s entrenchments. We were then called into line for to cross the river. We left at 4 o’clock and just as we were approaching the pontoon bridge, a shell from one of the rebel batteries burst right in front of our company. It made the boys dodge, I tell you. At last we got across and we marched up one of the streets [and] out on the field  of battle with the shells and bullets a flying over our heads.

We were at last ordered to lay down on our arms to be ready at a moment’s warning. We had not been there long when the firing ceased on both sides and we stayed there till next morning when we were ordered back to the city where we stayed two days. The next day I went to look on the field of battle but they did not let us go out of the yard as the rebel sharpshooters would pick our men off as we lay about 200 yards from the field. I could see the dead lying all over the field. I then went into some of the houses and of all the scenes to behold, was in that city. There was not one house in the city, I think, that did not have a cannon ball through it.

At last we were ordered back on the other side of the river in the night. It was raining and it was very muggy. At last we got across and stayed till the next day when we went back to our old camp where we are still. How long we will remain here, I cannot tell.”


Lt. Frederick E. Ranger, Co. F, 22nd New York Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., I Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S4)

Bivouac 4 miles from Belle Plain, Monday Eve, December 22nd 1862 to his father

“…I wrote to Agnes a long letter Thursday, August 18th, with an account of the Battle [of Fredericksburg] & our doings to that date. At that time we [were] lying about a mile from the Rappahannock. Friday (19th) was terrible cold. Our regiment was ordered on picket down on the river bank. I was having a little touch of some sore throat & it was so cold & looked like a storm. I got excused & stayed by my stove. They suffered terribly with cold. Saturday morning (20th), the regiment was relieved, broke camp & took up our line of march for Belle Plain by the way of White Oak Church. I tell you, you have not seen any very colder weather up in Glens Falls than we had Saturday — ground frozen harder than a rock & water in the boys canteens froze solid while marching along. We marched about 10 miles & stopped here in not a very good place. They say we are about 4 miles from Belle Plain. That night we arrived, the train did not come up & I had the pleasing prospect of spending the night without a blanket. Co. F boys laid in a good stock of dry cedar rails & I sat up & kept a rousing fire going all night, managing to catch a short nap now & then. Yesterday expected to move all day so did not put my tent but got my blankets & slept warm as toast with Sal & Dixie. Today we did not move & so have put up the tent & stove. Expect to move tomorrow. Don’t know where we shall go but should not wonder if nearer to Belle Plain so as to be nearer our supplies. Everyone talks of winter quarters as a sure thing but I put no trust in winter quarters till it is a sure thing, though I think very likely that we will lay still some time. There is a rumor also that we will soon be mustered out — too good to be true…”


James Harvey Aldrich, Co. B, 9th New Hampshire Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S19)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Virginia, December 23, 1862 to his brother.

“I will tell you about the battle that we had here to Fredericksburg. The city is on one side of the Rappahannock river and our batteries on the other side. Our folks open[ed] on the city at five o’clock [and] they kept it up all day all along the bank of the river—the hardest cannonading that I ever heard. They destroyed the city. The women and children run the streets saying where shall I go. They fled over behind a large ridge behind the enemy breastworks.

Friday our folks laid the pontoon bridge and the whole army crossed over into the destroyed city. We laid there that day. Saturday the whole army advanced on them. They mowed us down like slaughtered sheep. We laid there in the city Sunday & Monday, and Monday night we crossed back over onto our side of the river and went to our old campground and here we are now. You may call it what you please—I call it badly whipped. I presume that they will have it a great Union victory up to Lisbon. Well enough of that. The soldiers say that they never will go into another fight like that. I for one never will go into another battle like that.”


David Walker Beatty, Co. K, 63rd Pennsylvania Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S22)

Division Hospital near Fredericksburg, Va., December 23rd, 1862 to his mother.

“I came here just the day before the fight commenced at this place and was therefore not in the fight. Our regiment was engaged but did not suffer very much. The 57th [Pennsylvania] suffered a great deal. Father was wounded in the leg but I guess not very severely. I did not see him after he was wounded. He was sent away to Washington to the hospital. The doctor of the 57th tell me that his leg will soon be well. We are very well taken care of here and I hope soon to be with the regiment again. The regiment is encamped about a half a mile from here and I see some of the boys nearly every day. John Linn has got here at last. He got here a few days before the fight. He was in it and they say fought very well. He gave me a letter when he came containing a white handkerchief.”


Theodore H. Parsons, Co. C, 91st Pennsylvania Infantry, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Virginia, December 23rd 1862, to widow.

“I received your letter of inquiry in regard to your husband William Henry [Brown] and I am sorry to inform you that he was mortally wounded on the 13th inst. and died from the effects of his wounds on the morning of the 16th. He was brought to this side of the river and had his leg amputated and had attention paid him until he was buried. I was present with him when he died and I think that death relieved him of a great deal of pain for he suffered untold agony from the time he was wounded.

He was struck by a shell which injured both legs and tore off part of his thigh. The account of his burial by the Hon. John Covode is very near correct with the difference that it was not on the battlefield but three miles away that he died and I left Conrad and John Wright to bury him as I was ordered away with the company. His body can be sent home but we are all out of money. He will have to be embalmed and I would like to know whether you would like to have his body remain where it is until some of his relatives come for it or whether you will wait until the regiment is paid off when Conrad proposes to send him home. It will cost about $50 to get his body to Philadelphia.” 


Barzilla Merrill, Co. K, 154th New York Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., XI Corps—Reserve Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Fredericksburg, December 23, 1862, to his wife.

“We are now in camp near Fredericksburg, probably one mile from the Rappahannock, and the rebel army about the same distance on the other side and Fredericksburg between. There was a hard battle here a few days ago. Our folks succeeded in taking the city and the rebels fell back on the hills beyond where their batteries and pits were. There they held the ground. Our men were marched up right in front of their batteries and were mowed down tremendously. Finally our men were ordered to fall back with a heavy loss and so ended the fight. Our men destroyed large stores of provision that was stored in Fredericksburg by the rebs and what will be the next move, I can’t tell. I don’t think that things will lay as they now do very long. Some think the rebs are falling back now. Some say that Sigel is moving to try and cut off their retreat. I don’t know anything about it. One thing we are not far from the enemy and there is a large number of men camped within a few miles of here. The 64th and 44th [New York regiments] are not far off. Alva has been over to the 44th and has seen Wilbur. He is well. He said that he would be over to our regiment soon. I have been to the 64th that lays nearer. The country about here is rough—hilly on both sides of the [Rappahannock] river—and things bear the marks of war. Things destroyed the same as further back from Fairfax. Down here the most of the way was through woods and the roads were muddy. Distance about sixty miles.”


Unidentified Union Soldier (S&S23)

Camp in the pines near Belle Plains, Virginia, December 23, 1862, to his father.

“We have been in one more battle and one midnight skedaddle—that’s Burnside for them. But it must be acknowledged it was done systematically. Some of our batteries muffled their wheels with blankets. All moved off as quiet as mice. Our officers did not speak gruff that night passing you. 

We were not engaged with our muskets on the left. It was all artillery except a little picket firing. Enough of that. I can tell you more when the war is over and the soldiers are at leisure. We do not hear anything about the 130th Regiment at all. Will and I have bought ourselves boots. We got tired of wading Virginia mud with shoes, but only take care of the boots. They will be well seasoned for us when we get home which I hope will not be long. This unnatural war must stop.

The soldiers were in good spirits until this retreat but now they say let the South have all they want. They’ll get it anyhow, We have no general sharp enough for Lee and another thing—if one man gets a start, then out goes he for somebody else in two weeks. This is nothing short of a political war. What do they care at Washington as long as the money rolls into their pockets. That’s what I think, and that I know to be the opinion of the men in general.

If I was at home now, they might draft me and then do what they could. I can see into this war now. I thought I was going for the cause of my country but far different—it is to fill some man’s pocket.”


William Andrew Robinson, Co. E, 77th Pennsylvania Infantry, (S&S23)

In camp on Mill Creek, Tennessee, December 23, 1862 to his brothers.

“It is with a sad heart that I have been looking over the Northern papers and reading of the terrible loss of life at Fredericksburg. What is the cause or who is to blame is not for us to say, but I sincerely hope that the ones that urged the movement will have their heads taken off. The New York Tribune can see cause for congratulation in the almost one-sided contest. What words of cheer for the soldier in the field. Congratulations for what? Why 15,000 men lie wounded and bleeding upon the battlefield who were rushed upon formidable entrenchments without the aid of artillery to show the people that we mean fight go it blind. Tis only human life we sacrifice. Tis necessary to convince the people that we are doing something for all the immense expense they have so liberally subscribed and some clap their hands and urge our Generals forward while they sit out of all danger and write abusive articles charging treason upon one and imbecility upon another and urge removals.

I am sick and weary of the doings at Washington. Too many Generals and too few who seek the true glory of our country. Too many who are wishing for place & power who are dishonest at heart and wish the glory of a successful campaign but if it fails, they avoid any of the responsibilities. We gain with such men but disgrace to our arms. Some of them are willing to stoop to anything or would walk over our whole army lying dead upon the battleground only so that their wicked ambition be gratified. Others are like owls. They see clearest when tis darkest and when daylight comes to common men, they are blind and talk wisely of the wonderful future and glory of our land when slavery—their hobby—is dead. The present with them is nothing. They are wise and strain their eyes like “bats” to see what they can’t comprehend and know nothing of. We need men who can comprehend the present—who are equal for the occasion. One such man is far better than a dozen such as we are cursed with now.

Quarreling among our Generals has become the whole business of the Nation almost. To save the Nation is only of small importance to who is responsible for the failures of the Army of the Potomac and the campaign of Kentucky & Tennessee by Gen. Buell. Stars shine upon too many unworthy shoulders and men crowd around Washington offering advice and urging this policy and that, who, for the good of the country, ought to “stretch the hemp.”

Lives are being sacrificed daily—hourly, one of which is worth ten thousand such miserable knaves and Old Abe who no doubt is honest is too slow and stupid to see it. Rumors fly thick of cabinet resignations—Seward, Bates, Blair, Stanton. Burnsides and Halleck to be removed. What does it mean! and where does it end? Are we drifting to a dictatorship or is the Old Rail Splitter going to try a lone hand and handle the maul himself? The log is large and full of knots. But with good and sharp wedges and a large maul and a vigorous and skillful man hold of the handle, I have faith it can be split.”


Alva Cole Merrill, Co. K, 154th New York Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., XI Corps—Reserve Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Falmouth, Va., December 23, 1862, to his mother.

“We left camp near Fairfax December 10th, marched all day, passed by Fairfax Station, then we marched a little each day for 8 days. December 12th we reached Dumfries. The rebel cavalry left there about three hours before we got there. December 14th we reached Stafford Court House. The next day we marched to within 8 miles of Fredericksburg. The next day we was called out about 8 o’clock in the evening and marched till 1 o’clock that night mud knee deep. Then we was ordered to stack arms and be ready to fall in at a minute’s warning. We laid there till 3 o’clock the next day. Then we marched about a mile and camped where we now are.

We are not in the reserve now. We are in the front and so near the rebs as any of them. I presume that you have got news that our men have taken Fredericksburg—another great Union victory. But the truth is our men got whipped there—pretty bad too. Burnside shelled the town in the first place and drove them out onto the hills in their breastworks. Then Halleck ordered him to cross the river which he did and tried to storm their batteries which they could not do and had to fall back with great loss on our side. Our men are all on this side of the river. Our pickets are on this side of the river and theirs on the other.

We are encamped within about a mile of the river [and] can see the rebel fortifications from our camp. How long we shall lay here, I do not know. Hope not long. I had rather march than to lay still.”


Wesley Winship, Co. G, 1st New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S16)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va., December 24th 1862, to his Brother.

“After traveling for nearly one year in Virginia and Maryland, this afternoon finds me about 3 miles from Fredericksburg on the opposite side of the river. By going down to our pickets by the river, the Rebel pickets can plainly be seen on the other bank and drilling on the hill beyond. James, you know what—soldiering is better than I can tell you. But I can tell you it’s not the life for me. The exposure is enough to destroy anyone. I am glad that you was lucky enough to get out of it as soon as you did. You saved perhaps your life by the means. To soldier the second winter as we do or as like to do this with nothing but the small shelter tent would be very apt to go pretty hard with one not used to it. But I expect if life is spared me to be free in the spring. Our time is out the 23rd of April next and then they may go to grass for all I care. I haven’t received any pay for 7 months and am therefore pretty hard up. But I trust in Providence for better days a coming.”


Theodore Atkins, 1st New York Independent (“Cowans”) Battery; Artillery Brig., 2nd Div., VI Corp—Left Grand Division (S&S22)

Camp at Belle Plain, December 24th 1862, to his friend.

“While so many poor fellows that went into the fight [at Fredericksburg] of that terrible week as well and sound as I now lay cold in death or maimed for life by the flying shells or bullets. It is an awful sight to see so many good men lay dead on the ground or groaning with the agony of their wounds, the pain of which is terribly augmented by their exposure to the cold. Though I am happy to say the wounded were taken away as fast as the circumstances would admit.

I have felt in hopes that the winter campaign would be over now but my hopes are now very much blasted for I see by what papers I get the people North are clamoring still for no winter quarters for the Army. I wonder if they know or can realize what it is to engage in a winter campaign faring as we do. They certainly cannot or they would never be so inhuman as they are towards their own sons, brothers, and friends. The people read the stories sent home by the false letters sent home by the Army correspondents and they no doubt believe what they read but when we read them, we know of their falsity. Now if I or any other person should write home the facts about the suffering and hardships of the Army, they would at once call me a traitor. But if like many that do write I should fill letters with false statements, then I might be called a reliable correspondent by those toadies so I do not write because if I did, I should try to tell the truth.

I know this much—the whole Army has suffered and nearly frozen for want of mittens, shoes, and blankets during the cold marches, night and day, the last two or three weeks. But I won’t say any more of this now for fear you will think me a grumbler.”


Charles Hiram Morrill, Co. E, 10th New Hampshire Infantry, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S13)

Fredericksburg, Va., December 25, 1862, to his Mother.

“Our regiment is out on picket duty this morning. We are in sight of the Rebel pickets. They are on one side of the river and we on the other. Our men talk with them when they are a mind to. They say that they want the war to close as much as we do. They say they don’t think that they can whip us out but they shall fight us as long as we shall want to fight. I don’t blame them one bit for fighting us.”


Wilber H. Merrill, Co. H, 44th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Falmouth [Virginia], December 25th 1862, to his aunt.

“I thought that you would like to hear from me after the battle so here goes. I have passed through another awful shower of lead & iron & escaped unharmed while many of my comrades have been mangled & torn in pieces by my side. This makes the 6th battle that I have been in & I think that I have great reason to be thankful that I have thus far escaped unharmed. The 154th [New York] Regiment lays about three miles from here. Last Sunday Alva was over here to see me. I tell you, I was glad to see him & to see him looking so tough. He stayed all day & we had a first rate visit. He seems to like soldiering first rate. Yesterday morning as I was standing by the cook fire, someone came up behind me and slapped his paws on my neck with the power of an elephant. On looking around, who should I see but Uncle Barzilla. Maybe you think that I wasn’t some tickled & he seemed to be in the same fix. I believe that I never was as glad to see anyone as to see him. He stayed most all day with me & I tell you, we kept up a pretty brisk chatting. He looks as tough as I ever saw him. He looks a little black & smoky but that is not unusual for a soldier. He is just as full of his times as ever and says he like soldiering first rate. They have not been in any battle yet & I hope they will not be obliged to for it is anything but a pleasant place to be on a battlefield & see the mangled forms and hear the dying and wounded. To hear them calling for water or to be carried off from the battlefield—it is enough to melt the hardest of hearts. We lay on the battlefield amongst the dead and wounded 36 hours & I tell you, we had to hug the ground pretty tight to keep our skulls whole…

In the last fight we lost about 50 killed and wounded. Our Lieutenant Colonel [Freeman Conner] had his right arm broken and out of the Dayton boys was John Mayer shot through the leg. The rest of the boys are usually well excepting [Charles] Hart Blair. He is not very well.”


John Henry Backster, Co. F, 27th New Jersey Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S18)

Camp opposite Fredericksburg near Falmouth, Virginia, December 26th [1862] to his Mother.

“We are at the same camp at which we were when I wrote you my last letter which is the same place that we came to the night our forces evacuated Fredericksburg. There were three pontoon bridges across the river. Our brigade was among those that crossed the middle bridge which was across the river at the city. Over this bridge the center of Burnside’s Grand Army retreated on that eventful night.

Our regiment was encamped for the night in the street a short distance from the bridge when the order came to be ready for moving at an instant’s notice. Most of our boys were sound asleep and had to be awakened. I had not laid down  or spread my blanket, therefore I was soon ready. We had no tents to take down as we all slept in the open air. The officers issued their commands in whispers so as not to apprise the enemy of our movements. We all supposed we were to march on the enemy’s works. In fact, our officers thought the same thing and told us to keep perfectly cool and to aim low and so forth. All this gave the impression that we were to make a night attack on the rebels. We all knew the danger of such a proceeding but had determined to face it and stand up to the scratch although to tell the truth, we disliked the job. About nine o’clock at night, our brigade moved. At the bridge we were delayed a good while as they had to place dirt on the bridge so that we would not be heard when crossing. That night we marched about two miles to the place where we still are encamped. How long we will stay here, I cannot even conjecture. I do not think there will be any more fighting for some time although no one can tell as to that except the chief dignitaries at Washington and Gen. Burnside. I saw numbers of ambulances containing wounded, and wounded men on stretchers, crossing the bridge. This was on Sunday [14 December] as we lay in the city all that day.

On Saturday [13 December] when the fighting was the fiercest, we were in hearing [distance] of every volley of musketry that was fired on both sides. Our position was under the brow of a hill where we lay flat down so as not to be seen by the enemy. There we lay on our arms all day Saturday. Once in awhile the rebels would throw a shell over our heads but happily on this day, not one took effect. The day before [12 December] we were in a much more dangerous position. Then the rebels had the range of our regiment and what is more, of our company. The reports in the papers of the wounded in our regiment are untrue. Nobody in Co. B was touched as stated by the Sussex Register. The only man wounded in our regiment belonged to our company as I saw him when he was wounded. He was standing only a few feet from me when struck. This happened Friday afternoon [12 December]. A few moments before [William] Bonnell was wounded, a solid shot passed over where Charles Crissey and I were laying and struck in the ground a few feet beyond. It struck with awful force, burying itself deep in the ground. Saturday night [13 December] we were moved very near the battlefield. I could not realize that we were in such close proximity to such awful suffering. Every hour, numbers of wounded men would hobble by where we were laying but that has all passed now. We were on the other side of….[remainder of letter missing]”


William B. Glass, Co. F, 155th Pennsylvania Infantry, 2nd Brig., 3rd Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va., December 26th 1862 to his sister.

“We are going to move camp in a day or two. The Colonel says to go into winter quarters & we will lay inactive all winter. Everybody that I talk to think this war is about ended. The old soldiers are sick of it and the new troops do not relish the idea of being pushed forward into any more traps like Fredericksburg. General Hooker said last night that, “The Army had seen its last battle. The Union Army appeared to him to be in a deep well and the Rebs are keeping guard at the top. Before next spring, something must be done or the contest will not be ended by arms.” This he was heard to say by a Lieutenant last night when responding to the toast, “Success to the Union Army.” They had a great time at headquarters last night and the wine, &c. suffered badly. Hooker is a good man & he said last night ‘that instead of the officers laughing, they should all be weeping for the condition of the Union.’”


Unidentified Union Soldier of 146th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 2nd Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S23)

[2nd part of letter], dated December 27, [1862]

“We went over to Fredericksburg the day I began this letter. Staid there two days. Saw balls and shells, some of which came among us but we did not take an active part in the fight though one of our men near me had his leg broke by a cannon ball. We lay with our guns loaded and half cocked with fixed bayonets and 60 rounds of ammunition & the 2nd day we were ordered to storm some batteries half a mile from us at 3 o’clock.

At 2.30, Gen. Hooker came over the river and our Colonel told him to look at the batteries and rifle pits. He did so and shook his head and the Colonel told him, “I am ready to go into that hell of fire but I do not want to take my men there.” Hooker reported to Burnside and Burnside and Sigel went up in their balloon. When they come down, the whole army was ordered to wait till dark and then retreat, which we did.

That five day battle, all of which we saw, resulted in our defeat and never was an army whipped worse or with more disgrace. The only wonder was that the Rebels did not discover us while we lay in the city and just annihilate the whole army as they could have rained shot and shell into us as they pleased for their batteries were in the form of a crescent on a hill or slope and rose in tiers, one above another.”


William H. Whyte, 68th Pennsylvania Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S22)

Camp near Falmouth [Virginia], December 27th 1862, to his mother.

“Our regiment has just come in off picket…Jackson has crossed and is in our rear. Ours and their pickets were so close that we could not make a fire. I suppose before long we will have another fight. It is impossible for the Northern politicians to let us lay still. Where is the rotten spoke? It is somewhere. Our leaders are good and at Washington it must lay. [Gen. Henry] Halleck telegraphed to Burnside to cross the river and take the army to Richmond—a move must be made if they went there on crutches! I wish you could see. Worse than moving an army up crooked hill if all the other side was a flat back as far as the majors. It was perfectly awful. And as to the newspapers saying the army is not disheartened, all I want would you to be out here and see. They never will cross again in such fine spirits. I am contented and perfectly satisfied (if I had my underclothes). I have good health and good living and a fine marque. But if I had been in the ranks, I would have been dead. I never could have carried the load a private has to do.”


William Henry Jordan, Co K, 7th Rhode Island Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (William Henry Jordan)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Sunday, December 28, 1862, to his parents.

“Our colonel [Zenas Randall Bliss] and some others went over the river where they were in a boat with a flag of truce and in the evening some of the boys went over after a captain’s body and the rebs shook hands very friendly with them. We feel somewhat encouraged about the war. We think it will close soon and may God hasten the time… John Greene and the boys are here with us. Their battery [Battery D, 1st R. I. Light Artillery] is but a few rods from us. I saw Albert Straight the other day. He told me that Caleb [H. H.] Greene was badly wounded. The ball went into his mouth and came out the back part of his head and John Greene told me the other day that he heard he was dead. I hope he is living.

Our regiment has dwindled down to almost nothing. It is not more than half as large as it was when we came out. A great many have died of sickness, some killed in the battle, many wounded and some sick. They are making a complete burying ground of Virginia. I cannot describe the scene.

Ira Tillinghast [Co. E] is in the hospital and is in very bad shape. He has been sick ever since we have been here. He has got the rheumatism very bad. I saw him this morning and he looked little better. I hope he will get better soon.”


Isaac Bradley, Co. E, 27th Connecticut Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S13)

Camp near Falmouth [Virginia], December 28, 1862, to his sister.

“The day before we went out on a review by Burnside, Hancock, and Sumner. The waving of hats were scattering and the cheering rather faint. Burnside does not take very well since the battle [of Fredericksburg]. The old soldiers want McClellan to lead them. He is [a] black, dark-whiskered looking fellow reminding me of Black Bess, the highwayman in Claude Duval. Hancock looks whiter but Sumner I liked the best. That little, profane, cursing Yank was there. We have not heard of [George] Brown, [James G.] Clinton, [Edward] Thompson, or Andrew [B.] Castle since although we have looked for them. Jenett Morris has been here and says that Father is in Washington. If this is so, I wish he would come here for he could as well as not & go over to Fredericksburg, I think. We have been moving the sick today to Washington which we think indicates a march soon or as the papers would say, [to] make room for “probable emergencies.” We soldiers think the latter means fight but we don’t know whether there is to be a fight or march. The defeat has discouraged many of the regiments. We call Fredericksburg the “Burnside Slaughter House.” I do not think the place could be taken by a force of 5 times as large as it was. It is a strong place & why the Army was not all cut up was because the “Rebs” did not choose to do it for it might have been done easily.”


Charley Howe, 36th Massachusetts Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (Letters of Charley Howe)

On the Rappahannock, December 28th 1862 to his parents.

“We are having beautiful weather—rather chilly in the morning and evening but quite warm during the day. The old soldiers tell us that we have seen the coldest weather already and that last winter was not near so cold as this has been. I calculate that next month will bring mud enough for us. At nine o’clock this morning our regiment left camp and started for picket duty on the river and here we are. Our company with two others are held as reserve about a half mile back of the outpost and the only orders we have had were to make ourselves comfortable.

Fredericksburg is in plain sight. The inhabitants returned to their shattered dwellings after the fight and now the church bells are pealing forth their “melodious strains” (Shakespeare) calling them to church where probably we will be cursed and damned with a vengeance. I don’t know why it is, but this is the first Sunday that has seemed to me like a Sabbath. Everything is calm and lovely. The boys all appear to be in a deep study and scarcely a word has been spoken since the church bells began ringing. Probably they are comparing in their minds the prayers that will be offered up within pistol shot of here with those that the people at home are undoubtedly offering. I reckon there will be some difference…

I forget whether I told you about my visit to a hospital after the fight. Well the first sight that met my eyes was a man stretched on a table and the doctors were taking off his leg. Beside the table was a lot of legs and arms piled up cob-house fashion. Presently two men came with a box and commenced throwing them into it. Not succeeding in getting all in, he planted his foot on them and stomped and crowded until he made room enough and then flung the rest after which he went and buried them.

You have heard that “the ruling passion is strong in death.” Well, I believe it. I was talking with a man wounded in the hand and hip seriously and says he to me, “We couldn’t lick the damn cusses no more than hell’s froze over. Why,” says he, “them cussed batteries are thicker than fiddlers in hell.” Well, thought I, if a man in your condition can keep up pluck, the ruling passion is strong in death.”


Joseph Newton Jenkins, Co. H, 30th New Jersey Infantry, Provost Guard, General Headquarters, AOP (S&S18)

Aquia Creek, December 29th [1862] to his friend

“On December 1st at 4 A.M., we left our comfortable quarters at Washington & marched 4 days down through Maryland & crossed over here. We are doing guard & fatigue duty on the wharf. We could hear the cannonading before Fredericksburg very plainly as it is but 12 miles from here. On Saturday [13 December]—when the fight was the hardest—I was up there most all day & could see our men drop & then close up, but could not tell who they were. The rebs honored our little party with 2 shells. One went off in the mud about 20 feet from me & the other buried itself in the bank & I dug it out. If you will pay the postage, I will send it to you by mail. It weighs about 9 lbs. & is charged yet. Not half of their shells explode & half of those that do explode, go off up in the air. I saw lots of them.

Our loss there was not a man short of 16,000 killed & wounded. We unloaded 3 trains every night for 7 days in succession & put them on board of transports & for the past 4 days we have been loading the sick that have been sent from the Hospitals up at the front. I suppose you have read the papers & have studied the maps in them & have the opinion that it is a very strong point & so it is—-but alas!! Those newspaper correspondents have very fertile imaginations & make things worse than they really are.

They had horn batteries like this [see sketch] mounting 3 guns each—just plain earthworks thrown up. But the hillside was full of rifle pits & filled with men who had nothing to do but load & fire just as fast as they wished & as our men come up 3 lines of battle deep, they could pick off our men with ease while we could see nothing of them at all. Wherever our men made a charge, the rebs held their fire till they were very close & then they would mow them down with grape & canister & then they would fall back again or lie down just as they were ordered. If we had had 6 heavy siege guns there to up [end] their batteries with, we would have had better luck. But it looks now as though we were going to whip them by another way. They have cleared the hospitals at Falmouth of every man—wounded & sick—which makes me think that our folks mean to go at them again soon & they are building 4 large hospitals near here & building railroads & public buildings here which makes me think that we are to hold Aquia creek for the future.” 


Frank Ball, Co. F, 105th New York Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., I Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S23)

[Falmouth, Virginia,] December 30th [1862] to his brother.

“We are well down [here in ] Dixie. There is no prospects of any fighting. All quiet along the Rappahannock since the last slaughter. Now and then a thirty-two [pounder] wakes up to let the Confederates know we are still here.

Raish, you spoke in your letter of several things true. This thing is carried on under a cloak. We have many changes here. Sumner and Franklin and Burnside all left us. You wanted to know my Corps and Division at the fight of Antietam and South Mountain. My regiment was in Hooker’s Corps and [James B.] Rickett’s Division, [Abram] Duryée’s Brigade. Like everything else, we’ve been changed. We are in Reynold’s [1st] Corps, Robinson’s [2nd] Division, Root’s [1st] Brigade. We was in Gibbon’s Division, General Franklin’s Grand Left at the Battle of Fredericksburg, Va. You can guess it’s hard to keep track.

Raish, we want Little Mac back. He is the only man that can handle this army. See how quick he made the Rebs dust out of Maryland? Between me and you, the Army of the Potomac is on the point of [ ]. Raish, if a [ ] tomorrow.

Capt. [Abraham] Moore starts for Brockport on furlough. We got a small regiment—about 200 men. Many of them is detailed on extra duty. There is some talk of consolidating my regiment with others and making one of three. Raish, this is hard when a regiment has been cut up. Of course the absent commissioned officers will take command and we will have probably strange officers. 

My Brigade comprises the following regiments—viz: the 104th New York, 16th Maine, 94th New York, 107th Pennsylvania. This is the Brigade that drove the Rebs at Fredericksburg in Franklin’s left on a bayonet charge. Raish, I held trumps that day but when I went in, I as leave [had] been out. But thank God, I come out all right. But many that was my comrades lies over the river filling soldiers’ graves. Raish, I seen many sights [as] I walked over the dead and dying. I’ve been to Rebeldom. I was there two weeks and exchanged. I was in the same tobacco house that Hank Hewitt was and Alf Raymond. From there to Fortress Monroe. From there to Annapolis, Maryland. I seen the Monitor and the sunken Cumberland and the Congresssunken by the Rebel Merrimack of Newport News.

Raish, a soldier sees many things. I seen enough. Now I want to see York State.” 


Daniel Wiley Lafferty, 64th New York Infantry, 1st Brig., 1st Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (The Glorious Dead)

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, December 31, 1862, to his sister.

“I got a letter from one of the boys last night in the company. We had one killed, 11 wounded in the company the last battle [Fredericksburg] that took one third of them. They have 22 left now. What do you think of Burnside? Give me Mac yet and that is what they all say in the field and they are the ones to pay up, I think. But I hope I shall get out of it.”


Barzilla Merrill, Co. K, 154th New York Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., XI Corps—Reserve Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Fredericksburg, January 1, 1863, to his wife.

“I have thought for some time that I would write to you a little about how the war is moving. Maybe you will call me a secesh but this ain’t so. I love my country and its government and I feel like weeping over the deplorable condition that we as a nation are in this pleasant New Years morning. What shall I say? I lack words to describe. One thing I will say and I think that I will be safe in the statement, and that is this: unless God by His almighty power interposes, we are lost as a nation. I never was more disappointed in my life than I was when I came down here and see how this thing run. So far as the soldiers are concerned, they have come forth nobly and they have come with the intention to help crush the rebellion and save the Union. Well, where shall I place the blame? Right where it belongs—on our leading [military] men. They don’t seem to think of the government or the good of the soldiers. They think of the large pay and they seem to be jealous of each other. They all seem to want to be the largest toad in the puddle. Consequently when one makes a move, another will try and take off his head. This is generally done and generally to the expense of the lives of a great many men. I think that I am correct in this statement. Now, what is the result? The result is the soldiers are becoming discouraged and disheartened. I have heard men that have been in all through the service say that they were sick and discouraged and did not never want to go in another battle. All seem to be of the opinion that have been disappointed. I think that I have spoke the mind of nearly all what is to be done.

What is to be done? I know of no better way to answer the question than to take the statement that I made a while ago for an answer and I leave it there. Judging from appearances, I am rather inclined to think that we fall back until spring. Then have this ground to go over again. But this I don’t know. It is only my opinion. Men are sickening and dying and they are badly exposed to the weather. Our tents are poor and that makes a poor place to sleep and I think before there is much more done, our [forces] will [be] considerably diminished by sickness and death. There could never have been better weather for this business than it has been since I have been here and what has been done—nothing. No, this statement ain’t right. There has been lots of our men killed. Now it is so late that it ain’t safe to advance on account of our artillery and baggage wagons. And another thing, the government teams are poor and jaded out so I don’t see as we can do much more this winter—only to fall back and prolong the thing. All this is only my notion of the thing. It won’t cost much. I don’t know as it would be best for you to show this to anyone. I might write more on this subject, but let this suffice while I write today.”


George W. Shue, Co. I, 23rd Pennsylvania Infantry, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (Fighting with Birney’s Zouaves)

Diary, January 1, 1863 [Camp near Falmouth].

“The weather today clear and very pleasant. However, the night was very cold and sharp. This [is] the first day of the year. It is said among some classes if the year comes in pleasant or mild, it will be to the reverse at the end. There is nothing more today than there usually has been in the Army of the Potomac as all is still and quiet. I now am come to the feeling that this campaign now along the Rappahannock will afford a dark page in history and a dull picture. The news is not to us encouraging as the Rebels seem to be in good spirits and very active and our own are quite to the reverse. The Rebels now show a very bold front. They can be seen marching in column on the South bank of the river. They have been lately supplied with good tents from some source. In fact, they look and appear as though [they] are in a prosperous state — more so than ever.”


George Morgan, Co. F, 11th New Hampshire Infantry, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (When I Come Home)

Falmouth [Virginia], January 1, 1863 to Austin.

“We have had a warm spell of weather now for about a week. The mud is all dried up and it is good traveling now. We was off on picket last night down on the river. It turn up cold and the ground froze and we had a pretty cold time of it. When we go on picket, we stay one day and one night and the whole regiment goes on at a time. The road was full of rebels on the other side of the river. The rebels have dug rifle pits all along on the other side of the river. It will be a hard case for our army to get over there again…As for the army, it is in poor condition and I don’t think it can last longer than spring. The men are getting so that they won’t fight much and I hope that New Hampshire won’t send out any more soldiers for it is no use for the whole world knows that the North never can lick them and I hope they never will.”


David Watson Sharpe, Co. B, 1st Connecticut Heavy Artillery, Unattached Artillery, General Headquarters, AOP (S&S13)

Camp near Fredericksburg, January 1st 1863, to his brother.

“We left Fort Richardson the 2nd of December and were told that we were going to take a battery of the siege guns and assist in the taking of Fredericksburg — also that we would be back in two weeks. We were ordered to leave everything behind except our shelter tents, overcoats, and one blanket. After we got here, General Burnside said he should keep us with the army so we sent for the knapsacks and received them yesterday. This battle has proved an entire failure. We occupy the same position we did before the battle. Our battery is planted on a hill about half a mile from Fredericksburg with the river between. We could see about half of the battleground. Our men fought like tigers but it was of no use. They charged on the rebel batteries three times and were met by a terrible shower of grape & canister shot, shell and bullets which mowed them down by hundreds. Our army is all back this side of the river again.

I had an adventure with the rebs the day after our army recrossed the river. I was doing down to a spring near the river to fill a canteen when a squad of rebels fired at me. The bullets struck pretty close to me. I filled my canteen and went back, they firing at me as long as I was in sight. I put up my canteen, borrowed an Enfield rifle and went down to give them a little back. I got behind a haystack and commenced firing at them. I shot at one fellow just as he was drawing bead on me over a little ridge — only his head and breast was in sight. I think my bullet went through his heart for his gun went off in the air, the bullet whistling over my head, and he fell dead across the ridge. The body lay there a few minutes when one of his comrades reached over, took the body by the feet and dragged it behind the ridge. I wounded another one so he had to be carried off on a stretcher. I fired about a dozen shots. They fired several shots pretty close to me. The pickets do not fire at each other now. The rebels are throwing up breastworks on the opposite side of the river. What do you think of Burnside now? I think that Little Mac is the only man fit to lead this army. The army is discontented and a great many say they will not cross the river again under Burnside. McClellan is more popular than ever with the army.”


Charley Howe, 36th Massachusetts, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., IX Corps—Right Grand Division (Letters of Charley Howe)

Near Fredericksburg, January 1st 1863 to his parents.

“I do not know of much news to write about. We are in the same old place we have been in for the lat month or more. I cannot account for this inactivity although I think it’s the best thing Burnsides can do to remain where he is. We manage to keep warm nights with both ends of our tent blocked up and a good fire inside, but if we were on the march and had to sleep in the cold ground after being sweaty all day, half of us would freeze to death before a week.

There is some talk of the right of the army swinging to the left and left to the right. That movement would change fronts and the right would be in and about Alexandria while the left would be at Aquia Creek. I can’t see the object of such a move unless they think they have too large an army, for as sure as the army should get within gun shot of Maryland, more than one third would desert. I’ve had many an old soldier say in earnest that if they should ever get into Maryland again, they’d never come back into Virginia. We do not ask for winter quarters but let us stay where we are at present until cold weather is past.

I will not say anything as to Burnsides qualities and abilities as a General, but mark my word, McClellan is not dead yet. He is the only man that can handle this army.”


James Henry Clark, Co. A, 3rd Vermont Infantry, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (The Civil War Letters of James Henry Clark)

Camp near White Oak Church, January 2, 1863, to his uncle.

“Our regiment was in the engagement of South Mountain, Antietam, and the Rappahannock [Battle of Fredericksburg]. We were not in only one musketry engagement and that [was] at the Rappahannock. We were in the open field and the rebels gave away very soon after we commenced firing. We were under heavy artillery fire both at South Mountain and Antietam. We lost only three men killed and twelve wounded on the Rappahannock. Our regiment was very lucky and hope we shall continue to be so.”


William Henry Owen, US Regulars, Headquarters 2nd Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S22)

[Probably early January 1863] to a friend.

“I am writing in Mother’s tent, a dwelling nine feet square, logged up about two feed with an ordinary “Wall Tent” on top. Imagine Mother in such a domicile, on a high hill overlooking Fredericksburg & within range of the rebel batteries! I am Quartermaster on Genl. Howard’s Staff. He was a college mate of mine & afterwards went to West Point. He is about my age, is a noble man, very pious, very kind, very just & as brave as a lion. He lost his right arm at Fair Oaks, but was at his post again in less than three months. All his staff are pleasant gentlemen. They are very polite & kind to Mother & she enjoys herself exceedingly. My situation is a pleasant one, though important & responsible. I have much less to do than when in a Brigade. My duties are chiefly administrative—to approve requisitions of the Brigade Quartermaster & to look out for the Division Train, consisting of eighty wagons & four hundred & eighty mules. My duty does not call me into battle. On all such occasions, Quartermasters are under the strictest orders to remain with their trains. Nonetheless, I sometimes slip away to take a closer view & know what the whistling of bullets & shells means. 

Fred was posted on the roof of a house in Fredericksburg during the late battle to signalize & was much exposed. I watched his waving flag through my glass, from this side, with great anxiety, as you may suppose. Though for several hours the target of innumerable shells, he escaped almost by a miracle, without a scratch. I hope soon to be able to tell you that he has got a higher position & one less dangerous.”


George W. Shue, Co. I, 23rd Pennsylvania, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (Fighting with Birney’s Zouaves)

Diary, January 3, 1863 [Camp near Falmouth].

“The weather today clear and very pleasant. The air is cool though not heavy. The night was very frosty. The weather is likely to be cold after this as there is some indication of a change. There is nothing new today along the lines as all is still and quiet and bears in that way for a continuance of quietness for some time to come. The army is fast recovering from its demoralized state caused by the disaster of Fredericksburg. However, the men that have the fighting to do are and have been confident of their being able to conquer the Rebels if the Commanders do their duties and also if they are able to command the army that is now fronting on Fredericksburg. Our gallantry on the field is superior to that of the enemy and it can be shown if it is not fortifications that is to be stormed as is here on our immediate front. It is McClellan that is wanted and it is he and this army that can conquer.” 


Jacob M. Buroway, Co. A, 107th Ohio Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., XI Corps—Reserve Grand Division (S&S22)

Camp near at Stafford’s Station, about 13 miles from Fredericksburg
75 miles from Washington City, Sunday, January the 4th A. D. 1863 to his brother.

“The boys are all getting out of heart. They hain’t very willing to fight anymore and I will tell why. Lincoln’s last proclamation that he has distributed out amongst his men tells that he is agoing to fight to have those black negroes free and the biggest part of the boys swears that they will throw [down their] arms and go home if that is the case for what use is it for us to risk our lives just on account of having those black free? Two regiments of the South stacked arms and went home. Then they sent one regiment of cavalry after them to bring them back and they stayed at home also. And we heard that two of our Illinois regiments went home too and the Governor of Pennsylvania says he will draw his men all in till spring and won’t let a man fight anymore if they won’t settle before long. But our old bullheaded Governor from Ohio—he is agoing to give two hundred thousand more men if it won’t be settled till spring and if he can’t get them many to [en]list, then he will draft them. And if it will come to that—which I hope [it] may not—then I just do wish that the men would take up arms and fight and wouldn’t go. They wouldn’t need to be afraid at all that those old soldiers would fight against them for they would all rather fight for to go home.

Now I will tell you, General Burnside is making applications for another fight at Fredericksburg. Our captain says it might probably not go two weeks till we might get in a fight for the rebels are behind us and before us—but just a few that are behind us. But we are only thirteen miles from where that hard fight was at Fredericksburg. But I hope they will have more sense as to attack at Fredericksburg again for as sure as they will, we will be whipped worse than ever. But I think there is no rest till the 107th [OVI] Regt. is cut to pieces like all the rest of the regiments are. Our colonel thinks it will [not] be settled till spring. Oh, I wish to God that would come to be true. Wouldn’t I be glad if I only could come home till the Fourth of July which I still have a little hope that we will.”


George W. Shue, Co. I, 23rd Pennsylvania, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (Fighting with Birney’s Zouaves)

Diary, January 4, 1863 [Camp near Falmouth].

“The weather today cold and cloudy. The clouds flew from the northwest. They are heavy and look as though rain might fall from them tonight. There is nothing new today. All is still and quiet. There is nothing that can bring us to a move. You can look up and down the [Rappahannock] river and all has the appearance of quietness. To the southeast lays Fredericksburg where the sight is first brought to the spires that reach far into the air. This all has the appearance of home, however it looks deserted by its inhabitants — which it is to a great extent since our troops occupied it first. We are on picket yet on the river about 1½ miles below Fredericksburg. The Rebels hold the south bank of the river and we the north. The most friendly feeling exists between the pickets of the two armies. There is no conversation passes between the pickets of the both armies. There was a light shower this evening.”


Lucien W. Hubbard, 14th Connecticut Infantry, 2nd Brig., 3rd Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (May Heaven Protect You)

Camp near Falmouth, January 5, 1863

“I am in the hospital and have been for the last week and a half. When I was in Fredericksburg, someone at the hospital stole my woolen blanket and canteen and I had nothing but a rubber blanket to cover me and that I made a kind of a tent of to keep the dew off from me. I lay under that without anything over me to cover me with four or five nights and froze two of my toes and one morning I woke up and I was so lame I could not move. Well I lay there two days without anything over me and I tried to get some of the boys to tell the Dr. to come and see me but they did not tell him and there I lay until I got awful lousy and dirty and one morning Sergt. [William H.] Hawley brought me down a bed quilt he had and covered me with it. The next night I was put into the hospital and have been in here ever since. They think some of sending me to Washington. They have got my papers all made out. The Dr. says that I am too young to be out here.

There is not much excitement here at present. The regiment was called up the other night. They heard that Stuart’s Cavalry was coming. They drew three days rations and had 40 rounds of cartridges issued out and the wagons were to carry 60 rounds more and they were to march in 12 hours but we have not moved yet or there ain’t no signs of it.”


Alexander McNeil, Co. C, 14th Connecticut Infantry, 2nd Brig., 3rd Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S13)

Falmouth, Va., January 6th 1863 to a friend.

There has been no movement in the Army of the Potomac since the repulse at Fredericksburg. Our regiment, they say, has been reported unfit for duty. There are two companies that has not got a commissioned officer left. Some are dead, others wounded, & some have resigned & gone home. There seems to be a difference of opinion amongst the soldiers with regard to the capability of the two generals — Burnside & McClellan. Because Burnside did not succeed in driving or beating the Rebels at Fredericksburg, that is no reason in my mind why Burnside should be thrown overboard. The Rebels were strongly fortified & in the centre where our boys were engaged, our troops had no chance whatever of getting artillery to bear on the Rebel batteries. The fire of the Rebels of grape, canister & shrapnel on our boys who went up to storm the batteries were truly terrific. But better luck next time. God works in mysterious ways & will eventually bring out everything according to the purposes of His will. It may look dark at present for us, but God can bring light out of darkness & give us the victory.


Thomas William Dick, Co. H, 12th Pennsylvania Reserves (41st Pennsylvania), 3rd Brig., 3rd Div., I Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S20)

Camp Near Belle [Plain] Landing January 8, 1863, to his parents.

“As my letters since the battle have been brief and unsatisfactory, I will embrace the present opportunity to give you a detailed account of the affair as near as I can. I believe the last place I wrote from previous to the battle was Brooks Station. On the morning of the 8th December we were ordered in off picket, drew rations, and took up the line of march towards the Rappahannock. It was a bitter cold day and rather discouraging for soldiers, but all were willing to endure the exposure and brave the danger—if we only accomplished our object! But alas we failed!

We marched all day and that night until 10 o’clock. We then encamped in a dense pine thicket, and as there had a skift of snow fallen recently, you may know it was not a very inviting place to spend the night—for if we happened to touch a tree, the snow would come down upon us in a perfect torrent. Nevertheless it served to keep the wind off, and we unpacked our blankets and slept as soundly as if we had been at home in feather beds. [Sgt. John P.] Griffith and I slept together. Our bed consisted of some pine and cedar tops cut fine covered with two gum blankets and a shelter tent and our great coats. This formed the under part of our bed. We had over us two woolen blankets and a gum. Considering the circumstances it was a pretty good bed. We remained there the next day and night and also the day following. On the evening of that day—which was the 10th of the month—we received orders to be ready to march at midnight. Then we gave up all hopes of sleeping that night and began preparation for the march. This was soon accomplished for it requires but little time for Uncle Sam’s boys to make ready to move to any point whatever.

After we had made all necessary preparations, the boys gathered around the campfire to talk about the probable object of the movement—but the conversation assumed rather a serious turn for nearly all came to the conclusion that we would soon be in battle. And we well knew that some one of our number must fall. Yet about 12 o’clock when the Capt. came around with the familiar command, “fall in boys,” they fell in ranks as promptly and marched off as gaily as ever. We marched to the [Rappahannock] river and there received orders to protect the engineer corps while they threw the pontoons across. We could plainly see the rebels lights on the other side, however they made no show of resistance until the bridges were built when the pickets opened fire, which resulted in wounding three or four of the workmen. In fact I think their opposition at this point was a mere feint and our generals permitted themselves to be drawn into the trap. That evening our troops commenced crossing, but our division did not cross until the evening of the following day. We slept that night on the south side of the Rappahannock. Little did I think that that night was the last for poor Griffith on earth. But we know not what a day may bring forth. 

The next morning we again moved down toward the enemy and soon the distant sharp report of artillery announced to us the fact that we had found them. Our troops advanced steadily forward under the shot and shell of the enemy. We moved on for some distance and then halted for some time but not long, for as usual the old reserve corpse had to kick up the fight. So we were ordered to charge on the enemy’s works which I think was done in gallant style. We had to advance over a piece of low marshy ground and the rebels were posted in the woods on a range of hills in front of us, thus having all advantage in position. But still we advanced over their rifle pits and had them driven away from their guns, but we had no support and consequently had to fall back.

I think whoever is responsible for this grand movement across the Rappahannock managed it very badly for any person of common sense with no military ability would know that it was impossible to take that position. And the testimony of the different generals goes to show that it lies with Burnsides entirely. Even in his own testimony he assumes the whole responsibility. I think Old Burnie a gallant man and a good military man in his place, but I am afraid he has got too high. I believe with him that McClellan can do more with this army than any other man. No wonder our army is discouraged. We have been slaughtered for nothing. We have always been led to expect great things and nearly always been disappointed. We are all willing to do or to suffer anything for our glorious cause but we are not willing to see our comrades cut down beside us and still accomplish nothing. All we want is good leaders—God-fearing men who will do their duty, for surely the army has done its duty. The people have done theirs, so it must be with our leaders. 

I never felt so lonely in my life as I did after the battle [with] the last of my messmates gone. In fact, all the company feel the loss of the three that were killed very deeply.”


Jonathan W. Larabee, Co. H, 5th Vermont Infantry, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div. VI Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp in the field, January 11, 1863, to his aunt.

“Now Lois, I am a going to talk plain with you. I am agoing to tell you just as I think speak my mind on the subject to a letter and if you don’t like it, why it is all just as well. Not that I wish to hurt the feelings of you or any other friends—if I may so call them—but that I wish to have you understand that there is not the least bit of honor in this unjust war. And more than that, it is a disgrace to the soldier that will fight in such an unjust and unholy cause. And there is no more signs of its being settled than there was a year ago. The thing of it is just here—there are men cooped up in cities perfectly out of danger that are making money. They are doing well. They cry, “Push on!” Well, we do and lose fifteen or twenty thousand men. [When] a dispatch is sent to Washington of our loss, it is looked over with a critic’s eye and then what do they say? “Why what is that? Twenty thousand men? That is nothing out of six or eight hundred thousand men. Oh, that is nothing.”

I suppose you had rather I would be murdered and cut up into pieces than see me get out of it any way only honorable. You don’t have to suffer the pain. You are alright. Go it down there in Virginia and you might as well say we are doing well enough here in Vermont. But I will ask you one question, what are we fighting for? It is impossible for you to answer that question unless you say to free niggers? That is all. There is no Union freed by it—no country saved. But there is an enormous amount of lives lost. But [that] is [apparently] of no account. That is what they enlisted for—to be shot. But never mind the soldiers. Save them cursed niggers, let it cost what it may in blood or treasure.

But there is one thing very certain—that is that it will not cost me much blood unless they catch me for I am bound to never go with them again near enough to the enemy to get shot. I had as leave they would catch me too as not. I don’t know as I have much to live for more than a wife. The rest seem to take up against me—some in one way and some in another. But it is all well enough. I can take care of myself without depending on Vermont. There is just as good people in Canada as there is in Vermont and they get as good living there as they do in the United States…

Now you may take this letter as you will for I mean every word of it and more too. If I can’t play off and get my discharge, I shall go to Canada or start for there at least for I never can endure this long. This murdering men for the fun of the thing don’t set on my stomach at all. But don’t never say any more about a man gaining any honor here in this unholy and unjust cause for there is none to be gained. I can see it here but you only get the hearsay of the thing which probably sounds very well to you up there but here is where you can see it one day after another. If a man is sick and can’t go and falls out of the ranks, he is cashiered, his pay stopped, sent to Harper’s Ferry to perform so many weeks hard labor with ball and chain.”


Cornelius Van Houten, 1st New Jersey Light Artillery, Artillery Brig., 2nd Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (Cornelius Van Houten)

Falmouth, Virginia, January 11, 1863, to his father.

“I am very sorry there are so many deserters but I expected nothing else for all they came for was the bounty. If you want to see a set of homesick men, you could have seen them in those new regiments at the Battle of Fredericksburg. We had one regiment to support our Battery and I tell you, if we didn’t have some fun. They pretend to say that if the war was over with before they were discharged, that they would be the first to go home, but I guess they will be mistaken…

There is a rumor in camp that we move tomorrow but I hope it is not so for we have too nice quarters to leave them this time of the year. In my next, I will tell you about the position of Fredericksburg. We are lying now about two miles from the city. We can see the Rebels breastworks as plain as can be.”


Wilber H. Merrill, Co. H, 44th New York Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div., V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Falmouth, Va., January 12th 1863, to his aunt.

“Now, Aunt, I am going to tell you just what I think of this war. I think if the War Department would let the generals in the field have their way a little more and not do all the bossing themselves, I think the war would progress a great deal faster. Washington shelters some of our worst enemies. I think to burn Washington & hang some of the leaders would be a blessing to our country. I don’t think that all of our officers are true blue but I do think that we have some that would like to finish up the muss. I think the war might of been settled before this time had we had the right men in the War Department and also had true generals to lead us on to victory. Tis not the soldiers fault. They fight brave enough & are faithful enough. But I will tell you one thing, there is some that are getting their nest feathered pretty well & they don’t care how long the war lasts nor how many homes are caused desolate by its power. What care they for the sufferings & privations of the poor soldier as long as they get good salaries & good quarters furnished them.

I think as I always did about McClellan. He is the man who had ought to command the army and that is what every soldier will tell you here. They all have confidence in him and when he leads them into battle, they know that he is not leading them into a trap where slaughter is needless & where there is some chance for their lives. Look at Burnside’s Great Battle of Fredericksburg. What did it all amount to? I will tell you—the slaughter of 8 to 10 thousand men while their loss must of been light. He must of been very near sighted or else his judgment must of been very poor. Burnside is a good man in his place, but not to command as large an army.

The President’s [Emancipation] Proclamation I don’t think amounts to any certain sum for how is he a going [to] set the slaves free before he has them in his hands? Then the first place, he has got to catch them before he can free them. I say if we are fighting to free the slaves—as it seems that we are, [then] take them as fast as we can get them and arm them and let them help free themselves. Their blood is no better to be spilt than mine. I think things look rather dark now but I hope it will look brighter soon. I allow myself to think so at any rate. I can’t tell how soon we may be called on to fight another battle for you know that a soldier don’t know one day what will happen another. I don’t think there will be another fight right here but can’t tell.”


Jacob L. Mardis, Co. A, 40th Pennsylvania Infantry (11th Pa. Reserves), 3rd Brig., 3rd Div., I Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S21)

Annapolis, Maryland, [15?] January 1863 to his parents.

“I was taken prisoner at Fredericksburg on the 13th of December 1862 and am very thankful to the Almighty for the preservation of my life through the many dangers I passed. While many fell on both sides, I escaped with a slight wound in the thigh which disabled [me] so that I could not follow the regiment. I was taken to Richmond and paroled and there we had to lay in prison four weeks among lice and dirt and not half enough to eat. I caught cold while I was there for I had no clothing except what I had on as I lost my knapsack on the battlefield.

On my way coming from City Point on the boats to Annapolis, I took sick with the measles. There was none among the prisoners that knew [how], or any person on to take care of me, [so] I concluded it would be best to go to the hospital. I am now getting better as I am very well taken care of and I hope in a few days I will be as well as ever. By coming [to the hospital], I got rid of the lice and got a change of clothes. The rest of the prisoners that were on the boat were taken to Parole Camp where they will [be] kept until duly exchanged and then of course we will [be] sent to our regiments.

I wish this war was over for I am getting tired of it. I have thought more about home the last four weeks than I did all the time before.”


Nehemiah Willard, Co. K, 86th New York Infantry, 1st Brig., 3rd Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S16)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va., January 17th 1863 to his Brother.

“We are now & since two or three weeks before the Battle of Fredericksburg have been on our present encampment about 2 miles north of said city, doing picket duty, drilling &c. The regiment was in the city during the whole affair and the most of the time so placed that the shot and shell from both the Rebs and our guns passed directly over their heads & some plenty near enough to admit of comfortable feelings. However, none were killed & but two wounded & those the day previous while attempting to cross the river into the town. I being left in charge of our company effects—tents, knapsacks, &c.—had an opportunity of viewing the battle “rage from afar.” It was a grand sight, but horrible was the slaughter. I saw thousands of the wounded as they were recrossing [the river] and going in search of hospitals…[Our brother] Wesley is supposed to have been taken prisoner at the Battle of Fredericksburg as nothing has been heard of him, nor those with him since. He belonged to the Pioneer Corps.”


Dexter E. Buell, Co. B, 27th New York Infantry, 2nd Brig., 1st Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va., January 17, 1863 to his folks.

“We just came in from picket yesterday. We are under marching orders. We expect to go across the river and try them once more but there is hundreds that will never cross the river. I have heard more than one half of the boys in our company [say] that they would never go in another battle. They say it is too bad to go through what we have and then slink out but they say they will do it. This fighting for Niggers is played out. Some of them Black Abolitionists ought to be made to fight their share of the battles.

We expect to be on the move before long. Can’t tell how soon. We have warm days and cold nights. We don’t expect to have much snow down here. Our men are working daily building corduroy roads for the Johnny boys same as they did on the Peninsula. All of the boys are getting sick of this thing. They begin to count the days thinking how near our time is out. I wish it was out tomorrow, if not sooner.”


Lt. Col. Clark Swett Edwards, F&S, 5th Maine Infantry (S&S4)

Camp near White Oak Church, Virginia, January 17, 1863, to his wife.

“I got orders yesterday to hold my regiment in readiness to march at a moment’s notice but it is against the wish of almost every officer in the Army to go over the river again under Burnside. I was at Franklin’s Headquarters this morning and his adjutant general told me he hoped it might rain two or three days so we could not go and that is the way they all talk about the matter. But I am ready to do my duty but it looks a little hard to go under those we do not want. Only give us Mac [McClellan and] all will be right again. I get along finely with the regiment. All goes along smooth. I hope I may get my commission soon for Colonel and then I will be satisfied.”


Lt. Col. Clark Swett Edwards, F&S, 5th Maine Infantry (S&S4)

Camp near White Oak Church, Virginia, January 18, 1863, to his wife.

“As it is Sunday evening, I thought I must write you again tonight as I may not get a chance very soon again. My regiment got in off picket at noon all as well as usual but they had a hard time as it was very cold while out and tonight is one of the coldest I have seen. Last night it froze hard enough to bear my horse anywhere in the roads so you can judge how it is with the poor soldiers. And still the prospect is a fight soon. We are now under marching orders and I think it must be over the river but I dread the consequence as the army is disheartened. Burnside is bound to cross the river at this place and to retrieve his loss but all the generals are opposed to it so you can judge of our prospect. It is heart sickening, I can assure you. But I shall do my duty regardless of others, or at least I think I will now, but no one can tell till after the fight is over. I feel for others as well as myself. I know if a fight comes off now, that the wounded must suffer greatly, but then I will not borrow trouble as it comes soon enough. The sick of my regiment I sent away this morning to Aquia Creek but as the hospital tents were not ready to receive them, so they only went a mile or so and were sent back. I ordered to send them in the morning again but this moving the sick this cold weather is awful.”


Susan Walker Burnham, civilian, Busti, New York (S&S23)

Busti [New York], January 21, 1863, to her brother.

“I must tell you something about my boys in the army. Soon after the Battle of Fredericksburg, the sad news came to us that Charles was among the missing. We received a letter from Mr. H[iram] T[hompson] Houghton, a member of his company, giving us the particulars of the fight of Saturday, December 13th, stating that he thought Charles was a prisoner and that he also had a son [William Henry Houghton] among the missing. (They were in the Left Grand Division under General Franklin.)

You may judge of our feelings during a month of dreadful suspense and anxiety when a few days ago we received a letter from Charles stating that their division crossed the Rappahannock a little below Fredericksburg Friday, December 12th and Saturday 13th about 9 o’clock in the morning the fighting commenced and soon after, their Brigade was ordered to charge on the Rebs who were concealed in a piece of woods nearly half a mile from them. He says “away we went across an open field, the Rebs pouring grape and canister into us all the time and the men falling all around us, till some of us succeeded in reaching the railroad which was about 10 rods [@ 55 yards] from the woods when we were ordered to halt & commence firing. we went to work and succeeded in keeping the Rebs back about an hour when first we knew about 300 of us were surrounded and captured, which would not have happened if our Generals had sent in support as they ought to.”

They were then taken to the rear of the Rebel army and kept over night and the next day marched toward Richmond. They marched to Hanover Junction and then put aboard of the cars and arrived at the Libby Prison about dark, Wednesday December 17th. He says they were treated pretty well by those that captured them and by the Rebel soldiers generally, but those that never fired a gun nor smelt powder use them rather rough. The women especially seemed very bitter toward them and would frequently come out and sing out to them, “On to Richmond! On to Richmond, you black Du[t]ch you!” 

They were put into a room (250 of them) 120 feet long by 50 wide where a streak of daylight was almost a stranger and kept half starved. All they had to eat was half a pint of rice and bean soup and a small piece of bread twice a day. He said he thought he had seen some hard times before but he had never seen anything like that. They remained there until the 9th of January when they were released on parole and sent to Annapolis, Maryland. 

Charles was taken sick the same day they left the prison and is in the U. S. General Hospital at Annapolis. He wrote a line to us the day he arrived there stating that he had a fever but was not seriously sick and was gaining. I am in hopes he can come home. If he don’t, I think his father will go and see him.”


Unidentified “Charlie,” Headquarters 1st Division, 2nd Army Corps (S&S1)

Camp near Falmouth, Virginia, January 21, 1863, to a friend.

“The army are again on the move, or rather on the attempt to move but the mud—Oh! Mud is beyond description. It commenced raining again yesterday morning and at the same time the left Grand Division moved up toward the right, to a position about 5 miles above Falmouth where I expect a crossing will be attempted. Last night and today the Center Grand Division followed making a complete change of front. Sumner’s Grand Division (the Right) remains as yet in its old position but are under marching orders and probably will go tonight on in the morning if the men can possibly wallow through the mud. The roads present a woeful specticle. Wagons sunk half out of sight, mules tangled and floundering in every shape. Drivers look as though they had been hod carriers for years without a changing their suit. Artillery making desparate efforts to get forward but all to no use. Mud is commander-in-chief and has ordered the army to halt. How long such a state of affairs is to exist I cannot tell but I look for no change in 3 or 4 weeks. It will be impossible for the army to acomplish much until there is some bottom to the roads.

January 28th. Circumstances prevented me from finishing my letter the other day [and I hope you] will excuse all matter that is too old. You have doubtless seen the particulars of the fruitless attempt of the army to cross the Potomac and that they have again returned to their old quarters in somewhat disheartened state. Never before has the Army of the Potomac been so completely discouraged and it will require the energy and zeal of a McClellan to restore again that old cheerfulness and confidence which once made it the pride of the world.”


Lt. Col. Clark Swett Edwards, F&S, 5th Maine Infantry (S&S4)

Camp near White Oak Church, Virginia, January 26, 1863, to his wife.

“Tuesday morn (27th). I have just heard that Burnside, Sumner, & Franklin have been relieved from their commands. If so, I hardly see what we are coming to but perhaps it is all for the best…I am ready to do anything within my power to restore the Union. Our two last moves I felt to be out of place & out of season &c., but not a man under me ever heard a murmur or complaint against the move and I have always been ready to reprimand all officers under me where I heard a complaint against the government. I know I have wrote you some things against the powers at Washington for removing Little Mac, and now I think they done wrong. But not an enlisted man ever heard me complain of it.”


James Padden, Co. F, 43rd New York Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., VI Corps—Left Grand Division (S&S22)

Camp near Falmouth, February 1, 1863, to his parents.

“I have been very lucky since I came out here. We were only in one battle and that was a terrible one—that is Fredericksburg. We were three days and nights in the front line of battle. Our soldiers got [an] awful cutting up there. We expect to have another battle very soon and here [at] the same place.”


William H. Leslie, Co. B, 11th Massachusetts Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S21)

Camp near Fredericksburg, February 5, 1863, to his Uncle.

“…Suffer? Do you know that the soldiers suffer? Why, it is beyond description here in the winter with only a little piece of shelter tent over us. Our canteens of water will freeze solid in our tents. Our food [is] poor, our officers drunk and abusive. One half of them want to resign and they will not accept of their resignations. The comfort of the soldier [is] forgotten—no matter about him if he suffers. He is nothing but a private. He has no sympathy. A soldier is not used so well as the Negro. I suppose you know that our Division is not much better than an armed mob. But Old Joe Hooker has got the command of the army and the first thing he does is to order his old division somewhere in some scrape just as though the division had not done enough. It [our division] has made him a Major General and [the] commander of this great Army [of the Potomac]! It has made General Sickles a Major General. It has made General Naglee a Major General. It has made Gen. Grover a Major General. And it has made generals enough to stop fighting!

I have had enough fighting myself. In fact, the army is discouraged. Unless there is some great thing happens, this army will never fight. You recollect the letter you wrote to me about McClellan? It was but a few days after that he was superseded [by Burnside]. I would like to ask you, Uncle, if our army has prospered since that. What have we done? Why lost fifteen thousand men in one battle. I was not particularly engaged in that battle [at Fredericksburg] but I could see the whole scene. It was an awful sight. I could not help thinking of thousands that would be fatherless. But Uncle, do you think McClellan would have fought such a battle? I do not blame Burnside for I think there is someone else to blame for that slaughter. “Mac” would never tried to have gone across the river until he had shelled them out. But that is done.”


James Webster Carr, Co. C, 2nd New Hampshire Infantry, 1st Brig., 2nd Div., III Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S17)

Near Falmouth, Virginia, February 11th 1863 to his friend.

“I led the company at Fredericksburg. I shot 60 rounds from a Springfield rifle musket while skirmishing on Sunday. I have killed as many of them as I want to if they will lay down their arms. If not, some more of them must die or they must kill me. I do not deem this child’s play by no means, nor want them handled with gloves on.”


Henry Heber Woodruff, Co. D, 16th Michigan Infantry, 3rd Brig., 1st Div. V Corps—Center Grand Division (S&S23)

Camp near Potomac Creek, Va., February 20, 1863 to his Uncle & Aunt.

“Perhaps you wonder how I like a soldiers life. How I stand it, &c. Well, it agrees with me. My health never was better, notwithstanding “rheumatism and cramps” attendants to exposure. Do I like it? Yes. while the war lasts. No, in time of peace. Very little comfort and pleasure is there in it but any amount of privations. Hunger, thirst, weariness, exposure to wet, cold, and bullets, lack of society of the right kind, no females to refine, no one to nurse you, to speak a kind word if you are sick, nothing but military law which obliges an inferior to be an absolute slave to a superior, no one but rough men—who you must hold with a tight rein or lose your discipline—to associate with, which makes you as rough as they. What are the deductions to be drawn? Simply old men or men with families stay at home. Oblige every young man to come. Young men can stand it—old ones ought not [come] if they can [avoid it].

What do you think of lying 36 hours on your back on the ground, not a thing under you, and the ground as wet as water can make it? The weather next thing to freezing? Our Brigade had to do it at the Battle of Fredericksburg. All a man had to do if he wanted a bullet was to raise up, He got it quick enough. Well, we were relieved and had a rest of twelve hours sleeping on a brick pavement with nothing but an overcoat to cover me.

What then? Why our Brigade “had the honor” to be chosen, tired as we were, to cover the retreat from the town. So under cover of the darkness, we silently moved out to the front where the famous Irish Brigade had been driven in and more than slaughtered to reconnoiter. Whenever the moon came out from the clouds, we would lie down so as not to be seen and when some unfortunate fellow would rattle his tin pail, curses not loud but deep would go up. Well, there we lay half the night watching the dead so think we could hardly tell the living from the dead. 

At three o’clock we silently withdrew to the edge of the town. By this time the rain had begun to pour down. Then we stood three hours as motionless as statues [at the] ready, a line of skirmishers just in advance to give us warning. We stood until broad daylight until the last man was over and then we turned and took a double quick and crossed the [one] remaining pontoon bridge, taking it up as we crossed. You may think this fun but it is terrible on the constitution. I do not tell you this intending to make great pretensions of my endurance for I could tell of greater hardships than these, but to give you some little idea of a solder’s life.”


Abraham Stokes Jones, F&S, 72nd Pennsylvania, 2nd Brig., 2nd Div., II Corps—Right Grand Division (S&S22)

Camp near Falmouth, 19 April 1863, to his sister.

“…this morning the first things my eyes rested upon when I awoke were the steeples of Fredericksburg, and casting them a little farther on, without moving my head, I could survey the whole battlefield where on the night of December 13th, I tried to do what good I could among the poor victims of a rebellion born in hell—tumbling over dead & dying, in mud and gore, among agonizing groans, execrations, oaths & prayers, witnessing scenes that angels weep over—if they ever weep, and as I lay there contemplating the misery of that battle, my eyes resting upon the scene of its occurrence, I could not but feel a shudder at the thought that we will most likely soon brave another, severer even than that, and none know who may suffer in the next. But then the thoughts of home come again, and again I thought of your good kind letter and I felt willing to endure the privations, hardships, and dangers of this life so long as it may be necessary to secure the safety and comfort of our friends at home in return for their encouragement to us.”


Index to letters:

Army of Potomac Headquarters

Provost Guard, 29th New Jersey (Griggs)
Provost Guard, 30th New Jersey (Gulick)
Provost Guard, 30th New Jersey (Jenkins)
Unattached Artillery. Co. B, 1st Connecticut H. A. (Sharpe)
[4]

Left Grand Division

I Corps, Headquarters (Eaton)
I Corps, 1, 1, 22nd New York (Ranger)
I Corps, 1, 2, 7th Indiana (Morgan)
I Corps, 1, 2, 76th New York (Pierce)
I Corps, 2, 1, 105th New York (Ball)
I Corps, 3, 3, 12th Pennsylvania Reserves (Dick)
I Corps, 3, 3, 11th Pennsylvania Reserves (Mardis)
VI Corps, 1, 1, 23rd New Jersey (Kirkbride)
VI Corps, 1, 2, 27th New York (Edson) (2)
VI Corps, 1, 2, 27th New York (Buell)
VI Corps, 2, 1, 43rd New York (Padden)
VI Corps, 2, 2, 2nd Vermont (Emery)
VI Corps, 2, 2, 3rd Vermont (Clark) (2)
VI Corps, 2, 2, 5th Vermont (Larabee)
VI Corps, 2, Artillery Brig. 1st New York Independent (Atkins)
VI Corps, 3, 1, 122nd New York (Blakeman)
VI Corps, 3, 1, 23rd Pennsylvania (Shue) (3)
VI Corps, 3, 2, 36th Massachusetts (Avery)
[18]

Center Grand Division

III Corps, 1, 1, 63rd Pennsylvania (Beatty)
III Corps, 1, 1, 68th Pennsylvania (Whyte)
III Corps, 1, 2, 57th Pennsylvania (Beatty)
III Corps, 1, 2, 3rd Maine (Johnson)
III Corps, 1, 3, 1st New York (Winship)
III Corps, 1, 3, 17th Maine (Lovell)
III Corps, 2, 1, 2nd New Hampshire (Carr)
III Corps, 2, 1, 1st Massachusetts (Washburn)
III Corps, 2, 1, 16th Massachusetts (Lawrence)
III Corps, 2, 2, 120th New York (White)
III Corps, 3, 1, 86th New York (Willard)
III Corps, 3, 1, 122nd Pennsylvania (Fraser) (3)
III Corps, 2, Battery B, 1st New Jersey L. A. (Van Houten) (2)
V Corps, 1, 3, 16th Michigan (Woodruff)
V Corps, 1, 3, 44th New York (Merrill) (3)
V Corps, 1, 3, 44th New York (Graves) (2)
V Corps, 1, 2, 32nd Massachusetts (Lane)
V Corps, 1, 2, 62nd Pennsylvania (Dunn) (2)
V Corps, 1, 3, 17th New York (Fish)
V Corps, 2, 3, 140th New York (Miller) (3)
V Corps, 2, 3, 40th New York (Jenkins)
V Corps, 2, 3, 146th New York (Unknown)
V Corps, 3, 1, 91st Pennsylvania (Parsons)
V Corps, 3, 1, 126th Pennsylvania (Shoemaker)
V Corps, 3, 2, 155th Pennsylvania (Glass)
[25]

Right Grand Division

Cavalry Division, 6th US Cavalry (Brisbin)
Cavalry Division, 8th New York Cavalry (Lund)
II Corps, 1, 1, 5th New Hampshire (Moody)
II Corps, 1, 1, 5th New Hampshire (George)
II Corps, 1, 1, 64th New York (Lafferty)
II Corps, 1, 3, 27th Connecticut (Bradley)
II Corps, 2, US Regulars (Owen)
II Corps, 2, 1, 19th Maine (Burpee)
II Corps, 2, 2, 71st Pennsylvania (O’Dare)
II Corps, 2, 2, 72nd Pennsylvania (Jones)
II Corps, 2, 2, 106th Pennsylvania (Pyewell)
II Corps, 3, 1, 24th New Jersey (Boon)
II Corps, 3, 2, 14th Connecticut (Hubbard) (2)
II Corps, 3, 2, 14th Connecticut (McNeil)
II Corps, 3, 2, 20th Massachusetts (Derry)
IX Corps, 1, 1, 2nd Michigan (Ide) 
IX Corps, 1, 1, 20th Michigan (Brewer)
IX Corps, 1, 2, 27th New Jersey (Backster) (2)
IX Corps, 1, 2, 29th Massachusetts (Doten) (3)
IX Corps, 1, 3, 36th Massachusetts (Howe) (3)
IX Corps, 2, 1, 9th New Hampshire (Aldrich)
IX Corps, 2, 1, 7th Rhode Island (Jordan) (2)
IX Corps, 2, 1, 7th Rhode Island (Daniels)
IX Corps, 2, 2, 11th New Hampshire (Low)
IX Corps, 2, 2, 11th New Hampshire (Morgan) (5)
IX Corps, 3, 1, 10th New Hampshire (Morrill)
IX Corps, 3, 2, 16th Connecticut (Culver)
[27]

Reserve Grand Division

XI Corps, 1, 1, 153rd Pennsylvania (Harmon) (2)
XI Corps, 1, 2, 107th Ohio (Boroway)
XI Corps, 2, 1, 154th New York (B. Merrill) (3)
XI Corps, 2, 1, 154th New York (A. Merrill)
XI Corps, 1, Cav. Brig., 9th New York Cavalry (Buel)
[5]

Unidentified Soldier (1)

Citizens

(Burnham)
(Fitch)
[2]

Union soldiers (not at Fredericksburg)

1st Massachusetts Heavy Artillery (Tower)
10th Vermont Infantry (Fenn)
77th Pennsylvania Infantry (Robinson)
[3]

Confederate Soldiers

Cobb’s Legion Cavalry Battalion (Dickson)
48th North Carolina (Hege)
50th Virginia (Rutledge)
[3 Confederate soldier voices, 2 not at battle.]

1862: John W. Morgan to Nancy (Larimore) Newham

William C. Banta was the captain of Co. B, 7th Indiana at the Battle of Fredericksburg. He later rose to the rank of Lt. Colonel.

The following letter was written by John W. Morgan of Brownsburg, Hendricks county, Indiana. John was 22 years old when he enlisted on 30 August 1861 in Co. B, 7th Indiana Infantry. Sometime prior to the Overland Campaign, John was promoted to corporal. He was taken a prisoner on 5 May 1864 in the opening fighting in the Wilderness. His military records indicates that he died on 22 April 1865 and was buried in the National Cemetery at Hampton, Virginia. POW records suggest that he was held at Andersonville for a time but later transferred elsewhere, not stated.

John wrote the letter to his mother who I believe was Nancy (Larimore) Newham (1813-1891)—married to her second husband, Thomas Newham (1816-1898), about 1849. It was written from the regiment’s encampment near Falmouth just after the Battle of Fredericksburg in which they were present but held in reserve and never called upon to engage with the enemy. The regiment was brigaded with the 76th and 95th New York, and the 56th Pennsylvania in Col. Gavin’s 2nd Brigade of Abner Doubleday’s 1st Division, 1st Corps. Morgan’s letter tells of the nighttime retreat across the Rappahannock and alleges that whiskey was being offered to the men in the event they were called upon to charge the enemy’s breastworks or batteries.

To read letters by other members of the 7th Indiana Infantry transcribed and published on Spared & Shared, see:

Theodore & Mortimer Longwood, Co. C, 7th Indiana (Archive)
John H. Denton, Co. E, 7th Indiana (1 Letter)
George Washington Sefton, Co. E, 7th Indiana (20 Letters)
Phillip Jones Carleton, Co. G, 7th Indiana (1 Letter)

Transcription

Patriotic Letterhead of Morgan’s stationery. “The Union Now Henceforth & Forever, Amen!”

Fredericksburg, Virginia
December the 17th 1862

My dear mother,

I received a letter from you the 15th. Was glad to hear from you all. I wrote father a letter on the 15th and told him what I was doing that night. About nine o’clock, [Lt.] Col. [John F.] Cheek come to the Capt. [William Cyress Banta] and told him to get his men in line without making a bit of noise. He said that we was going to charge the enemy batteries. I began to think that somebody was going to get hurt and I made my calculations to hurt somebody if I didn’t get hurt first.

“He said that we was going to charge the enemies batteries. I began to think that some body was goin’ to get hurt and I made my calculations to hurt some body if I didn’t get hurt first.”

—John W. Morgan, Co. B, 7th Indiana Infantry, 17 Dec. 1862

But I soon found instead of charging the enemy’s batteries that we were going to get on our own side of the [Rappahannock] river as easy and as quick as possible. We wasn’t allowed to speak above our breath not let our canteens rattle. Our cannoneers wrapped their blankets round the wheels to keep them from making noise.

Just before dark a barrel of whiskey came to us to give us before making the charge. I seen the barrel but didn’t know what it was for—only to give because we was so exposed to bad weather. They wouldn’t of got me to drank any if I had knew it was to charge a battery. I think that I have got nerve enough to go anywhere the 7th Indiana Regiment goes and it will go anywhere it is ordered. If it is ordered to charge a battery, it will do it without whiskey. I guess that this beats any retreat that has been made since the war commenced. We went across the river and hardly a man spoke a word.

Gen. McClellan went up in a balloon and looked at the enemy’s breastworks and told Gen. Burnside that he would not undertake to take them and he knew that if he didn’t fight that he had to get out of there without the enemy knowing it. I don’t know how many we had killed and wounded. We have not made any report yet.

Mother, I am very much obliged to you for that 10 cents you sent me although I had plenty of money at that time. I had been paid off and had about $50 in my pocket at the time. But I hope I will have the chance to do you a favor someday. I guess that you was mistaken about the 7th regiment being a town. I guess if you had seen us on the 13th, 14th, and 15th, you would have thought that there was not much chance for us ever seeing town any more. I wish that we had been there. I would give a good deal to be at home a few days. — John W. Morgan

1862: Myron Harvey Skinner to Juliann Hubbel Skinner

An unidentified private believed to be from the 2nd Michigan Infantry (Dale Niesen Collection)

This letter was written by Myron Harvey Skinner (1842-1904), the son of Adolphus Harvey Skinner (1811-1892) and Mary Angeline Fuller (1811-1893) of Walled Lake, Oakland county, Michigan. Myron enlisted on 25 May 1861 in Co. G (“Constantine Union Guards”), 2nd Michigan Infantry. He was transferred out of the regiment on 21 January 1863 into Battery H, 1st US Light Artillery. Myron datelined his letter on 19 December 1862, just days after the Battle of Fredericksburg when the regiment was encamped near Falmouth, Virginia

Myron wrote of visiting the encampment of his older brother, Dolphus Skinner (1835-1903) who had been serving as a private in Co. F, 10th US Regular Infantry since March 1858 and had only recently been attached to the Army of the Potomac. Previous to, and in the early part of the war, Co. F of the US Regulars had seen duty in the far west but in late November they were sent to Aquia Creek, Virginia, and were attached to Sykes Division of Butterfield’s 5th Corps during the Battle of Fredericksburg. During the battle, Sykes’ regulars moved up after darkness on the 13th and spent the night on the field. The Regulars were significantly engaged during the day of the 14th, with fighting around the Tannery on the northern end of the line. 

Myron addressed the letter to “Jule” whom I’m guessing was his cousin—Juliann Hubbel Skinner (1831-1922), a daughter of Hiram and Elizabeth (Otto) Skinner of Oakland county, Michigan.

[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Dale Niesen and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

[Camp near Falmouth, Virginia]
December 19th 1862

Dear Jule,

I received yours some days since. I will endeavor to answer it. I learned by letters from home that Dolphus was in the Army of the Potomac and yesterday he came to my camp. I knew him just the minute I set my eyes on him. He don’t look as he used to but the longer I am with him, I see more of his old looks. He was glad to see me, I tell you, and I was glad to see him as he was to see me and this morning I came over to his camp and seen him. They are camped about 6 miles from my camp. But 6 miles hant much for a soldier to walk to see his brother that he hant seen in 5 years. You know he is well and doing well.

I would have answered your letter before this but I didn’t have a sheet of paper or couldn’t get any so I couldn’t write. So you must excuse me this time. I will try to do better next. You must excuse a short letter this time for I have got to write two more today.

— M. H. Skinner, Co. G, 2nd Michigan Vols.

Myron’s sketch with words, “Go it Old Jeff”

1862: John Simpson Crocker to Harriett (Sipperley) Crocker

Col. John Simpson Crocker, 93rd New York Infantry
New York State Military Museum

The following letters were written by John Simpson Crocker (1825-1890), the son of Francis W. Crocker (1790-1861) and Anna Woodworth (1795-1874). John was married to Harriett Sipperley in 1856 in White Creek, Washington county, New York. Crocker was 38 and working as a lawyer in Washington county when he volunteered his services and was commissioned Colonel of the 93rd New York State Volunteers.

In the Peninsula Campaign, Crocker was taken prisoner before Yorktown on 23 April 1862 and confined at Libby Prison for a time but was finally exchanged for Colonel Lorman Chancellor, 132nd Virginia Militia, in the late summer of 1862 in time to rejoin his regiment for the Battle of Antietam. At war’s end, Crocker was breveted a Brigadier General.

There are four letters in this collection; the first written in February 1862 from Riker’s Island in NYC where the regiment was being drilled and prepared to be sent to the battle front in Virginia. The second letter was written in late August 1862 after Crocker was exchanged as a POW but before he had rejoined his regiment. Letter three was written on the march to Fredericksburg in November 1862 and letter four was written less than two weeks before the Battle of Fredericksburg as the AOP prepared to lay down pontoon bridges.

[Antietam Md. Col. John S. Crocker Lt. Col. Benjamin C. Butler and adjutant of 93d New York Volunteers] Date: c. 1862 Civil War photographs 1861-1865 / compiled by Hirst D. Milhollen and Donald H. Mugridge Washington D.C. : Library of Congress 1977. No. 0283 Title from Milhollen and Mugridge.

Letter 1

93rd Regiment NYSV
“Morgan Rifles”
Camp Bliss, Riker’s Island
February 23rd 1862

My much beloved Hattie,

Yours of 19th inst. is received. I was very much rejoiced to receive tidings from my beloved at home. Day after day I had looked for a note from my dear one but only to be disappointed. So I was all the more rejoiced when it did come. I am very sorry my dear little Frankie has been sick. I hope he is better. tell him Pa would like very much to see him & kiss him & hold him on his lap but he cannot now. Someday he will. Little Irving & Johny too. Pa would like to see them all. He loves them dearly. He hopes to pass years of happiness with them hereafter and hopes that they will be good boys & grow up good & useful men. I have no doubt my dear one that you feel quite lonely on account of my absence. We have been & still are near & dear to each other. Seldom separated & never for a long season which makes the sting of our present separation more keenly felty. I feel sad & lonely at times as I think of the dear ones at home and the manner I have torn myself from them. You may think my dear one that I have not done right. Perhaps I have not, but God is my witness that I have only done what I believed to be my duty. I hope I shall be able to do my duty on all occasions whilst I live. I shall at least endeavor to do so.

You ask whether I rode or walked in New York on my arrival. I walked at the head of my regiment, four miles through the city and did not receive any injury from it. I did not sleep a wink the night before I left you at Albany but was constantly on duty exercising a watchful care over my command and the result was that my entire command arrived safely without injury or loss by desertion or otherwise. I have the pleasure of knowing that by being present in the night & having personal charge of my men, I was instrumental of saving the life of one at least of my men who but for me would have been crushed beneath the cars. The cars, after having stopped a few minutes, commenced moving. One of our men tried to get on board when the cars were in motion. I was outside & immediately ordered the brakes to be applied which my men readily obeyed. In the meantime the man trying to get on board got hold of the iron railing, lost his balance and was dragging just before one of the wheels. Capt. [William] Randles & myself rescued him from his perilous position. The brakes having been applied slackened this speed and enabled us to save him. My men would not have dared to apply the brakes at the command of any other officer without which, the man could not have been saved.

At another station the train was detained an hour or so. Several of my men had been out of the cars. I went out with some of the officers to compel the men to go board the cars. Just as we were about to start, two span of horses took fright and ran away, passing between the train and some buildings where was a a sweet little boy about the size of Irving. He was right in front of the teams. I saw his dilemma & sprang in & snatched the boy in my arms & threw him onto the platform of the cars just in time to save him. After the teams passed, as the train was moving very slowly, I let the boy down safely to the ground again and his father took him in his arms and a large crowd gave cheer upon cheer for hte one who saved the boy. I felt well paid for my efforts & labors that night.

Every attention was shown my regiment in New York that could be desired. We are in comfortable quarters here. Friday morning we had a man [George Austin] from Salem die of congestion of the lungs. Poor fellow. He had been sick but two days. He was a good soldier—a young man of considerable promise. His funeral took place here on the morning of the 22nd. As we had no chaplain present, I was obliged to detail an officer to perform the service. I detailed Lieut. [James M.] Crawford who is an Episcopalian. He read the funeral service peculiar to that church. The ceremony was solemn & impressive. The corpse was sent to his friends in Salem attended by Lieut. Crawford of whose company he was a member.

We have had nothing to cast a shade around us here but the circumstance just alluded to. The men seem to be happy & contented and are rapidly improving in discipline and military tactics. I don’t know how long we shall remain here but think we shall stay ten days longer for the men to get their pay. I have not been off the island since our first arrival here. I don’t think there is another officer in the regiment but has been off several times. I have drilled the regiment myself daily since our arrival.

Rikers Island is in the East River as it is called between Long Island and the mainland, eight miles from New York. The best way to get here is to take the cars at the Astor House & come up to Harlam. Take the Third Avenue cars from the Astor to Harlam, then you would get a carriage to the point opposite the island, a little over a mile, the cross on a small boat which is always ready at hand to bring over passengers. I have taken the medicine you procured & nearly another bottle which I got the quartermaster to procure for me. I think it is very good. I continue to improve & consider myself pretty well now.

Harriet, I had a terrible cold when I left Albany. I did not tell you the worst then. My throat and lungs were badly inflamed, but on my arrival at New York, my cold or influenza or whatever it was began to loosen up & you have no idea the amount of mucous stuff I raised. My voice begins to get clear & natural again. The morning after I arrived at New York, I weighed 113 pounds all told. I now weigh 120 showing a gain of seven pounds. Isn’t that doing well?

I feel persuaded that if I had stayed in Washington county, I should have never been able to stand it till the month of June. I wish I had you all snugly located in some favored spot in this vicinity or further south. I fondly hope that at some future day my wishes in this regard may be realized.

The day I left Albany I was sued by William C. Little & Co. of Albany on that old claim for books. You have heard me speak of it before. The books I never had nor any other thing nor could he have got judgment if I could have attended to it. I retained a lawyer of Albany to attend to it. If he did so faithfully, it is all right. If not, they probably got judgement for some $20 to $30. That louse of a Ketcham formerly from Pittstown was at the bottom of it. He must not come around the 93rd if he wishes to preserve his skin. If they got judgement, it was through the crime of perjury. But never mind. It is not of sufficient account to mention in a letter. Only you should know it.

I don’t know whether I shall want any money sent to me or not yet. Don’t send any till I write. If we get paid on the first of March, I can get along. Keep all the money you have for your own use unless H. M. W. & Phoebe needs some. Deal out to them as their wants require…I hope you will send me the photographs of the boys. Hat, I know I have left some enemies behind—some miserable whiny curs—but let them go. I know too full well I have left many very, very good friends. My enemies may & probably will endeavor to traduce my character now I am away. Time will bring all things right, I fully believe. I feel that I must see you before I go further south. I would like also to see the boys and Phoebe & Hannah but don’t know as I can. I will write again tomorrow or next day. Perhaps I can devise some means to see you at least. Kisses to the boys and sister Phoebe and a sweet affectionate embrace to my dear wife. Yours forever, — John S. Crocker


Letter 2

Addressed to Mrs. Harriette S. Crocker, Cambridge, Washington county, New York

Washington D. C.
August 31, 1862

My dear Harriet,

I have the pleasure of stating that I arrived here this morning in good health. On my way on Friday I stopped at Albany, called at the Departments, and finished my business satisfactorily & left for New York on the 4 p.m. train. I arrived at New York at 9 p.m. so weary that I concluded to go to the Astor House where I staid overnight. I passed the day on Saturday in New York in the midst of friends by whom I was surrounded. I met Mr. Bramhall, Judge [Henry] Hogeboom, & a great many others of the first men in the city & finally went into Brooklyn with Mr. [George Burt] Lincoln, the postmaster of the City of Brooklyn, who is a distant relative of the President and is also a man of great influence in our state. By him I was highly entertained and introduced to many of his friends. I certainly have reason to feel proud of the kindly greeting I received in New York and Brooklyn from those whom I met there among the gentlemen of the first character and position. Mr. Bramhall had me sit for photographs. He is to send you one & said he should send me a package of them also.

On my arrival here I found they had sent on with my baggage a case of claret wine which cost thirty-six dollars. I think much of the present as I can’t get cider. It will answer me a good purpose. I think I never met in my life such kind and marked attention as I met on Saturday except at my own home.

Saturday last at 6 p.m., I left New York and arrived here this a.m. I immediately reported at the War Office but shall not get my orders till tomorrow. If I had known the exact situation of matters, I might have staid at home another day. I should gladly have availed myself of the privilege if I had known I could do so with safety. A report from me tomorrow would have answered as well as today. I expect to remain here or go to Annapolis, Maryland, for a short time. I will write you more particularly as soon as I get my orders. A portion of my regiment is at McClellan’s Headquarters at Fortress Monroe.

There is hard fighting going on over at Bulls Run. The fight has been raging with varied success and reverses since Friday. An immense excitement prevails in this city. No authentic information can be obtained. I hope for good news. New recruits are pouring in here in large numbers. Several thousand have arrived today.

Harriette, you must compose your mind. Let not dark forebodings get possession of your mind again. It grieves me to think your mind is so depressed. You must brighten up. We shall see better & brighter days, I hope. Let us trust Providence. Don the best we can and pray and hope for happiness. I hope our dear little Irving is better. I was sorry to part with him while sick. I was sorry to separate from you all. I hope it is but for a little season. Nothing but a sense of duty would have induced me to do so. Dare has had the fever. William is now home in a furlough sick. All our friends are again in the city havung fled for safety from their homes—Sanford included. Your dear sister Sally Ann is well. She is a true sister to us. Give my kind & affectionate regards to our dear boys and sister Phoebe & Mother and believe me yours in love ever, — John S. Crocker

I saw sister Jane & Sarah today.


Letter 3

Headquarters 93rd Regiment NYSV
“Morgan Rifles”
Grand Army of the Potomac
Camp near Weaverville, Va.
November 16th, Sunday eve., 1862

My dear Hattie,

This morning at 10:30 a.m., we broke camp at Warrenton & marched to this place, distance 12 miles. I have heard of no accident on the way. We passed through Auburn (a very small village), Catlett’s Station (a small village on the Alexandria & Orange Railroad entirely abandoned by its inhabitants) and Weaverville near which we now are. This last named place is the largest of the three, but it is one of the most shabby, rickety places that we have yet passed. The day has been very fine. The roads pretty good but quite dusty. The country through which we marched today bears unmistakeable evidence that troops have been along this way before. Last fall & winter, last spring & during the summer, and again in the early autumn, rebels and Union troops each in turn were here. Devastation and destruction is the unerring work; and they were exhibited on every hand. The surface of the country is undulating and rather pleasing to the eye, but the soil is poor and the farming miserable. No splendid mansions nor magnificent plantations were to be seen. Nothing that looked cheerful or inviting.

There was sharp fighting near our last camp yesterday afternoon. A lieut. of cavalry with whom I was acquainted was killed & many others. Our poor Union soldiers lay dead by the roadside as we came along. Our troops held the Rebels in check. The roads today were mostly taken up by the trains—the troops marching through the adjacent fields. The troops on such marches move by the flank which makes them four deep besides the rank of file closers so called, being the officers & sergeants. The men march about 28 inches apart. Frequently several lines will be marching side by side in this way extending as far as the eye can reach & yet they will not intermingle with each other. Each man has his appropriate place and keeps it.

We are not provided with forage for our horses and mules and consequently have to take it from the farmers wherever we can find it. Our horses and mules had nothing to eat yesterday and today until we arrived here, so completely has the country been drained that we could not get it for them yet. Our animals were obliged to haul heavy loads today. Tonight they are bountifully supplied to the great vexation of the poor devils from whom we have taken it. I suppose they may hereafter get pay for it by proving that they have been good, true, loyal citizens of the Union—a point which it will be difficult for them or any of them to establish. Secesh—dark & doleful secesh—may safely claim them all. In my judgment, they deserve the severe lesson they are receiving for their treason. They are destitute of tea, coffee, sugar, salt, and that (to them) all important article whiskey together with about all of the other luxuries and most of the necessaries of life. Poor deluded creatures! Even the negroes have left them alone in their folly.

Thus we have passed the Sabbath. So good night my dear. We are to go on again in the morning.

Camp ten miles beyond Weaverville
on the military road to Fredericksburg, Va.
November 17, 1862

Well, my dear, here we are ten miles from any place in particular. The troops commenced moving at daylight. We started for Spotter’s Tavern but when about half way, orderlies with foaming steeds came hurrying along with orders to halt & bivouac where we were which we did. It seems that a brush with the Rebs is going on & the track must be cleared of the cavalry before we go further. Besides, they are disturbing our rear and that must be attended to. We are all pretty well huddled together tonight. The officers at headquarters occupy a little space which is protected on two sides by a dense pine forrest, on another by cavalry and infantry, and the 4th by several batteries of artillery. We feel perfectly secure tonight.

We are now twenty-one miles from Fredericksburg. The country we have passed through today is very forbidding. The soil is very light and since the war commenced has not been cultivated. Many of the houses have been deserted. The Conscript Law has drawn into the Rebel service all of the able-bodied white males between 14 and 60. Most of the negroes have either gone North or been taken further South. In any event, of this way, slavery in Virginia is gone up.

The fighting this afternoon & evening has been near Acquia Creek and at Fredericksburg. An aide has just arrived with favorable news from the fight & we shall go ahead in the morning.

Tuesday, November 18th

After midnight last night I was awakened by an orderly with an order from the General to have the details & guards for headquarters ready at daylight. The order was executed and at early dawn we were moving on again. I was on duty most of the night. It rained gently during the night. This morning a cloudless sky appeared again & it has been a warm, lovely day. The roads were good. The rain laid the dust and there was not enough of it to cause any mud. The appearance of the country through which we passed today is slightly improved upon that of yesterday. We passed a few handsome country residences and some good farming lands. The country is almost completely drained of provisions, produce and stock. It has been difficult for us to get provisions & forage to subsist our men and teams. We have been obliged from necessity to take from the people what we needed & that has generally been all they had. What these miserable people subsist on this winter, I know not. They are suffering now from want & yet they adhere tenaciously to secession. Most of them, however, admit they are tired of the war and many are hopeless of success.

We have marched thirteen miles today & are encamped on a beautiful rise of ground where there was considerable fighting yesterday eight miles from Fredericksburg. A portion of our troops entered Falmouth opposite Fredericksburg today. he whole army will move on to that point tomorrow. We have had no mail in several days.

Camp near Falmouth, Va.
November 19, 1862 evening

Well, my dear Hattie, here we are after a march of eight miles through a heavy rain & much mud. Perhaps you think we move slowly. If so, imagine an army whose soldiers numbered by hundreds of thousand, whose horses and mules number scores of thousand, whose cattle, sheep & other animals that are driven along with it for food number tens of thousands, an army with its train of baggage, provisions, ammunition, batteries, cavalry, ambulances, &c. if all in one line moving as compactly as possible on the same road would extend (according to estimates of good judges) from 75 to one hundred miles in length. The teams being heavily loaded and the men carrying besides their arms from fifty to seventy-five pounds in their haversacks and knapsacks, &c. upon their backs & besides being obliged to fight its way along as it penetrates an enemy’s country, and you will conclude such an immense cavalcade cannot be moved very rapidly under such circumstances—especially in such a country as this.

Falmouth is situated on the north bank of the Rappahannock nearly opposite Fredericksburg, Va. It is an old shaky town of 600 to 800 inhabitants. The streets are irregular & dirty. The men take kindly to whiskey & tobacco. The women are not tidy. The niggers have mostly skedaddled. In short, the whole concern looks as though they were rapidly going to the devil. Fredericksburg on the south side of the Rappahannock is still in the hands of the Rebels. The river here is about the size of the Battenkill at Union Village. Across this river the pickets of the two armies have conversed with each other today. Our position on this side of the river is on much higher ground than the site of the city of Fredericksburg and completely commands the town. General Burnside has sent in a demand for the surrender of the city. If it is not done, he will give them shell tomorrow. From my tent I have a fair view of the city and of the rebel troops in and around it. They have batteries arranged so as to command the ford above the city and others that are ranged towards the ground we occupy. Still I don’t think we shall hear from them.

We shall take Fredericksburg and then remain a few days in the vicinity, but it will be only a few days. We shall go ahead. Yes, you can rely upon it. We shall go ahead. General Burnside is very popular with the army. Full confidence is reposed in him by the entire army. None doubt his capacity to lead. All seem willing & ready to follow him.

With love to you and love to all my dear ones at the Gothic House, I remain yours ever, — John S. Crocker


Letter 4

Headquarters 93rd Regiment NYSV
“Morgan Rifles”
Camp near Belle Plains, Va.
December 1st 1862

My lovely Hattie,

Everything has been all serene in my tent today. David has been making himself useful in various ways. He commenced straightening out things this morning long before I was up. A very decided improvement is already manifest. The says Mrs. Crocker told him he must take good care of the Col. & he is going to do it. I have surrendered the tent to him. But he allows Johnny & myself to stay in it. I have no private servant in my tent since I discharged the nigger a month ago and David is perfectly disgusted with my style of housekeeping. He says Mrs. Crocker wouldn’t like it at all if she was to see how things have gone hilter skilter all to Devil with Colonel’s things. He has about convinced me that I have paid more attention to Uncle Sam’s business during the last two months that I have to my own. Well, I have concluded to let David have his own way about my own private affairs here and I’ll look out for Uncle Sam’s matters so far as they are entrusted to my care.

Johnny Wetsell takes hold in good spitit and assists. I believe he intends to make himself useful. He says he wants to stay with me. I have had him and Dave prepare a good bed in my tent where they both are comfortable and happy. I am going to keep Johnny Wetsell with me instead of letting him go to the company. He is a smart, active boy & I shall take good care of him. He will make himself useful.

This is a glorious night. The moon as she dances along the sky smiles upon us like a blushing bride. You never witnessed a more beautiful evening in the month of May at Cambridge than we have on the banks of the Rappahannock tonight. The two armies that are encamped in full view of each other are as quiet as sleeping virgins—scarcely a sound breaks upon the air. Never was a more quiet still night in your peaceful, quiet village of Cambridge or North White Creek than we are experiencing here tonight. But does not this lull, this deep silence, this seeming absence of all animated nature betoken a coming storm? Methinks it does and that soon—very soon—will be heard the thunderings and distant roar & wail of that storm which will be heard throughout our land & astonish even the Nations beyond the waters.

I have just heard that the people of White Creek have raised 19 men for Col. [James B] McKean’s Saratoga Regiment. They couldn’t send them to Lieut. Colonel McKean’s Regiment nor Col. Crocker’s Regiment? Oh no! They must raise them for Col. McKean’s 77th Saratoga. The people of White Creek may go to Hell with their volunteers (9 months) for what I care. And I will bid my dear goodnight & go to bed.

December 2nd, evening. I rode this morning with Quartermaster Sergeant Fuller, William’s brother-in-law. We went down to the river opposite Fredericksburg. We could see the Rebels in great numbers on the banks opposite & the high ground beyond. The pickets do not fire at each other so it is safe to go there today but may not be tomorrow. We were on urgent business connected with our regiment. We had a very delightful ride. The roads were excellent—dry & dusty, bright sun & warm balmy air. The troops will begin to move tomorrow.

Brother William arrived tonight and brought my overcoat and the carpet bag of articles you sent. Everything arrived in first best condition. It is really a splendid present & highly valued. I know my dear Hattie will feel well paid for her trouble when she learns that it has safely arrived & was much needed. The apples & celery—the first I have seen since I left Washington—surprised me because I had no idea of such choice production on our place. I suppose Phoebe is perfectly delighted to think she has succeeded in cultivating the celery plant where I couldn’t.

In yours of 23rd ult., you speak of the ground freezing when it is warm & pleasant here. We had cold & snow a month ago among the mountains but since we left the mountains, the weather has been all serene.

I am very sorry I cannot send you money yet. Our paymaster has not yet visited us. I think he will do so this week. My regiment has not been paid in five months and yet they must not complain. Kickin will send his money to his family as soon as he is paid. I will send you some money as soon as I get it. I will try and not let you get short again. Kiss dear little Willis & Irving for Pa many times. Simon Newcomb returned here from Washington tonight. He is in good health & spirits again. I have received another copy of the County Post of 7th November from Johnny. Rev’d Mt. Gordon is great on the write. It is up hill business to write up that regiment. “Bare ground ain’t the worst of sleddin” as our old friend Doct. Cook used to say. Mr. Gordan is most an excellent man. I am sorry he was so foolish as to leave his charge in Cambridge for a position of chaplain. A chaplain can do but very little in the army. I presume Mr. Gordon has learnt that by this time. Tonight we are to commence again to build bridges. A movement of the army will commence tomorrow. Good night.

December 3rd. My dear Hattie. You must not expect much of a letter this time. I am very, very busy. Today our army commenced changing position preparatory to crossing the river. Tonight four pontoon bridges will be built and tomorrow our troops will cross unless the Rebs prevent. The crossing is to be about 15 miles below here. We (Headquarters will not move yet probably) will remain here a few days I think. There will also a large force remain here to prevent the Rebs from crossing and getting our position here. I suppose the Rebs have 180,000 men here. We have more than that & ought to beat them although they have the choice position & the advantage of the river.

I have just received yours of the 27th & will reply to it in my next. The address is all serene now. Your letter and the contents of the carpet bag have cheeered my heart. I have worked hard today. I had only three hours to sleep last night & shall have no more tonight. I should like to visit you very much. It would give me unbounded pleasure to see you and the other dear ones at the Gothic House. I indulge in hopes of visiting you ere long. I have many friends at Cambridge that I should like to see but don’t expect to see much of them until this war is over, or I am out of the service and perhaps not much then for I don’t now intend to go to Cambridge to reside again. To tell the truth, I don’t feel that I have a residence in Cambridge now. I have a dear, dear, very dear family there. I shall think of them & live for them. God knows those dear ones cluster in my heart of hearts and shine like diamonds there.

Now Hattie. keep up good spirits. Be lively & cheerful & happy. When we get into winter quarters, I shall see you. You can bet your life in that. No man loves his wife better than your John S. Crocker does his.


1862: William Andrew Robinson to his Brothers

William Andrew Robinson, 77th Pennsylvania

The following letter was penned by William Andrew Robinson (1830-1902) in December 1862 while serving as the Captain of Co. E, 77th Pennsylvania Infantry. He later rose in rank to Lt. Colonel of the regiment. The 77th was formed in September and October 1861 for a three-year service. It participated in several battles including the Battle of Shiloh, the siege of Corinth, the Battle of Stones River, the Battle of Chickamauga, the Atlanta campaign, the Nashville campaign, and the Battle of Nashville. The regiment was later assigned to Texas and finally mustered out in Philadelphia on January 16, 1866.

William A. Robinson was twenty-nine years old when he enlisted. His family was from the Lawrenceville neighborhood of Pittsburgh. He was captured after the Battle of Chickamauga and was a Prisoner of War in Libby Prison in Richmond, Virginia. After his release from Libby Prison, he was recaptured and sent to Georgia. He was mustered out of the Army on January 15, 1866 and returned to Pittsburgh and civilian life on February 1, 1866.

In this letter, William conveys his response to the intelligence received regarding Burnsides’ loss at the Battle of Fredericksburg. He expresses his profound dismay with the generals who appear to prioritize personal glory over the welfare of their country. William writes, “Stars shine upon too many unworthy shoulders and men crowd around Washington offering advice and urging this policy and that, who, for the good of the country, ought to ‘stretch the hemp,'” he wrote. He also expresses his dissatisfaction with the way President Lincoln is prosecuting the war. “Lives are being sacrificed daily—hourly, one of which is worth ten thousand such miserable knaves and Old Abe who no doubt is honest is too slow and stupid to see it.” He then asks, “Are we drifting to a dictatorship or is the Old Rail Splitter going to try a lone hand and handle the maul himself? The log is large and full of knots. But with good and sharp wedges and a large maul and a vigorous and skillful man hold of the handle, I have faith it can be split.” William closes his 4-page letter with a description of a foraging expedition and his plans for a Christmas dinner.

[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Richard Weiner and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

In camp on Mill Creek, Tennessee
December 23, 1862

My Dear Brothers,

It is with a sad heart that I have been looking over the Northern papers and reading of the terrible loss of life at Fredericksburg. What is the cause or who is to blame is not for us to say, but I sincerely hope that the ones that urged the movement will have their heads taken off. The New York Tribune can see cause for congratulation in the almost one-sided contest. What words of cheer for the soldier in the field. Congratulations for what? Why 15,000 men lie wounded and bleeding upon the battlefield who were rushed upon formidable entrenchments without the aid of artillery to show the people that we mean fight go it blind. Tis only human life we sacrifice. Tis necessary to convince the people that we are doing something for all the immense expense they have so liberally subscribed and some clap their hands and urge our Generals forward while they sit out of all danger and write abusive articles charging treason upon one and imbecility upon another and urge removals.

I am sick and weary of the doings at Washington. Too many Generals and too few who seek the true glory of our country. Too many who are wishing for place & power who are dishonest at heart and wish the glory of a successful campaign but if it fails, they avoid any of the responsibilities. We gain with such men but disgrace to our arms. Some of them are willing to stoop to anything or would walk over our whole army lying dead upon the battleground only so that their wicked ambition be gratified. Others are like owls. They see clearest when tis darkest and when daylight comes to common men, they are blind and talk wisely of the wonderful future and glory of our land when slavery—their hobby—is dead. The present with them is nothing. They are wise and strain their eyes like “bats” to see what they can’t comprehend and know nothing of. We need men who can comprehend the present—who are equal for the occasion. One such man is far better than a dozen such as we are cursed with now.

Quarreling among our Generals has become the whole business of the Nation almost. To save the Nation is only of small importance to who is responsible for the failures of the Army of the Potomac and the campaign of Kentucky & Tennessee by Gen. Buell. Stars shine upon too many unworthy shoulders and men crowd around Washington offering advice and urging this policy and that, who, for the good of the country, ought to “stretch the hemp.”

Lives are being sacrificed daily—hourly, one of which is worth ten thousand such miserable knaves and Old Abe who no doubt is honest is too slow and stupid to see it. Rumors fly thick of cabinet resignations—Seward, Bates, Blair, Stanton. Burnsides and Halleck to be removed. What does it mean! and where does it end? Are we drifting to a dictatorship or is the Old Rail Splitter going to try a lone hand and handle the maul himself? The log is large and full of knots. But with good and sharp wedges and a large maul and a vigorous and skillful man hold of the handle, I have faith it can be split.

We are lying quietly some six miles from Nashville, picketing the front. Yesterday morning the 5th Brigade started as escort to forage train the 4th Brigade of our Division, tried it, and the Butternuts drove them into camp—forage. The General thought if the forage was there, the 5th would have it. We started at daybreak with 140 6-mule wagons. Some 6 miles out, we drove the Reb’s pickets, went about half mile further on the Pike, 77th [Pennsylvania Infantry] in the advance skirmishing, when we discovered a battery commanding the road, then turned off the Pike and went some two miles across fields, through woods, until we found plenty of cribs and stacks. We then advanced upon a ridge of hills in front of the valley and formed line of battle about one and a half miles long circling enough to fill our wagons and threw out skirmishers and set the wagoners to filling up from the different cribs and barns so kindly filled by an old Secesh farmer. The enemy were in full sight of us all the time, sometimes firing at us from one point, then another, but the Boys instead of going away from them, kept working nearer, continually firing, and our guns shot farther than theirs and made them uncomfortable.

We expected a vigorous attack from them but they acted wisely and did not try it for we were bound to fight them if they were anything less than 10,000 strong. In 3 hours we had every wagon loaded full of corn with hay on the top and began to draw in our lines. Then the rats began to come out of their holes and pop—pop, went shotguns, fuses, smoothbores and their horsemen went riding over the hills like dogs with tin pails tied to their tails and one would think they were going to make one grand charge upon us. Some of the boys turned and gave them a volley and it was rich to see them skedaddle over the hills towards home.

Near the picket lines where I was with my company was a barn full of corn. We sent word to some of the wagons to come up and we would protect them while loading. They came up and just as we got them filled, an ugly-looking Butternut came running out of a log house near with his eyes sticking out and badly scared, crying out, “Go way, dar. Dad hainn’t got none dar corn to spare. Go way dar!” Where’s Dad? asks one of the boys. “Over’n dat house dar,” was the answer. Well, sonny, you run over and tell dad we are coming over dar. He was a great big overgrown dunce—a fair specimen of many in this country. Was married and lived on one end of the farm.

I got a fine, large, fat turkey and have sent for oysters and we are going to have a Christmas dinner in camp. Our baker has his ovens up and today furnished us with nice bread. We have some 6 turkeys among the officers and the baker is going to stuff and roast them and I think we will have at least a portion of the enjoyment usual to Christmas. One thing—the pleasantest of all—I shall miss the contented and happy feeling of being surrounded by you all but I have the next best thing; the enjoyment of knowing that I will be missed among you. I am going into Nashville tomorrow and will try and find out where Jimmy is and have him come over and see me.

My health is as usual. I feel lame and tired from our march, so much so that I did not go on picket with the regiment this morning. Tis late and “Taps” have sounded. Love to all. Good night, — Will