Category Archives: Battle of South Mountain

1862: Robert Hindman Ray to William Ray

Robert Hindman Ray (1841-1871) was twenty years old when he enlisted on 10 June 1861 to serve in Co. C (the “Dixon Guards”), 11th Pennsylvania Reserves (40th Pennsylvania Regiment). He was promoted to corporal in April 1863 and mustered out of the regiment in June 1864. He was the son of John Ray (1798-1876) and Ann Smith (who died in 1850). The family residence was in Fairview, Butler county, Pennsylvania. Robert wrote the letter to his older brother, William Ray (1826-1873).

[Note: This letter is from the collection of Keith Fleckner and was offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

This early-day view of Fairfield, Butler county, Pennsylvania states that the house under the arrow was where Robert’s older brother, Matthew Smith Ray (1830-1908), “went to housekeeping” in 1854.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Camp at Brooks Station, Virginia
November 25th 1862

Dear brother,

I seat myself to pen you a few lines to let you know that I am well, hoping these lines may find you the same. I should have written to you sooner and will have to ask your pardon for not doing so, but we were always moving and I thought that I would wait until we would stop someplace to stay awhile but it appears that that place will not be found for a while. I do not know where to begin nor where to end this. When I wrote to you last, we were at Fredericksburg, only about ten miles from where we are now. But shortly after that we went to the Peninsula and joined McClellan’s army. We were there about two weeks when we got into a fight [at Gaines’ Mill] and a hard one it was. There was 4 killed and 22 wounded in our company. [Lt.] Newton Redec was killed. The remainder was taken prisoners. We were taken to Richmond and kept there from the 27th of June till the 5th day of August. We got pretty hard usage but I have not time to give you a full account, but we spent some hungry times.

We were exchanged and put right into the service again. We were brought back here and joined Pope’s army. Then came the Battle of Bull Run where we suffered heavy again. Lieutenant [John C.] Kuhn was killed there also your old friend Samuel Christley. Then when the Rebels went into Maryland, McClellan got command and we whipped the Rebs at South Mountain and Antietam. And [just] when he got his army again ready and had commenced to move, he was removed, which was the ruination of our army. But we can’t help it.

I have great reason to be thankful that my life has been preserved.  We are expecting another battle soon. I had a letter from home yesterday. They are all well. I do not know that I have much to write that would be of any interest to you. It appears to me that this is being made a political war. I hope we may be victorious but the war must be a long one—it cannot be otherwise. We need not talk of starving them out. That is “played out.” They have a large army and will fight and are determined to fight as long as there is one of them left. I hope the war may soon be over. All hope this. I have seen enough to satisfy me.  

I saw William Starey yesterday. He is well. I heard that you were talking of coming home. Let me know when. Let me know what you are doing and all the news that you can of. I would write more but I have nothing to write that would interest you. Write soon. Nothing more but remain your brother, — R.H. Ray

William Ray

Direct to R.H. Ray, Co. C, 11th Regt. PRC

The owner of this image says the reverse side identifies one of these Union privates as Robert H. Ray but can’t be certain which. He thinks it to be the one at left but my interpretation suggests it’s the one at right and his facial features more closely align with those of a brother identified on Ancestry.com

1862-63: Joseph T. Blair to William Chester Steen

These letters were written by 19 year-old Joseph T. Blair (1843-1863) of Co. F, 12th Ohio Regiment. Joseph was the son of Samuel Blair (1820-1844) and Eliza Ann McClure (1819-1890) of Adams county, Ohio.

Joseph died on 10 November 1863 as a result of a gunshot wound received at the hands of guerrillas while scouting near Boyers Ferry on 31 October 1863. The CdV above picturing Joseph T. Blair was found on Facebook. The inscription in James’ own handwriting on the reverse of the card was written just a month before he was killed by guerrillas. The images were AI generated to sharpen them. The original images appear at the end of these letters.

Joseph wrote these letters to his cousins, John Alexander Steen (1841-1918) and William “Chester” Steen (1845-1927). They were two of the sons of Alexander Boyd Steen (1813-1896) and Nancy Jane McClure (1821-1893) of Winchester, Adams county, Ohio.

Blair wrote the letters to his cousins, John Alexander Steen (left) and William Chester Steen.

Letter 1

Camp Warren near Charleston, Virginia
March the 21st 1862

Mr. John & Chester Steen
My dear cousins,

I with pleasure resume my pen to inform you that your letter of the 10th inst. came to hand today and read it with much pleasure, and as it was raining today and all nature looks sad and melancholy, I seat myself to spend a pleasant hour in replying to you. I was glad to hear of you being in good health. My health is quite good at present.

Well, I believe that the best news that I have to write to you at this time is that the weather has been very good for about two weeks until today and it is again raining, but not such disagreeably rain as we formerly had. Spring seems to be open already. We have indications of its approach in the warm and balmy air and the warbling notes of the birds are heard in the forest. Old winter’s icy reign is yielding to the gentler sway of spring which we welcome with grateful hearts. I trust the spring will open with auspicious promises and its labors be largely remunerative to you, my agricultural friends, so that you may rejoice in its abundant and golden fruits, and ‘ere spring ends, I hope to see this wicked Rebellion crushed and peace and prosperity again reign over our once prosperous and happy country.

You spoke of having quit your school and again went to work. Well I guess the time is near at hand when I will have to work. Probably I shall not be occupied in the same kind of work which you are, but I assure you that it will not be much easier. You will be engaged on a farm and I will be engaged on the Mountains hunting for seceshers. There is evidently a movement on hand up the valley. Yesterday the 34th Ohio Regiment passed by here bound for Gauley Bridge and I understand that the 60th Regiment is on its way up here. Our Artillery company left us some time ago and I think that we shall follow them before long. I suppose that our destination will be to cross the mountains and take possession of Lewisburg and the Tennessee Railroad and in so doing, we will cooperate with our troops at Manassas. Such is my idea of these movements but I cannot ascertain anything certain for you know that military leaders always keep a provoking silence on all such things. I had hoped to get out of Virginia when we again marched, but I guess that I am bound to disappointment for at present there is strong indications of having to take a March across the mountains.

Major General John Charles Frémont

The principal topics which are discussed in camp is in regard to Frémont being appointed Major General of the Department of the Mountains, and you are well aware that our regiment belongs to that department. I don’t know but what he is a very good man, but I know that he is not very popular in the Old 12th. Our boys all think that he is an abolitionist and our regiment has a great dislike to that party. However, I should like to see the old gent who has caused so much trouble in the War Department. I would advise him to keep his abolition sentiment to himself when he is with the 12th Regiment, else it might prove to be unwholesome for him. We look for him here shortly to review us. His headquarters is at Wheeling, Va.

You spoke in your letter of the death of Spencer Wilson. ¹ It was a very sad occurrence. I think that it must have grieved his father a great deal. I have seen many such cases — only worse. Many a poor fellow have I seen buried out in the mountains without a coffin or a friend nigh him. There has been three deaths in our regiment within the last week. Their deaths was caused by exposure. One of the boys which belongs to my company has just returned this evening from Ohio where he has been home sick. He brought us all the news from the vicinity of Lebanon. He says that the folks about there thinks that the war is about over. How is it in your neighborhood? Do you think that it will be over anyways soon? We all think that it will terminate this spring. We get a telegraph dispatch every morning and it always contains good news. The Rebels seem to get repulsed on all occasions. The dispatch this morning announced the capture of Newbern, North Carolina, by Gen. Burnside. It also stated that the fight was still going on at Island No. 10. They have been fighting there for three or four days. I suppose that is something similar to the fight we had last November at Gauley Bridge. We cannonaded there for over a week and there was apparently but little damage done on either side. But I think that the rebels is about whipped out. We have driven them out of all their strongholds — namely Columbus, Bowling Green, and Manassas. If they are not well enough fortified at those places to stand and fight us, I don’t think that they will find a place on the whole continent where they can.

I see that their press has quit blowing that one Southern man can whip five Northern men. I think it about time for their brave sons of the South has had their fighting qualities pretty well tested of late, and I guess that they find a Northern man — or Yankee as they call them — is just as good as any of their Southern chivalry, and proves to stand fire a little longer if any difference. I am not certain but my impression is that the Old 12th will have to try her nerve again before the war is over.

Well, I am no ways anxious for a fight but if fight we must, I believe that the 12th Regiment will stand fire about as long as any of them. We never was whipped but once and I don’t think it likely that we will get whipped again, but I won’t say that we can whip five Rebel Regiments. That would sound too much like the Southern gas.

We have got an Old Secesh in jail here now who killed one of our spies last summer. His own son is here to testify against him. He has not had his trial yet. I don’t [know] what they will do with him but I think that very likely he will look through a halter. There is a Negro to be hung in Charleston next week for killing his master. I did not learn the particulars of the case.

I am on picket guard tomorrow. We have to go on about every three days. We have fun when we are out on picket telling the Secesh ladies as they pass by about the Union victories. It makes them hang their heads and look like they could not help it and I don’t believe that they can help it either although if talking and sour looks would do any good, they might. You said that a woman bit you once, John, but it did not hurt. I will bet if you would see one of these sour looking Secesh women, you would say that you would rather be bit by a rattle snake than to have her to bite you. You spoke of going to see your woman again. You must certainly be going to get married before long. You had better wait until the war is over so that I can attend your wedding and besides that you will have plenty of company for I know of lots of folks that are a going to get married after the war is over. I expect that I will stay in Virginia and marry a Secesher. I have almost fell in love with some of the sweet creatures.

Oh, I like to forgot to tell you that I got a letter from a woman yesterday. It was a nice one and a good long one too. It took me until midnight last night to write an answer. You know of course I took great pains in writing and composing it. Boys, that is the war. I have to spark these times __ to spend a portion of the night in writing to some pretty girl. What do you think of that mode of sparking? It is a first rate way when you can’t do any other way.

I got a letter from Ira the other day. He was hale and hearty and I should not wonder if he was in love up to the eyes. Well, cousins, I hardly ever commence a letter but what I fill the sheet of paper but you must excuse me this time for my fingers is crimping and I have been writing all day and now it is near bedtime. Tell Jim that I shall look to hear from him in your next. Give my best respects to Uncle and Aunt and all the family.

Nothing, but remain your cousin, — J. T. Blair

to J. A. Steen and W. C. Steen

Write soon.


¹ 1st Sgt. Spencer Wilson was the 19 year-old son of Congressman John Thomas Wilson of Adams county, Ohio. He served with the 33rd Ohio Infantry until his death at Louisville on 4 March 1862.


Letter 2

On Picket Guard near Sharpsburg, Washington county, Maryland
Tuesday evening, October the 7th 1862

Mr. Wm. C. Steen, dear cousin,

It is with the utmost pleasure that I embrace the present opportunity of answering your kind and most welcome letter of the 13th ult. which I received the 5th inst. Although somewhat delated in its arrival, it was nonetheless interesting. Your letter found me enjoying good health & all other comforts & blessings that pertains to a Soldier’s Life, and it is my sincere wish when this scribbling reaches its destination, it may find you enjoying the same.

Well cousin, since I last wrote, fighting has been the word of the day with us. Our Division has been engaged in all the hard battles that has recently taken place in the State of Maryland, the details I suppose you have been made acquainted with long before this. And I expect that in reading the accountsm you have more than once saw the name of the 12th Ohio Regiment as we took an active part in every engagement and the list of casualties will come up with any other regiment that was in the battles.

Our Division was [in] the advance from the time we left Upton Hills until we drove the Rebels back into Virginia & consequently we had all the reconnoitering & skirmishing to do which, I assure you, was no small job. In the Battle of South Mountain, our regiment made three desperate and decisive bayonet charges. We drove the Rebels at each charge with great slaughter. This was the first hand to hand fighting that I ever was engaged in & I hope that it may be the last. The loss of our regiment during the day was 33 killed & 91 wounded. 1

The Battle of South Mountain, MD., Sunday, September 14, 1862. “The glorious charge of the 23rd & 12th Ohio Volunteers (College. Scammon) against the 23rd & 12th North Carolina, under the Rebel Gen. Garland, who was killed in the charge.”

Our loss in the Battle of Antietam was very severe but the number I have not yet ascertained. The Battle of Antietam is considered the hardest battle of the war & our regiment was in the thickest of it all. To give you some idea of our loss, I will just relate a few facts. We came to Washington with near 800 men & now we only have 300 left. Of course we have lost some by sickness but the greater portion we lost in the numerous battles & skirmishes that we have been engaged in of late. I shall not attempt to give you the particulars as it would be too tedious, & I suppose that the newspapers have already given you a satisfactory account. Suffice it to say that I got through all safe although I can’t see how I escaped. But I suppose that my time had not yet come. 2

Since the battles, things has remained comparatively quiet. We are camped near the Potomac at the mouth of Antietam Creek & do not apprehend any danger at the present as the Rebels are all on the other side & some 8 or q0 miles back from the river. And I don’t suppose that hostilities will be resumed until we cross over which I suppose we will do before long as the greater portion of McClellan’s Army has already crossed (we belong to Gen. Burnside’s Army) & I suppose we will follow McClellan as soon as possible. The Rebels are said to be in force near Winchester, Virginia, & I suppose that another great battle will be fought before many days—that is, if the Rebels will stand. But it is generally supposed that owing to their late disasters in Maryland, they will not be able to make another stand tis side of Richmond.

I am on Picket Guard today about one mile and a half from on the road leading to Sandy Hook & Harpers Ferry. Large bodies of troops have been passing along all day. I suppose they are going to Harpers Ferry to cross the river.

Gen. Jacob Dolson Cox

Our brave and beloved Gen. [Jacob Dolson] Cox 3 has been ordered back to Western Virginia to assume command of our forces there. We was very sorry to part with him. We would much rather went into a hard fight than to part with our gallant general who has been with us ever since the commencement of the war & who by his gentleman & soldier-like manner won the admiration & esteem of all who served under him. He left here for Washington last Sunday. He made us a short speech before leaving in which he said that he was very sorry to part with us and that as soon as he got to Washington, he would go to President Lincoln & Secretary Stanton & if possible obtain permission to take his Ohio Division back with him so you need not be surprised if you again hear of us being in Western Virginia shortly. We all want to go but it is not because we like the country. It is because our general is going & we want to be with him no matter where he goes.

Last Saturday we was reviewed by President Lincoln & General McClellan & staff. Old Abe did not make a very striking appearance. He is undoubtedly the ugliest an that I ever saw & owing to his being in company with so many fine looking officers made him look still worse.

Old Abe’s late Proclamation is the chief topic of conversation in our camp (I mean the negro proclamation). Some are disgusted & some are disposed to treat it as a joke, but to take all things into consideration, the thing don’t agree very well with any of us. I never could induce myself to believe that I am fighting to free the infernal negroes but things look decidedly that way at present. My opinion is if the war is not settled before the first of January, it never wil be settled for I don’t believe that our soldiers will sacrifice their lives to free the negroes. However, I feel in hopes that a speedy termination of the war is at hand. I think that enough of blood has been shed & am quite anxious for peace to again be restored to our once prosperous & glorious country.

I got a letter a few days ago from cousin John & Jim. They was both well. They was then at Point Pleasant, Virginia. It seems as if they are a going to take their first lessons on the same ground that our regiment did. And from the present state of affairs in that region, I think that they will soon get to see the elephant. I hope that nothing but success may attend them until they have the privilege of returning safely to their homes.

I congratulate you & uncle on your safe arrival back from the wars, as you said that you had seated but was not fortunate enough to get to see a Rebel. I suppose that there was quite a stir in Old Adams County about that time. I presume that if the Rebels should undertake to invade Ohio, they would meet with a warm reception from our patriotic men & boys that are left at home.

Well cousin, as it is getting dark, I must soon close. Just now a messenger has arrived from camp informing us that we are ordered to cook five days rations & be ready to march by daylight in the morning. This means business is on hand. The general supposition is that we are bound for Western Virginia but I can’t say whether that is our destination or not. I can tell you all about it in my next.

Give my love & best respects to uncle & aunt & all the rest. Write when convenient & I will answer promptly. Nothing more but remain your most affectionate cousin until death, — Jos. T. Blair

Address your letters thus. Co. F, 12th Regt. O. V. I., Gen. [George] Crook’s Division, 9th Army Corps, Washington D. C.

Tell Eliza & Catherine Steen & Ellen Blair to address their letters in the same manner as there has been some changes taken place since I wrote to them & you will oblige your cousin, — Jos. T. Blair


1 An after action report by Gen. Cox stated that the 12th OVI, in the center of the assault on South Mountain, “was obliged to advance several hundred yards over open pasture-ground, under a most galling fire from the edge of the woods which crowned the slope, and behind stone fences. The skirmishers of this regiment, advancing with admirable courage and firmness, drove in those of the enemy, and the regiment with loud hurrahs charged up the slope with the bayonet. The rebels stood firmly, and kept up a murderous fire until the advancing line was within a few feet of them, when they broke and fled over the crest into the shelter of a dense thicket skirting the other side.” [Source: Cox’s Official Reports, Antietam on the Web.]

2 In his after action report of the Battle of Antietam, Gen. Cox described the contested attempts of the 9th Army Corps to cross Burnside’s Bridge and eventually engage the enemy south of Sharpsburg where they met with initial success but were eventually overwhelmed by Rebel reinforcements. The 12th OVI held the extreme left of the Union line in the late afternoon assault, backing up the 16th Connecticut and the 4th Rhode Island.

3 Gen. Jacob Dolson Cox, a former divinity student at Oberlin College, was a staunch abolitionist from Ohio who rose to the rank of major general. “Despite Cox’s inexperience, then-commander of Ohio’s forces, Major General George B. McClellan, came to appreciate his talents, giving him an independent command in western Virginia shortly after the outbreak of hostilities between the North and the South. In 1861 and 1862, Cox played a central role in taking and holding for the Union what would become the new state of West Virginia. Cox’s forces took the new state’s future capital, Charleson, in mid-1861, helping ensure Union control of West Virginia for the remainder of the war. In mid-1862, Cox transferred to the Army of the Potomac for the Maryland Campaign, and in a period of three weeks, he underwent a dizzying ascent to corps command. On 14 September, he initiated the successful first assault at the Battle of South Mountain, which was the Union’s first victory in many months. When IX Corps commander Major General Jesse Reno was killed at that battle, Cox succeeded him. Three days later, at the pivotal Battle of Antietam, Cox would be the tactical commander of the Union left wing, made up entirely of the IX Corps. There, his forces almost succeeded in sweeping General Robert E, Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia from the field. Only an unexpected assault on his left flank by Major General A.P. Hill’s division stopped Cox, though McClellan’s wrong-headed decision not to reinforce Cox at this critical moment sealed the Union’s fate that day.” [Source: The Army Historical Foundation, Jacob Dolson Cox]


Letter 3

Camp of the 12th Regt. O.V. I.
Near Fayetteville, Western Virginia
Wednesday morning, February 14, 1863

Mr. Wm. C. Steen, dear cousin,

Yesterday I walked down to the camp of the 91st & on arriving there John gave me a letter from you dated January 4th & brought by Mr. McNeel. I was very glad to hear from you as quite a length of time has elapsed since I received any communication from you. The last one that I received was about or near the 1st of October & about the time that we left the Army of the Potomac. I believe that I wrote you a reply just the day before we started west but I never received any reply & consequently I did not write anymore thinking that owing to your brother’s going into the army you had enough of army correspondence without me so you see that your letter was unexpected. But I can assure you that it was none the less welcome & interesting for I am always happy to hear from my cousins & friends & when they write to me, you may rest assured that they always receive a reply. And if the mails fail to do their part, I of course am excusable.

Your letter found me enjoying health & all other comforts & blessings that pertain to a soldier’s life which I suppose that you are aware are rather limited, but however we are enjoying ourselves somewhat better than we was when I last wrote for then we was laying on the memorable battlefield of Antietam, almost destitute of the bare necessities to keep life and soul together. But now we are i winter quarters and are fixed comparatively comfortable & are enjoying many of the comforts of civilized life. I suppose that you are aware of our return to West Virginia & the circumstances that led thereto & consequently I shall not numerate the many incidents and adventures that took place on that long & fatiguing march, but I have no doubt but what they would be of interest to you. But I shall have to defer relating any at present as it would require too much space & be must too tedious an undertaking so I will put you off with the consoling promise that when the war is over & I have the pleasure of again seeing you, I will endeavor to interest you for a couple of hours in relating anecdotes and adventures that took place during our campaign in the East which was one of the most active and exciting campaigns that we ever experienced.

Thinking over our rapid march to Washington & the many fortunes and misfortunes that befell us while there it seems but a dream. But alas, when we sum up the list of our casualties while there, the stern reality of the case presents itself in full view and we dismiss such reflections with heavy hearts. About the middle of November we arrived at Gauley Bridge where I had the pleasure of meeting John & Jim & Ira. The meeting was unexpected, but I don’t think that there was ever a more joyful one. Since then we have been together quite frequently & I assure you that we enjoy one another’s society hugely. Their regiment is brigaded with ours & I think that it is more than probable that the fortunes of war will keep us together all winter. I at least hope so. Their camp and ours is about one fourth of a mile apart. I am looking for John to come up here today as him and I propose writing to some of the fair sex and the peculiarity of the case requires us both to be together so you may consider that some of the fair creatures is about to get a few tender lines. So I must make haste and finish this & prepare myself for the work which we are anticipating. I suppose that John and Jim has given you a description of the town and vicinity of Fayette & consequently I will not say anything about the God forsaken hole.

You cannot imagine how much I was surprised to hear of Eliza Steen being married, No, I can’t say that I was surprised to hear of her getting married for that was an event that I have long been looking to hear of, but what surprised me so much was to hear of her marrying Beverage. I was sure that the chosen one was a Mr. S. C. However, I hope that she may live a long and happy life & never regret the day that made her Mrs. Beverage. When you see them, wish them much joy for me. I will oblige your cousin Thompson.

Well cousin, you don’t write very encouraging in regard to war matters but your ideas agree with mine exactly. My opinion like yours I think that there is too much saying and doing for the Negro. And another thing I have found out is that our leaders think more of the Almighty dollar than they do of the country. Whenever this money system of warfare is played out and we commence fighting in earnest, I think that we will be blessed with the return of sweet peace to our once glorious but now distracted country and not before. Some predicts that the war will soon be over but I can’t see on what ground they make such predictions for it is now almost two years since the war began during which time it has raged with a fierceness unknown to the civilized world. And now what have we gained? I can’t see anything that makes the war look any nearer to termination than it did on the 16th of April 1861 (which was the day I volunteered). But no one can deny that we have lost a vast amount of valuable human lives. Our regiment has lost near two-thirds of its men and if they put us through the remainder of our time as they have done of late, I think that there is a fair prospect for losing the remaining third. One consolation is that I only have a little over a year more to serve and if I am spared until that time, I shall us my own pleasure about serving any longer. And if things are then carried on as they now are, I think that is is more than probable that I shall quit the biz.

Wednesday evening, the 14th. John has come up and we have transacted our business and I seat myself to finish your letter. I am going to send it down with John to give to Mr. McNeel as he is going to start back shortly. I have no news of any importance to communicate at present but hope that you will excuse this uninteresting letter & I will try to do better the next time. Give my love and best respects to Uncle and Aunt, and write soon to your most affectionate cousin, — Joseph T. Blair, Co. F, 12th Regt. OVI, Fayetteville, Western Virginia


Letter 4

Camp of the 12th Regiment Ohio Volunteers
Fayetteville, West Va.
February 27, 1863

Cousin Chester,

Pardon my negligence in not writing to you sooner. Your ever welcome letter found its way into our camp time since & found me enjoying health & all other comforts & blessings that pertain to a soldier’s life. I should have written you an answer long ago but as everything has remained so dull, I concluded to wait until some items of interest could be collected but I am now as much at a loss for startling events as what I was when your letter was received. But I suppose that I will have to write something no matter whether it be interesting or not for if I delay answering your communication much longer I fear that you will think that I have forgotten you. Everything has remained comparatively quiet since I last wrote. I don’t think that there is now as good a prospect of leaving here as there was then. The only prospect that I now see is in the event of our subsistence giving out which is quite probable for the roads are in such a condition that it is impossible for our supply trains to reach us & our commissaries are nearly exhausted. Heaven speed our departure for I am heartily sick of this part of God’s forsaken footstool.

Yesterday I saw a Cincinnati Commercial of the 22nd inst. and I see that the fight at Vicksburg has commenced. I feel quite confident that this time our troops will be victorious for I think that this last expedition which has marched against the much coveted city will prove equal to the emergency. If we should be victorious there, I think that the backbone of the rebellion will be crushed & I don’t suppose such a circumstance would set very well with the Butternuts of the North who has been so vigilant in trying to promote the Southern cause. But I feel convinced that all their fuming and fretting will be overthrown & the war will yet be brought to a successful & honorable issue. I see that our leaders at Washington are beginning to get to work in earnest. The famous Conscription Act has passed the Senate & when that once becomes a law if it don’t wake up the rebel sympathizing friends in the North, I am very much mistaken. This is as it should be. I don’t like to see men have to come to war who has families depending on them for support, but I want to see every young man in the North who is capable of bearing arms brought out & made to taste some of the realities of war. They will find it quite different from sitting ay home & denouncing the war policy & the Administration. I can’t say that the war policy is just as it should be, but how in the name of common sense are we going to help it. We have got into a muss & the only way to get out of it is to fight it out & I say if our rebel sympathizing friends of the North are not willing to fight voluntarily, force them to do so.

I see that the conscription provides that the single men shall be called out first & now I suppose that our home pets will be pitching in after the girls & getting married so as to be exempt, but I trust that our patriotic girls of the North will redouble their patriotism & show them no quarter whatever—not because I am afraid that all of the girls will be married before I get back, but because I want to see those featherbed pets who has been laughing in their sleeve at us laugh awhile out of the other side of their mouths.

But I must stop this or I will have no room to say anything else. I gave John & Jim that letter that you enclosed in mine & expect that they have answered it before this. I was down there last Sunday and found the boys all well and hardy. I am looking for John up today as I saw him the other day when he was on guard & he said that he would be up today. Give my love to& best respects to Uncle & Aunt & all enquiring friends & reserve a good portion for yourself. Write soon and tell me what the folks in your vicinity think of the late Conscription Act. your cousin, — J. T. Blair

Excuse bad writing as I write in haste.


Letter 5

Headquarters District of Kanawha
Fayette Court House, West Virginia
Monday, March 30, 1863

Mr. W. C. Steen, dear cousin,

Your ever welcome, interesting communication of the 15th inst. found its way into our camp a few days since & this morning finds me seated for the express purpose of writing you a reply although I don’t expect that I shall be able to interest you very much for since I last wrote nothing of a very startling character has developed itself, but I can’t say how soon there may. To judge from present indications, it will not be many days before something more than ordinary will take place for we are almost hourly expecting an attack from how large a force I am unable to say. But it is reasonable to expect that it is much larger than ours for our force at present consists of only two parts of regiments of infantry & two batteries of light artillery. But I feel confident that we shall be able to whip five to one, or at least hold them in check until reinforcements arrive. But if they should even compel us to abandon this place altogether, I don’t think that there would be very much advantage gained on their side & not much lost on ours for this is not an important point in a military view it is only held as an outpost for the defense of the Kanawha Valley.

Today all is activity in camp. We are moving 15 days rations inside of the fort preparatory fora siege. Whether it will come to this or not, I can’t say, but sincerely hope that it will not for I don’t like the idea of being besieged. Our regiment has never yet fought inside of fortifications & I hope that we will never have to for it seems to me too much like following the example of Jeff Davis & Co., but if they advance on us soon as every possibility indicates, we will have to rely on our fortifications to protect us from total annihilation.

I suppose that you are aware that the 91st Regiment has left here. I was sorry to see them leave for I have spent many pleasant hours with them during this long and dreary winter (that is with John, Jim & Ira and some more of my old acquaintances) but probably we may get together again before long as they have not went to distant parts. They only went down to the Kanawha Falls to relieve the 23rd Regiment that was doing garrison duty at that place. The distance from here to there is only 12 miles so you see that we are not very far apart after all. I received one letter from John, Jim & Ira since they left. They was in good health and seemed to be much better satisfied with their situation there than what they was while here and they have good reasons to be so for they are in a much better place than this. I don’t think there is much possibility for us to get out of this part of God forsaken footstool unless we are driven out for the roads are fastly improving and provision is arriving rapidly. There is some talk of an advance in the direction of Cumberland Gap but it will not be undertaken before the first of May & not then unless we are reinforced.

I see that Gen. Burnside has arrived in Cincinnati & taken command of the Department of the Ohio. This is just what I like to hear. I don’t think that a more competent person could have been found to fill that important place. He is energetic & we may soon expect active service. Well I can’t say that I am very anxious for a fight but I am getting very tired of this monotonous camp life of inactivity. We only have one more year to serve and during that year I want to see all of the sights. I want to go south & serve through an active campaign there & then I will be satisfied. Probably I will get my satisfaction. Time will prove all things.

The health of our camp is not as good as we could wish. We have had more death by sickness in our regiment since we came here than we ever had before. I can’t see what is the cause unless it is on account of the water which is of a very inferior quality. You said that you had heard that Alec Blair was in the hospital. It is so. Poor Alec. He is in a pretty bad fix. He is in the hospital up here. I was down to see him yesterday. He looks pretty bad. I visit him quite frequently & do all I can to keep him in good spirits as this is one of the greatest object of a sick soldier. He expects to get a furlough before long. I think that he should be discharged for his constitution is of too delicate a nature to stand the hardships which pertain to a soldier’s life.

A thousand thanks to you cousin Chester for the introduction to my cousin Mary B. Although introductions on paper is not as satisfactory as the original way, yet it will do very well under the present existing circumstances as no better means can be adopted. I must hurry this scribbling to a close to write my newly introduced cousin a letter for I am anxious to become better acquainted with her. I was very glad to hear of you having such a good time at that party which you was speaking about & more than glad to hear you having the good fortune to fall in love with one Miss Barefoot. But I must caution you not to exult too much over your success for it will probably prove a misfortune to you if your soldier brother John should hear of your proceedings.

Chester, you and I don’t understand the Conscription Law alike. As I understand, the first draft will include all unmarried men between the ages of 20 and 35 years. Am I not right? I think if you will carefully examine the law, you will find that I am. You said that you had heard some say that they would die before they would go to war. They were quite patriotic indeed but you may be sure when they said that they was only gassing. I perceive that the Butternuts are all very loud in their threats what they will do, but they never can muster courage enough to carry them into execution. Is not this so? I suppose that you read about the little affair which took place some time ago in Noble county, Ohio. I read an account of it in the Cincinnati Daily Commercial of the 23rd inst. This clearly demonstrated what the Butternuts would do if they could carry out their designs by threats but they could not muster courage to back those threats to the last argument which is to arms. This is just as it will be in all cases. They will no doubt boast considerable what they intend to do but in my opinion they will never assume courage enough to fire on anybody of us soldiers that may be sent into the disaffected districts to maintain order and enforce the law.

The weather is most beautiful and spring like today. I hope that we will have no more of this disagreeable March weather which has been so prevalent out here for the last two or three weeks. As you asked me to excuse your bad writing, I will agree to more than do so if you will only condescend to excuse this, although I have no excuse to make of having sore hands as you had. The only excuse which I have to offer is of getting in too much of a hurry & you will believe when I tell you that only 40 minutes has expired since I commenced this so you need not be surprised if you find a great many mistakes. Give my love and best respects to Uncle & Aunt and all the family. Write immediately if not sooner to your affectionate cousin, — Jos. T. Blair


Letter 6

Fayette Court House, West Virginia
April 29, 1863

My dear cousin Chester,

I with pleasure embrace the present opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of your ever welcome and interesting communication of the 19th inst. which I received a few days since. I was very glad to hear from you and to learn that you was yet enjoying the blessing of health. My health remains as good as I could wish & hoping that when this reaches you it may find you the same.

I shall proceed to tell how matters and things are progressing in this part of the so called Southern Confederacy but first let me advise you not to build your imagination too high and be expecting to hear something of a startling character for if you do, you will be sadly disappointed for I have no exciting news to communicate at present. Nothing worthy of notice has developed itself since I last wrote. Old Fayetteville & vicinity remains as peaceful and calm as a slumbering infant in its cradle. But how long our quietude will remain undisturbed I can’t say. To judge from what rumor says, one would think that we would have been attacked long ago, for it has long been reported that the Rebels are marching against us from Princeton & Raleigh & a score of other places too numerous to mention. But yet nothing of a hostile disposition has made its appearance. I almost wish that they would come for I am willing for anything that will relieve this dull monotony of inactive camp life.

Deserters are coming in from the enemy very fast during the last five days. There has over twenty come in and give themselves up declaring that they are disgusted with the Confederacy. They represent their army in a very bad condition in regard to provisions. They say that they don’t get half enough to eat but there is no confidence to be put in what a deserter says. If a man is mean enough to desert his country, he is also mean enough to lie. Don’t you think so? My opinion on such matters is this. I don’t think that there is any principle about a deserter no matter which side he belongs to.

I got a letter yesterday from John & Jim & Ira. They was well with the exception of John who has been complaining for some time but I guess that there is nothing very serious the matter. They are now at Summerville which is about 45 miles from here so you see that we are getting pretty well separated. But I expect that we will get together again during our summer campaign.I hope so for I would like to see the boys again before I quit the service. But if I don’t get to see them summer, I will be disappointed for this is my last summer—for the infantry service at any rate. I now only have a little over 11 months to serve until I will again be free & if I conclude to again enter the service, I shall enlist in the Navy for I have had quite enough of the army & I have a strong inclination for to try a life on the waters for awhile at any rate.

I got a letter from home the other day stating that sister was no better & that she wanted me to come home and see here. I would like very much to do so but I fear that it will be impossible for I have been trying for the last week to get a furlough but have not yet succeeded & no very favorable prospects of succeeding either. My captain is at Charlestown on business but I am looking for him back in a few days and then I will get him to intercede for me and probably I will succeed in getting a leave of absence for ten or twelve days. I shall try my best at any rate for from what I can here, Elizabeth is not long for this world & I should like very much to see her once more. But if it is God’s will that we should never meet again on earth, I trust that we may be prepared to meet in heaven where parting will be no more…

Your affectionate cousin, — Joseph T. Blair


Letter 7

Cousin Chester,

Yours of the 20th inst. reached its destination yesterday & I hasten a reply although I have nothing of interest to relate but I think that promptness always helps in a great measure to make a correspondence pleasant & interesting. I was down to see Jim last evening & found him to be some better although it will be some time before he will again be able to resume his usual duties. He looks very bad & is quite weak but I think the worst is past as the fever is broke. He is in good spirits which will help him along much ore than quinine which is the universal medicine used in the army.

With the exception of a small cavalry raid which took place a few days ago, things have remained comparatively quiet in this region but am unable to say how long such will remain so as you are aware that the Rebs have assumed the offensive and may probably give us a call before long. The raid which I speak of took place down on the Kanawha at the mouth of Loup Creek. About 600 Rebel cavalry dashed in there the other morning and surprised two companies of the 2nd Virginia taking the whole of them prisoners but fortunately there was part of the 91st who was stationed at Gault Bridge that were near at hand and they attacked the Rebs and routed them, recapturing the most of the 2nd Virginia boys. Meantime Col. White sent two of our companies to intercept their retreat but they retired by another road & I suppose are now well in their way back to Dixie.

You stated something about 100,000 more men being called out. I am glad of it. Pity it was not a million. I would like to see Ohio invaded from one end to the other. Probably the people would get their eyes open & come to their senses. It is perfectly disgusting to hear how men who are supposed to be sane are acting. They don’t seem to care what becomes of our country just so they can provide some means of safety for their own precious selves. I don’t believe that anything short of an invasion will make them comprehend the end which they are leveling us to. Let them once see some of the realities of war and I think they will shut their peace croaking mouth and come to the conclusion that the only way to compromise with Rebels is to use the bayonet.

The weather is very warm up here but we have showers occasionally which keeps the dust at bay. We had a very heavy rain last night. Today we have general muster & I must hasten to a close and prepare myself for the emergency.

The 4th [of July] will soon be here & I expect we will have as big a time as circumstances will permit. Thank fortune if my life is spared I will spend the next 4th in Ohio.

Ira and John are well. John says that he will keep you well advised as to how Jim gets along. Give my respects to Mollie & Kate. Also to Uncle and Aunt & write immediately if not sooner to your most affectionate cousin, — Joseph T. Blair

These are the original images of Joseph T. Blair as they appeared on Mosby’s Raiders with Eric Buckland’s Facebook Page with the following comment by eric:

“PVT Joseph T. Blair was “killed by bushwhackers” near Fayetteville, WV while riding with on November 10, 1863, so he may never have come up against Mosby’s Ranger. there is no doubt that some of his comrades did later on!”

Memoirs of Sergt. James W. Kenney, 1st Independent Battery, Massachusetts Light Artillery

Headstone of James W. Kenney, “sargeant of artillery” and a “brave soldier, a good citizen, an honest man”

The following memoirs were recorded in 1893 by James Woodell Kenney (1835-1900), the son of Michael Kenney and Jane Woodell (d. 1844) of Arlington, Middlesex county, Massachusetts. Kenney’s memoirs and his military records inform us that he mustered into the 1st Independent Battery, Massachusetts Light Artillery in August 1861, commanded by Josiah Porter. He was wounded in May 1864 during the Wilderness Campaign and mustered out of the battery on 29 August 1864 after three years service. He was married to Lizzie S. Shattuck on 24 December 1868. In 1870, James and Lizzie were enumerated in Charleston, Mass., where he was employed as a clerk in a printing office. Vital records of Massachusetts inform us that he died of a cerebral hemorrhage on 6 April 1900 in Boston.

James’ brother, Andrew J. Kenney (1834-1862) is mentioned several times in the memoirs. He mustered into Co, B. 40th New York Infantry and was killed in action during the Battle of Williamsburg on 5 May 1862. According to Mass. vital records, he was married on 25 November 1860 to Mary Jane Hodge (maiden name Woodell) in Ashburnham, Massachusetts.

The memoirs were addressed to James’ nephew and namesake, James W. Kenney. Family tree records are scanty but my hunch is that this nephew was James W. Kenney (b. 1858), the son of Michael Kenney (b. 1831) and Mary McKenna Sheehan (1828-1882). Michael was a rope maker and later a shoe factory worker in Roxbury, Massachusetts and during the Civil War he served as a private in Co. K, 1st Massachusetts Infantry.

[Note: These memoirs were provided to me for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by Tom Clemens. I could not find them transcribed elsewhere on the internet or in book form though the original might be housed at the U. S. Army Heritage & Education Center at Carlisle Barracks, Pa., as they claim to have a folder marked, “Memoirs of James W. Kenney’s Service.”]

Transcription

Dear Nephew and Namesake,

I greet you in love and kindness. Thinking you might like a short sketch of your Uncle Jim for whom you were named, and as I may have passed beyond “the River” before you grow old enough to remember me, or read these lines. the most of the sketch will be about my military service in the War 1861-5 which I thought might interest you. I kept a journal while in the service of every day—the drills, marches, reviews, battles, &c. After keeping it over two years, and being afraid I might lose it, I sent it home by a comrade going home on a furlough and he lost it, so the journal was gone up. What I write you in this will be taken from letters I wrote home and other memorandums. By reading this you will see what battles I was in any by referring to the History of the War, you can obtain an account of those battles. I was in the Army of the Potomac and served under every General that commanded it from General McClellan to General Grant.

I will commence with my birth, town, name (that is, the J. W. part) and follow with the army life. So many years have passed since that took place I cannot remember many things I would like. — Uncle Jim. January 1893

I was born in the town of West Cambridge, Mass., now called Arlington (name being changed about 1867) on September 26, 1835. I was named James Woodell for my grandfather (Woodell being my mother’s name before marriage). I also had an uncle J. W. who served in a Mass. Regoment and was killed in the Southwestern Army and also other relations who served in the Army or Navy in the war.

The town is between Lexington and Cambridge…The British troops crossed the river and landed in Cambridge, passing through West Cambridge on their way to Lexington and Concord. On the night of April 18th 1775 about midnight. the next morning the Battle of Lexington and Concord was fought and as the “Yankees” were coming in from the other towns making it rather warm for the British, they commenced to fall back to Boston. They were under fire almost all the way and lost many men on their return. There were more British and Americans killed in West Cambridge than at Lexington, and to West Cambridge belongs the honor at making the first capture of stores, provisions, and prisoners in the American Revolution on that day in the center of the town.

Cambridge is the place where General Washington took command of the American Army, its headquarters being there at the time. The old Elm tree under which he stood is still standing. Also the house in which he had his headquarters, bing for years the home of Longfellow—the poet. Here is also Harvard College, founded before that time….I was born on historical ground and grew up with a strong love for my country. My father had also held a commission as ensign in the 1st Regiment Mass. Militia under Gov. Lincoln in 1832.

I will not enter into details of my early life but will say my Mother died when I was quite [page missing]

…as the lawyer had to go out of town to court, he could not attend to the details. I offered my services in any way and it was left in my hands to call a meeting that evening at his office or the Town Hall. I went out and found the others, then got three uniforms—two that had belonged to father, and one that belonged to me as I had been in the militia before father died but gave it up then. Then got a fife and drum to make a noise and went all over town telling every one of the meeting in the Town Hall that evening. The Hall was not large enough to hold the crowd that came—the largest gathering ever held in town. We soon raised a company, the lawyer was chosen Captain and I was chosen First Lieutenant. As the Captain had so much to attend to in court fixing up his cases and turning them over to other lawyers. I had all the charge of the company in drill and I often duties in the daytime. We drilled in forenoon and afternoon on the street in marching and company movements and in the Hall in the manual of arms in the evening. My older brother Andrew came home and enlisted in my company. So we all three were in the service.

We continued drilling until the last of May when we were told of a regiment being raised in Brooklyn, New York, by Henry Ward Beecher that they had seven companies and wanted three more to fill the regiment and start at once for the Seat of War. My company and two others from Mass. took special train for New York on the evening of May 30th, arriving the next morning, and after breakfast, went over to Brooklyn and took quarters in a five story armory large enough for two companies on a floor. In the afternoon I went over to New York and took boat for Governor’s Island to see your father. I found him in “Castle William,” the round fort on the point of the island. He was surprised to see me. On Sunday we all went to hear Beecher preach in the morning and in the afternoon a few of us went to the Catholic Cathedral to hear the singing. It was fine.

We found out that there were not 7 companies—that all there were was about 150 men—the toughest looking you could find and they were not drilled or uniformed. The food they gave us was so bad we could not eat it and we could get no satisfaction from those raising the regiment so we called a meeting of the officers of our three companies and voted to return to Massachusetts. (You will understand we were Mass. troops and not mustered into U. S. service.)

On the evening of June 4th, took boat from New York to Boston, arriving the next morning. After breakfast, the officers went to the State House to see the Quartermaster General of the State and have him put us in camp until he could send us away but at that time the State did not have camps for troops as they did later on. But we were granted leave to go to Fort Warren (Boston Harbor) until we could make arrangements for something else. the companies went down in charge of their 1st Lieutenants and the Captains remained in town to see what they could do. They came down to the fort on June 8th and we went up to the City and were dismissed until the 11th when we all reported and started again for New York, arriving the next morning and taking boat up the river for Yonkers. On the morning of the 13th two of the companies were mustered into the U. S. Service. As each company was a few short, we lent them a few men to be exchanged back into our company later on. My brother Andrew went into one of those companies [Co. B, 40th New York Infantry] and remained in it until he was killed at Williamsburg, Virginia.

As we were going to New York Regiments, we would have to get N. Y. State commissions. The two companies mustered in were mustered as they were, officers and men, but my captain wanted a new election which was held and the same officers reelected although te captain tried to make a change and throw me and another out, and put in two friends used to drink and bum around with him. I heard what was going on and we had a row. He got some plain remarks from me and it ended in my taking all the men but about 12 and marching them out and took cars for New York City. I had two offers while there to take my men, fill up my company, and go as captain in some New York Regiment but I had enough of New York and was going home. I got quarters for my men that night in the Park Barracks near City Hall and started for home the next evening and arrived all right. The citizens were provoked at the action of the captain in breaking up such a fine company. I was offered all the backing with money wanted to raise another company but I was anxious to get away and did not want to wait so long as to raise and drill another company. A captain belonging to the 16th Mass. Regiment Infantry wanted me to take my men and join his company but as I could not get any satisfaction as regarding my being an officer in his company (and the men wanted me as an officer over them), I would not go. So you see I had bad luck all around in getting away. One reason was Mass. was so patriotic. We had about three times as many companies enlisted in the State as was called for.

I remained around home working or attending to some military duties until August 27th when being in Boston I found out the Boston Light Artillery had returned from its three-months service and was reorganizing for three years. I dropped my commission and enlisted in the Battery and was mustered into the U. S. Service for three years on the 28th of August. We went into camp in Cambridge about half a mile from the Arlington line.

Arriving in camp we were formed into Gun Detachments and the Warrant Officers appointed. I was made Gunner with the rank of corporal and took charge of a Gun Detachment. I soon picked up the drill (as artillery was new to me) and soon had the best drilled squad on Sabre and Gun Drill. I was promoted to Sergeant afterward and remained as such during the rest of my service.

Perhaps now would be a good time to give you an account of the organization of a Battery and the duties of the men. This will be on a war footing as all troops are about one-third less in time of peace. Artillery is generally formed for field service, one third short range (smooth bore) 12 lb. Howitzers or Light 12’s called Napoleons, and two-thirds long range, or rifle, generally 10 lb. [ ], although our army had about the same number of each at the last of the war owing to the nature of the ground fought over being woody. Most of the fighting was at short range. There are 14 carriages in a Battery, 6 gun carriages with a gun mounted on the hind wheels, and an ammunition chest on the front wheels. The trail of the gun hooks on the axle of the front wheels when on the move, but rests on the ground when in action. Six caissons which carry ammunition, two chests on the hind wheels, and one on the front wheels, the front and rear parts of the caisson couple together the same as the gun carriage and are alike and can be exchanged when wanted, Thus in action the caissons are left in a sheltered place when convenient and if the ammunition of the gun limber is running low, the limber of the caissons come up and take its place and the gun limber returns to the caisson and refills from the rear chests, ready to exchange again. There is an extra wheel on the rear of the caisson, an extra pole under the carriage, shovel, axe, pick, water buckets, &c. One carriage called Battery Wagon with half round top to carry extra feed bags, parts of harness, halters, saddlers tools, wheelwrights tools, and various stores. One carriage called Forge or traveling Blacksmith Shop for shoeing horses and doing iron work of all kinds.

We have about 140 horses, three pair to each carriage, one for each sergeant, bugler, and artificer, and the rest are extra or spare horses to replace those broken down or lost in action. There are 150 men in a full battery, 5 commissioned officers (1 captain and four lieutenants), 8 sergeants, 12 corporals, 2 buglers, and three artificers. The Battery is divided into sections, two guns and two caissons make a section. Also into Gun Detachments, one to each gun and caisson.

Now I will give you a list of their duties. The captain is in command of all, one lieutenant in command of each section (taking 3) and the rest of the junior 2d in command of the caissons when they are away or separate from the guns. One first sergeant who is over he company next to the lieutenants and receives orders (in camp) to pass down to the other sergeants for details &c. draws rations, clothing &c. One quartermaster sergeant who draws forage or grain for the horses and looks after the baggage wagons. Six other sergeants, one for each gun and caisson, they having charge of the two carriages, horses and men. Twelve corporals, one for each gun and caisson and called 1st and 2nd Corporal (A Gunner and No. 8 man). They are under the sergeants. Buglers who blow camp and drill calls. Three artificers (one blacksmith, one wheelwright, 1 harness maker) to attend to all the work in their line. There is a driver to each pair of horses and he rides the nigh one when on duty. They take care of their horses—cleaning, feeding, and driving. Also take turns standing guard over the horses at night. Others are detailed to clean the extra ones and one man takes care of each sergeant’s horse as he has to look after the others while cleaning and feeding.

I will now give you the duties of the gun squad with the gun unlimbered and in position, the limber in rear of the gun, horses facing the rear of the gun, the drivers dismounted and “standing to horse” holding them by the bridle. The pole driver holds the sergeant’s horse when firing, he being dismounted and in charge of the gun. Standing in the rear, 8 men and the Gunner is a gun squad. the Gunner goves the order to load, cut the fuse, fire &c., he receiving the order from the sergeant, also sights the gun. The men are numbered from 1 to 8. No. 1 is on the right of the muzzle and sponges and rams the gun. No. 2 opposite him and he inserts the cartridge and shot or shell, having one in each hand. No. 3 on the right, he thumbs the vent, then steps to hand spike in end of te trail and moves the gun to right or left for the Gunner, then pricks the cartridge and steps to place. No. 4 is on the left and he fixes a friction primer to the lanyard, inserts it in the vent, stepping back to place, ready to pull at the order to “Fire.” No. 5 is on the left and half way between No. 2 and the limber. He takes the ammunition from his position to No. 2. No. 7 stands on the left of limber and takes it to No. 5. No. 6 stands at the rear of ammunition chest, cuts the fuze and delivers it as ordered to No. 7. No. 8 is the 2nd Corporal of the Gun Squad and in charge of the caisson and remains with it and attends to any order received. If to pack any ammunition from rear chests to limber, he would dismount his drivers and set them to work. The men are drilled at all the duties on guns and horses. Also drilled to work short-handed, one man doing the duty of two, three or more. On drill the sergeant would say, No. so and so knocked out, and sometimes would knock out almost all the squad and then en would go right along with the drill so when it came to active work, the men knew just what to do.

We remained in camp at Cambridge drilling on the guns and in field movements from August 28th until October 3rd. I went home quite often while there as the horse crew passed the camp and our officers let me go out of camp when not required for duty in camp or drill, and then men did not abuse the privilege. On October 3rd we started by railroad for Washington, passing through New York, Philadelphia, & Baltimore, arriving all right and going in camp on Capitol Hill in rear of the capitol.It was quite a different place then from what it is now. The capitol was not finished and on the Hill were log houses with negroes, pigs, and geese around loose (we caught some). The streets were awful from the gun carriages, wagon trains, &c. The mud at times was up to the hubs of the wheels and horses up to the belly.

When we left home we had two six-pound smooth bore guns, two six-pound rifled guns, [and] two twelve-pound Howitzers. While here we received orders to turn in the four six-pound pieces and take four 10-pound Parrott Guns, rifled—a fine gun and extreme range—about 5 miles.

There was a review of 75 horse companies and 22 batteries by General Scott, the President, Members of Congress, and others. We were picked out and received orders to join Gen. Franklin’s Division across the river. On the 14th October, we crossed Long Bridge and went in camp near Fairfax Seminary about three miles from Alexandria. Our camp was named Camp Revere in honor of a friend of the captain—Major Revere of the 20th Massachusetts Infantry. Our division has twelve regiments of infantry, 1 regiment of cavalry, and 4 batteries.

We had been assigned to Gen. Franklin’s division, which was then lying about four miles northwest of  Alexandria, on the borders of Fairfax County, the division headquarters being at Fairfax Seminary, the New Jersey brigade then commanded by Gen. Kearney, and the First New York Cavalry, lying upon the slope of Seminary Hill, south of the Leesburg pike, a brigade commanded by Gen. Newton located along the pike north of the seminary, and a brigade commanded by Gen. Slocum lying northeast of Newton’s brigade, and north of the pike, the camp of its nearest regiment, the Sixteenth New York Volunteers, being perhaps thirty rods from the road. These troops, with four batteries of light artillery, constituted this division in October, 1861. When we arrived, there was a battery of New Jersey volunteers commanded by Capt. Hexamer in the vicinity of division headquarters, a battery in the immediate vicinity of Newton’s brigade, a battery of regulars, D, Second U. S. Artillery, lying near the pike, and opposite, Slocum’s brigade. This battery was located upon a plain, which the road from Alexandria reaches shortly after it crosses the run which makes its way from Arlington Heights southeasterly to Alexandria. The First Massachusetts Battery encamped in a piece of woods on the east side of this run and at the left of Slocum’s brigade. In this camp, which was named Revere, we remained until winter. Our drill-ground was on the plain beyond Newton’s brigade, on the north side of the pike,—of this field we shall have occasion to speak later. The inspection of the artillery by the chief of artillery of the army, and the review of the division, were made upon the high plateau west of the seminary.” Pvt. A. J. Bennett, First Mass. Light Battery

The execution of William Henry Johnson, 5th New York Cavalry

We remained here all winter with plenty of Division reviews, inspections, and camp duties. While here our Division had the 1st Military Execution for deserting. A man named [William Henry] Johnson, 1st New York Cavalry, was on the outer picket line and he left his post and rode towards the rebel lines. When a long distance out, he met a squad in Rebel uniforms and was halted. He said he had deserted. He had his horse, saddle, and bridle, sabre, carbine, and revolver—government property. The officer in charge asked him all kinds of questions as regarding our line, position of picket posts, &c.. He also asked to see his carbine, looked it over, cocked it, and told the man he was a prisoner. The squad was some of our scouts. He was brought in, courtmartialed and sentenced to be shot on the 13th December. The Division was ordered out to see the execution. We were formed on three sides of a square in double lines with the other side open and the grave dug in about the centre of that line…He was brought on the field in a wagon seated on his coffin and a horse with reversed arms (as at a funeral). They entered on the right of the line and passed through all the line. As they passed along, the band of each regiment played a funeral dirge (going to his own funeral). Passing on the left of the line, they drove to the grave. He and his coffin were taken from the wagon, the Judge Advocate read to him the charges, findings, and sentence of the court martial.He was then blindfolded and seated on his coffin. The firing party then stepped up and shot him. The line was then faced to the right and all were marched by close to where he lay. He was buried there. No one was sorry.

In November we had a Grand Review at Bailey’s Cross Roads. Over 75,000 troops before the President, foreign ministers, Members of Congress, and others. It was fine. Four batteries were picked out to fire the salute and we were one of the four. Instead of firing so many guns for the salute, we fired so many batteries, all the guns in a battery being fired at once, and counting as one gun. Then the next and so on.

On January 20th, we had one of our men thrown from his wagon and killed. While out after wood, his team, ran away and striking a stump, threw him off. This was the first death in our company. We remained in this camp all winter attending to drill and camp duties.

I will give you an account of what some of our camp duties were. 1st call in the morning at 5.30 when we get up, put on our boots, and are dressed. 5.45 fall in for roll call and served with a dipper of coffee. 6.00 fall in again and clean around the horses, also clean and feed them until 7.00 then breakfast. 8.30 guard mounting when the old guard are dismissed and the new guard go on for 24 hours. They are divided into three reliefs and go on for two hours and off in 4 hours. 9.00 water call when the drivers take the horses to water. 9.30 sick call when all the sick go to the doctor’s tent. 12.30 dinner. 3.30 stable call when the stalls are cleaned. Also horses ed and cleaned. 5.30 evening roll call, 8.00 tattoo roll call. 8.30 taps when all lights are put out. No noise or talk after that. Also about five hours drill beside if the weather is good. Every day field drill, gun drill, or sabre.

After remaining in Camp Revere from October 14th until March 10th, the army started on the march for Centreville and Manassas where the Confederate army were in winter quarters. We had large bell tents called Sibley tents that would hold 12 men each while in winter camp but when we received marching orders, we also received orders to turn them in and draw small ones called shelter tents, one half tent to each man. They would button together. The men would cut three small poles, one for each end and one for a ridge pole, put the tent over and pin it down. Two men could crawl under and sleep.

We had orders also to turn in wheelbarrows, shovels, hoes, pitchforks, small camp stoves and a large quantity of other things we could not carry. I was left in charge of all this property with a guard of six men, one sick man, and a prisoner and two teams. I had to take an account of all the property, turn it in at a government store house in Alexandria, and get a receipt for the same. Then take my men and follow on after the company and report. I overtook them at Annandale on the 14th March on their return from Centreville and Manassas where they had been and Lee’s army had fallen back towards Richmond. When this was found out, the plan of operations was changed ad we (the army) were ordered back to our camp. As we had cold rains on the return march and the men slept on the ground, they suffered very much.

At this time the army was formed into corps, three divisions in a corps. I told you before how many were in a division so you will understand the size of a corps. Our division was the 1st Division, 6th Corps—one of the best in the army and called the “Fighting Sixth.” We lay in camp on our old campground about three weeks, having drill, reviews, and inspections. On the 25th March, General McDowell reviewed and inspected about 50,000 troops. On the 27th, Lord Lyons and other foreign ministers with Members of Congress reviewed about 33,000. Also a review by General McClellan and others.

April 4th last night we received orders to be ready to start in the morning. Were up, tents struck and all packed before sunrise but did not start until about 10 o’clock. I was again left in charge of some stores with two men and orders to turn them in to the quartermaster’s department. The next afternoon at 2 o’clock I took the cars (baggage train) and went about three miles and stoped until six, then thirteen miles and lay on a side track until 10 the next morning in an open baggage car. Then we started again and I found my company at Manassas. Owing to rain and snow the roads were so bad we could not move. There were also various steams of water that had becone so deep we could not cross. We lay in a plowed foeld in a sheet of mud until the 11th when the steam Broad Run, having fallen, the cavalry found a place up the stream where we could cross. The water was up to the axle of the carriages. After passing the run, the fields were so soft we would get all ready and put on whip and spur to the horses and start across, sometimes clear up to the axle, and they would become stuck. Then all the men would get hold and help them out. Each carriage would take a different track in crossing. After getting about two miles beyond the river, we received orders (our Corps) to return to Alexandria, turned back and by a forced march reached Manassas on April 12th, marched again to Fairfax, and camped.

On the 13th reached Alexandria and camped outside the town near Fort Ellsworth. On the 14th we shipped our guns, caissons, and horses on stream transports, and men and baggage on schooners. On the 15th, 16thm and 17th the rest of the corps were being shipped to join General McClellan before Yorktown, he having taken the rest of the army some time before down the river. Sailed early on the 18th, the schooners and some transports in tow of the steam vessels, arriving at Ship Point about three o’clock on the afternoon of the 19th. On the 20th and 21st, unloaded the cavalry and artillery on account of the horses and left the infantry on the transports to await orders, it being understood we were to sail up the York River and attack Gloucester Point opposite Yorktown when McClellan attacks Yorktown. My brothers were in camp about three miles from our camp but I could not go to see them. While laying here the Boys killed quite a number of snakes—Blue Racers. Some of them were four or five feet long. They would crawl in along side the men in the night to keep warm and they would find then in their blankets in the morning.

From the 22nd until May 4th we attended to our regular duties with nothing of interest that I can think of. We could hear the firing every day at Yorktown. On the morning of May 4th, we were having our Sunday morning inspection when the officer commanding the artillery of our division informed us that Yorktown was evacuated and gave us orders to reship. We were all board by midnight. Started up the York River the next morning and reported at Yorktown, remained all night and in the morning, May 6th, we started up river again for West Point, reaching there early in the afternoon. Our horses, arriving first, were landed during the night and our carriages the next morning, May 7th. Some of our infantry that were landed the day before were skirmishing all night. We took position with our guns and were in our first battle. We also had General Sedgwick’s Division with us. The Rebs opened on our troops, steamers and transports. We replied to them and advanced a strong line of infantry and won the day. Our gunboats in the river aided us by rapid firing with large guns. There was a French gunboat came up the river with us to look on. Some of the shots struck quite near her and she run up the French flag and beat to quarters. We remained in harness all night and I was sergeant of the guard and had a gun loaded to fire as a signal if needed.

On the 8th [May], General McClellan and staff arrived, the rest of the army having marched from Yorktown up between the James and York rivers, his right joining our two divisions, remained here the 9th and 10th, the gunboats going further up the river and shelling the woods. On the 11th, moved a few miles and camped, remaining the 12th and moving again on the 13th, camping at Cumberland, remaining the 14th. On the 15th, up at four and ready for the march. Went to the White House—a fine estate belong to Lee. It was a beautiful place, a large number of slaves, and they had nice quarters and workshops. The fields of grain and everything looked fine. The 16th, 17th, and 18th were quiet but we moved again on the 19th. On the 20th and 21st we moved along and on the 22nd remained in camp. Also the 23rd and 24th. On the 25th, we marched again and camped on a plantation belonging to Dr. Gaines who raised grain and tobacco. The Rebs threw a number of shells into our camp today.

For the next few days we lay in camp here and could hear firing at different points along the line. I stood on the brow of a hill and looked down on the Battle of Fair Oaks. Could see the lines move up, hear the cannon and musketry, the yell of both armies as they charged. Also the Battle of Seven Pines. While in this camp I received a letter from your father informing me that in the Battle of Williamsburg (May 5th) that our brother Andrew J. was killed and that your father was wounded in the same battle and was then at Annapolis, Maryland in hospital.

On June 11th we started from camp (leaving the camp standing under guard) at 4 o’clock to relieve another Battery on picket at Mechanicsville where there were a few houses and a ford across the creek. Our troops held one bank and the Rebs the other. We could see them working on earthworks on a hill, but they remained quiet until about 6 p.m. when they opened on us. Each section of the Battery lay quite a distance from the other. The short-distance section was in the road leading to the ford. One long-range section to the right and the other to the left of it. So the lieutenant from right and left would go to the centre and eat with the captain and other lieutenants. As the officers were at supper when the firing commenced and only the sergeants in charge when an aide rode up and ordered us to reply to them. To the fort on the hill was about one mile. I from the left and sergeant Lawrence from the right, each dropped a shell in the breastwork. We heard afterwards from some prisoners that came in that we killed quite a number and dismounted a gun. They soon stopped when they found out what was in front of them. The lieutenant came up running and asked who gave the orders. I told him. Soon the aide returned and told us to stop. The lieutenant told me and I replied, I have a shot in the gun.” He said fire it but don’t load again. I asked could I fire where I wished, He said yes. I dropped the breach of the gun all I could (for elevation), pointed it toward Richmond, which was 4.5 miles and let it go. As the gun would carry about 5 miles, I have often wondered where it went.

We remained here a week laying around the guns, day and night, but we were not troubled again while there. On the [ ] we were relieved, returned to and struck camp, leaving Dr. Gaines’ place and crossing the creek at Woodbury bridge and camped in a field near Fair Oaks. On the 19th, moved a short distance and camped. While here I went among regiments of our line and found [ ] regiments and two batteries from Massachusetts. i found some friends in some of them. The sights I see in passing over the fields of Fair Oaks and Seven Pines were hard. Men thrown into [burial] trenches, some having as many as 100 to 150 in a trench. Many had been only covered as they lay on the ground by throwing dirt up from each side and as the rains had washed parts of them out—arms, legs, face, &c. and those parts were one living mass of maggots. The stench was horrible. And the troops were camped among the graves and had to drink the water. The reason they were buried so was after the battle, there was an awful rain storm and the creek was overflowed and the bodies were under the water. When it went down, they were so bad they could not be handled. The dead belonged to both armies.

Captioned “Woodbury’s Bridge—Chickahominy River.” Library of Congress

For the next week things remained about the same, firing along the lines every day and the regular camp duties. On June 26th the Rebs crossed at Mechanicsville and above, turning our right, where there was a terrible fight—the first one of the Seven Days. General Porter commanding the corps on the right was forced to fall back to Gaines Mills. On the 27th was the Battle of Gaines Mills. We crossed over at Woodbury Bridge and were in the battle in the afternoon. It was very fierce and the loss was large on both sides. At night we crossed back over the creek and took position on the front line remaining all night.

On the 28th, moved back to creek and took position to command another bridge. Troops passing all day and fighting at different points on the line. We held the position all day and on picket at night. Moved back before morning passing through lines of battle. I will explain something here something of the way we were falling back. While say one half of the army were fighting today, the other half formed the second line in rear of the first, ready to support them or take part holding the line all day, and at night the first line passed through the second and formed in their rear, being the supporting line that day. And at night change again from first to second.

On the 29th June was the Battle of Savage Station. When I passed here there were piles of rations—beef, pork, rice, hard bread, &c. Tons of musket and artillery ammunition, shot, shell, &c. All the stores of all kinds the teams could not carry were piled up and set on fire. Also hay and grain. The soldiers were taking the fuses out of the shells, pouring out the powder and in fact, destroying thousands of dollars worth of property. This was a railroad station and that is the reason there was so much property there. We had railroad trains moving what they could and kept them at it so long we could not get back. so the bridge over the creek was burned, the train loaded with stores, the engine started and all run into the creek.

You will form some idea of our wagon train when I tell you if it was put in a single ine, it would reach over 50 miles. We also drove a large head of cattle.

On June 30th, Charles City Cross Roads and White Oak Swamp Battles were fought. We were in the Charles City Cross Roads fight and had it hot. We fired so long and rapid our guns’ breach [became] so hot they would go off when the vent was uncovered. Although we wet the sponge in water, the water passed into the vent honeycombed them so bad that they had to be taken out and new ones put in as soon as we had an opportunity, a man coming from the gun foundry. We fired that day from our long-range guns about one ton from each.

I told you I had a good drilled squad ad we use to see who would gwt the first shot when we received orders to commence firing. I got the first shot and I suppose they fired at my smoke for while loading for the second shot, my No. 3 man at the vent, and my head by his side sighting the gun, a shell passed through him and over my shoulder, spattering the flesh and blood in my face and clothing. After dark we lay around the guns with a skirmish line in front. At midnight the lieutenant told me to wake my men and mount the driver and tell them and the other men not to speak a word or strike a horse and if they became stuck on stumps or in a hole, to leave then and save my horses if I could. If not, leave them. We drove off on the grass without a sound being made. One of our officers (said to be Gen. Kearny) rode up to the picket line and asked for the officer in charge, gave him orders to move the line back and uncover a cross road through a wood as he wished to pass some artillery. the officer, thinking it all right, moved the line and we passed through with everything all right. When we came out on a pike road inside our line, an officer sat on his horse and told us to let them go and we went down the road flying, arriving at Malvern Hill at 4 o’clock in the morning of July 1st, took position in line, and was in the battle part of the time. As our corps was out of ammunition, we received orders to go to the rear. Towards evening we took position for the night.

July 2nd left our position at 2 a.m. and marched to Harrison’s Landing, the troops coming in all day. When we arrived here we entered as fine a field of grain as ever you see, but before night, with the rain and the tramp of troops, it was all gone and was our sea of mud. Thus ended the Seven Days Battles before Richmond—one of the grandest movements of the war. When you think of the country we had to fight over, the large force General Lee brought against us, and we saved our trains and cattle, also artillery and troops.

On the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th, we were in different positions in reforming the lines. On the 8th, President Lincoln with a large staff and guard rode around the lines and received the troops, the gunboats and batteries firing salutes. The infantry built long earthworks and the artillery was placed in them all along the line, the guns being about 17 yards apart and the infantry camped in the rear. A strong picket line was out about 3 or 4 miles. We had drills and other camp duties every day. Otherwise it was quiet until the night of July [ ], when at midnight, the Rebs having brought down some batteries on the other side of the [James] River, opened fire on our gunboats, transports and camps. The gunboats and some batteries near the landing replied. The camps all turned out. It looked fine to see the shells going through the air when they didn’t come too near. In about an hour it stopped and all was quiet again and we turned in. The next day several regiments were sent across the river to destroy some buildings used by then=m for observation and a strong guard left to prevent the move again. A large number of men were dying in the camps every day from the hardships they had passed through but only one died in our camp from fever. Sometimes twenty or thirty dead bodies would pass our camp a day and I suppose the same in other parts of the army. It was very hot while here—from 100 to 115 degrees every day.

We received orders to turn in our guns and draw others of a different kind. We received six light 12-pounders or Napoleon guns, short-range (less than a mile) but the most destructible gun in the service for close fighting. Expecting the guns were ready, we took the horses and only 12 men and went to the landing and then found out we had to put the carriages together, mount the guns, and draw the ashore. Also all the ammunition, It took all day and was a hard job. The glass stood 80 degrees in the shade.

On August 6th, some 30 lb. Parrotts took position on our right. On the 7th Battery, B. Md. Artillery took our position and we moved into camp half a mile in the rear. On the 11th, received orders to be ready, packed up and hitched every day but did not start until the afternoon of the 16th when we crossed the Lower Chickahominy on a pontoon bridge which the gunboats were guarding. On July 18th, passed through Williamsburg (the place my brother Andrew was killed). On the 19th, passed through Yorktown and reached Lee’s Mills on the 20th and were ordered to Hampton. On the 23rd, we shipped our carriages on an old ferry boat that used to run from Boston to Chelsea which reminded us of home.

On the 24th shipped our horses and men on schooners. On the 26th went to Aquia Creek and received orders on the 27th to proceed to Alexandria. Arrived there on the 28th and disembarked, went into camp outside the city near Fort Lyons, and quite near the old camp where my brother was last winter.

On the 29th the Battery was ordered out towards Centreville and as our teams had not arrived, I was left in charge of baggage and stores with a guard until they came. The Battery returned to camp on September 2nd in the night and the next day moved to the old campground of last winter. In camp the 4th and 5th. In the 6th we received orders at 5 p.m. and were on the road at 6 passing over Long Bridge, through Washington and Georgetown on the trot and camping beyond on the Poolesville road (as the Rebs had crossed into Maryland). Remained in camp the next day. Troops passing all day. On the 8th passed through Rockville and at 7 went in position for the night. Marched the next day and camped at night at foot of the Sugar Loaf Mountain. Remained in camp the next day and marched on the following one camping near Buckstown. On the move next day and at noon, halted near Jefferson. Started again and halted near South Mountain, then opened the battery on Crampton Pass, South Mountain, where the Rebs were in a strong position on the side of the mountain with both artillery and infantry. Our battery was engaged part of the time, but being short-range, could only reach part of their line, but other batteries could. Part of our infantry moved on the front and another force moved into the woods and up the side of the mountain and flanked the position, driving them up and over the mountain, taking artillery, baggage wagons, and prisoners. We moved up the hill and camped on the field with the dead and wounded.

We were on the move again on the 17th and could hear rapid firing in the direction of Sharpsburg. We arrived at Antietam Creek at noon where we found a fierce battle going on. We was ordered into line on the right of center where the battle had been fierce, the dead of both armies and wounded lay thick as the field had been charged over two or three ties by both armies. In passing through a cornfield to take position, many a poor soldier (wounded), Union & Reb, would raise himself on his elbow and ask us, “For God’s sake” not to run over him. I can say I never run over a wounded man while in service. I rode by the lead driver and looked out for that. We took position within 500 yards and opened fire, remained on the field that day and the next, engaged or under fire.

On the night of the 18th, could hear the Rebs moving artillery or trains the most of the night, not knowing if they were massing troops for a final charge on our right, or a flank movement in the morning. As soon as daylight on the 19th, our skirmish line was advanced with a strong supporting line and forced the Reb skirmish line back. They soon found they had no support as their army had gone and left them. They threw down their guns and came in as prisoners.

We started after them at once, passing over the field of battle and I must say, I see worse sights here than on any other field I was ever on. Thousands of dead and wounded of both armies, killed in all kinds of ways and positions, and those that were killed at the first of the battle were swollen to twice their size and turned black. The stench was awful (when men are killed in health and full blooded, they turn soon) and the sun was very hot. In all the buildings from the field to the river, we found them filled with their wounded whom they had left behind. Lee’s army had crossed at Williamsport.

On the 21st, camped at St. James College. On the 22nd, moved into camp at St. James College. On the 22nd, moved into camp at Bakersville and remained the rest of the month and until October 9th when we went to Hagerstown and washed up the Battery for repairs and painting, and harnesses for oiling. After getting about half done, we were ordered on picket at Williamsport, put our carriages and harness together and went on the 16th finishing while there. We went out three or four times at midnight (with other troops) to command a bridge expecting a cavalry dash. The nights were very frosty and cold standing on watch. On October 31st we were relieved by the Baltimore Light Artillery and marched to the south side of the Blue Ridge, crossing at Crampton Pass and camping for the night. Then crossed the Potomac at Berlin on a pontoon bridge and entered Virginia once more.

During NOvember there was nothing of interest—only marches taking position in various places. Lots of rain and some snow. General Burnside had taken the place of General McClellan at the latter part of the month. Gen. Hooker’s Division was passing our camp and I run out and watched for the battery your father was in, he having returned to duty. I see him for about half an hour—the first time for eleven months.

December 4th, marched to Belle Plain and went in camp, remaining in camp until the 11th. Some rain and snow. On the 11th we started for Fredericksburg and camped near the river. On the 12th, crossed the Rappahannock on a pontoon bridge below the city (called Franklin’s Crossing) and went in position near the Barnard House. The day was foggy but about 3 o’clock it lifted and the Rebs opened on us and there was some brisk fighting. At night it stopped.

Early the next morning, the 13th, the firing was rapid and lively on both sides. At noon we moved and took position on the right of the left wing of our army, when the whole of the infantry line (in that wing) advanced towards the railroad and a fierce infantry fight took place. The Rebs moved a battery to rake the line, when our battery opened on their and blew up a number of heir limbers and the loss of life must have been large. We soon silenced that battery.

Our troops were repulsed with a large loss in killed and wounded and they fell back to their old place in line. Towards evening the opened a cross fire on us from a battery near the town. Their 1st shot smashed a wheel on a gun limber, took off a sergeant’s leg, and a private’s arm. Some horses killed and wounded. On the 14th and 15th lay in position with few shots from either side, both watching for a move from the other.

On the night of the 15th all the army fell back across the river on the pontoon bridges. These were covered with hay to deaden the sound. We were all across and the bridges up before daylight which surprosed the Rebs who expected to see us before them in the morning. Our battery was the last to cross, being with the rear guard. We had a large loss and no gain in this battle. We then returned to the same camp occupied before the movement. Remained here until the 19th when we moved and camped near White Oak Church on the Belle Plain Road. Nothing of interest during the rest of December—only the same as when we are in camp long. On the 28th I got a pass, mounted, and went out to find your father’s company. After riding about all over the army, I found him.

From January 1st to 20th, we were in the same camp building brush stables for the horses and attending to other camp duties. On the 20th, left camp at noon and marched across country striking the Warrenton Pike near Falmouth where we camped for the night. A cold rain all night and for the next three days. In the morning we were soaking and puddles of watrer where we lay. We had hard work to move our carriages, the mud was so deep. We had to take the horses from one carriage and put them on another, then return for the others. Sometimes we had from 8 to 28 horses on one carriage. Pontoon trains, baggage wagons, siege guns, and ambulances were struck fast in the mud. Mules and horses were mired and became so weak as to fall over in the mud and drown. I had to take a mounted detail of 16 men, go back and find the forage train, get a bag of oats, and put it in front…[the remainder is missing]

1862-3: Michael Spratt to Friend Charles

The following letters were written by Michael Spratt (1834-1888) who served as a private in Co. C (“the Honesdale Guards”), 6th Pennsylvania Reserve Infantry (35th Volunteers). Michael enlisted on 13 May 1861 and mustered out with the company on 11 June 1864 after three years service.

Michael Spratt, 6th Pennsylvania Reserves

Michael’s first letter conveys the details of his experience in fighting with the 6th Pennsylvania Reserves on the battlefields at South Mountain and at Antietam. In both engagements, the 6th Pennsylvania Reserves fought under Brig. Gen. George G. Meade in the famed 1st Brigade composed entirely of Pennsylvania Reserves (1st, 2nd, 5th, 6th, and the 13th). It was the 13th Pennsylvania Reserves who were known as the “Bucktails.”

The second letter was penned after the Battle of Fredericksburg and following Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. It is more philosophical in nature. The third letter (partial) probably dates to March 1863.

Michael was born in Dublin, Ireland, in March 1834, the son of John Spratt and Mary Alice Stapleton. He came to the US with his parents in 1851 and settled in Manchester, Wayne county, Pennsylvania. Prior to his enlistment he earned his living as a farmer and took his mail at Priceville. After the war, he married Celia A. Carey (1844-1914) and resumed farming in Equinunk, Wayne county, Pa.

[Note: These letters are from the private collection of Tom Clemens and were made available for transcription and publication of Spared and Shared by express consent.]

Letter 1

Camp near Sharpsburg, Maryland
September 25th 1862

Friend Charles,

It is now some time since I received a letter from you and at that time I thought you had forgotten me but when I read it through I had to laugh at the names you called me. I then thought of the times we used to dispute politics in your store but alas, I am far removed from such scenes now and listening to the loud cannon roar. Yes, Charles, this is war in earnest and you may say “war to the knife.”

I suppose you have heard of G[eorge] Shopp’s fate ere this. He was wounded in Sunday action at South Mountain. His wound is painful but not dangerous. It is in both thighs near the body—only flesh wounds.

Sunday’s action was as spirited an engagement as we had in the war. I will give you as near as I can an account of the affair. We started about daylight on Sunday the 14th inst. from Frederick, Maryland, and took the Hagerstown turnpike and as we arrived at the heights to the back of Frederick, we could see artillery firing across the lovely valley where is Middletown. We pushed on at a vigorous rate (I mean Hooker’s Corps_ towards the scene of action and we filed to the right of the turnpike where we formed in line of battle and sent the far famed Bucktails in advance as skirmishers and in a few moments the whole line was in motion. Soon the Bucktails met & drove in the pickets and we soon found the whole body of the rebel infantry prepared to receive us. They poured a deadly volley into our ranks but it was answered by a still greater one. We stood here a few moments firing at each other when the gallant Meade gave the order to advance with fixed bayonets. Ah, my boy, this moment was the grandest I ever saw and I shall remember it while I live.

The enemy was in a cornfield at a slope in the hill. the sun was setting and the smoke from the firing was raising over our heads and the flash of our rifles rendered the scene sublime. The rebs took to the mountain and we after them. It was at this time that Shopp received his wound. We advanced in a run up the mountain and by the time we got to the top, some of us were mixed in through the rebels, there being such a smoke they succeeded in getting away.

I saw in front of us not farther than from your store to the Deacons the rebel rag a shaking to and fro. This raised my Irish blood higher than it ever was before so I takes deadly aim at the flag bearer. Whether it fetched him or not, I am not able to say. The rebs were concealed behind a breastwork of rocks so I dropped behind a stump and commenced firing away till we again got the order to advance and we drove them down the other side and darkness ended the hotly contested engagement.

Next morning was the most dreaded scene. The stiffened limbs of our poor dead comrades and the dead of the rebels lay thick. Three of our company were shot through the head and of course killed instantly. Well we did not get much time to look at the battlefield. We were ordered to march and that at a rapid rate for Little Mack was determined not to let them rest. So we marched to near Sharpsburg in front of a little stream and lay down on the ground, tired and weary.

We lay till the next day about 3 o’clock tuesday and we were again formed in order to advance on the enemy to find out their position. The Bucktails were as usual sent in advance and we advanced on the foremost daring in the face of three batteries pouring in grape and canister. We also had a sharp brush with the infantry so we lay all night, 1 fighting occasionally, and picketing till the dawn of day when the engagement commenced in earnest. I cannot describe this terrible scene nor is there words in the English language fit to describe the roaring of shell, the screeching of balls, the yells of the wounded, and the roaring of officers.

My dear friend, I never want to see another such affair. Our lines were moved in perfect order and I can assure you the rebels were moved as good. Sometimes we would gain on them, then they would get reinforced so we would be forced to give way till the veteran troops of the grizzley Sumner came up. The day seemed doubtful. Then we kept gaining slowly on them and at night we rested in possession of the battlefield. Thus ended the bloody affair. 2

Well, I almost forgot to tell you that I ran across the 137th Pennsylvania Reserves and saw all the boys. They were burying the dead. I suppose they will send you all particulars. I also saw several of the 45th today. None of the boys from Equinunk got killed. Several got wounded.

I wish to be remembered to all friends and I do often wish the war was ended. I hardly know what to think of it. If any of my friends wants me to write, they had better send me some paper and stamps or money to buy them and I can assure you I have suffered a little. You must not let the recruits know this. I have come through safe so far, thank God, and I hope I will return in safety. Yours as ever, — Michael Spratt

1 According to the regimental history, the regiment (in Seymour’s Brigade of Meade’s Division), bivouacked on either side of the road (now Mansfield Avenue), with pickets thrown forward in the East Woods.

2 The 6th Pennsylvania Reserves (35th Pennsylvania) advanced and became engaged at daybreak on either side of the Smoketown Road in the East Woods. It was checked at the western edge of the East Woods and retired from the field after exhausting their ammunition.


Letter 2

Camp in the pines near Belle Plains Landing, Virginia
January 11th 1863

Friend Charley.

I received your letter today dated January 3rd and was surprised to find your words so few. I suppose your attention was drawn in another source and I do not wonder if it is for the rascally way our army affairs are conducted in enough to let any sensible man wild. Burnsides as predicted made a good butcher and the abolition press had something to converse over for a while after the combat which proved so fatal to our cause. And now as Rosecrans in the West has achieved a great victory, we are looking every day to hear of his removal.

Since I last wrote to you, I have talked with a number of the men who have to stand the hard knocks in the field and their feeling towards the administration is not very kindly at the way affairs are enacted. In passing the other night by one of our camps, I heard an aged patriot whose head is silvery with age and who participated in the War with Mexico—said he—there are a number of poor fellows killed for the nigger. Such is the feeling of the army since Old Lincoln proclaimed to set the nigger free and put him on equal footing with the soldier who is trying to battle for your rights.

The message of Gov. Seymour of New York is greeted among the soldiers. It is hailed with delight and calculated to inspire us to fight with more vigor when we know what we are fighting for. The question may be asked what we are battling for and we must say to free the nigger, to enrich contractors, and making generals. While look on the other side. Ask the rebels what they are fighting for. Answer—our homes, our property and our lives. At the beginning of this war, I thought we were fighting for the Union as it was. Not so now. Well, let all that pass.

When I see you which I hope to some day if I don’t be unfortunate like many other comrades who fell on some of the many battlefields which our regiment has been engaged in, I will then talk to you and tell you how I have suffered. Yet I am willing to suffer more in a just cause—to have the Union as it was.

Now Charley, I want to write you a word or two and I don’t wish you to let everyone know it for as I suppose is the case, some of the soldiers, when they get home, tells awful yarns about all they went through. Well, I don’t wish to state anything that is not so. But I believe I have leveled my piece as often at the rebs as any man who left Manchester. I don’t wish to boast but I have never been in a fight yet where the rebs were not as numerous as us. They are determined as men can be and if we have to subjugate them, it will take some time yet. It is very well for people to talk home in a bar room with all the comforts of life to say, “Why don’t they advance now?” If they had to do it themselves, it would be different. To carry a fellow’s grub for three days, sixty rounds of ammunition and sleep out in the cold, dare not light a fire for fear of being shelled, lay there all night, they would not find it very pleasant.

When I enlisted, I expected hardships but the people of the North were ignorant of the character of the people of the South and consequently misled me and if I mistake not, you were the man who told me I dare not enlist. Now I dare do anything that I think is right, but yet I think we are not used right. We have not received any pay in six months and some of our married men are complaining that their families are hungry. How can such men fight? This army has done the biggest thing recorded in history—fought four battles (Bull Run, Chantilly, South Mountain & Antietam) in 19 days and marched a hundred miles and were victorious under the renowned McClellan. I believe I never mentioned in my letters how I talked with General McClellan twice—once in Pierpont & once in Alexandria, both times in the night. When I see you, I will tell you about it. I will also tell you many comic things which happened.

When you receive this, I wish you would write me a long letter and let me know what the people in general thinks of the war. For my part, there is not a man living who would like to whip the rebels better than I would and I am willing to fight anyone of them single handed, but i wouldn’t like it to be a Sam Quick fight—he to have all the arms and I none. I want fair play.

I wish to know what happened [to] John Jones. It was the first I heard of it. I am thankful to you for the good supply of paper you sent me and it still reminds me that I have a friend left in Old Equinunk. I must now conclude by wishing you good luck. — M. Spratt

P. S. I haven’t got the mittens yet as some damned rascal kept them but I have a pair that will do. I am much obliged to you for your trouble. It rains and the clouds look dark. Write soon.


Letter 3 (Partial)

[Probably dates to March 1863 when the Bucktails with the 1st Brigade, encamped at Fairfax Court House. It was in March 1863, too, when Congress passed the Enrollment Act, establishing the draft for the first time.]

….The Bucktails cut up awfully when they arrived here yesterday. They charged on a Vermont Brigade Sutler and run out some whiskey barrels, knocked in the heads, and went a helping themselves. Meantime the Vermonters were called to arms but could not be got to charge on the Bucktails, I was almost ashamed to see how the new officers of the Vermonters were used. They were shoved around as if they were niggers while our old vetran officers looked on and laughed at the sport.

Scudder is in charge of the supplies of our Brigade, the 1st, and I am detained here also to take care of it. The Brigade has went on as far as Court House, I believe. There are some rebel cavalry around somewhere and they need watching.

You must excuse my writing for I have been on a little spree. Besides, there is a band of music playing out there adn it bothers me some also.

Now I can give a bit of advice to some of our fellows in Old Wayne [County] who one of those days will be drafted. It is far better to endure the pain of hearing the cannon rattle, the shells exploding, the little balls whizzing through the air, to face the iron sleet, to stand the dying groans of the bleeding patriots than to hear at home some poor woman weep for the loss of her dear husband, crying all that I depended on to support my family has gone, or some nice young lady weeping over the loss of her lover, and worst of all, she herself will have to die an old maid. Oh how glorious all this seems to the unthinking man seated in his easy chair smoking his cigar and reading the newspaper. It was a brilliant charge of that regiment; its loss was over half. But do they ever remember that those dead had friends to mourn their loss? But that’s not all. The war is not half over yet. Hooker has to take Richmond and yet somebody else Vicksburg and somebody else Charleston. But I think it will have to be left till ’65 for a Little Mac or some other talented man to finish.

As one of the boys says, “We have waded to our ankles in blood, but by God, we;ll have to wade to our knees yet before it is settled.” I cannot say more now—only i will tell the boys to be prepared for the draft and if they don’t come out willingly, we will go back and force them.

You will oblige me by letter. Tell Patrick Spratt that I sent him thirty dollars. He will find it at the depot. I must now conclude by hoping your family will remain in good health as I will expect a letter from you soon. I am also very much obliged to you for the nice presents you send me. Yours as ever, — M. Spratt

If we meet Stuart’s raiders, we’ll give them hell.

1862: Edmund J. Gorgas to John T. Durang

I could not find an image of Gorgas but here are some member of the 90th Pennsylvania, taken after the Battle of Antietam. Franklin Beerer (Co. B) sits at left, Carson at right. At Antietam, Beerer was shot through the left knee, left elbow, and suffered a contusion on left shoulder. (The Horse Soldier)

The following letter was written by 43 year-old Edmund J. Gorgas (1819-1901) of Philadelphia who began his service in May 1861 as a sergeant in Co. K, 19th Pennsylvania Infantry. He was mustered out of that 3-month’s regiment on 29 August 1861 and the following March was commissioned a 2nd Lieutenant in Co. A, 90th Pennsylvania Infantry. He was wounded in the Battle of Fredericksburg but returned to his regiment in time for the Battle of Gettysburg where he was taken prisoner and confined at Macon, Georgia. Following his exchange he was promoted to 1st Lieutenant of the company.

Before and after the Civil War, Edmond worked as a “coach trimmer” in Philadelphia—good with his hands but so great with the pen. His spelling was atrocious and I have done my best to interpret his meaning in the following letter to his Captain written just three weeks after the Battle of Antietam in which he claimed his company in “deplorable condition.” We learn from his letter who among the members of Co. A actually fought in the Battles of South Mountain and Antietam.

Transcription

Camp near Sharpsburg
October 7th 1862

Capt. Durang,

Dear Sir—I have just received your very welcome letter. The company is in a deplorable condition for the want of clothing. They are ragged, lousy, and without shelter and nothing to cover them these cold nights. Captain, it is [a] hard case. But I suppose we will have all the clothing in a few days.

This Division has lost twenty-seven hundred men since we started out in the campaign that is reported at headquarters. Sergt. [Hillary] Beyer has wrote to you in which he has given you all the information you want concerning the company. [William L.] Thompson has wrote to Lieut. [William P.] Davis and given him the history of the company since he left, I believe, which you will see no doubt. There is in our company some good men but they are very scarce. I have had a hard time with some of them such as [David] Leslie. When there was to be a fight, they would be among the missing.

The day of the Battle of South Mountain we started from Frederick with 30 odd men. In the battle, I had Sergeant Roodt, [Wm. L.] Thompson, [Thomas] Benner, [Isaac]Warren, [E. A.] Dunnecliff, [John] Ruhl, [George W.] Sutton, [Joseph] Bowers, [James H.] Gouldy, [David] Diehl, [Emile] Coblentz, [George] Land, [William] Revoudt. In this last fight we started with 21 men and went in with 16—-all I have named above with the exception of [Joseph] Bowers and [William] Revoudt. Sergt. [Hillary] Beyer, [Henry] Schwartz, [Albert] Ozias, [Henry] Parker, [Augustus M.] Theiss was in the last battle which makes the 16 men, Out of them, there was six wounded—[George] Sutton, [John] Ruhl, [Augustus] Theiss, [Albert] Ozias, [James H.] Gouldy, [&] [Emile] Coblentz. Those sixteen men compose our fitting company.

The reason, I think, that that the non-com officers ought to be filled up—for we have not got enough to fill their places—there is two detailed every six days for picket duty. [Henry] Schwartz—he has give up the corporalship and sent to the hospital and Revoudt is sent too—is sick with a [ ]. [Hillary] Beyer has been acting first, but he don’t [suit?] me. He is too slow and has made such men as [Henry] Parker and his party his comrades. I have no personal feelings against him. There is [William L.] Thompson. He would make the best one of the two and I think he ought to have something for he has been a good man. He is a man that you can depend on. I have seen all non-coms fall out in the long marches we had, but Thompson was at his post always. There is other, [George] Land [& Isaac] Warren.

Your trunk is in Washington, corner of 18th & G Street in care of Capt. Dana. They were ordered to Philadelphia when they left us. You send an order for it and you will get it. Generally will be attended to. Thompson has got 10 dollars 75 cents he sent to him. Give my regards to Lieut. Davis and all the rest of the boys,

Yours truly, — E. J. Gorgas

1862: Beneville Schock to Sarah (Schock) Fisher & Jacob Fisher

I could not find an image of Beneville but here is one of Pvt. James A. Morrison of Co. D, 34th Pennsylvania Infantry

The following letter was written by Beneville Schock (1824-1863), the son of John Shock (1784-1866) and Elizabeth Mary Faust (1789-1884) of Petersburg, Huntingdon county, Pennsylvania. He probably wrote the letter to his older sister Sarah (Schock) Fisher (1823-1882) and her husband Jacob Fisher (1818-1882) who lived in the same vicinity as his parents. Though Beneville spelled his last name “Shock” in this letter, the spelling on the family headstones is “Schock” so I have spelled it that way here.

Beneville was recruited into Co. I, 5th Pennsylvania Reserve Corps (34th Pennsylvania Volunteers) on 24 August 1862, only a few weeks prior to writing this letter. He joined the seasoned veterans of his regiment after the Second Battle of Bull Run so the battle scenes he describes in this letter at South Mountain and Antietam are the first he ever witnessed, prompting him to conclude, “War is a dreadful and horrible thing. May it soon be over.”

Beneville died on 4 February 1863 at Windmill Point, Virginia—the location of a large Union field hospital. His cause of death is not known but it was probably due to disease.

To read letters from other members of the 34th Pennsylvania Infantry that I have transcribed and published on Spared & Shared previously, see:

George Mickle Brown, Co. A, 34th Pennsylvania (1 Letter)
Albert Rake, Co. B, 34th Pennsylvania (1 Letter)
Alfred M. Smith, Co. C, 34th Pennsylvania (1 Letter)

[Note: This previously unpublished letter was graciously made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared expressly by the Sic Parvis Magna, Gratias Lesu Collection.]

Transcription

Camp near Sharpsburg, Maryland
September 30th 1862

Dear brother-in-law and sister,

I take the present opportunity to inform you that I am well at this time and hope that these few lines may find you in the same state of health. 

I arrived at Washington City on the 6th of September and marched across the Long Bridge into Virginia 9 miles and back the same night. The next day early we started from Washington to Frederick and marched all that week. On the 14th we arrived at South Mountain or Hagerstown Heights about the middle of the afternoon when our Brigade was marched to the right with the Old Bucktails Regiment in advance when very soon the muskets began to crack in our advance. The rebels had taken a position on a high ridge or mountain very steep and rocky but our army drove them from it with great loss. We fought till it was so dark that we could not see anymore. They left that night and we followed them till the 16th in the evening when they made another stand near Sharpsburg. 1

When our Brigade was marched in advance, the Bucktails again took the lead. The rebels had a battery in our advance. They gave us a pretty good shelling that evening till it was dark when our regiment was put on picket duty and as it was quite dark, we marched within a few steps of the rebels when they fired into our regiment, but as it was quite dark, they did not much injury. Our regiment returned the fire when they ceased for a little while. When they fired again, our regiment returned the fire again when they ceased till break of day when they commenced again.

Our Brigade was drawn in line of battle and advanced toward them. We had a pretty sharp time for about an hour when fresh troops were brought up and we were withdrawn from the field and did no more fighting that day. We only lost a few men in our regiment. The battle continued all day without intermission. 2 The rebels fought bravely but could not stand the Yankees. In the night and the next day they got away as fast as they could and got over into Virginia again. 

“War is a dreadful and horrible thing. May it soon be over.”

On the 19th we marched over the battleground. It was a horrible sight. The dead were not yet buried. The fields and woods were laying full of them, their faces all swollen and black. War is a dreadful and horrible thing. May it soon be over. We have been encamped near Sharpsburg for the last ten or twelve days. We don’t know when we will leave this but I don’t think it will be long before we leave this. We live pretty well here, has plenty of good water which we don’t have all the time. I have got to like soldiering pretty well.

Now I want you to write me a long letter and let me know what is going on in Shavers Creek Valley and the Warrior’s RIdge. I have not heard anything from home since I left them. I have wrote three letters home but got no answer. No more for the present.

Yours truly, — Benaville Shock

Co. I, 5th Regiment P. R. C.
Washington D. C.
in care of Col. [Joseph W.] Fisher

1 “The Bucktail regiment commanded by Colonel McNeil, was deployed as skirmishers in front of the division, and was closely followed by the whole line of battle; the enemy’s outposts were rapidly driven in, forced from the hills, and routed from the ravines, until suddenly the regiments of the First Brigade arrived at a cornfield, ‘full of rebels,’ protected by a stone wall at the foot of the abrupt mountain side; the Bucktails received a terrific volley of musketry, which brought them to a halt; General Seymour, who was on the ground with his men, seeing that this was the critical moment, called out to Colonel Roberts, commanding the First Regiment, to charge up the mountain, and at the same instant, turning to Colonel Fisher, of the Fifth Regiment, whose men were coming up in well dressed lines, he exclaimed: ‘Colonel, put your regiment into that cornfield and hurt somebody.’ ‘I will, General, and I’ll catch one alive for you’ was the cool reply of Colonel Fisher. The Second regiment, commanded by Captain Byrnes, and the Sixth, Colonel Sinclair, were ordered forward at the same time. The men of the Fifth leaped the stone wall, immediately captured eleven prisoners, and sent them back to the General.” The regiment steadily ascended the rugged side of the mountain under a heavy fire of artillery and musketry, and after a severe struggle, lasting five hours, carried the heights with the triumphant division and planted its standard upon the summit. It entered the engagement with three hundred and fifty-seven men. Its loss was one killed and nineteen wounded. [PA-Roots]

2 “On the 16th, [the regiment] crossed Antietam Creek, and moving to the right, engaged the enemy at four P. M., and was engaged at intervals during the night. The battle was renewed at daylight on the following morning, and raged with unabated fury on that part of the line where the Reserves were posted during the early part of the day, the Fifth not being relieved until one P. M.” [same source as previous footnote]

1862: Willard Morse to Hobart Bradley Ford

I could not find an image of Willard but here’s a tintype of Almeron Bickford (1829-1904) who served in Co. E, 11th Vermont (1st Vermont Heavy Artillery).

The following letter was written by Pvt. Willard Morse (1833-1864) who enlisted in Co. F, 11th Vermont Infantry in the summer of 1862. Being assigned duty in the defenses of Washington D. C., this regiment was soon changed to heavy artillery and renamed the 1st Vermont Heavy Artillery. Once in Washington, this regiment remained for the next 20 months garrisoning Federal forts. Following the Battle of the Wilderness in May 1864, the regiment was sent sent to the field as infantrymen, joining the Old Vermont Brigade in Grant’s army at Spotsylvania.

Willard was the son of David Sunderland Morse (1805-1882) and Mary Willard (1805-1845). He was married to Martha “Elizabeth” Cummings (1838-1906) in October 1847, had two young daughters, and was living in Morgan, Orleans county, Vermont when he enlisted. He was taken prisoner “while on a raid on the Weldon Railroad near Petersburg” on 23 June 1864 and held at Andersonville Prison in Georgia where he died of chronic diarrhea and starvation some six weeks later on 3 August 1864. Willard’s death on 2 August was described in George W. Dewey’s diary.

The letter was addressed to Willard’s cousin whom he called “Ford.” I believe this was Hobart Bradley Ford (1826-1910) who married Lucy Ann Morse (1829-1908), Willard’s cousin.

Willard’s letter was written from Fort Lincoln where they had recently been digging rifle pits to augment the fort’s defenses in the event that Lee’s army had turned on Washington rather than attacking Harper’s Ferry and heading into Western Maryland. Willard praises McClellan’s performance at South Mountain (“He done well, didn’t he?”) and describes seeing the smoke and hearing the artillery 70 miles away from their defenses at Fort Lincoln. Little could he have imagined the carnage that would occur at Sharpsburg the day after this letter was written.

Transcription

Fort Lincoln, Washington [City]
Tuesday morning, September 16, 1862

Absent cousin,

I now take my pen to write a few lines to you to let you know that I am yet alive and well and hope this will find you the same. I guess you began to think that I was not agoing to write to you but we have had so much to do that I could not write so you must excuse me this time. I guess Elizabeth has forgot me for I have not had a letter from her for a long time.

I suppose you want to know how we are getting along. We are digging rifle pits now but I don’t believe we shall have to use it for the rebels are leaving south now. I suppose you have heard about the big fight that McClellan has had. He done well, didn’t he. We could hear the cannon and see the smoke. The cannon was booming all day Sunday and they commenced yesterday morning but it did not last long. I see 500 rebel prisoners down to the city. I wanted to try my old gun on them. I’ll bet I would [have] fetched down some of them, don’t you think I would. But we shall have a chance at them before long.

Ford, I see one of them Yankee cheese boxes at Philadelphia and I see th old big Eastern. We fared rather hard for two or three days after we got here but it is better now. I never was tougher in my life and I am very well contented. I often think of my family. How does my family get along? Is Elizabeth sober or is she in good spirit? I want to see them very much but I cannot now tell Lucyann that I am coming in with my dirty feet to step on her clean floor. How does Orren and Townsend get along? I wrote to Orren and Elizabeth Sunday.

Well, Ford, I must close for we have got to go to work. Write as soon as you get this. Direct to Washington, 11th Regiment, Co. F, in care of Capt. [James] Rice. We have got the best captain in the regiment. The first day we dig rifle pits, they said we dug more than any regiment ever dug in 3 days and our captain told us if [we] worked so another day, he would put us in the guard house.

Goodbye, — W. Morse

Write soon.