My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
The following letter was written by Edgar Knapp (b. 1834) of Adrian, Michigan, who was laboring as 27 year-old physician when he enlisted as a private in the 6th U. S. Cavalry with his younger brother, 20 year-old Randolph R. Knapp in the fall of 1861. Ed enlisted as a private but with his medical training and experience, Ed was later assigned to hospital steward duties in the 6th US Cavalry and later still, for many months at the hospital in Annapolis, Maryland, where he managed several wards.
Edgar wrote the letter to Sallie E. Armstrong, the sister of Martin Armstrong (1828-1863) of Co. M, 6th US Cavalry. Martin was born in 1828 in Chester county, Pennsylvania, and, as we learn in the letter, he was wounded at the Battle of Williamsburg in May 1862 and again at the Battle of Gettysburg where he was taken prisoner and marched all the way to Richmond, Virginia, as a POW. After his exchange, he was taken to Camp Parole at Annapolis, Maryland, where he encountered Edgar working as a hospital steward. Martin died there 4 October 1863.
The letter is not dated and was most likely only a draft of the letter that he sent since it was found among his papers in later years.
The Naval Academy viewed from Annapolis Harbor showing the grounds in use as a general hospital during the Civil War.
Transcription
[Parole Hospital, Annapolis, Maryland] [Late October 1863]
Sallie E. Armstrong,
My dear Miss, your sad but very interesting letter of the 17th inst. was received yesterday on my return from an absence of a few days, and , although I feel my utter incompetency to answer so good a letter with any degree of satisfaction, I shall try to give you a history of your brother’s case as far as possible. He was a member of the same regiment with myself & although in different companies, I knew him well from often hearing his name among his associates. He was beloved by everyone who knew him and was an example to all.
Sunday evening, May 4th 1862, at the Battle of Williamsburg, Va., he was wounded by a bullet through the middle of his left thigh, and was sent to the hospital at Fortress Monroe where he soon recovered and about the middle of July, rejoined his regiment and remained with it until taken prisoner at Fairfield, Pennsylvania July 3d 1863 at which place he was wounded by a sabre cut on the left side of his head although not very severe. He walked the whole distance to Richmond, arriving there August 20th, and was paroled the same day and was delivered at City Point, Va., August 22nd and arrived here on board the steamer New York the 24th.
As I had been with the regiment only 6 months, I had not the pleasure of your brother’s acquaintance until he came to this place, but as he came from the steamer I felt confident that he belonged to my regiment & thought it must be Sergeant Armstrong and so confident was I of this that I asked him if that was not his name and you may be assured we had a very happy meeting. And having had some correspondence, we felt very well acquainted.
He was then enjoying very god health and went out to Camp Parole but visited here quite often, mostly on account of Benjamin F. Adams who is a member of his company & nurse in this hospital. He remained at Camp Parole until September 20th when he came in to visit his friends and was complaining of neuralgic pain in the region of his first wound and before he was ready to return to camp, was taken with a severe chill and we had him go to bed in Mr. Adam’s ward. The next day he had some fever but felt better toward night and the next day had another chill. The pain in his limb continued and commenced to swell. His fever continued and the swelling increased till October 1st when he became partially delirious and the swelling was opened and discharged freely a dark colored pus. From this time he commenced sinking and he became perfectly delirious, so much so that I could find out nothing about his family or friends.
The 2nd and 3rd, he sank very rapidly and at 6:10 on the morning of the 4th, he passed away quietly without a struggle. During his illness, his sufferings were very severe but he bore all with the patience and fortitude seen only in pure and upright Christians, and I feel that if there ever was a true and devoted Christian, he was one. Mr. Adams was his nurse during his illness and was as much devoted and took as good care of him as his own brother could have done—yes, even more, for he was as attentive to and as tender of him as a Mother is to her child, attending to his every want and listening to every word that fell from his lips. And when he found death had finished his work and the spirit had flown to that brighter world on high, he could not longer control his feelings, but wept like a child. Neither could he keep from weeping when I read to him your kind letter.
Emily W. Dana of Maine was one of the nurses attending to Sgt. Martin Armstrong
Too much praise cannot be given Mr. Adams for his attention and devotion to your brother. I saw him s often as possible during his sickness and did everything I could for him & was with him when he died, but my time was necessarily occupied by hospital duties which only allowed me to see him two or three ties each day, even though my own nephew occupied the ned next to your brother. Yet this was only a duty which I owe to every one of my companions in arms, and I hope always to perform that duty faithfully. Still, I should be happy indeed to know that my name was cherished by the sister of my noble and much loved friend, Martin Armstrong.
His funeral took place at the chapel and a beautiful wreath of flowers was placed upon his coffin by the ladies. He was buried in Ash Grove Cemetery (Soldier’s burial ground) about two miles from this hospital. Two lady nurses, Miss [Emily W.] Dana and Miss [Louise] Titcomb devoted much time to him and tried to supply the place of a sister, and Miss Dana has kindly offered to write you a letter which she will send with mine. His grave is marked and also numbered 1 so there can be no trouble or mistake in finding his remains.
The following lengthy letters were probably written by Edgar R. Knapp of Adrian, Michigan.
Randolph R. Knapp (Dale Niesen Collection)
Edgar was laboring as 27 year-old physician when he enlisted as a private in the 6th U. S. Cavalry with his younger brother, 20 year-old Randolph R. Knapp. Both Ed and Randolph are mentioned in the following letter though I believe Ed refers to himself in the third person. With his medical training and experience, Ed was later assigned to hospital steward duties in the 6th US Cavalry and later still, for many months at the hospital in Annapolis, Maryland, where he managed several wards.
There are at least forty letters by Edgar Knapp in the Special Collections at Virginia Tech that span the years 1862-1864 while he was working as a hospital steward at the U.S. military hospital in Annapolis, Maryland. These letters were purchased by the school in April 2002 with the following biographical note. “Lieutenant Edgar R. Knapp (b. 1834) of Adrian, Lenawee County, Michigan, was a steward at the United States military hospital in Annapolis, Maryland from 1862-1864. His brother H. Knapp was probably Henry Knapp (1813-1893), who is listed in the 1860 census as a doctor in Adrian, Lenawee County, Michigan. Randolph R. Knapp, whose death is the subject of some of the correspondence, was born in 1840 in Michigan.”
Letter 1
Early October 1861 Camp near Bladensburg
Presiding Templars,
Sisters & Brothers, I now find much time to write letters and according to promise I think the time has come to write a letter to you. Well, could I be there to talk to you, I would give you a better idea of matters than you could possibly have by reading my letter, but as this is the only medium by which we can communicate with each other at present we must be satisfied with it, and as I feel quite so, I will proceed to do the best I can to interest you a few minutes.
I will proceed to give you some idea of our trip and of camp life. Of course everyone enjoys traveling more or less and generally se a great many sights besides many sights they don’t see. I will saying nothing of our march from the recruiting office to the Depot or of leave taking of relatives and friends as you all know the particulars without me telling you. All I need say is that we went off in good spirits feeling that although we were looking upon many familiar faces for the last time, and hearing the kind and long to be remembered advice of near and dear friends, yet we were enlisted in a great and glorious cause—one in which our forefathers engaged with heart and soul, that [being] to create a government which should forever make their children and their children’s children a free and happy people, and we to preserve that government.
But as I said, we all started off in good spirits and nothing of note happened till we reached Oberlin. As soon as the cars stopped there, two little girls came to the window where I was looking out and wished me to tell the two soldiers who were in the next seat to look out, which I did of course, and as they put their heads out of the windows the little girls presented each of them with a pin cushion and said they are attending school or they would have made more of them. The boys thanked them for their kindness and promised to bring them a lock of secesh hair, provided there was no preventing Providence. Well, all this seemed very fine to the boys who received these presents but I must confess feeling very slighted in as much as I was just as much of a soldier as they were, and it was a mystery to me why they should choose those two boys and not me. But as I was dressed in citizens clothes and hat and the other boys had militia caps, of course I concluded the difference was in the caps and not the faces. Oh no! ’twas certainly not on account of looks.
We arrived in Cleveland all right and had an excellent supper and went to bed and all arose the next morning feeling first rate and had breakfast early and at 9 o’clock started on our way, rejoicing, not that we were glad we were leaving Cleveland or leaving home, but that we had been supplied with provisions enough in our haversacks to last a day or two and were not dependent on eating houses for our meals. The word haversack in our case means anything to carry provisions in and were not very uniform—[such as] newspapers, satchels, hand trunks, pockets, and your humble servant had his wrapped in his shawl. Having had all the baggage belonging to the company placed on a dray, our commanding officer sat me upon it and told me to take charge of it until we arrived in camp and thus piled up, we (baggage and I) left the New England Hotel for the Depot, while the men—poor fellows—were obliged to march down.
Nothing of note happened between there and Pittsburgh except that some of the boys became very spirited, and some little loud tales were heard but orders were given by the officer in charge of us to throw all bottles seen out the car windows & by practicing a little in that way everything soon went off smoother & nice. At Pittsburgh we changed cars and then slid along to Harrisburg where we should have arrived Friday night at 12 o’clock had not here been a collision which caused so much delay that we did not reach there until Saturday at 4 o’clock p.m. There we had a good supper and then marched back into the Depot where we had a guard posted and no man was allowed to leave without an officer went with him. I looked around the city some and then wrapped myself in my shawl and laid down on the soft side of a board and slept very comfortably until I got up which was probably half an hour after laying down. This I tried several times and as often found myself napping till at length I became reconciled to my fate [and] resigned myself to the care of Morphine (or Morpheus as some call it) in whose arms I was gently transported to the land of Nod where I was permitted to enjoy myself as best I could till three o’clock at which time I was reminded by one of the men on guard, by a slight tap on the head making me see stars, that it was time to start for Baltimore.
Well we started for Baltimore a little after three o’clock Sunday morning and before we got within 40 miles of there we found the railroad track guarded by soldiers all of whom seemed glad to see us. Between 8 and 9 a.m. we arrived in that great city of Plug Uglies and without a weapon except the revolver carried by our lieutenant, our company marched to the Washington Depot, a distance of about a mile without molestation. I followed them in about an hour alone (having attended to the baggage) and met many people—both white and black—going to church, and strange as it may seem, they looked so much like people I had seen before, I never once thought of being shot and marched along taking a good view of everything I passed, just as careless as I would have marched from the office up to the Social Temple Tuesday evening.
On arriving at the Depot, I found our company eating breakfast. I had mine at a hotel with our lieutenant and [his] wife, and a regiment of infantry on a train of freight cars ready to start for Washington and they soon started out and in a short time another regiment came marching up to the Depot and a large train was made up for the whole of us making in all about fifteen hundred men on the train and we left Baltimore about 1 o’clock. Baltimore being only about 40 miles from Washington, I took a seat on a platform car with the baggage and had a fine view of the country all the way. It was a fine Sabbath day. We saw many slaves dressed in their Sunday best. Sambo with his sweet potato Dinah would stand to the side of the road showing ivory by the quantity, and I tell you, they looked right nice, being dressed in the height of fashion. We passed many camps and the soldiers would rush to the side of the tracks and cheer us long and loud except where we found a camp of the regular Army. then we heard no noise, no cheering, or disorder among the men. Everything was perfect, orderly, and quiet.
On arriving at camp, I had orders from Lieutenant [Stephen Septimus] Balk to go into Washington with his wife and get her into good quarters, which order I did my best to obey, but found it rather a hard matter as most of the first class hotels were filled to overflowing. However, I found a place and stayed all night & the next day looked around the city some and got back to camp along two or three o’clock and found the boys had put up the tents and everything was in good order for housekeeping. I could give you many details but it would be better if you could come here and see the place for yourselves. Now, having given you a long and as it seems to me a rather dry account of our trip, I will do the best I can to give you an idea of camp life.
No doubt all of you have heard many interesting accounts of camp life, but one thing is certain, you have not all heard my account of it nor anybody’s account of our camp life, so a part at least will be new to you. In the first place, there are about 1200 men here encamped on the west bank of East Branch of the Potomac, all in tents. Each company has probably 20 to 30 tents about 7 x 9 [feet] actual measurement and four men in each tent; some contain five. Not it is quite a sight to stand on the hill to the west of camp and see so many tents arranged in such fine order and all looking so clean and neat (I say neat because they have to be kept so & are inspected every Sunday morning). But that is no sight at all compared with the one at night after dark when all the tents are lighted. then tis a splendid sight—three hundred tents lighted at one time seems quite like a village and I might say city judging from the business carried on.
Last night, for example, I went along our row of tents and looked in each one just to see what was going on (both inquisitive and impudent, wasn’t I? Just like me.), but I felt well paid for doing so. Commencing on the right, our blacksmith was just finishing up his day’s work. Each compay has a blacksmith…cleaning up the kitchens and fixing for breakfast. Our kitchen was constructed under the superintendence of your brother Randolph Knapp and is very much after the fashion of a country woodshed and is the best on the ground, being made by four crotches stuck in the ground with holes scrap and covered with boards for a roof and then two shelves around three sides with places for fire on 4th side. We leave the kitchen open on the sides to allow of free ventilation.
The first tent being the quartermaster sergeant’s, there was a little figuring going on looking up accounts to prevent the company getting cheated out of any of our rations and as we all eat our full allowance, I thought best to let them alone and went to the next tent [where I] found two of the boys writing letters, one reading, and one sewing. In the next there was about half a dozen playing Euchre. In the fourth [tent], I found a young man alone writing a letter to his sweetheart, I presume, and on enquiring where his companions were, said two had gone on errands to other tents and on eqnquiry, found his one to be Ed Kapp, an old acquaintance of mine from Adrian. In the next they were playing cards for money and swearing by note. I then proceeded more rapidly and found card playing in half of the tents, and in the other half there were some sewing, some reading, writing and talking and singing, and all seemed to be perfectly satisfied with their lot.
To give you the routine of each day’s business, it is as follows at present [but] will be different soon. The bugle sounds at sunrise for getting up which we do in double quick time, then in 10 minutes is reveille roll call which takes 15 or 20 minutes. Then we breakfast and get half a pint of hot coffee. By the time we drink that, the bugle sounds again and all fall in for drill and are kept at drill about half an hour, then dismissed till 8 o’clock. In the interval, we eat breakfast and black our boots and cover our [ ] brass fixings as Henry Ladd wore on his shoulder in Adrian, polish our sabres, revolvers, &c., straighten our jackets and brush our clothes. 1 Then at 8 we all fall in for dress parade which is about the same as dress parade in infantry, such as the 4th Regiment went through every evening while there. This takes nearly an hour and then we are dismissed till 10:15 when we have to drill an hour and then have our own time till 3:30 when we drill again from an hour to an hour and a half and then have supper at sunset, have retreat roll call, and then pass the time as we choose till 9 o’clock when we have reveille roll call and 9:15 is tattoo [when] every light in the privates’ tents must be out and no more loud talking. Thus the time passes away and I may say swiftly with me so far and very pleasantly.
Our fare is good, each man being allowed all he wants to eat. All are marched to the kitchen where each one receives his rations, which is half loaf of bread, piece of beef or bacon, rice with sugar on it, and from half to 1 pint of coffee. It would be quite a sight, to some of you at least, to see us after each meal down by the side of the river, each man with his tin cup, spoon, knife, and fork, washing and rinsing them before putting them in his tent. There are his dishes and he must keep them in good order. Saturday afternoon we do not drill but lay around in the woods and write letters and the like & Sunday all we do is to attend inspection of arms at which time our revolvers and sabres are examined and anyone who has not kept his clean has the pleasure of going to the guard house & carrying sticks of wood about three or four hours. Then we come to our quarters and are dismissed and generally one of the sergeants take 15 or 20 men down to Bladensburg one and a half mile to church which suits me very much. I have been both Sabbaths & heard very good sermons. Then in p.m., lay around in the woods on blankets and write.
You may think strange of our leaving our tents to go and write but we are all furnished with portable writing desks which make it very convenient to be out in the shade. This portable desk is a fine thing and is getting in very common use among soldiers at present. In fact, they do not think they are fully equipped without it. I can tell you how these desks are made so you can give instructions to any of your friends who make take a notion to join the army. They are made of a circular form about eight inches in diameter with about one inch of the edge around the whole circumference turned up looking very much like a tin plate and in fact these are all the tin plates we have in our regiments.
Well, I see am spinning a long yarn and one thing amounts to but little and if you all get as sick hearing it as I am reading it to myself, I really hope you won’t let me know it for I feel bad enough that I cannot write a good letter.
We hear some very heavy fighting going on—only trying their pieces. We were agreeably surprised a few days since by seeing Lieut. Braden from the 1st Michigan Regiment. They encamped about a mile from us Sunday morning, September 29th, and have been attached to Hooker’s Brigade, but I do not know how long they will stay there. They seem to be enjoying themselves right well. Such a thing as drunkenness is not known in our camp as no liquor is allowed to be sold on the camp ground except to commissioned officers, and ad only two men from each company are allowed to leave camp each day, the soldiers are from necessity temperate men, and besides, there is another inducement for a man to keep sober. If any man comes into camp drunk, he is put in the guard house. There is some gambling in camp but no disorderly conduct has arisen from it yet and we are in hopes the boys will soon get sick of it and quit. Our boys are all right so far and enjoy themselves hugely.
The railroad runs about half a mile from us. We can see every train that passes and almost everyone is loaded down with soldiers and it is thought that from three to six thousand pass here daily. This seems a large number, but the figures are not at all too high. If either way, they are too low. I have already written too much and now, hoping the Social Temple is in a flourishing condition and all my friends present to hear this read, I will close by asking an answer soon from the Temple, and if I should get letters from each of the members separately, I should be just so much the happier. Should I ever write you again, I shall give you much shorter letters and try to have it more interesting although I cannot promise. Now, wishing you all godspeed, I will subscribe myself your absent brother, — Ed
1 “Owing to the large number of volunteer units then being organized, carbines were in woefully short supply and all but one squadron of the regiment was initially equipped as Light Cavalry, with revolvers and sabers being their only weapons. Training progressed and by the end of October daily regimental and squadron drills were conducted in full marching order. The regiment continued to train and served in the defenses of Washington until March of 1862. Carbines were at last issued to the remaining squadrons and on March 10 they left the Capitol to participate in the Peninsula Campaign.” [Source: 6th US Cavalry]
Letter 2
Camp East of Capitol, Washington [Early January 1862?]
Presiding Templars Sisters and brothers,
Having received some very interesting letters from a goodly number of sisters and brothers without hearing one word from the Presiding Templar, I take it for granted they care nothing about hearing from me. Therefore, they may consider this letter addressed to them as a matter of form and not in answer to any interesting letters they may have written. I looked long and anxiously for those I did receive and they were as welcome as if they had been received a month sooner. Yet I do not wish to be understood to say that a month’s delay in answering a letter is just in accordance with my views for I think the beauty of a correspondence is writing regularly and promptly.
I ws exceedingly pleased with all of the letters but almost everyone contained one sentence too many. That sentence was, “as all the rest are writing, they will tell all the news, so I will write but little.” Now if you will leave that out of your next letters and put some news in the place of it, you will oblige your Brother Ed. It seems that some of the brothers have left for the war since we left and I am glad to hear there are others joining to fill vacancies. Tis pleasing to hear this and think what a glorious time we will have when the boys all get back. The Old Hall will ring again, But that time is far in the future, and as some few incidents have happened since I wrote to you which have changed somewhat the monotony of camp life, and may possibly be a little interesting to you, I will try to write them as I cannot be there to tell them.
When I wrote before we had not been paid off and most of the men were out of money, and at that time, a drunken man was a rare sight. But oh! what a change has taken place. The scale is turned, and since pay day, drunkenness is of common occurrence. I thought until pay day that military discipline was severely strict, and none but the most daring and willful would dare defy a law of camp. But alas, how great the power of the human appetite. It defies any and all laws, is stronger than any camp guard and even more powerful than the fear of death for men who had been without liquor two months, and were fine intelligent men too, applied for papers, after being paid off, and were allowed to leave camp to purchase clothing and other little articles necessary to make them comfortable, came back to camp drunk. Some were put in the guard house, and others, upon fair promises were allowed to continue their duties. But they had now had a taste of liquor and as they could not get another pass for a month or two, there was no way to get out of camp but to run the guard. This was practiced several nights and some men were away from camp three days and then came back drunk, but this kind of work did not suit the Colonel and he gave orders for every guard to have his revolver loaded and shoot any soldier who tried to pass him.
Under such circumstances one would think a man would sooner lie down after tattoo and go to sleep than run the risk of being shot by the guard while trying to pass him, simply for the purpose of getting a little liquor. But no, these men while sober and perhaps tired from a hard day’s drilling, or maybe sleepy from being on guard the night before, will run the risk of being killed by the guard, or of getting in the guard house in the city and being severely punished when he returns, all because they cannot resist the cravings of their appetites. One would think the punishment sufficient to prevent all such operations but every effort against it seems perfectly useless.
There are various punishments for drunkenness such as being tied to the picket line with the horses all day, or having the hand cuffs on, and a rope passed through them tied to the upper part of the stable, drawing the hands so high he can only touch his toes to the ground. Then if he talks too much, has a gag put in his mouth. Sometimes he is put on extra duty several days, or put in the guard house where he carries a log of wood weighting 15 or 20 lbs. around a ring from two hours to one day. Or perhaps he is court martialed and has to pay a fine of from 2 to 5 dollars. Now what would seem more abusive than to see a man with his hands tied together, and drawn up over his head & fastened so high he could only touch the ground with his toes, and then if he finds fault about it is gagged and given a bath by throwing a pail of cold water on him, you would ask at once why this brutal treatment? We tell you he has been drunk. But you say that seems too severe simply for that. But he has not been so once or twice only but half a dozen or more times and has as often promised to do better. But instead of keeping his promise, has again become drunk and abused his comrades and officers and is now paying the penalty. I am exceedingly sorry to say that these are scenes of almost daily occurrence.
Now Sisters and Brothers, allow me to relate one more incident and I will close the dark side of soldiers’ life in camp. There was one man who had been drunk nearly a month and finally became sober long enough to go on guard, but in the night he deserted his post, went into town, got drunk, and was put in the guard house, on his return to await the action of a court martial which would probably have resulted in giving him the sentence of death. But on the night of December 13th, he managed to escape from the guard house, went down to the city, got drunk, and came back to the Navy Yard and got in the river where the water was shallow, where he floundered around till nearly noon when he was discovered by some of the Marine sentinels and taken into their quarters and, as his clothes were frozen to him, they were obliged to cut them off, but he was still too drunk to tell the where he belonged, so they let him lay where he was. But about three p.m. they went to look after him again and found him cold and pulseless and it was only by the most active and persevering treatment that he was kept alive. But after awhile he became sensible enough to tell where he belonged and word was sent to his company commander who immediately sent for him with an ambulance and he was brought to the hospital.
That night (Friday) he rested very well although he did not sleep more than ten minutes at a time. Saturday he felt very well until afternoon when he began to see a great many sights, and at night a great many more, and often when he heard a noise he would ask who is there? But being assured that all was right, he would again be quiet but did not sleep a minute in all night. Sunday, he kept very quiet although seeing many things and having much trouble with his officers, But such a temperance lecture as he gave Sunday night by his ravings, shrieks, moans, pleadings, & prayers could never be forgotten. He would imagine that his wife or brother (both here in camp) were going to shoot him and would cry murder at the top of his voice and jump out of bed, and then beg of them to let some soldier shoot him instead, as he was not afraid to be shot but thought it would be horrible to die by the hand of his wife or brother.
After begging some time for them not to shoot him, he then asked for time to say his prayers, and being told he should have time, he clasped his hands and fixed his eyes on the spot where he thought his wife stood with a pistol, and with a most pitiful tone and look, said the Lord’s Prayer, and then, having lost sight of his wife, began to look around and soon discovered a bottle of whiskey sticking in some crack or corner of the hospital and coaxed us a long time to get it for him, and sometimes he would find a bottle hidden around his bed and work a long time with the clothes to get it so as to drink, but always before getting it he would cry murder and see his wife or brother just ready to shoot him. Thus he raved till twelve o’clock when he had a severe convulsion, after which he was determined to get up and we were obliged to tie him on his cot and then his cries were so loud that many of the soldiers collected around the hospital to find what the trouble was and so we had to gag him. Both these operations seem severe and even cruel but would not have been resorted to only as a necessity.
He continued raving until five o’clock when he had another convulsion and then kept quiet nearly all day, but as soon as night came he again commenced raving and it seemed rather different from anything before as he now became violent and ill-natured, resisting all our efforts to quiet him and becoming angry with everyone who tried to do anything for him. It now became necessary to tie and gag him, which we had to do by main strength, and then he tore in two a new silk handkerchief with which his hands were tied, just as easily as it it had been wrapping twine. But we finally succeeded in getting him tied and gagged so he was obliged to lay pretty still although he was all the time trying hard to get loose. But in the morning he became calm and we let him loose and about ten o’clock he dropped to sleep and slept so soundly that the only way to keep him breathing was to sit by his side and shake him just often enough for each breath.
He remained in this condition till three o’clock in the afternoon when he awoke and said he was glad to get out of that condition as he felt he had been very sick. We then gave him some nourishment and he sat up a short time but at four o’clock he became perfectly exhausted and died without a struggle. Thus ended the career of a man who but one short year ago was a good citizen, intelligent, industrious and temperate. Within that time be became a soldier and a drunkard, left his post as guard, the penalty for which is death, and to finish up, died the worst of deaths—delirium tremens.
But enough of this. Now we will take the other side of the picture. A private soldier has to work from daybreak till sundown, except while eating his meals, yet his work is all very easy. Then after sundown he goes into the barracks and writes, reads, or joins in such amusements as may be going on at the time, and there is generally something up to keep one in good spirits. Thus a day passes away without being noticed hardly and a man goes to bed to sleep, not to think of troubles or anything of that kind.
Of course he has to stand guard occasionally and when the weather is cold or wet, it is very unpleasant but a person will experience such hings even at home. In regard to fare and clothing,I can say there are but few families who live better than the soldiers in this regiment. They have baker’s bread, beed one day and bacon the next, and plenty of it. Then they have beans, potatoes, rice, sugar, coffee, tea, desiccated vegetables for soup, besides cakes, pies, puddings, tarts, and the like which they don’t have. Since moving into barracks, they have large cook stoves and ovens, so they have their food cooked about as well as at a hotel and in fact, much better than in some hotels. Of course they have no desert, but if you will carefully look over the dietetic rules to be observed by working men, you will find they are better off without than with such things.
The reason I speak about our fare is because some men who have been home on furlough have reported on their return that the people where they lived had an idea that we lived more like starved Indians than working white people. Now if you hear anyone telling that our fare is hard, you may refer them to what I have said—and what I have said is true, as twenty pounds gained in weight since leaving home is abundant testimony.
With regards to clothing and blankets, all a man need do is ask for things and he can have them. Your humble servant is in the hospital taking care of the sick, sometimes has plenty to do and at others, next to nothing. Often on Tuesday evening I wish I could step into the old hall and see how you get along. Then I meditate awhile, hear the gavel come down upon the desk, the Brother Usher make his proclamation, and then all the opening exercises are gone through and sometimes even an invitation generally of some young lady and I figure largely the ceremony or am initiated with her, but my reveries like all others have an end adn I find myself sitting on a camp stool or lying on a cot or the floor in the hospital and on looking at my watch, find it time to give some poor fellow a dose of castor oil. salts, pills, drops, or some other nasty stuff called medicine, and away I go and the Social is no more till I am alone again.
Now Sisters and Brothers, do not let the cause flag but make an extra effort as this is a trying time for templars, both at home and abroad. Do not let it be said that all interest ceased and therefore the meetings were stopped, but on the contrary that they made an etra effort, kept their numbers good, and continued to flourish. it is my earnest prayer that this may be the case with the temple, and while my best wishes are for the temple at home, I feel proud when I think there are templars in the army, who, though their influence may be slight, yet each may be the means of preventing one soldier, if not more, from becoming a drunkard.
But I see I am growing tedious and must bring this to a close, but first I would just say that although a detailed account of all our doings would be very tiresome, yet some of you might be glad to know how we amuse ourselves when at work. Well, we have a very good band besides many musicians in the companies and very much of our amusement is of a musical style—some playing one instrument and some another, such as violins, guitars, banjoes, accordions, &c. While others keep time by “tripping the light fantastic toe” and I reckon you would call it light if you could see and hear a soldier dancing in a pair of 3/4 inch soled government boots.
Well, there is one young fellow in the hospital who takes lessons on the guitar and is getting along finely, and in order to help him get up some good music, I concluded to take lessons on the fiddle and think I am improving fast. How I wish some of you would happen around to hear me play. I practice nearly every day and like it much. The other fellow and I do not play together yet as we have not got our instruments tuned so they exactly cord yet, but you need not be surprised at any time to hear that we are “the musicians” of the regiment.
My fiddle bow got out of order a few days ago but a man living nearby put it in order in a short time by means of a three-cornered file. My fiddle is an excellent one, as you will all know when I tell you it is made after the style of the genuine old Corporation fiddle.
We often read in papers and magazines of funny sayings and there is no reason why they would not sound well when read in a letter, and so I will put in some from this Quarter. The first was a German nearly convalescent after Typhoid Fever. When asked by the doctor how his appetite was, said he didn’t eat anymore than he could get. An Irish man who was always complaining and making a fuss from Erysipelas felt a little better one morning and when the Dr. came to him, he said, “Well Tommy, are you dead?” “No,” said he, “I’m not dead but speechless.”
But the nicest thing was a letter received by one patient from his sister. She said, “Dear brother, we fear you are worse than you told us in your letter, but if you should die before you get this letter, it is mother’s wish that you send your body home.”
The weather has been fine till within a few days since which it has been rather muddy. Hoping to hear from all of you soon ad wishing a God speed the Temple, I will subscribe myself your brother, in T S. P. and F.
The following letter was written by Francis (“Frank”) H. Burnside of Co. E, 95th Illinois Infantry. The 95th was organized at Rockford, Illinois, and mustered into the service in September 1862. Not long after they were drilled and equipped, they were ordered to participate in Grant’s Central Mississippi Campaign. The skirmish that Francis speaks of in his letter was probably the one that took place at Old River, Lake Providence, on 10 February 1863 though we learn that Frank wasn’t with his regiment but recovering from an illness at a hospital in Memphis.
Frank was born in Franklinville, McHenry county, Illinois, the son of Thomas Burnside (1816-1872) and Adelia Green (1814-1877). He was discharged for a medical disability on 26 March 1863 and his headstone indicates that he died on 16 February 1864 ant the age of 19 years and 3 months. In this letter, Frank spelled his surname “Bernside.”
Transcription
Memphis, Tennessee February 16, 1863
Dear Parents,
I have got some to write this time. Lieutenant [Asa] Farnum came up to Memphis last night with a detail of men from the 95th with 29 prisoners from Vicksburg and says that our boys went out a foraging and run right slap upon 500 rebels in their entrenchments and a skirmish commenced between the two parties—a pretty sharp one too. Thomas Cahill was wounded in the leg below the knee. He said that he did not know it until the fight was over. The wound is not serious. They licked them out in 30 minutes and took 29 prisoners. Our boys fought like tigers.
Turner Corkins [Caulkins] is dead. His father come down and took his remains home. John [E.] Best is very sick. His father is here with him. James Dele[matre] is also sick and in the hospital. Andrew Fern has got to be corporal.
February the 17th. I feel a little better today. Tomorrow I think that I shall start to go to the regiment. My Lieutenant says that the regiment is a going to be paid off and if that is the case, I want a chance and if you have not sent that money yet, you need [not] send it until you hear from me again. The regiment is 75 miles this side of Vicksburg.
You need not feel any uneasy about me. Lieut. Farnum says that he will see that I have good care until I get well. I have not much more to write so goodbye. From your affectionate son, — F. H. Bernside
Direct to the regiment.
Dear Sister, as it is getting quite late and as I start tomorrow down the river at 8 o’clock. You must excuse me this time as I have got to pack up tonight. I hope that you enjoy yourself at school. M, what shall I do if the girls gets a crying after me? I guess that I shall have to stop a getting sick, won’t I? I must stop. Keep this dark. — F. H. Bernside
“The Edgar Knapp Letters span the years 1862-1864 and are comprised of 40 letters received by Edgar Knapp while he was working as a hospital steward at the U.S. military hospital in Annapolis, Maryland.” These letters were purchased by Special Collections at Virginia Tech in April 2002 with the following biographical note. “Lieutenant Edgar R. Knapp (ca. 1836-?) of Adrian, Lenawee County, Michigan, was a steward at the United States military hospital in Annapolis, Maryland from 1862-1864. His brother H. Knapp was probably Henry Knapp (1813-1893), who is listed in the 1860 census as a doctor in Adrian, Lenawee County, Michigan. Randolph Knapp, whose death is the subject of some of the correspondence, was born in 1840 in Michigan and served with Edward in the same company/regiment.”
Letter 1
Camp Winfield Scott Apr 29th, 1862
Dear Nellie,
Yours of March 23d was gladly received and perused with much interest. Were you indeed glad to hear from me again? If you were exceedingly glad, you can understand my feelings at receiving your last. You had sleighing when you wrote but that is something I have not seen since I left Michigan except about two hours and very poor at that. I am sorry I had not the privilege of lancing your toes. Wouldn’t it have been a pleasure though? If you don’t get well by the time I write again, I will tell you how to cure it. How I would have enjoyed the surprise at Mary’s. I think I could have tried to go home with you but probably Dies would have got the start. Glad to hear Pack is getting better as he is probably about well by this time. I think I shall write to him soon.
I have had a letter from Charlie Field. He is at him home near St. Louis. He was a rebel soldier 4 months. Prisoner of war two months, & has now taken the Oath of Allegiance & gives bonds to the amount of a thousand dollars for his future conduct. He thinks fighting against Uncle Sam is very bad business. Wouldn’t I have been glad to have met you in the road when you were going to Howell after Mary. Think I would have gone there with you, but what is the use of talking. Three years will be a long time in rolling around and will probably find you married and me an old “Batch.” “Go away, trouble.” “Don’t molest a soldier.”
I am very sorry there should be the least difference between you and Mollie Curtis, but I am sure I can put confidence in your judgment as to what is best to be done in the matter and think you can settle that matter between yourselves and do the thing amicably. To tell the truth, I have had both sides of the story, all the good and bad and am satisfied you understand your business against the girl (Miss Wells) and you will do well enough. Nellie, you are enough for any of them, if I was only there, I would kiss you a few times just now. Glad to hear of the increase in the inhabitants of Linden. Will Holmes and Lilly seem to be doing their share. You will have to hurry up or they will all get their families raised before you commence.
Speaking about believing me, I am going to tell you nothing but facts connected with the war in future and those you cannot even doubt so I shall not have to ask you to believe anything I say.
With regard to your people, I guess they were much more scared than hurt & do really hope they will come to the same conclusion sooner or later.
Well, I have now answered nearly all of your letter except the part about stamps and I will tell you why I sent them. A fellow wrote to his girl & saw him put in a stand and I asked him why he did it and he said he always did so as a matter of curiosity & to insure an answer and so I told him if one insured one answer, several would bring several answers. So I sent them along. You need not think it a mistake but I would really like to have you send hem back to me but I want them on envelopes with letters from you inside.
I think my last to you was written from Camp East of Capitol and now I will give you a little history of my travels since that time. We left camp the 10th of March, went across the Long Bridge at Washington into Virginia, went 19 miles to Fairfax Court House. The next day went through Centreville, Manassas Junction, over the Bull Run battle ground and back to Centreville again and encamped for the night; the whole distance that day being about 50 miles & we were all mighty tired & hungry, I assure you when we encamped at 7 o’clock at night. The Hospital Steward was left at the camp East of Capitol so I had to be Steward and had lots of fun and the best place to sleep and best to eat—especially if the Dr. could get it for me. He liked me first rate and we had a good deal of fun.
The next day (Wednesday) we staid in camp. The whole force of cavalry out on the tramp was the 1st, 5th, 6th, part of 2nd Regiments of Regular Cavalry, 3rd and 8th Pennsylvania Cavalry, and 200 McClellan Dragoons.
Thursday at 4 o’clock we left camp and went 10 miles to Manassas Junction and encamped, drew rations for three days, and cooked them & put in haversacks for tramp. Friday morning we went about 20 miles beyond Manassas & there expected an attack but there was none, yet the men had to stand by their horses, have their hands on the bridles without camp fires till 2 o’clock yesterday morning, but at that time they had leave to build fires and then they commenced stealing chickens, ad honey from an old Secesh living close by and had high times. I did not have to steal any as the boys gave us more than I could eat.
About 6 o’clock we went forward about five miles and crossed Cedar Creek and were drawn up in line of battle expecting every minute to see the Rebels come out of the woods. But “no go,” they were afraid & let us alone. We then came back to Manassas and encamped for the night in Secesh quarters—log huts with chimneys in each one. We had ridden all day in drenching rain. Everyone wet through and through but the fires in the log huts soon dried & warmed us and all went to bed feeling fine. Staid there Sunday but Monday morning started for Fairfax Court House again and camped there that night.
Tuesday morning started again and went to Fairfax Seminary, near Alexandria, only eight miles from Washington. There we staid in camp till the 22nd when I was sent by Brigadier General Cook to the 1st Regt. U.S. Cavalry to be Hospital Steward and I have been with the 1st Regiment ever since. Our steward came on from Washington at that time.
Well the 1st was encamped near the 6th, and now we will trace the 1st instead of the 6th. The 29th we broke camp and went to Alexandria 2.5 miles and went on board the schooner Alice of New York and that night we were towed out into the middle of the river and left at anchor for the night. The next day, being Sunday, we lay at anchor all day and Monday morning (March 31st) we were hitched behind the steamer Vanderbilt and started for Fortress Monroe. We soon passed Fort Washington on Maryland side and just below it Mount Vernon on Virginia side. Then about noon we came to points on the Virginia side where the rebels had had their batteries and had been shelled out by federal troops (Cedar Point especially). Thus Monday passed away and Tuesday morning (April 1st) found us in sight of Fortress Monroe and after getting near it the steamer let go our rope and left us to drift down which we did during the day. But wasn’t it a splendid sight to see the Fortress before us with its top literally covered with heavy guns and along its sides the port holes for other guns still heavier. The walls look white as milk and show a great distance.
That day we passed down between the Fortress and Rip Raps and came into the upper Hampton Roads as they are called. As we drifted down we passed the gunboats Roanoke, Dakotah, Bazzalier, Vanderbilt, and several others, the names of which I have forgotten, and also saw the world renowned engine of war—The Monitor. But what good dies it do to see it? There is nothing in sight but a large platform on which is placed a big cheese box. It is a very inferior looking machine merely to a looker on, but is supposed to be the most powerful vessel on this continent at present. Well, we were obliged to remain on the schooner till Thursday and it was confidently expected every day that the Merrimac would make her appearance and there would be a fight between her and the Monitor. And I was very anxious they should have the battle while we were there so we could see it, but the cowardly Merrimac kept close at home and thus we missed the fun, and at latest accounts the Merrimac had not made her appearance. The gunboats I mentioned are tough looking customers.
Well, Thursday (April 3rd) we disembarked and came out about five miles & encamped on the ground occupied by the 6th. They had just left for Big Bethel. Then Friday afternoon we followed after them. I had to stay with the Hospital Wagon and Ambulance and about 6 o’clock we caught up with the Baggage Train of the 6th which had not moved more than one mile in all day. The reason of this was that there was about two thousand wagons ahead of them and there were some very bad places in the road and they would get stalled and thus be obliged to use time to get out of the mud, and from 6 o’clock till 12 at night we did not go more than half a mile and then the teamsters concluded to unhitch in the road and camp for the night which just suited me, and after eating a little hard bread and cold bacon from my haversack, I wrapped myself in my blanket, laid down by the fire and slept very comfortable till morning, and in fact I slept so well that I was sorry when morning came. But it came a beautiful Sabbath morning and after breakfast we took up our line of march again and arrived in camp near Yorktown about noon. We were within about 4 miles of Yorktown and could hear cannonading occasionally but cared as little about it as though it had been at New Orkeans instead of close to us.
Well, we staid there till Friday morning (the 11th) when we went back about three miles to camp near Cheeseman’s Landing on Cheeseman’s Creek, seven miles from Yorktown and one mile from Ship Point. There we staid till Thursday (24th_ when we came out here two miles where we have a fine camping ground and are only about a mile from Gen. McClellan’s Headquarters, at Camp Winfield Scott.
Great preparations are being made for the siege of Yorktown & the rebels are doing their best to prevent our men from getting their guns in position, but all to no purpose. Our men keep working and will soon be ready for the siege. We can hear the balls and shells at intervals from morning till night and in fat, sometimes in the night. But it is getting late and I must go to bed for the Officer of the Guard (Lieutenant Hunt) was along here at taps (8:30 o’clock) and wanted to know why my light was not out & I told him I had not got my books made out yet. If he had looked carefully at my books, he might easily have discovered the deception and told me to go to bed. I promised to retire as soon as I got them made out. “Good boy, wasn’t I?” We have to talk that way sometimes but it don’t make any particular difference for I have a right to sit up as late as I choose. Well, goodnight and pleasant dreams.
May 1st. Well, Nellie, yesterday was muster day and as the Colonel has to come around and see each one of us, I had to have the Hospital tent and my tent just more than clean and nice, so you see I did not have a chance to write any yesterday, and today I have been down to Cheeseman’s Landin (3 miles) on Hospital business so I have only just resumed the pleasant task of finishing this letter to you.
Last night I sat up pretty late making out papers &c. and then when I went to bed (for I have a bed such as it is), I thought if I could only spend an hour or two with you, I could then go to sleep with pleasant thoughts. But dear Nellie, did you or I think when we parted at Linden or when I was there that at this time we would be so far apart. “Not a bit of it.” No! No! I did not then think that the 1st of May I should be one thousand miles from you, but such is the case, and now the only chance of communication is by letter which will be rather slow but we shall be obliged to put up with it.
Now for a little description of my own house. First then I have a hospital tent 15 feet square in which I have 4 sick men. Then by the side of that I have a Sibley tent (round & large enough for 12 soldiers) which is occupied by “yours truly” and for a surgery. I have about a dozen boxes containing medicines, each box about the size of a common trunk, and these all sit around the edge of the tent except five of them which form my writing desk and seat. These are in the center of the tent and are very convenient.
Just back of my seat is my bed which is made by laying up pieces if rails (log house style) and then putting a litter on top of the whole. Then by using some hospital blankets in addition to my own, I have just as good a bed as a man can ask for at home. Possibly by looking at the bed just before I occupy it at night you might recognize the outside planet or covering, which is my old and trie traveling companion, “My old shawl.” It looks just as it used to years ago. It was given to me by my brother eight years ago.
We have a splendid camping ground in a large square field and just at one corner of it it Brig. General Emory’s Headquarters and close by his tents is the Provost Marshall’s Quarters and as my nephew is Provost Sergeant, he is there so we are close together and see each other several times a day which would not be the case if he was with his regiment (the 6th) as they are about half a mile from here. Our being so near together makes it very pleasant for us, although I presume it will not be very pleasant or interesting to you to read about it so I will close up by asking you to write again soon. Give my respects to Loll and Mary and tell me how they prosper, &c. Now Nell, I have tried to tell nothing but the truth in this letter. Yet I do not ask you to believe any of it unless you choose. I shall try to send this letter by tomorrow’s mail.
You may direct the letters to me the same as usual E. R. Knapp, Co. E, 6th US Cavalry, Washington D. C. My letters will come to Washington and then will be forwarded with all the mail for the 6th and then I get them from there. Well, good night and please accept this from your loving — Ed
Letter 2
Annapolis, Maryland November 20th 1862
Dear Brother H.
Yours of November 2nd came to hand with the box of things & was gladly received. Glad to hear that Michigan is once more coming to her senses on politics, but I see from the papers that the Republicans have again carried the day, but think if they keep improving two years more throughout the country, our next administration will be Democratic.
I am sorry you and Dr. P get along so poorly together. I really believe you & him quarrel worse than we used to, and in reading yours of the 10th, I find things are growing worse instead of better, and the exemption affair is pretty rough sure & I hardly know what to advise you about it but I think I would say nothing until I found whether he intends to make things right or not and then if he refused to do the fair thing after telling him I knew about the whole affair, then I should expose him. But still you will find that this is like all business connected with the government, there must be some dishonesty about it & the greater the scoundrel, the better he is liked & more popular he becomes. If you can do as well without him as with, you better do it than always live in a guard.
With regard to my affairs here, all I know about it is I am here enjoying myself pretty well, just as well in fact as a man with “nary a red” in his trousers, but there are distant rumors that we are to be paid either before Christmas or after, but probably not till very near that time. As to my position, rank and file, the position is a beautiful one—just right for a lazy being like me who likes to work when he can’t help it. As to rank and file, I am “high Private”—“rear rank.” Cover a great deal of ground and am still an honorary member of the Bloody Sixth US Cavalry. If you get any letters from [brother] Ran[dall], please let me know how he gets along and all about him for I have heard nothing from him in a long time although I have written to him.
I see by the papers that Pleasnton Cavalry is in the advance and of course he is with them. The weather is rather rainy and drizzly today and I can feel the chill run over me as I think of the boys out on the field without shelter, perhaps riding all day with boots full of water. I gave Rand a good overcoat which will protect him some from the rain and cold. Glad he has been paid off for a soldier never feels to well as when he has some dimes in his pockets and plenty of grub in his haversack.
I went to Washington last Friday wit h30 men for convalescent camp at Alexandria. Got to Washington about 7 at night and got receipt for the men & made arrangements for their suppers and then strolled out. Next morning went to Adjutant General’ Office on business and started back at 3 p.m. & got here about 7 p.m. and about 11 a train came in loaded with sick and wounded from the Washington Hospital & we had to stow them away and get supper for them. I had 31 in my wards. My part of the work was to get up when they came and tell how many to put in each of my wards and then go to bed again.
I do not have to touch a man, or even see him only once a day. The nurses do the rest. I put up the medicine in the dispensary & leave it there, and some of the time half the prescriptions are put up for me by men in the dispensary. I only have from now till 9 o’clock the next morning to myself unless I get through before noon, then I have more. There is no telling how long I shall stay here. Perhaps all winter or during the war, or not more than another week, just as it happens. I hope to stay some time.
Give my love to all. Write soon. — Yours &c. , — Ed
P. S. There is good news now for our army under Burnside and again we hear the old war cry of “On to Richmond.” But whether Richmond will be taken soon or not remains to be told. Still everything is in favor of it just at present.
The soldiers feel pretty bad about the removal of General McClellan, but they now think if General Burnside will lead them right through to Richmond and victory, they will all be willing to do their best.
There are certainly men enough in the field now to do something & if there is ever to be a decisive blow struck, I think it must soon be made.
The Dr.. who attends my wards at present is son of Col. Miles of Harpers Ferry notoriety. He dies not appear to be the same man that he was before his father was killed. He feels very bad. Dr. Brewer who attended my wards when I first came here lost his Mother last Sunday night. She died very suddenly in Annapolis and Dr. Brewer was in Philadelphia. He is son of Judge Brewer who has been judge for about 30 years at this place. So you see I am among notorious men, although I never expect to be one myself. Write soon, — Ed
The following brief letter was written by Nelson Bradish (1803-1875) of Adrian, Lenawee county, Michigan. It pertains to the body of his 24 year-old son, Warner C. Bradish (1837-1862), who enlisted on 17 September 1861, Co. E, 6th US Cavalry, and died on 31 January 1862 in camp east of the US Capitol in Washington City.
Transcription
Adrian [Michigan] February 24th 1862
E. R. Knapp,
Dear sir, we received a letter from you on the 7th of this month on the same day we received the body of Warner. His remains came home in a very good state of preservation and was buried the next day in the burying ground by the side of another brother and sister. We feel under obligations to you for the interest you took in his sickness and also in sending his remains back to us. Tell S. M. Hamilton we received a very kind letter from him.
I paid Dr. H. Knapp the 44 dollars on the 13th of this month. I wish to ask one or two questions whether he had any money by him, and how much there was due him at the time of his death and what time he left Adrian.
We expect you undergo many privations in camp which we know nothing about here, but the prospects seem to indicate that our war troubles will soon be over. I have a very bad cold in my head which makes me quite hard of hearing. We should be very glad to hear from you.
Edgar A. Burpee, Co. I, 19th Maine Infantry Maine State Archives
This incredible letter was written by Edgar Alphonso Burpee (1839 – 1919) of Rockland, Maine, who enlisted in Co. I, 19th Maine Infantry on August 25, 1862. He was mustered in as a corporal and rose in rank to captain of his company in 1863. He was wounded at Gettysburg, and later in the war, while mapping out the enemy’s location, he was captured (June 1864) and was imprisoned at Macon, Georgia, and at Camp Asylum, Columbia, South Carolina. Exchanged and mustered out of the service, he returned to Rockland, married Annie Farwell, and resumed his painting business. Eventually he joined his family’s furniture business.
US soldiers fight in the streets of Fredericksburg on 11 December 1862 Harpers Weekly
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Derrick Williams who made it available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Fredericksburg [Virginia] December 15th 1862
Dear Father,
Have just sent you a few lines stating we had gained possession of this city and I was yet safe. While waiting for our troops to get arranged properly for an advance, I will commence to you a statement of what has occurred since I wrote you while on picket. We were relieved from picket at about 7 o’clock in the eve and after a march of 1.5 hours reached our encampment which, by the way had been moved to a hill a short distance from the one we had occupied two days before. After pitching tents, and building fires, we commenced anew to enjoy ourselves. This was Wednesday evening and while sitting by our fire for I tented with the Lieutenants, who should approach us but Geo. Green of our city on his way to see Edward. We were very glad to see him and our tongues were busy enough talking about Rockland people and news. We had him sleep with us that night and he will tell you about what transpired so I will not pause here to write about it.
At about 2 o’clock, Lieut. [Gershom F.] Burgess was summoned to the Colonel’s quarters and when he came back he reported that we had received orders to march in the morning at 6 o’clock with our rations and blankets but not knapsacks & other baggage must be left behind, and all our preparations must be made quietly. Being acting orderly, I summoned the company at 4 o’clock and gave them the orders and all immediately commenced operations. At the appointed hour we were in the line and took up our line of march down the hill to the plain and found our whole corps in motion & when our place in the line approached, we found them. Let me say, however, that at about 5:30 o’clock, while we were busy at our work, the report of a gun was heard which rolled through the morning air like a deep roar of the thunder. This was a signal gun and to us indicated that something was in the process of being done. At 6 another was heard and immediately after the rattle of musketry and some other guns intertwined with musketry from our forces at the river engaged in laying the pontoon bridge.
We marched with our Corps about a mile near the river and on a plain between the two hills stacked arms and lay down awaiting the order to move forward. We were here waiting for the ponton bridge to be laid so we could cross. This was done by the Engineer Corps supported by the advance of our division (our division being in the advance of the whole corps). All this time the guns of both forces were constantly being fired and such a roar I never heard before. It seems as if the very heavens were filled with thunder and it was striving to see how much noise it could make. We found afterward that our force were engaged in shelling the city.
About 4 o’clock we moved forward toward the city and came upon the river bank amidst the dropping of rebel shells, and at double quick crossed the pontoon bridge & set foot in the doomed city for the first time. We filed out into the street that runs along the river’s bank, having the honor of being the first regiment of our brigade in, but another brigade, in which was the 7th Michigan & 16th Massachusetts had preceded us, and as we entered, ran up the street some 5 or 6 rods in the advance of us skirmishing and the bullets of the rebs came whistling thickly over our heads and into our midst.
When you first enter the city, you come upon the river’s bank which gently rises from its edge and extends to the middle of the place & then descends again so the city sits upon a hill. Its streets are laid out in regular squares (I shall draw you a plan as soon as I can). Some skirmishing going on in the next street above us. The men nicely protected from the rebel shots.
When the pontooniers commenced to lay the bridge, the rebs kept silent till they had laid about 6 rods & then from the houses & the guard house marked [on sketch], their sharpshooters rapidly picked off the men This was a trying time. Every man who stepped out to do anything was of course a mark. The 7th Michigan being at supporting distance was ordered to cross in boats. No one seemed willing to run the risk. Gen. Burnside addressed them saying he wanted the men to cross & appealed to their patriotism &c. (so report says) when they immediately volunteered to go. After taking a drink of whiskey, the boats pushed off and in a few minutes touched the other shore notwithstanding the rebel shots from this city. The first man who landed fell dead & some of the others were wounded but ashore the rest went & soon after others and a struggle for the mastery began which ended in our gaining the ground.
The laying of the pontoon bridge over the Rappahannock
Our batteries too poured into the Rebels showers of shell so that they completely riddled the houses nearby killing a large number of the enemy. Several houses were at this time on fire having been set by our shells and as it was near dark, the light of them aided us in our operations. The men were ordered to remain in this street till morning and make themselves as comfortable as possible. By 7 o’clock the firing had nearly ceased and our pickets were thrown up the street when our men commenced to making themselves comfortable by ransacking the houses and stores, tearing down fences and out buildings. In 15 minutes after they commenced, the street was filled with soldiers running to and fro, loaded with boards, beds and bedding and clothes of all descriptions, crockery ware and household furniture, tobacco, bee hives, flour, sugar, and every variety of goods from apothecary, dry goods, grocery, liquor, and jewelry stores. It was amusing though sad scenes were occurring around us, to see the different acts, faces & attitudes of the men & hear their expressions. One fellow came out of a house dressed up in women’s clothes & his queer pranks caused a great deal of merriment. Eatibles were freely distributed and fires being built them men commenced to cook their suppers.
The ransacking of Fredericksburg by Union troops
The old regiments declared thy never lived as before. Everything was in abundance, so much so that it was hard to give away many kinds of articles. Bread and flapjacks with honey & preserves were quickly made and devoured. Every pocket was filled with tobacco or some trinket or other. Our haversacks were well stored with some article of food and most of us had a good bed with a prospect of a night of rest. The men seemed wild with joy, yet found so many things they would love to carry with them they seemed almost frantic because they had no place to put them.
All this time the dead and wounded were being brought down the street. The surgeons were busy attending to those badly wounded and the little foothold we had gained now became at once a scene of revelry & a hospital. On going up the street we could see & stumbled over the dead of both sides, some with their legs or arms shot off, some struck in the head with shell, and others rifled by bullets. Some of the wounded would crawl to some place of shelter and there groan till their comrades came to their relief. It was indeed a sad scene and many a brave heart softened by the thoughts of the many who would mourn the loss of those who lay about us gave forth its feelings of pity and sympathy.
We lay down and slept what we could but ready at any moment to form in line of battle for as there was but few men over comparatively and danger of an attack was apprehended. Morning came and at any early hour we formed again into line and moved up or toward one square and formed in line of battle. By this we advanced toward the enemy and at the same time made space for more who came after, to form in our rear to support us. Thus we moved forward, one square at a time, the enemy at times shelling us at a furious rate—especially when they saw our troops pass by the streets. We were ordered to lie low or march in a stooping position so that we were often covered from the enemy by the houses or fences.
To show you how you see between each perpendicular street is a regiment. Our regiment marched up A street, the 34th New York up B, 1st Minnesota up C street, and then form in the same position in D street as we were on the first, and so on, one square at a time. Also a line of regiments was extended along nearly the whole length of the city so we advanced in strong force. We lay on the 2nd street till about noon waiting for other brigades to come over and during that time our men were sacking houses & cooking, for the inhabitants, when they left the city, did it in haste and most of them left everything they had in their houses without moving them. As the men went into the houses, used their dishes, stoves, wood, and flour, &c. and a fine meal was prepared. It was curious to observe the effects of our shot and shell. Some struck chimneys, others would go straight through a house & inside would smash looking glasses, tables, chairs, and cut up all kinds of capers. One house had 25 shot holes through it. And most every one had a mark of a shell in it.
Chaplain A. B. Fuller, 16th Mass. Regt.
The ambulance corps were also engaged carrying off the dead and wounded. As the rebs were in the buildings & fired from them, it gave our men a very hard chance to make their shots effective. Consequently we suffered considerably. All about the streets, many a dead rebel lay, showing our men had not fought in vain. In the street where we were two or three rebels lay; one had his whole side and his arm off, another had the top of his head and brains carried away—both shocking sights. The Rev. A[arthur] B[uckminster] Fuller, chaplain of one of the Mass. Regiments also lay here dead from a bullet in his breast. You remember he is a correspondent of the Boston Journal and signed his name A. B. F.
At noon we moved up another square in to Princess Ann Street—one of the main streets of the city. At this time the part of the city seemed alive with troops and we had quite a force here. The rebels had also fallen back to the outskirts of the place so we had almost complete possession. As we were nearer the rebels they threw shells into us quite freely but fortunately no one was seriously injured. I assure you these shells are frightful things as [Gen.] Heintzelman calls them and when they come too near they make a feller haul in his head just a little. The rebels have good range and plunked the shell right into the street where we was most every time.
About the middle of the p.m., or rather toward night, we began to prepare to sleep. Orders came to lie down by the side of the street, on the sidewalk, and to have no fires. Great care was taken by our officers to keep the men from being exposed and of doing anything whereby the enemy might know how much of a force we had in the city. At this order our men immediately searched the houses nearby and brought from them bedding and a line of beds could be seen all along the street in a few moments. Our company was not behind in the matter. We found some nice feather beds and mattresses and “laid in” for a good rest. But we were disappointed in this for just as we had prepared our hotel for occupancy, the Colonel sent word for us to go out on picket and we had to leave all and instead of rest, the prospect was that we should have a night of weary watchfulness.
Obeying orders—a soldier’s stern duty—we with another company from our regiment proceeded two squares further in the advance and after being divided into the outer picket and reserve, commenced our night’s labor. Lieut. Burgess was in command of the outer picket and was stationed behind a house one square forward of us thus [sketch]
The advance picket was to keep awake all night but in the reserve one part slept and the other kept awake, ready for an emergency. The rebel pickets were in front of us only a short distance and we could hear them talk & walk about. Also as they were at work digging their rifle pits. The house where Lieut. Burgess was stationed was open and his men were allowed in part to remain in it. I visited it and found it one of the most richly furnished and elegantly finished mansion I have seen in all my journey. The furniture was of latest style and much of it was fancy articles such as inlaid tables, chess tables, stands, &c. &c. large pictures hung about the room, statuary, large vases or flowers stood upon the mantle, rich carpets covered the floor, extensive libraries were in appropriate apartments, closets of china, glass and crockery ware, vessels for liquor, grand piano, harp, and huge stands of music. Larder filled with all kinds of eatables. Clothing apartments hung with the most costly apparel. In fact, everything to make a home pleasant & happy—all that one could wish was found there—and all strewn in confusion about the house having been left by the flying occupants and sacked by the soldiers. It was sad to see such a waste of property, and if the owners ever return, they must feel heart sick.
A widow lady lived there and she had a daughter who it appears is quite genteel and of a literary turn. I picked up an account book and found in it a photograph which I will send in one of my letters. If I had only known as much as I do now, I would have had some silver ware to send home for there was plenty of it about me. I set out to take 2 silver candle sticks but thought I could not send them home for perhaps a very long time. Picketing here was fine fun and our boys enjoyed it to its fullest extent. Towards morning when it became light enough for the rebels to see our men, they began to shell us and they sent them over us and they would burst over us and the pieces would fly in all directions. We had to lie down on the ground and they passed by without injury to any of us. The rebels were on the alert all the time and the moment one of our men showed himself, either a sharpshooter or the batteries on the hill beyond would send a shot at him. This music was kept ip all the forenoon and we had exercise enough to keep us warm by dodging shells and changing about keeping watch.
About twelve o’clock skirmishing commenced on our left and in half an hour our troops became engaged in good earnest. Regiments were sent out to reinforce the picket. Some brigades advanced. Batteries came to the front and a general movement commenced along the whole line. We were relieved by another company & rejoined our regiment which was in line and on the move. The streets were filled with moving lines of soldiers. Officers were busy riding with speed to different parts of the city. Orderlies from the headquarters of the generals commanding issued forth with orders and the different brigades were quickly formed in position to advance. The whole force moved to the left and by the streets running directly from the river toward the rebel batteries, went onto the field. We advanced slowly down the street under cover of the houses till we came near the scene of conflict. We could here see nearly the whole field and our brave men as they advanced under the heavy fire from the enemy’s batteries and the musketry fire from their rifle pits which made our situation very critical. Our men were suffering greatly.
The wounded were brought in twos and threes and in quick succession. The dead thickly lay upon the field and our lines became rapidly thinned and we seemed to gain but little ground. the rebels had a grand position. Their fire was direct and yet they could cross fire and their men was entirely concealed by their pits. Their lines of battle stood up in the hill ready for reinforcement and it appears almost impossible for us to make any impression upon them. At this time our division was waiting ready to advance when the division now in the field should become exhausted. The fire from both sides now became general and the roar of the artillery, the shriek of the shells, the rattle of the musketry, seemed to shake both heaven and earth. If a man’s knees shook any, he could well say he wasn’t scared any—it was only the ground trembling under his feet. While waiting, I received a letter from Mother containing another from Sina and as we were all down on the ground, I [got] down on my knees and read them. I assure you, I enjoyed them and did not feel any more lost as to what they contained & read them as well as if in the quiet of our paint shop. The last of Sina’s letter encouraged me much and I felt to go forward with a stronger purpose to do my duty, and more cheerful heart, trusting that all would be well with me, even if among the killed.
Gen. [Oliver O.] Howard walked often along the line & encouraged us by his words and presence. A balloon was in the air in rear of the city to observe all the movements. (Johnnie used to write that he could not see all that was going on and therefore could not write but little about a battle. I say the same so you must excuse what I leave out. I saw though more than I can write & so much I don’t know what to write about first.)
About 4 o’clock our brigade was ordered in and down the street with a rush we went. As soon as our front came in sight, bang went the rebel guns and whiz came their shells at us. Our regiment was in the advance but happily the shells went over us and before they could get their range, we were under the hill out of range. On came the other regiments and we were formed into division. I suppose this was with the intention of charging up the hill in this manner. We immediately lay flat upon the ground to keep out of the rebels sight but a shell from their flank battery soon convinced us that they saw us and they commenced a cross fire which had their range been perfect, would have cut us up terribly. They could not depress their gun enough to hit us and out the “buggers” came out of their earthwork and commence to shovel away and then they could not bring their piece to bear correctly and they they run their gun out of the work on the top of the hill and in plain sight of us, commenced a rapid fire which sent the shells into our brigade nearly every lick. I kept my eye on them and one I saw go over and strike in the regiment just in our rear, then another beyond, & the next one came right for me. I tell you, I would have sold my skin for a five cent piece when that whizzing, ragged thing made for me. But before I had time to think twice, it struck about 15 or 20 feet in front of me on a line with the cannon & sent the dirt about like grain from a seed planter (or sower). I assure you, they strike solid. They go ker chuck and make the splinters fly furiously.
Col. Francis E. Heath, 19th Maine Infantry—“cool in danger—courageous in battle.”
As we were drawn up, one shell came and struck in the center of one of the regiments in our rear and all back of us skedaddled some three rods, when by the efforts of their officers they were rallied. Our regiment remained firm and in their advance preserved their line perfectly and gained by their good behavior the praises of the general in command. Gen. Howard and the old regiments in our brigade. Gen. Howard came along after dark and said, “Men of the 19th Maine, you have done nobly. Your constancy deserves great praise.” Our officers led us in with a coolness seldom exhibited by many of those in volunteer service. Col. [Francis E.] Heath is a fine officer. He is cool in danger. Courageous in battle and rigid in discipline yet kind and indulgent to his men. Our lieutenants performed their duties in this trying time with much credit to themselves and by their example, Co. I came up to the mark promptly.
We lay here with this battery playing upon us for perhaps 10 or 15 minutes when our batteries commenced to return their fire and soon silenced it. All the men were driven from their gun & we saw one shell burst under the gun & there it up much as two feet but did not disable it, I think. When our shells struck their earthworks, the dirt flew high in the air and the rebs skulked out of that quickly. Just in front of us a line of skirmishers kept picking off the men at their guns and along the rebel lines. One reb was standing on the hill when a skirmisher just forward of our company loaded his gun and days, “I’ll have that fellow.” He fired but missed him. He cooly loaded again and says, “I’ll have him this time.” Just after he fired, the rebel clapped his hand to his head and dropped. Bully for the skirmisher. One more mustered out of service. I could tell many of just such incidents as this but cannot. Stop here. —-Ed
The following vitriolic letter was directed toward Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy in the Lincoln/Johnson Administration. It was written by an anonymous former Massachusetts soldier who probably spent time as a prisoner of war at Andersonville and who disliked the reconstruction plan laid out by President Johnson and members of his cabinet, including Welles who publicly supported the plan.
In less than a month after becoming President, Johnson began executing his plan for reconstructing the South. Johnson pardoned all rebels except Confederate leaders. He also restored all rebel property except for slaves. Finally, he authorized each rebel state to call a convention of white delegates to draw up a new constitution. Once completed, a new state government could then be formed, and the state could apply for readmission to the Union.
When Congress finally met in early December, the Republicans, in control of both the House and Senate, expressed outrage at the actions of Johnson and his supporters in the Executive branch, albeit not as strongly as the author of this letter. They saw the same men who had led the rebellion returning to power throughout the South. Worse still, the new Southern governments were passing “black codes,” which made it difficult for freedmen to work in certain jobs, own land, or even quit a white employer. Most troubling to Republicans in Congress was that President Johnson had, on his own authority, established a reconstruction plan for the South. Many Republicans believed this was the job of Congress and Congress alone. This schism between the President and Congress eventually led to Johnson’s impeachment.
The letter itself is on a single half sheet of paper and relatively short. Apparently after he sealed the letter, he thought of a few more things to say!
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Richard Weiner and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Boston [Massachusetts] September 25, [1865]
Do you think we of the army are going to see you stand by old villainous Johnson? Some of us are crippled for life. Some starved in prisons while our dear families starved at home. Do you think that a body of men who suffered hunger while in prisons fear your waning party? I have got you under my thumb, and the Cabinet [too]. I will have sweet political revenge, sir.
— Andersonville
The letter’s original cover, addressed to “Gideon Welles, Sec. of Navy, Washington, D.C.”, is franked by a #65 3c rose tied by Sept- 26 dated CAMBRIDGE/MASS double circle & circle grid. More interestingly, the envelope (both front & back) contains more angry & disturbed scribbling by the same writer. On face: “When did you suffer the pangs of hunger, Sir? Did that vile ‘my policy’ man ever have an empty belly? I sneer at you both; will have sweet revenge. Will take the stump against our enemies; mark it: Andersonville.” Separately on the cover face is the docketing “anonymous.”
Writing all across the back of cover, the anonymous author continues: “Conservatives are played out. The soldiers detest them. What ‘we’ of the North swear to accomplish, God helping, is to raise an army to help carry out the confiscation act—take rebel property and give it to poor soldiers. If the next Congress (I warn them in time) do not confiscate the properties of late traitors, 500,000 soldiers from the north will go down South and drive them all into the gulf of Mexico. Conservatives must beware; Soldiers will not listen to them. So Conservatives, stand from under; we’ll make your eyes stick out. We come soon – vi et armis – voe victis.” [Latin for “by force & arms – woe to the defeated”]
The following diary was kept in 1862 by Lewis W. Thompson (1839-1918), a bugler in Co. H, 4th Ohio Volunteer Cavalry (OVC). Lewis enlisted on 13 September1861 and was discharged from the service on 10 February 1863.
The company roster for Lewis states that he enlisted as a 21 year-old bugler and that he was capture and paroled on 18 October 1862 at the Battle of Lexington, Kentucky. He was discharged on 10 February 1863 by means of his enlistment in the Mounted Service, USA.
After the war, in 1880, Lewis was married to Velma Harvey.
[Note: This diary is in the private collection of Greg Herr and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
A sample of Lewis’s handwriting
Transcription
February 1862
Sunday, February 9, 1862—I and a squad went down to Green River this afternoon. Had a fine time of it. It was quite cool.
10th—[Gen. Ormsby M.] Mitchell’s Brigade left Camp Jefferson about 6 o’clock and crossed Green river about one p.m. We encamped about a mile from the river.
11th—It was a pleasant day. I was orderly bugler this day…
12th—Our regiment was out scouting today. Our company was out on picket. We got marching orders.
13th—We left camp at daylight, come through Cave City at noon. We encamped about 18 miles from Green river in Barren county.
14th—We started at daylight and got at Bowling Green 11:30 a.m. Commenced shelling it at noon. Struck our tents on the rebel’s camp.
15th—We went into Bowling Green. I took my dinner in a hotel. We’re now in Hardee’s quarters.
Tintype of William Barnhart who served in Co. C, 4th OVC (Ohio Memory)
16th—Our company went out on picket about five miles from Bowling Green. It was a cold day.
17th—We come off picket at noon and in the afternoon went for some rebel horses. We got five.
18th—We come back from capturing some horses. I rode a rebel horse into Bowling Green. Got marching orders.
19th—It was raining all day and I was sleepy all day. We’re now encamped 15 miles from Bowling Green.
20th—I wasn’t doing anything today. We got marching orders.
21st—We took up our march at daylight. We came through Franklin about noon. Cross the line in p.m. into Tennessee. Cross through Mitchellville 2 p.m. First night in Tennessee.
22nd—We take up our march at daylight. It was raining all day. We marched all day in the rain. We stopped 9 miles from Nashville.
23rd—It was a pleasant day. I was sleeping very near all day. We’re encamped 9 miles from Nashville.
24th—We left our camp this afternoon and struck our tents. Two miles from Nashville. We was in [ field]
25th—It was a fine day. I wasn’t doing anything today. We got marching orders.
26th—We started from our camp of 8 a.m., crossed the river at dark into Nashville. There was a teamster drowned.
27th—We were very near all day in Nashville. This afternoon went 8 miles from town. The bugler of Co. E was shot in the side.
28th—I wasn’t doing anything today. This evening our company went on picket and I with them.
March 1862
Saturday, March 1, 1862—Our company was on picket till night. Part of our company was out scouting and captured several things.
2nd—I wasn’t doing anything today. It was raining in the afternoon and all night.
3rd—It was a fine day. I wasn’t doing anything.
“The First Union Dress Parade In Nashville.” Print showing the 51st Ohio Volunteer Regiment, led by Col. Stanly Mathews, on dress parade in Nashville, Tennessee, March 4, 1862.
4th—Our company was out a scouting. We captured a lot of clothing and some cattle.
5th—We was out drilling in the afternoon and in the forenoon we wasn’t doing anything.
6th—I wasn’t doing anything today. It was all quiet in camp.
7th—Our company was on guard today. I wasn’t doing anything. Our pickets was drove in at night.
8th—We was out fighting this afternoon. 8 killed and wounded and two on our side wounded.
March 8, 1862 in Nashville, Tennessee – On March 8, a detachment of Confederate cavalry, commanded by Col. John H. Morgan, raided the suburbs of Nashville. There was not much damage done but this let the Union army know that the Confederate cavalry raiders were still active in the area.
9th—We was out scouting today all day. We caught two more prisoners. I am tired tonight.
10th—We was out scouting. Took two prisoners. Rode all over creation.
11th—Our company was on picket today and I was out bushwhacking in the night.
12th—I and captain and 14 men was out scouting. Capture a black horse.
13th—I wasn’t doing nothing till evening when we started to give Old Morgan a fight. We met Old Capt. Morgan & [___wood] and their escort which [ ] out of our fight.
14th—It was raining very near all day. Our pickets was drove in about 10 o’clock. We was called out in the night.
15th—Our company was on guard today. It was a raining very near all day.
16th—I wasn’t doing anything today. Company C brought in three of Morgan’s men this afternoon. All quiet in camp.
17th—I wasn’t doing anything today. I am sick and lay in my tent all day. I wrote a letter to Mills.
18th—We got marching orders. Started from camp Andrew Jackson about 9 a.m. Stop about 5 miles south of Lavergne. I was sick all day.
19th—We started at daylight this morning. It rained till noon. We got in Murfreesboro 8 o’clock in the night. I slept in a barn.
20th—We left our camp at Murfreesboro at 12 a.m. We’re now in camp and south of town on Stone river.
21st—I wasn’t doing anything today. I laid in my tent all day. I am not well.
22nd—I am [not] doing anything. I am not well. Our company went out scouting. I wrote a letter to Mills.
23rd—I was Orderly Bugler today. All was quiet in camp.
24th—I wasn’t doing anything today. It was a fine day. Co. C brought in four of Morgan’s men.
25th—I wasn’t doing anything till about 6 o’clock. Then we started on a scout. We crossed the Cumberland Mountain at 11 o’clock at night.
26th—We started and come into Shelbyville at noon. Then started for Tullahoma. About 6 p.m. got into town.
27th—We left Tullahoma at one o’clock and stayed near Shelbyville that night. I was taken prisoner. Didn’t stay long.
28th—We left there about 8 a.m.. Got back from Shelbyville 6 m. when our company and Co. E was ordered back toward the town and crick.
29th—I was a fishing in the morning. I and six of our [company] went out scouting about 2 p.m. We raise a flag on the Court House.
30th—I was fishing in the forenoon and in the afternoon I wasn’t doing anything but sleeping. Very warm.
31st—I wasn’t doing anything. Only fishing till 8 o’clock. I went on picket. We look to be attacked.
April 1862
Tuesday, April 1, 1862—I am off picket this morning and in the afternoon made our quarters.
2nd—I wasn’t doing anything, only shushing some. It was a pleasant day. All was quiet in camp.
3rd—I wasn’t doing anything. All quiet in camp.
4th—I wasn’t doing anything today. Was fishing in the forenoon. Got scouting orders. Three days rations.
5th—We left camp 8 a.m. on a scouting expedition. Come into Tullahoma 2 p.m. Traveled on till midnight. Encamp 10 miles from Tullahoma.
6th—We started at 4 o’clock in the morning. Cross the Cumberland Creek in the afternoon. Capture a locomotive and take 22 prisoners.
7th—We started at daylight from the mill and feed about noon. Got back in camp at 5 o’clock p.m.
8th—I wasn’t doing nothing today. We got marching orders.
9th—We started from Camp Halleck at daylight. March to Fayetteville at 7 p.m. and cross Elk river and encamp there. Shelbyville to Fayetteville 25 [miles]
10th—We left Fayetteville about 11 a.m. and marched till 10 at night. Encamped in a clover field. We got in Alabama at 3 o’clock in the afternoon.
11th—We started before daylight. Got in Huntsville at sun up. Take 17 locomotive, 273 prisoners, and a lot of sugar. From Fayetteville to Huntsville 30 miles.
After destroying the buildings, the 4th OVC advanced to Huntsville, Alabama, where the command captured a train with seventeen locomotives, multiple railroad cars, and eight hundred enemy soldiers as passengers. The regiment next moved to the Alabama communities of Decatur and Athens, before returning to Huntsville.
12th—We started for Decatur and took possession of it. Capture a rebel camp and a lot of cotton.
13th—I wasn’t doing anything today, being sick all day.
14th—I started for Decatur this afternoon. Went on the cars. I could not stand to ride. I am sick.
15th—I am sick; hardly able to be out.
16th—I was sick; hardly able to be out.
17th—I am sick. Wasn’t doing anything all day. Quiet in camp. Was on the battle ground.
18th—I am some better but I wasn’t doing anything, It rained in the evening.
19th—I wasn’t doing anything. It was a raining all day.
20th—I spent Easter Sunday by laying in my tent all day. It was raining all day.
21st—We started from Decatur at daylight and arrive in Tuscumbia at night. It rained all day. From Decatur to Tuscumbia is 40 miles.
22nd—We was out scouting today. Drove in their pickets. Take one prisoner. Fine day.
23rd—We was out scouting today. Went some twelve miles from here. Didn’t see anything. Fine day. Got wounded.
24th—We went out scouting. Had a skirmish with the rebel cavalry. Retreated from Tuscumbia in the evening about six o’clock.
25th—We was on our retreat. Had a fight with the rebel cavalry. Had one wounded and four taken prisoner of our company.
26th—We left Cortland about 1 p.m. Got in Decatur at dark. Got a horse 2 miles on this side of Cortland.
27th—I was roving all over the country all day. Our company left about 5 p.m.. I was left behind.
28th—Started away from Tennessee river at 8 a.m. Got in camp about 5 p.m. Got a letter from Mills & wrote one back to him.
29th—I wasn’t doing anything today till 9 o’clock at night. We was ordered out on a scout. Travel till two in the morning.
30th—We started at daylight. Scout the country through. Got back in camp about 4 p.m.
May 1862
Thursday, May 1, 1862—We left camp at 1 p.m. March till night. Stay in a meadow three miles from Athens.
2nd—We got in Athens little after sun up, Follow the rebels till about 12 o’clock when we got on to them. Had a heavy fight with them.
In May 1862, the 4th helped defend Athens from a Confederate cavalry attack, driving the enemy soldiers from the town. The regiment’s division next advanced towards Chattanooga, Tennessee, with the 4th leading the advance.
3rd—We stay all night two miles this side of our battle ground. Got in Athens about 11. Came on to Green River Creek. Traveled about thirty miles.
4th—We left Tennessee river creek about 7 a.m. and came along the railroad. Got in camp about 4 p.m. 25 miles.
5th—I wasn’t doing anything today. We caught about 100 prisoners today.
6th—I wrote a letter to Mills. I wasn’t doing anything. It is a fine day. All quiet in camp. They was firing salutes in the morning.
7th—I wasn’t doing [anything] this forenoon. This afternoon we made our camp in a pine grove.
8th—I was Orderly Bugler this day. All quiet in camp. Our company was down this evening to serenade Old Gen. Mitchell.
9th—I wasn’t doing anything today. We were ordered back to Athens. Started at 8 p.m.
10th—We got in Athens at 7 a.m. Wasn’t doing anything. There was a great excitement in town.
11th—I was scouring the country through, I and J. M. Darmond. It was a warm day. Was a man killed accidentally.
12th—I and two of our company was to Morrisville 15 miles from here. It was a warm day.
13th—Our brigade started from Athens 2 p.m. For at Elk River at sun down. Our company across the river at 2 p.m. Travel till two in the morning. One member of Co. K drowned.
14th—We stay 4 miles from the river last night. Gen. L______’s Brigade cross Elk River about 11 a.m. Came back in Athens at night.
15th—I wasn’t doing anything today. Warm day.
16th—We started from Athens 8 a.m. Got in camp 2 p.m.. Was a warm day.
17th—Wasn’t doing anything this day. Warm day. I got a letter from my stepfather. I wrote one back to him.
18th—Our regiment was ordered out. I was a raining near all day. We went to Winchester, Tennessee.
19th—I was Orderly Bugler this day. I wrote a letter to Lewis Mills.
20th—I wasn’t doing anything today. It was a pleasant day.
21st—I was Orderly Bugler this day.
22nd—I wasn’t doing anything today. It is a warm day.
23rd—I wasn’t doing anything today. It rained in the evening.
24th—I wasn’t doing anything this day. It was a fine day. The regiment got back from Winchester.
25th—I wasn’t doing anything this day. It was a warm day. All quiet. Our regiment went up the mountains.
26th—Ten out of A Company went to Shelbyville with Gen. [Ormsby] Mitchell. Quite warm.
27th—I wasn’t doing anything today. Quite warm.
28th—I was orderly bugler today. Warm day.
29th—I wasn’t doing anything all day. Quiet in camp. I wrote two letters. One to Mill & Murphy.
30th—I wasn’t doing anything today. All quiet.
31st—I was orderly bugler this day. We got the news of Corinth being taken. The cannon fired 24 rounds.
June 1862
Sunday, June 1, 1862—I went over the mountains on a scouting expedition.
2nd—I got back into camp in the forenoon. Wrote a letter to John F. O’Neill.
3rd—I was orderly bugler today. Warm day.
4th—I wrote a letter to Mills. I wasn’t doing anything. Our regiment was ordered out. The boys was first onto. Killed 2 and 8 wounded. We was paid off. $65 was my pay.
5th—I was orderly bugler today. We buried [Corp.] George McConnell. He was killed at Point Rock on the 4th. [Editor’s note: The company roster only states that he “died 4 June 1862” without any further details.]
6th—I wasn’t doing anything. I was all over town in the afternoon. I wrote a letter to Augustus Coffman. Warm day.
7th—I was orderly bugler. Buried a member of Co. A shot accidentally. Warm day.
8th—I wasn’t doing anything today. We buried a member of Co. A. Died in the hospital.
9th—I wasn’t doing anything today. Only wrote a letter to Mills.
10th—I was orderly bugler. Quiet in camp. Warm day.
11th—I wasn’t doing anything today. It was a warm day. One member of Co. I was killed and one of Co. F wounded in the head.
12th—I wasn’t doing anything today. It is a warm day.
13th—I was out scouting today. Took two bushwhackers and four shotguns. It was a warm day.
14th—I was orderly bugler. Warm day.
15th—I was not doing anything today. All quiet. Very warm.
16th—I was orderly bugler. Warm day.
17th—I ain’t doing nothing. Fine day.
18th—I wasn’t doing anything this day. Fine day.
19th—I wasn’t doing anything this day. Cool day.
20th—I was orderly bugler. All quiet. Very warm day.
21st—I wasn’t doing anything today. Very warm day.
22nd—I wasn’t doing anything today. Very warm. The boys got back from Chattanooga, They [were] fired into again.
23rd—I wasn’t doing anything today. Not very well. Warm day.
24th—I got a letter from Mills. I wrote one back to Mills and one to W. Crook. Rain in the afternoon.
25th—I wasn’t doing anything today. It was a warm day.
26th—I wasn’t doing anything today. Very warm. All quiet in camp.
27th—I was orderly bugler today. Warm day.
28th—I wasn’t doing anything today. Very warm. I was digging for some money this morning.
29th—I wasn’t doing anything this day. Very warm. I got a letter from A. Koffman this morning.
30th—I was at the 1st O. V. Seen some of the old boys. Warm day.
July 1862 [From this point on I will only transcribe entries with something significant]
2nd—I was orderly bugler today. One of the Co. G was killed and one wounded.
14th—I was orderly bugler this day. Gen. Rosecrans takes command in our Division in Mitchell’s place. Buell had three rebels shot. One of the 24 shot Buell in the [?]
15th—I wasn’t doing anything today. It rained in the afternoon and blowed hard. Blowed our tent down and several other tents. Very war, in the forenoon.
23rd—We left camp 5 o’clock. Crossed the river Tennessee at 8 a.m., got in Tuscumbia 2 p.m. Pass through Luka 4 p.m., got in Corinth 6 p.m. Got supper at the hotel.
24th—We was laying all day in Corinth. 16 of our company got a keg of ale. Had good deal of sport. very warm day.
25th—We left Corinth 9 a.m. Got in Luka at 11:15 a.m. They boys was fighting among themselves in the afternoon.
26th—We left Iuka 7 a.m. Got our horses at Eastport. Cross the river at 2 p.m. Stayed ten miles of Florence.
27th—We started at daylight. Got in Florence at 10 a.m. Left own at noon. I was at the 35th OVI. Saw some of the boys.
28th—We started at daylight. Cross Elk River at noon. Got into Athens at dark.
29th—We started from Athens at sun up. Got in camp 1 p.m. Had inspection of horses in the afternoon and got our horses in the evening.
August 1862
8th—We left camp 6 a.m. Got at Elk 11 a.m. We run four hours to Pulaski. Got in Pulaski after dark. Very warm.
9th—We left Pulaski 1:30 p.m. Had bad luck. Run two cars off the track. Broke two mens legs. We got in Nashville 2 o’clock at night.
11th—We stay all day in town [Nashville]. Got our horses in the evening. Good many of the boys was drunk.
12th—We started from Nashville at sun up. Got in Franklin at dark.
13th—We left Franklin 9 a.m. Stop 7 miles from town. Started 6 p.m. Travel nearly all night.
14th—We started at two a.m. Got on the [guerrillas?] 9 a.m. but left about five minutes before we got to them.
15th—We stay 7 miles this side of Centerville. Got in town sun up. We left town 10 a.m. and got in Williamsport 9 p.m.
16th—We left Williamsport at daylight. Got in Columbia 2 p.m. We stopped three miles this side of town.
17th—We left our camp this afternoon 3 p.m. Went till about 9 o’clock, then stop this side of Morrisville.
18th—We started 6 a.m. Got in Gordonsville 10 a.m. Caight 7 bushwhackers. Got plenty of whiskey. Start at 9 m. for Fayetteville.
19th—We got in Fayetteville 7 a.m. Started from there 11 a.m. Crossed the [state] line 3 p.m. Stayed all night ten miles from Fayetteville.
20th—We started 2 a.m. Got in camp 7 a.m. Moved our camp this day.
23rd—We moved our camp back to our old place this morning. Fixing all day. Was very warm.
24th—We had an inspection this morning. Got marching orders. Packed up and struck our tents but did not leave.
25th—We got marching orders but it was countermanded and pitch our tents again in the afternoon.
September 1862
In September 1862, the 4th joined the Army of the Ohio’s pursuit of Confederate General Braxton Bragg’s army, which had launched an invasion of Kentucky and was threatening Ohio’s southern border. Upon reaching Elizabethtown, Kentucky, officials ordered the regiment to Brownsville, Kentucky, where the organization escorted the Army of the Ohio’s supply train to the mouth of the Salt River. The 4th next advanced through the Kentucky communities of Shepherdstown, Frankfort, Harrodsburg, and Danville. At this final location, a detachment from the regiment accompanied a Union force towards Lexington, Kentucky. Confederate General John Hunt Morgan’s cavalry captured 250 men from the 4th on this expedition. The remainder of the regiment advanced, via Crab Orchard and Lebanon, to Nashville.
Monday, September 1, 1862—We started at daylight. got in Futsvile 4 p.m. Stayed on the other side of town.
2nd—We stayed 6 miles this side of Futsville [?]. Started from there at sun up. Stopped 1 mile from Shelbyville.
3rd—We started at sun up and stopped in our old camp two miles this side of Murfreesboro.
4th—We stayed all day. Got orders to march but was countermanded. I went to 35th Ohio [infantry] and stayed there all night.
5th—I left the 35th OVI little after sun up. Got in Laverne 2 p.m. Pass our old camp and stop 3 miles this side of Nashville.
6th—I wasn’t doing anything today. Haven’t heard any from my regiment yet. I was at the 35th OVI this evening.
7th—I wasn’t doing anything today. I am 3 miles this side of Nashville with Co. G.
10th–I was orderly bugler today. We left camp 8 p.m. Cross Cumberland 10 p.m. March till four in the morning.
11th—we started 11 a.m. and got at the Big Springs 5 p.m. Stay there all night. they had a fight here in the morning.
12th—We started 7 a.m. and got at Mitchellville at dark. Stay there all night.
13th—We was on picket last night. Started from Mitchellville 11 a.m. March till after dark. Stop 12 miles from Bowling Green [Kentucky].
14th—We started at day light and stop at Sinking Creek. Stayed there all night. Warm day.
15th—We stay all night 3 miles of Bowling Green. Left there 7 a.m. Run through town 10 a.m. Went in camp 1.5 miles this side of town.
16th—I was orderly bugler this day. We got marching orders. Started at sundown. March till 2:30 a.m next morning.
17th—We started 6:30 a.m. Got into rebel’s picket 8 a.m. Killed one & took one prisoner. It rained very hard in the evening. Camp 15 miles this side of Bowling Green.
18th—We started for Glasgow early in the morning. Got there 11:30 a.m. Took 800 prisoners and part of a wagon train with flour.
19th—We stayed all night six miles from Glasgow. Paroled our prisoners. Left in the afternoon. Went two miles and encamped there.
20th—We started from our camp 1 p.m. for Glasgow. Got there at sundown. Encamped at Cave City.
21st—We started at sun up, scouted all day. Got in Glasgow 5 p.m. Started after rebel train. Went near 20 miles. Got back in town at 9 at night.
22nd—We started from Glasgow at sun up. I was in the horse cave 10 a.m. Cross Green River after dark. In camp at Mumfordville.
23rd—We left Mumfordville 4 p.m. Got in our old camp Jefferson 8 p.m. Over now with Thas’ Division/
24th—We stared from Camp Jefferson at sun up. March hard all day. Come in Elizabethtown in camp 2 miles from town.
25th—We left early in the morning. Cross [ ] Creek 3 p., Got in Miller town 3 p.m. in camp on a creek for the night.
26th—We started at sun up and marched all day. Went in camp 20 miles from Bowling Green. Warm day.
27th—We started at sun up and got at Green River at slack water landing 10 a.m. Going to stay all day. Rained nearly all day.
28th—We started 7 a.m. and got at Brownsville sundown. Fine day. Meet our train at Brownsville.
29th—We was laying at the river all day. In the evening out company went on picket. Fine day.
30th—we started early in the morning and marched till dark. Stay 16 miles from Green river.
October 1862
Wednesday, October 1, 1862—We started at sun up. Got in Leitchfield [?]. Stayed all night two miles this side of town in field.
2nd—We started at sun up. March all day. Stop for the night 20 miles south of Salt River. It rained in the afternoon.
3rd—We started early in the morning. Got at West Point 5 p.m. Cross Sale River at night. Stop 1 mile this side of the river on the road.
4th—We started 6 a.m. Got in Shepherdsville 3 p.m. Went into camp this side of town. wrote a letter to Mills.
6th—We [left] Shepherdsville 6:30 a.m. March all day. Stay 4 miles from Taylorsville. March 3 a.m.
7th—We started early in the morning and got in Shelbyville, Kentucky, 5 p.m. We marched 25 miles. Very warm day.
8th—We left Shelbyville 10 a..m. Came through Clayville, Hardensville, and Bridgeport. Got at Frankfort after dark Had a hard fight with the rebels. Got in town after 12 o’clock.
9th—We was laying 1 mile of Frankfort all day. Pleasant day.
11th—We left for a scout. we came through Rough and Ready 10 a.m. Got in Lawrenceburg 3 p.m. Had a skirmish in the evening.
12th—We left Lawrenceburg 3 a.m. Got in Salvisa 9 a.m. Captured one cannon and 62 prisoners. Got back in Lawrenceburg 6 p.m.
13th—We got a lot more prisoners. We left Lawrenceburg 12 p.m. and got in Salvisa 5 p.m.. Fine day.
14th—We left Salvisa 9 a.m. Got in Harrodsburg 2 p.m. Stop all night half mile this side of Danville. Fine day.
15th—We went out scouting. Four companies of our regiment. Left Danville 7 a.m. came through Barbersville and got in Nicholasville 8 p.m.
16th—We was all day at Nicholasville. Was paroling prisoners.
17th—We left Nicholasville 7 a.m. Got in Lexington 2 p.m. Fine day.
18th—This is the day of misfortune. Was taken prisoner at daylight. Left town 5 p.m.
October 18, 1862 in Lexington, Kentucky – On October 18, Col. John H. Morgan and a force of Confederate raiders circled eastward and came to Lexington. They soon skirmished with a portion of the 3rd Ohio Cavalry before the Confederates captured the town. The Union garrison were composed of the 3rd and 4th Ohio Cavalry. The Confederates left before the end of the day. Maj. Gen. Gordon Granger gathered his cavalry force and pursued Morgan’s men.
19th—I started 4 miles this side of Lexington. Come through Georgetown at noon. Stopped at Dr. Bonnet’s all night.
20th—I started at daylight. Got an ask [?] team. Went some 23 miles. Stayed 3 miles from Williamstown all night.
21st—Started at daylight. Got at Williamstown. From there I went to Falmouth. Got home in the evening.
The following letter was written by Godfrey D. Dotson (1827-1919) of Lawrence county, Kentucky, enquiring on the life of his son, Andrew Dotson, an exchanged prisoner in the hospital at Annapolis, Maryland. Unfortunately I cannot conform Godfrey Dotson’s residency in Lawrence county, nor do I find a son of his by the name of Andrew in on-line genealogical and census records. I cannot even find a military record or POW record for Andrew searching under the name Dotson and Dodson.
Transcription
State of Kentucky Lawrence county August 7, 1863
To the Stewards of the General Hospital of Annapolis, Md.
Dear sir I take my pen in hand to inform you that I have a son that was captured a prisoner on the 7th day of December last by John B. Floyd’s Brigade of Rebels and sent to Richmond, Virginia, and was swapped out by the Yankees party on the 4th of April last. My son was in the hospital at Maryland, Annapolis, on the 3rd day of May. That is the account we have heard of him to be sure.
We heard that he deceased at that place. We then heard that he did not so I want as a friend to make strict inquiry and write to me if you please and you will oblige a friend and distressed parents on the account of a lovely son. Also write to me where to mail my letters and what will satisfy you for your trouble and I will send you the money.
The name of the boy is Andrew Dotson. His age is 17. His complexion is reasonable fair, yellow hair, blue eyes, and raw bond. His form is tall & spare built. I will say, dear son, if you be on the stage of action and gets word from your parents, come without delay to Louisa, Kentucky, and then inquire for me.
Another line to the steward of hospital [and] that is to direct your letters to Lawrence county, Kentucky, Louisa Post Office. Write to me, let the case be as it may. So no more at present—only remaining your friend until death. From Godfrey D. Dotson
to the steward of the General Hospital of Maryland, Annapolis.
This brief diary was written by Charles Thompson Boomer (1834-1871), the son of James M and Lucy Boomer of Charlton, Massachusetts. Boomer’s biography appears in Cutler’s History of Kansas, Brown county, page 20 as follows:
“Charles T. Boomer, was a member of Co. A, Seventh Kansas Cavalry, and enlisted in the summer of 1861 in Walnut Township, serving until the close of the war, sharing all the dangers and hardships of his regiment, and was discharged in the fall of 1865. He entered his company as a private and re-enlisted as a veteran, and rose to the rank of Sergeant. He was wounded twice while in the service, once severely, and his death, which occurred in April, 1871, was directly attributable to the exposure and hardships he endured while in the service. He was born in Worcester County, Mass., in October, 1834, and lived in his native State until his fifteenth year, when his parents removed to Kendall County, Ill., and where he resided until the spring of 1858, when he came to Kansas Territory, where he pre-empted a farm on which his brother now lives, and resided in the neighborhood until he entered the Union army. After his discharge he returned to his brother’s farm in Illinois, where he resided for three years, and then entered the employ of the American Bridge Company. He continued with this company about three years. And in 1870 returned to his farm in Kansas to improve it, and where he lived until his death, in 1871. He was favorably known far and wide to all the old settlers in the northern part of the State for his sterling worth and manly qualities.”
The regiment, under command of Lieutenant Colonel F. M. Malone, took an active part in the campaign in Missouri against the rebel General Price, during the fall of 1864, and participated in all the principal engagements. At Independence, Mo., the regiment charged against a superior force of the enemy, and succeeded in completely routing them and captured two pieces of artillery.
After the campaign against Price, the regiment was stationed by detachments in St. Louis District, where it was employed in fighting guerrillas until the 18th of July, 1865, when it was ordered to report at Omaha City, N. T., where it arrived on the 31st of the same month, and from thence marched to Fort Kearney. The regiment, however, had scarcely reached the latter station, when it received orders to return to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, to be mustered out of service, where it arrived on the 14th of September, 1865, and on the 29th of the same month received its final discharge, after having served a term of three years and eleven months from the time of its organization until its final muster out of service.
[Note: This diary is from the personal collection of Rob Morgan who made it available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Journal of Charles T. Boomer, Sergeant in Co. A, 7th Kansas V. V. Cav., during the pursuit of the rebel Gen. Price when on his raid in Missouri fall of 1864.
21 August 1864—Lagrange, Tennessee. Memphis was attacked today at 4 o’clock p.m. by a force of Forrest’s cavalry, apparently about 2500 strong.
August 23. The raid on Memphis proved to be a part of Forrest’s Cavalry as before stated, but only about 300 or 400 came up to the town. We lay in line of battle one night but it doesn’t look as though there was much danger. There was a detachment sent to Gen. Smith on the 21st who is supposed to be at Oxford. It is hoped that Grierson’s Cavalry will cut them [off] before they can join their main command. All is quiet here. It is a very pleasant day.
September 12th—End of our Southern Campaign. We leave Memphis at 8 p.m.
September 15th—Arrived at Cairo just before six this morning. We lay on a sandbar all day yesterday. I have gone through this summer without seeing an armed rebel or hardly hearing a bullet whistle. Co. A has lost one man killed and 4 wounded. Bill Adams killed, Jennings, McIntosh, G____ , Rice wounded. The regiment has done good fighting, has been engaged some five or six times at or below Ripley, Pontotoc from Pontotoc to Tupelo, from Tupelo north to Salem and three or four times from the Tallahatchie to Hurricane Creek and to Oxford or battle Graham.
September 16th—Left Memphis on the 13th inst., arrived at Cairo the 15th on the John Rains. We got aground on the bar just below Island No. 10. Lay there all day and were helped off by the Darling. Today we ran aground about five miles above Cape Girardeau. We all got off and marched about three miles. The water is four feet scant on the worst bars between Cairo and St. Louis. Co. A, C, G, and I are onboard. Camp Gamble, St. Louis, Mo.
September 20th—Expect to be paid off today. About half the regiment were paid yesterday.
September 27th—Camp near Paris on the Iron Mountain Railroad. Left St. Louis this morning. Are now out after Price.
September 29th—We are standing to horse. Our Col. Herrick from DeSoto is waiting for the infantry to leave by way of St. Louis. I don’t know whether Potosi is taken or not. We are to move soon toward St. Louis. We are brigaded with the 13th Missouri Cavalry. I suppose that Price is marching up through the middle of the state.
October 3rd—I am thirty years old today. Have been scouting the last week, the first time for a year. I stand it just middling. We have been down on the Iron Mountain Railroad as far as DeSoto, some fifty miles or so. Saw no rebs. Are now camped on the Merrimac 15 miles southwest of St. Louis. It is reported that old Price is running but we may see him yet. We are having a dreary rain.
Union, Franklin county, Mo. October 5th—Left Eureka yesterday in a rainstorm. Came through Franklin to this place. The weather is fine today. Price was here three days last week and he gutted the town most effectively. It is quite a place and is the county seat. Is about 10 miles from south of the Missouri river and the same distance from Washington on the Pacific Railroad. Price was about 30 miles towards Jefferson City. I don’t know when we will leave. The 13th Missouri Cavalry are here.
St. Clarksville, October 6th—Last night there came a report that 600 individuals in trains were coming in here and men, women, and children just left and started for Union. A messenger arrived there and we all saddled. We started for this place; Co. A, of course, in the advance. On the way we met the citizens and a more scared lot of mortals I never saw.
October 7th—Major [Charles H.] Gregory and Co. A & D staid till night and then we received orders to join the command on the Jefferson Road which we did after marching about 20 miles, about 11 p.m.
October 8th—Yesterday we only came about 15 miles. Had eggs for supper. We are on Price’s trail. It is a poor country between here and Union.
October 9th—It is Sunday. We are camped near the Gasconade but can’t find it. It is not as pretty a stream as the Merrimac. Mr. Smith is a few miles oil our rear. The weather is fine but cool.
October 10th—We left Jefferson yesterday. Met. Gen. [John B.] Sanborn at California Station and came on to this place. Last night we had a [hell] of a time. Four brigades are here. Price is supposed to be at Boonville. He drove our fellows a mile and a half yesterday. This is our 17th day from St. Louis. Camp in the brush between Sedalia and Lexington. We are doing nothing but waiting for something to turn up. This is the 23rd day out.
October 22nd—We are within from 10 to 15 miles of Independence on the Lexington road. Gen. Pleasanton in command. There are 2 or 3 divisions of cavalry along and three or four batteries. Firing has just commenced. The front has been engaged for nearly an hour. Independence. Afternoon. We came to this place. The 13th Missouri Vols. charged and took two brass field pieces and skirmished in going and yet this is the 26th day out. [Samuel] Curtis & [James G.] Blunt are at Kansas City fighting now.
October 24th—Near Santa Fe, Missouri. We didn’t make much off of Old Price yesterday but we got close shelling to horse. There was a heavy fight at the Big Blue yesterday. The 2nd Division, 16th Army Corps—Winslow’s—and at Westport by Blunt. Price had to burn 30 wagons.
October 25th—Near the Marais des Cygnes. We came within four miles of here last night. Came 40 miles or more. Blunt was in the advance. There has been another fight this morning at the river and I hear the 4th Iowa, 2nd Division, took two guns and 50 wagons. I have seen about 200 head of cattle. We are rather tired. Out of hard tack and sow belly. It rained a little this morning. Is cloudy yet but cooler. 29th day out.
The Battle of Mine Creek by Samuel J. Reader
October 26th—Near Fort Scott, Kansas. Yesterday was a glorious day. In the morning the two divisions crossed the Marais des Cygnes and took four pieces of artillery. Then when about 6 miles out, the divisions charged in three columns and took 9 pieces more making 15 in all. Then about noon we came to the Little Osage. We charged across in two columns and Co. A got in advance. Before it was over, we killed six and took one. Dead rebels were lying all around on the prairie (The 2nd took 3 [two] generals—Marmaduke, [William] Cabell, and Campbell.
About three p.m. We came up with them on a high prairie, formed in 4 lines of battle. We formed in two lines and as fast as we advanced, they fell back. We had not men enough to charge and our horses were too badly run down to go in, but we had some sharp fighting and our artillery did splendid execution. Just before dark, they moved off and we camped in line of battle though we had no fear of an attack.
Gen. [John] McNeil commanded the divisions all day but I believe Curtis and Pleasanton were up to see the fun. I don’t know our loss but it was slight. I suppose that we took 200 prisoners, perhaps more. Blunt is reported after them now. We are feeding at a farm about three miles from where we fought our last fight. Bob is willing to come and eat some beef liver. We must have come 35 miles yesterday, most of the way on a gallop. There were 30 wagons taken besides many more that were burnt by the rebs. It is raining a little but I don’t think it will rain much. We don’t grumble about poor generalship as we did a week ago. Artillery has been heard in the direction of Dry Wood several times this morning.
October 27th—It proved true. We are in column about 40 miles south of Fort Scott, still in pursuit. We have passed 113 wagons the last 3 days. They had nearly all been burned, but we whipped them up so hard that they hadn’t time to burn them all. Old Price is hard up but I am afraid he will get away. The weather is fine.
October 30th—In camp near the Mt. Vernon road en route for Rolla. Day before yesterday Jennison came up with Price at Newtonia and got pretty badly used up. The 15th and 16th Kansas broke but the 2nd Colored stood. We lost 20 killed and about 60 wounded. Then [John] Sanborn came up and turned affairs slightly. We were about 7 miles back. The next morning we were ordered to Springfield. I don’t think there is anyone after him (Price). For the last week we have had hard times but we have enjoyed it. The horses have stood it well but nearly gave out. They are doing well now. I hope that Steele will give him (Price) a call. We came through a rather barren country yesterday. Last night was the first night that we have had a good sleep.
October 31st—Springfield. we arrived here a 2 o’clock p.m. It is quite a pretty place. We expect to go back soon, but of course don’t know.
November 4th—On the road to Ft. Smith. We started yesterday in a snowstorm. It was one of the most disagreeable days of my soldiering but we got to a good camp 20 miles from Springfield. Plenty of corn for fodder, and rails for fire and we spent a comfortable night. It cleared off about 8 p.m. We are to stop here all day. I can’t see the object of this move but suppose the Gen. can. We had rather a rough time at Springfield. It rained or snowed all the time that we was there, three nights and two days. This country is poor enough.
November 8th—Camp near Cassville, Mo. we came the 6th and I have staid here ever since. Today is the Election and we have done all we could for Old Abe. We have voted and I think the Old 7th has given Little Mack nary a vote. This is a Godforsaken country—all hills and valleys. The valleys are pretty good but the hills are of no account. There is a great deal of stone here. The creeks sink in the ground and then come out again in large springs. After we voted, I went down to the creek and took a cold rinse.
November 13th—And then we started about noon for Rolla. We took the right hand road and left Springfield to the left about 15 miles. We are now about 70 miles from Rolla. (We have passed the Gasconade) We have passed through an awful country. One of the men said that it was so poor that a whippoorwill would have to carry a haversack.
But the little valley are middling good. This is the Ozark Mountain country but the hills are low—not near as lofty as the hills of Massachusetts. It was three years since the Little Blue Fight where I was first wounded on the 11th inst. I hope we will meet a train today for our rations are nearly out and the country is too poor to furnish them. I think 3 days will bring us into Rolla.
November 14th—Last night we camped on the Big Pine after marching 35 miles. That is the poorest country that we have passed through. I suppose we have marched about 20 miles today. The country has been a little better but poor enough. It looks like rain.
November 15th—Rolla. It didn’t rain much. We crossed the Little Piney. It ain’t much of a stream and no pines on it. We arrived at Rolla just at night and learned that Lincoln had been reelected.
November 17th—We have lain here two days. Have just got a chance to look at a paper. All appears to be right. We were just 50 days from St. Louis to Rolla.
Spared & Shared 23 