Category Archives: Antebellum Mississippi

1848: Thomas Henry McNeill to Malcom McNeill

Thomas Henry McNeill

This letter was written by Thomas Henry McNeill (1821-1866), the son of Malcom McNeill (1796-1875) and Martha Rivers. Malcom McNeill began accumulating property in Kentucky where he relocated in 1817, and later bought thousands of acres in Mississippi and within the city of Natchez, which greatly increased in value. An 1884 history of Christian and Trigg counties as “perhaps the richest man in the county, with a large estate and many negroes both there and in Mississippi.”

Thomas Henry McNeill first went to Mississippi to tend his father’s plantations there which were sited along the Mississippi River. He began purchasing his own lands in 1853, initially in the extreme southwestern corner of Coahoma Co. near his father’s plantation in that area. He accumulated 1,945 acres on the Mississippi River there, including a gift from his father of 698 acres. In 1857 he purchased 1,100 acres about ten miles north but still on the River, and sold the southern properties. He called the new plantation “Dogwood” and the Mississippi river now flows over half of that property.

Thomas married first Rebecca Ann Tuck, daughter of Davis Green Tuck and Elizabeth M. Toot, on 26 October 1842 in Christian County, Kentucky. He married second Ann Eliza Arthur, daughter of William Arthur and Susannah Hill Peters on 11 June 1861 in Marshall County, Mississippi. He died at his plantation in Coahoma County, Mississippi at age 45.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Major Malcom McNeill, Lafayette, Christian county, Kentucky

Buena Vista, Coahoma, Mississippi
Monday, June 12, 1848

My dear Father,

Your ploughs were engaged during the whole day of Monday in laying by your corn on the Lake cut. They commenced Tuesday the other piece which was finished about noon. They then broke up those low, wet places between your cotton and my cotton, plowed over all the small corn. Those low places were planted by Emily & Amrett in corn. Your hoe gang only finished your corn on Monday. On Tuesday they finished that portion of new ground which you left undone. Hoe men were started to getting [ ] and are getting 15 hundred per day. The hoe’s after finishing the little that you left, went into the latest new ground and chopped it over.

On Wednesday fifteen plows (Monday & Tuesday Harich [?] was sick) and the hoe’s started in the cotton opposite your lake corn—the piece near the Irishmen’s levee—which the plows finished about 3 o’clock. They then commenced the piece over the Bayou which was finished on Thursday at nine. They then plowed that young cotton over the levee by 12 o’clock. After dinner they commenced the Walnut Ridge which was finished Friday morning early. They then went into the eighty acre field which they finished about 4 o’clock. They then plowed the piece of cotton on Lake Charles, back of the gin which was finished about 10 o’clock on Saturday. They then plowed those two pieces near the negro cabins, finishing all your old land cotton one hour by sun on Saturday.

I left your hoe gang in the office near the Irishman’s Levee on Wednesday which they finished that just at night. Next morning (Thursday) they went over the Bayou and to the Second year’s cotton which was finished about 3 o’clock same day. The hoe hands that evening cleaned out th bayou very well as your other cotton had all been gone over by the hoe gang just before the plows. Your hoe’s went in the new ground on Friday late (as the women had to wash) the piece nearest my second years, which they chopped over well that day, finishing a little before night. They then commenced the nearest piece to them (that is the second ridge) which they about half finished on Saturday night.

Saturday very late in the evening we had an awful tornado which has injured our crops very much, particularly your large corn. The cotton, I hope, will all straighten up soon. The wind blew down very many trees in the Plantation. On Saturday night, we had a very heavy rain. Another on Sunday during the day and it has been raining very hard all the morning up to 9 o’clock. The quantity of rain fallen has been immense, rendering it impossible to plow in old grounds for a day or so. All your plows are in the new ground nearest to my gin. On examining your new ground the day after you started (which was the 13th) I found three [cotton] blossoms. We have now a great many but they are not fully blown, which is attributed to the last few days having been very cloudy. One or two days sun will show a great many.

This letter will be dropped at Line Port by the Steamer Talleyrand. I will leave it open until she arrives. Your negroes (except Harick) are all well, but showing considerable disposition to lay up, or in other words, to possum.

Tuesday morning, June 20, the boat has not yet arrived and I am on the eve of starting to the lands. After another light shower yesterday the weather has cleared off beautifully and seems likely to remain so for a few days. I close now for fear the boat should come in my absence. My respects to Mother. Your son, — Thos. Henry McNeill

Tuesday 12 o’clock. Your plows finished the field next to my second year’s land. After dinner they will go into the piece adjoining the first. The hoe’s chopped over the second piece. The old ground is yet too wet to go into. Your corn is shooting very finely but the crows are injuring it already. All the hands are out today. Three laid up yesterday—Libby, Priss and Parthenia—who I think had chills. Directed Hoages to give quinine today and tomorrow. I saw blooms in my long [ ] today for the first time. The weather seems more settled and we shall have a great many in three or four days. Mother’s poultry are doing very well. No deaths in that line except the old gobbler which died the day after you left. Your son, — Thos. Henry

As we had to put Clark to getting boards, I made a plower of Gabriel who does very well in old land. He has never attempred to plow in the new ground so we are only running fourteen plows. I cannot say what time I shall leave. Perhaps not at all. My health is not as good as when you left yet I am up and attending closely to our business. I am making an effort to get two hundred acres well cleared this summer.

I had all my hands in my new ground clearing all last week and will be in there the whole of next week. Hoages had a good many trees belted in your plantation but the rains have filled up the sloughs so full that he cannot as much more until the water goes down, We are all getting on very well and our crops in much better order than when you left us. Cousin Hector is not yet out of the grass. He is making a desperate struggle…

1836: Lydia (Harris) Pease to Abby (Spaulding) Harris

The following letter was written by Lydia Harris (1810-1836), the daughter of Dr. Stephen Harris (1786-1858) and Lydia Greene (1791-1820) of Providence, Rhode Island. Lydia was married to Henry H. Pease (1804-1840). From the letter we know that Lydia was residing in Yazoo county, Mississippi, during the winter of 1836-37. though she apparently spent the hot summers in Rhode Island with her relatives. The letter is datelined from “Woodland” which I assume was the name of the plantation owned by her husband. It seems to have been a few miles outside of Manchester (later renamed Yazoo City) where Henry also had a home.

Though her letter suggests she was suffering from chronic illness, still it was surprising to learn that Lydia died some ten days after this letter was written. Her husband did not live much longer. His obituary reads: “Melancholy Accident.—A letters received in this city, dated Yazoo City, Mississippi, September 15 [1840], states that Mr. Henry H. Pease, formerly of New York, was accidentally killed near the former place, on the previous day. It appears that he was riding with a friend in a barouche; the horses took fright at some cows, ran over one of them, and darted off at full speed. After they had advanced about fifty yards, they brought the carriage in contact with a large stump with so much violence that the vehicle was broken to pieces, and the two gentlemen who were in it were thrown a distance of 36 feet. Mr. Pease fell upon his back and neck and was killed almost instantly. His companion, Mr. George B. Dixon, escaped with some slight bruises and internal hurts. Mr. Pease was 36 years of age, and the son of John B[enjamin] Pease, Esq., [1774-1866] of Utica. His body was interred at Yazoo on the day succeeding th accident, with military honors.”

Lydia wrote the letter to her sister-in-law, Abigail (“Abby”) Spaulding (1816-1888), the wife of Cyrus Harris (1812-1887), and the daughter of Lovewell Spaulding (1780-1853) and Susannah Greene (1788-1869) of Rhode Island.

Land Deed in Yazoo County, Mississippi. Approximately 40 acres purchased by Henry H. Pease in 1835.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Mrs. Cyrus Harris, Centreville, Rhode Island, Via Providence

Woodland
November 21, 1836

Dear sister,

I began to think you had quite forgotten me, Abby, or did not intend to [ ] and had determined the day I received your letter to write you a very scolding one. You very fortunately escaped this time, however, for which you may thank your lucky stars.

Well Abby, how do you like housekeeping? I presume you are comfortably settled at Greenville [Rhode Island] ere this. I almost envy you your nice warm house. A house like yours would be very valuable in this country. I hope you have succeeded in getting a good servant. I should advise you to take little George. You will find him very useful. We at the South have the advantage over you in regard to servants. We can obtain good ones any time by paying for them. They are worth from one thousand to fifteen hundred dollars.

How does Stephen behave? Do you have to scold him every day? I intend taking him home with me another winter. I dream every night of being at home. I expect I shall feel as unpleasantly at leaving home next summer as I did this. I am much better contented now than when I first came. Could I be at my own home in Manchester [Mississippi], I should be quite happy. I find it very pleasant here but rather lonesome. Brother John has been from home this past week. Took his friend D. Pomery with him. Dr. Nesbit is at Vicksburg so that I am quite alone during the day, Henry comes home every evening and returns in the morning. Rides 25 miles on horseback every day to see me. Do you not think him a very affectionate husband? I will not say anything more about him for fear he should read this letter. I might raise his vanity to too high a pitch.

James has not arrived yet. We are expecting him daily. I cannot be lonesome when he is here. What does Eliza Anthony say about him? Have you forgotten “False one I love thee still.”

I expect you have cold weather now. Last year at this time it was very cold at the North. We had snow in November. It is very pleasant here; not much colder than when we came. The thermometer stands at 62 degrees above zero today in the shade. February and March are warm months here. With you they are the coldest and most unpleasant of the year.

They commenced planting their gardens in February. The woods are covered with strawberry vines. I anticipate a great deal of pleasure eating strawberries in the spring. I shall go and gather them if I am not too much afraid of snakes. I have been out but very seldom since I came here.

I intend going to Manchester on Thursday to attend a Ball. I received a note from the managers two weeks since. There are fourteen managers. They send invitations to all the ladies and let them get to the Ball the best way they can. It is all the invitations they have. I wish you was here to go with me. I know we should be amused. I have a great curiosity to see the Yazoo Ladies at a Ball. They are five or six years behind the fashion in dress and everything else. I know I shall laugh. I have heard a description of their dancing. Stephen could dance very well with them. I wish he was here. He would enjoy it so much. They use their head and arm quite as much as their feet and make as much noise with them as possible. Tell Pa and Cyrus not to scold because I am going to the Ball. I am going as a mere spectator and shall dress very warm. I shall wear a long-sleeved dress and shawl around my neck. It will be exposing my health too much to wear a party dress. I shall give you a description of the Ball in my next. We are anticipating a gay time here during the Christmas Holy days. The negroes all dance and enjoy themselves vastly.

Tell Pa I think my cough a little better than when I wrote last, but it is very stubborn. I have had a sufficient number of doctors [to see] if they can cure me. No less than four have prescribed for me. I am in hopes it will wear off after a while in this mild climate. I have no doubt I should have been quite sick had I stayed North this winter. The cold air affects me very sensibly. I get low-spirited and almost discouraged at time. I cough some. I have a very good appetite and do not lose any strength. I eat mush and milk every night for supper (what we call Hasty Pudding)/ They cook it much better here than at the North. Does Ma visit you often? Or is she as domestic as ever? Little Eliza will want to come every day. I want to see her so much. She is the best child I ever saw—so affectionate.

I saw the death of John K. Tiffany in the Providence paper. Is it Amey’s brother? Now, my dear Abby, write me very soon and tell e everything that has transpired. Give my love to all. Henry would send his love and probably add a postscript were he here. He speaks often of writing to Cyrus but has not found time yet. Tell Stephen I am expecting a letter from him. Adieu. Yours truly, — Lydia

What has become of Lucy Anna? I cannot hear a word from her. I intend writing Susan very soon. Does Cyrus visit his uncle often?

[In a different hand]

I have just returned from Court & Lydia desires me to add a P. S. to this letter and here it is. I have read this letter. I make my wife let me read all the letters she writes. Your husband probably does the same by you. I hope Cyrus is not as much troubled and vexed with his—he would say perhaps better half—but I will say lttle torment, as I am with my big torment. Little and big only refers to size. My big one has the impudence to wish me to ride from Benton 1 here 12 miles every night to see her and I am fool enough to gratify her. Do you think it right?

Our Boy Reuben has just said that “Supper is ready.” If I feel like writing more I will do it after eating. “The ancients eat before writing.” Lydia will tell you what the quotation means. I was grieved to hear that Cyrus was unwell in New York. I hope by this time he is better. Say to Cyrus that the cotton crop in this country will not be larger than last year. That cotton will be worth 25 cents by 1st June next. Tell him to mark that & remember that I predict it. I hope you make a better house keeper than Lydia. She does nothing but scold the negroes from morning until night. I have a great mind to send back to Rhode Island “a scolding wife, &c.” THe rest you know. Your brother affectionately, — Henry

Lydia says that in her next letter she will contradict what I say.


1 Benton was the county seat of Yazoo County from 1829 until 1850 when it was moved to Yazoo City (formerly named Manchester).

1845: Aaron Moore to Jeptha Norton

The following letter was written by Aaron J. Moore (1792-1862), a native of South Carolina and of partial Choctaw descent, who married Jane Tally (1796-1839) and relocated to Autauga county, Alabama by 1820, and then to Winston county, Mississippi, prior to the 1840 US Census. Known children by his first wife included: Aaron Tally Moore (1817-1860) who married a woman named Mary E. Burnside [?] the year before the date of this letter; Jeptha Norton Moore (1820-1886); Sarah Ann Moore (1821-1860) who married William J. Hickman (b. 1819) in February 1842; Martha Jane Moore (1834-1853); and Alexander Travis Moore (1836-1884). In the 1850 Slave Schedule, Aaron is recorded owning 11 slaves ranging in age from 2 to 45, mostly male.

We learn from Aaron’s letter that he was remarried after the death of his first wife but that she had abandoned him and gone to Alabama—presumably her home, for we find that an Aaron Moore was married to Elizabeth Prestridge (1797-1874) on 3 December 1842 in Perry, Alabama. Elizabeth was the widow of Joseph W. Prestridge (1794-1836). Her maiden name was Bagley and they had married in 1812. Her youngest child with Joseph was George Harper Prestridge (1832-1863), a member of Co. A, 6th Arkansas (Confederate) Cavalry. It does not appear that Elizabeth ever remarried after leaving Aaron. She was enumerated in the household of her younger brother, a slaveholder named Berton Rucker Prestridge at Oakmulgee, Perry county, Alabama, in 1850. Today her remains lie buried under a smashed tombstone in Balch Cemetery, Alvarado, Texas.

Marriage Record in Perry County, Alabama, dated 3 December 1842.

Transcription

Stampless letter addressed to Jeptha Norton, South Carolina, Pickens District

[Louisville] Winston county, Mississippi
November 1, 1845

Dear Brother, Sister & Children,

I take my pen to tell you that we are all well, thanks be to God for His blessing, hoping this may find you all well. I can inform you we have had the greatest drought I ever saw but we will make enough to do us. We are getting along as well as we can these hard times. I believe I wrote you I married the second time and my wife left for Alabama. Well I have not seen her since and I never wish to see her again for I have always acted the gentleman with her and the neighbors will tell you the same. I am a great deal better satisfied without than with her for my children loves me and I love them. Sarah Ann is married to a W. Hickman and is doing well. Andrew is married and is doing well. Aaron is married lately and lives with me.

Jeptha was married Thursday to a Miss Daniel. I expect Jeptha will continue to live with me. My two little ones are nice children and very smart. I have 900 acres of land and part of it very good and I expect to get more shortly for land can be got very low. We also have negroes aplenty. I would be glad to hear from you anytime. W. Smart lives near us and are all well. I believe I will quit for my pen is dull and I have no sharp knife so nothing more but remain your friend, — Aaron Moore

To W. Jeptha Norton

1858: Nicholas Sinnott to John Calhoun

This letter was probably written by Nicholas Sinnott, Jr. (1816-1889) of New Orleans, Louisiana. He was married to Arabella D. Kenaday (1826-1906). For most of his career, Nicholas worked as a coal dealer. He wrote the letter in 1858 to John Calhoun, President of the New Orleans, Jackson, and Great Northern Railroad to complain that his wife’s black nursemaid—a young slave—had been forced to get off the train because the ticket agent was told she was a free black, which prohibited her from entering the State of Mississippi. Apparently she really was a slave but she had been told she was free because it was the intent of her owners to award her manumission papers once the estate was settled.

The irony is that she would have been allowed to remain on the cars and enter Mississippi as a slave but not as a free black.

Transcription

Magnolia, Mississippi
December 19, 1858

John Calhoun, Esq.
President of N. O. J & G. N. Railroad

Sir—A quadroon girl who has resided in my family both in Mississippi & New Orleans for several years, was compelled to leave the cars by Mr. McGrath on Saturday, 18th inst., leaving my wife with the care of an infant, to come on alone to this place. The case is one of peculiar hardship. My wife was unaware of the regulation excluding free people from Mississippi. The ticket seller gave her a pass to Magnolia for a Colored servant without asking any questions nor did she become aware of the difficulty until called upon by Mr. McGrath for tickets some time after leaving New Orleans. The girl is the daughter of a wealthy planter of Rapides by a slave.  The mother was manumitted after her birth, and by an oversight, the child’s name was omitted in the Act. The White family intend to perform this act as soon as the Estate is settled but she is a slave. She was placed in my wife’s charge by her father’s lawful heirs and having been raised respectably in consideration for her feelings, is represented as free. And although my wife explained this as far as was possible for a lady, Mr. McGrath refused to permit her to pass. As my wife feels that she is in a manner responsible for the girl, and moreover, she is my child’s nurse, I hope you will order her to be passed over the road as early as possible. Please notify me that I may order her to come what day. By so doing you will oblige. Yours respectably, — N. Sinnott

Magnolia Depot

1851: William N. Peers to Judith F. Peers

Like his dreams for Cuban statehood, William’s headstone lies shattered in Yazoo County, MS

The following letter was written by William N. Alexander Peers, the son of Thomas Peers Jr. and Elly Parsons, both of whom were also from Louisa, Virginia. He married Sarah Ann Sturdivant about 1838 in Mechanicsburg, Yazoo County, Mississippi. They had four children born to their marriage. Sarah Ann died at the birth of their last child, William Henry Peers, born about 1815, Louisa, Louisa, Virginia. William died on 20 November 1855, Yazoo, Mississippi. William was a planter in Yazoo county and of course owned many slaves.

In his letter, datelined from Yazoo county in August 1851, William informs his sister that “our country is under some excitement now about the great slave question but I hope it will be settled in a way which may add honor and strength to all. I am anxiously waiting for the time to roll around when we can make one more stripe out of Cuba and then I am bound for her shores, as a place where I should like to live & die.” Of course William is referring to the agitation of the slavery question brought on by the admission of more states into the Union which resulted in the Compromise of 1850, temporarily suspending threats of secession. Plantation owners were particularly optimistic and enchanted with the idea of acquiring Cuba from Spain and making it a new state in the Union. Hopes for wrestling Cuba from Spains’s control by the Lopez Expedition were soon dashed when Lopez was taken prisoner and garroted not long after this letter was penned.

Transcription

Yazoo County, Mississippi
9th August 1851

Dear Sister,

I have to ask pardon for not writing to you before this time. I have no reasonable excuse to make for so doing for I have spent many an hour which might have been used in doing what I now have resolved to do. But for the future I shall try to write you often and shall expect you to do the same. I have just received a letter from Mary dated 7th July which gave information of the ill health of Aunt Judeth. I hope ere this reaches you, she may be restored.

Our county has been extremely warm and very dry this year but until lately, unusual good health. Now we have sickness in every direction and many deaths. The bloody flux seems to be the great cause of disease and death. On last week I had an attack of fever, but by using the Lobelier tea freely—with other assistance of the steam [ ] and full reliance on my God, the fever fled and I am up and eat my three meals per day, and between times a small share of watermelons, figs, peaches, apples, &c. &c. My wife is just now up & about from a severe spell of sickness. Our summer season is getting to be our best time for health, and the fall and winter is getting to be very sick & is now more dreaded than summer ever was.

Many of our fashionable folks who have been in the habit of visiting the celebrated watering places during the summer months have made a sudden stop, and resort to our own watering places, and fishing shores for health and amusement. Upon the whole, in thinking about my old place of residence in Virginia in regard of health, I have come to the conclusion that Mississippi is far more preferable for health than Virginia. I should think I was risking a great deal if I were to undertake to live in Virginia one half year. The cotton crop in our country is not good owing to the great drought. Corn in only middling.

Our country is under some excitement now about the great slave question but I hope it will be settled in a way which may add honor and strength to all. I am anxiously waiting for the time to roll around when we can make one more stripe out of Cuba and then I am bound for her shores, as a place where I should like to live & die. I could write you a great deal about the changes of our people & country if you were acquainted but as you are not, it would not interest you.

James is in fine health. Melissa I have not heard a word from for 3 or 4 months or thereabouts. But I take it for granted they are all well or I should have been informed of the fact if otherwise. Write often and plenty of it. My love to all my old friends. Tell them to write to me. I should be pleased to see a line from one and all. Adieu my sister, — Wm. N. Peers

1859: William Henry Anderson to Jane (Davidson) Anderson

The following letter was written by William Henry Anderson (1836-1902), the son of Francis D. Anderson (1807-1866) and Jane Davidson (1808-1880) of Londonderry, New Hampshire. William attended primary school in Londonderry, before studying at the Pembroke Academy (Pembroke, New Hampshire, 1852-1853), Phillips Academy (Andover, Massachusetts, 1853), and Kimball Union Academy (Meriden, New Hampshire, 1854-1855). He considered attendance at Dartmouth, favoring instead Yale College, which he entered in 1855. An 1857 disciplinary action notwithstanding, Anderson graduated in the spring of 1859. [See: The Demise of the Crocodile Club: A Town/Gown Tragedy at Yale]

After graduating from Yale College at New Haven, Connecticut, William accepted a job as a private tutor on the Sligo Plantation near Natchez, Mississippi, teaching students from Sligo as well as the nearby Retirement Plantation from 1859 to 1860. Prior to the Civil War, it was a widespread practice for a wealthy southern planter, or planters banding together, to hire a college graduate from the North to teach the white children on the plantation. Public schools were virtually non-existent in the South. By the late 1850s planters monitored the schooling closely to make certain that tutors from the North did not attempt to introduce ideas about racial equality into the heads of their children.

During his time in Mississippi, William wrote numerous letters home to his parents and to his future wife Mary A. Hine. He arrived at Bennett’s Retirement Plantation in early September 1859, and shortly thereafter settled in at David P. Williams’ Sligo Plantation. In his letters from Natchez archived at the University of Michigan, William described his relative isolation, loneliness, teaching and wages, corporal punishment, thoughts on slavery and the enslaved men and women on the plantation, games he played with his scholars, travel between the Sligo and Retirement plantations, and leisure activities such as hunting and horseback riding. In late December 1859, he provided a lengthy description of a (largely) steamboat trip to New Orleans with his students for Christmas.

Anderson noted that no poor white people lived between Sligo and Natchez; he was uncomfortable with the aristocratic lifestyle of white people living in the south, and expressed this view on multiple occasions in his correspondence (see especially September 30, 1859). Although his father appears on list of members of the American Anti-Slavery Society, William H. Anderson did not write with disgust at slavery, but rather used racist epithets, accepted the “servants” who assisted him in various ways, and wrote unmoved about abuse doled out to children (see especially June 9, 1860). In one instance, he wrote about enslaved women who gathered near to the house in the evenings before supper to sing and dance (October 25, 1859). One of the highly detailed letters in the collection is William H. Anderson’s description of the use of the cotton gin on the Sligo Plantation, which includes remarks on its history, its functioning, the various jobs performed by enslaved laborers, and the rooms in which the jobs took place. He included calls made by enslaved workers between floors of the “gin house” and the roles of elderly men and women in the grueling labor (October 1859). In 1860, Anderson planned to take a summer break in Tennessee and then teach another year, but on the death of his oldest scholar Susie (14 years old) by diphtheria, Williams decided against having a school the next year (July 4, 1860).

Transcription

Natchez, Mississippi
December 1st 1859

Dear Mother,

It is too warm altogether to be comfortable. I have had no fire for three weeks and the very thought of one puts me in an additional perspiration. It has been as warm some days as it is at home in August and thin clothing has been not only desirable but comfortable. Some say we shall have such weather all winter but I hope not for it makes me feel like a “wet dish cloth.”

One of my scholars—my oldest boy—comes up in the evening and studies his Latin a half an hour or an hour and a half just whether he is very sleepy or not. He is now at it but it is like pulling teeth for us both—at least it is for me. I get terrible tired of this constant “punching up” of small boys and girls who know nothing about studying and care less. I think it is the last business for a man to engage in permanently and if I am not much mistaken, my anticipated term of teaching will be cut short a year or so, if I can find any other way of getting along.

You must not conclude from what I have said that I am having any difficulty or trouble. Not the least. Only that I am worrying and fussing over examination, which is expected to come off on Monday the 19th of this month. The parents are calculating on having a huge examination and will invite all their friends and relations for miles around—and they are not a few—to be present at the show. I did not expect they would make so much of it and have made no great preparation although I am trying to so something now. I am bothering over French dialogues, declamations, and compositions. The reviews do not go off smoothly enough either to promise a very brilliant examination.

Sometimes I flatter myself that I don’t care anything about the thing and so it goes. [Joel Jackson] Hough is as much exercised in mind as I am. I don’t want him to have a better one than I do for the people here would not like that as they consider their children superior to the Retirement children and they are. But enough on this point.

On the Wednesday after the examination, the family here leave for New Orleans and Hough goes up river somewhere to visit his “intended.” I expect to have a more lonesome time then than ever.

Christmas is really a great occasion here—especially for the negroes. The gardener—an old black fellow—asked me the other day how long it was to Christmas. I told him. “Ah,” said he, “dat’s de time to hop ub & down.” I asked him if he hopped up then and he replied, “No! when I goes to jumps up, I tumbles down.” He said, however, that “some of dem does.”

The negroes, I believe, then have a week or so to make merry in, and also have various “goodies” (as they call them) to eat. They are busy making the dresses for them. They also get their presents then.

Hough was down here last Saturday and we went gunning as usual. I flatter myself that I am a little better shot than he is. Sometimes I get behind him when he has got good aim on a bird, and shooting before he does, destroy the necessity of is firing. It makes him rather provoked but then it takes him so long to get ready to fire that I like to do it. All the good clothes I’ve got can keep till I leave here. I have worn my old light coat all the time except on three or four occasions. My best black coat I have not taken out of my trunk. Hough and I are thinking that we must have more pay if we stay here another year. Please write a little oftener and oblige.

Yours truly, — W. H. Anderson

You need not be alarmed about my getting married down here as I have not spoke to an unmarried female except my two scholars since I left New Haven.

1839: Elisha Bell to Lloyd Warfield

Dr. Lloyd Warfield

The following letter was written by 33 year-old Elisha Bell (1806-Aft1860), a native of Mississippi, who appears to have been the overseer of a Mississippi sugar cane plantation at Honey Island on the Yazoo River some 75 miles northeast of Vicksburg. Elisha was the son of John Purver Bell, Jr. (1761-1824) and Elizabeth Hunter (1775-1828) of Wilkinson county, Mississippi. By 1850, Elisha had his own plantation in Tchula, Holmes county, Mississippi, and owned as many as 47 slaves. By 1860, his slave count had dropped to 27.

Elisha addressed the letter to Dr. Lloyd Warfield (1799-1872) who was either his employer or his partner in the Honey Island plantation. Lloyd was the son of Elisha Warfield (1744-1818) and Ruth Burgess (1763-1835). Lloyd was a physician in Lexington, Kentucky. By 1850, his estate in Fayette county, was valued at $23,500 which included as many as 10 slaves. By 1860, it was valued at $60,000 (over $2 million dollars today). Dr. Warfield was married to Mary Barr and they had several children. Three of their sons served in the Confederate army. Lloyd and Edward ride with General Forrest, and Henry with General John H. Morgan.

Elisha’s letter speaks of the hard times in Mississippi in 1839, as it was across the whole of the United States following the Panic of 1837. He discusses the need to purchase more slaves for the work on the plantation that appears to have been the raising and milling of sugar cane, along with the auxiliary business of making rope from the baggasse. Elisha’s spelling is typical of a limited opportunity education.

Transcription

Stampless cover addressed to Dr. Lloyd Warfield, Lexington, Kentucky
Postmarked Tchula, Mississippi

Honey Island
April 2nd, 1839

Dear Sir,

Yours of the 15th of March was received a few days ago. We are all well at this time and getting on finely. Our corn is all up and growing finely. We have our cotton land all ready for planting and will commence planting cotton the 4th of this month. I have had our woman spinning for some time and have got a good deal of spinning done. I endeavor to make all of our summer clothing next year and also raise all of our pork. Our stock is in [ ] finally.

I am at this time a building a house for myself. I have turned out the land that Capt. Lord claimed. He pretended to shave me a little for the land but I did not consider it any little whatever but to avoid any unpleasant feeling about it, I thought it best to move the fence in and turn it out but before moving the fence, I run the line and their land, he claims, don’t come as far as the house. The house and garden is on public land but I am a building on our own land.

I have not purchased any more negroes but I have been waiting for sales of negroes which will come on the 15th of this month. I hope I will be able to make a purchase. I think it more to your interest to lay out the money we have here in buying negroes. Mr. Elliott informs me he won’t be able to sell any of our baggasse & rope until next fall. I can’t collect the debt from Heggins jest yet—the estate is insolvent. I think it will be some time before I will be able to collect it. I have not received my pork yet. I have written to Mr. McCutchen about it and requested him to send it up by the next boat. I have been wanting of it but have made out very well.

I wrote to you I had employed a young man to attend to our business in my absence by finding he was a man of no experience, I did not employ him.

I have got the use of the mill and gin on the Archer’s Plantation for this year. No other charge than to keep it in order. It will be a fine thing for us this year as we would not be able to build before next spring and then we will be able to build.

It is very distressing times in Mississippi at this time with regard to money matters. I heard of a great many planters being broke up after having their plantations in order for a crop. The negroes drove off by the sheriff and sold. They was some very cheap sales on yesterday in our county but I did not hear of them until too late. But I am in hopes I will be able to purchase two or three more on much better terms than we did the others.

Yours truly, — Elisha Bell

1838: E. H. Fletcher to Jonah Spaulding

The early date of this letter makes it more difficult to confirm the identity of its author but my hunch is that E. H. Fletcher was the son of Col. Robert Fletcher (1786-1865) and Nancy Sprague (1788-1853) of Kennebec county, Maine. He seems to have been a young man, probably in his early 20s, looking for “facilities for making money” in the grip of the Financial Panic of 1837.

Fletcher wrote the letter to his friend, Dr. Jonah Spaulding (1778-1870) of Somerset county, Maine.

What’s most interesting about the letter are not only the author’s direct observations of the Mississippi river valley but his discovery that the Mississippi cotton plantation slaves were “kindly treated” and apparently were “happier and much better off than the poor people at the North.”

Transcription

Addressed to Jonah Spaulding, Esqr., Bingham, Maine

Natchez, Mississippi
March 16, 1838

Worthy Friend,

In looking over my journal, I find I have not written a word to you since I left home. I now hasten to accomplish the delightful task, but not without experiencing the sharpest pangs of ingratitude for neglecting it so long. I hope you will condescend to excuse me this time, and I will be more punctual in future.

After leaving the beautiful valley of the Kennebec and turning my back upon all that was near and dear to me, I was resolved to see the far famed western country—also the southern, before I returned. I was anxious to see with my own eyes what I had heard so much about. I therefore bent my course towards Illinois by the way of New York, thence up the Hudson river, and so on across Lake Erie, and Michigan to Chicago. After staying a few days in Chicago, I traveled in various directions about the country, making all the enquiries of a greenhorn from Yankee Town, and getting what information I could in relation to business, lands, and healthiness of the country. I was very much pleased with all, and the facilities for making money I consider to be far superior to those of Maine, and I was surprised to see with how much less labor it requires to cultivate the soil there than in Maine. I can assure you, it gladdens the heart of a New Englander who has there emigrated for the purpose of bettering his fortune and being sure when he sows and plants of harvesting something.

They are deprived of many comforts, tis true, such as schools, good roads, but they are every day improving. What can a young man do in Maine without a capital, I ask? And I will answer—nothing. Then let him emigrate like his forefathers to a country where he can.

After spending a few weeks very agreeably traveling about the country, I left Chicago, traveled by stage to Peoria on the Illinois river, there took a steamboat for St. Louis where I safely arrived, and spent one week cruising in that vicinity, then took passage for no particular place down the Mississippi River. I arrived safely at Natchez, and like the location of the town, and having an agreeable situation offered me in a store, I accepted and here I still remain.

Natchez is a small city—population about 6,000. Is situated on the eastern bank of the river, 300 feet above the level of the river and 300 miles above New Orleans. It is surrounded by large cotton plantations which extend throughout the state. Country level and I need not say the soil is fertile. Here is a chance for our good Abolitionists at the North to look into the condition of the slaves. They are generally kindly treated and I candidly believe they are happier and much better off than the poor people at the North. As for the society, it is not so good as it might be. It is composed of all classes of people from every part of the world. Young men who come here are too apt to get into the general train of dissipation though I hope your friend is an exception to that general routine.

As to the healthiness of the southern country, I do not think it so healthy as New England but with care and prudence, I do not apprehend much danger.

I have an agreeable situation and am contented and happy as you could reasonably expect. I am confined to the store for the most part of the time. My salary for this year is $1,000 and boarded. My employers are first rate business men, all of which is rather pleasant you know. My health never was better. The weather for the past winter has been warm and agreeable. I have not seen a flake of snow since I left the North.

A man in this country can make money much faster than at the North, or West, if he has his health. I think there is a much better chance for enterprise.

Well, I understand there has been quite a change in our little village since I left. My young associates are mostly married. Besides, there has been a great reformation among them. I hope it is all for the best. As for myself to have a firm belief in the universal salvation of all mankind is a source of pleasure greater than I can here express. I look forward anticipating the greatest of pleasures in once more visiting my relations and friends, having the pleasure of again shaking the friendly hand with you, and finding all in health and prosperity. I must now close my hasty scrawl by earnestly soliciting you to write me as soon as convenient. My respects to your family. Also Doct. Zackr and all the friends. It is now 12 o’clock at night and I must bid you good night.

Respectfully, — E. H. Fletcher

I cannot write all I wish to for want of room. Business is quite brisk with us. I hope you enjoy a good sleigh ride occasionally. I think I would, give me a chance. The genuine depression in the money market is still continuing but must be easier soon.

1852: Rebecca Ann (Gustine) Minor to James Gustine Minor

The following letter was written by 39 year-old Rebecca Ann (Gustine) Minor (1813-1887), the daughter of James Parker Gustine (1781-1818) and Mary Ann Duncan (1790-1863). Rebecca was born in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, but raised in Philadelphia. She married in 1829 Capt. William John Minor (1808-1869) and lived most of the time in Natchez at the family residence they called Concord.

Minor owned three sugar cane plantations: the 1,900-acre Waterloo Plantation in Ascension Parish, Louisiana, as well as the 6,000-acre Southdown Plantation and the 1,400-acre Hollywood Plantation in Terrebonne Parish, Louisiana. However, as an absentee plantation owner, he did not live on those plantations. He hired overseers to make sure the slaves were working on the land. He corresponded via mail with his overseers regularly, sending them precise instructions while living in Natchez himself. Moreover, his sons lived on the plantations part of the time. From 1855 to 1861, his son Stephen lived on the Waterloo Plantation until he joined the Confederate States Army; in 1862, his other son Henry took over.Another son, William, lived at the Southdown Plantation and also managed the Hollywood Plantation.

He served as the second President of the Agricultural Bank in Natchez, Mississippi. He was well connected among the planter elite, and visited planters Duncan F. Kenner (1813–1887) and Henry Doyal as well as the McCollums, the Cages, and the Gibsons. He read De Bow’s Review and kept a diary. Politically, he was a supporter of the Whig Party. He was in favor of tariffs on sugar, which meant more profit for domestic sugar producers like himself.

During the Civil War of 1861–1865, he supported the Union and opposed secession, as he believed that would be bad for the sugar industry. However, he was arrested by Union forces with his son Henry in Houma in 1862; they were released a week later in New Orleans. Meanwhile, Unionists stole sugar and molasses from his Hollywood and Southdown plantations, under the false pretext that it had been deserted, even though overseers and servants were there. Minor was on friendly terms with Union Generals Benjamin Butler (1818-1893) and Lorenzo Thomas (1804-1875), whose forces protected Concord (his Adams County, Mississippi, plantation) on September 29, 1863, and on March 10, 1864. Both during and after the war, Minor asked for reparations for the financial losses he had endured due to the theft of commodities by Unionist forces, to no avail. By 1863, he had realized his slaves had become unwilling to work; they also killed hogs and sheep.

Because of General Order No. 12 imposed by Union General Nathaniel P. Banks, he was forced to pay them wages. Slaves, who had gotten used to working “under the threat of punishment,” were not motivated by their salaries; as a result, Minor tried to reduce their wages if they failed to work. By 1865, Minor paid one third of the crop profit at the Waterloo Plantation to his slaves. He signed a work contract with his slaves at the Southdown and Hollywood plantations whereby they agreed to work ten hours every day except for Sundays and received specific hourly wages as a result. Moreover, Minor agreed to clothe, feed and house them all. Minor was a supporter of Abraham Lincoln, whom he called “the most conservative & ablest man in the Washington Government.” He deplored his assassination, as he believed Lincoln would have been fair to Southern agriculturalists. [Wikipedia]

Transcription

Cherry Grove [Plantation] 1
July 13th, 1852

My Dear Son,

You will no doubt be much surprised to hear that we are yet in Adams county. Major [James Pierre] Surget invited us down to recruit the health of the family and he has shown us every kindness and attention. Little Frank is now recovering. He is gaining slowly his strength and is fed some six or eight times a day. Just as Frank 2 became convalescent and your Father had left me for Waluter [?] taking George Morton, and Celey Halley was taken sick with violent fever and a threatened inflammation of the stomach. I thought my evils would never end. He has however recovered having been skillfully treated by Dr. Foster. He had 12 leaches applied on his stomach and at the same time Indy was sick so that I only had Betsy and Jim Black to assist in nursing. And Kate 3 still has her screaming fits—which alarms Major Surget very much. Night before last she screamed so long that he was fearful she would go in convulsion. He ordered her a bath and with salt in it stood by, saw her put in, and then had her rolled up in his flannel gown—Kate screaming all the time. After she came out, she insisted upon Hally’s getting out of his bed for her to sleep in and then ordered the sheets to be changed. I wish only John and yourself were here.

Cousin Catherine 4 is still my favorite. She is a fine girl. I fear John will be too late. I think my prophesy will yet be fulfilled. The last of the fortunate family of S[urgets]—-will be the choice. I would rather have her for a daughter-in-law to any one I have ever seen. Her Mother and her Father I have admired more than words can express. You must see Major Surget in his family to find out his amiable qualities. I see new virtues in him every day.

We dine tomorrow at the Hylands, next day at Mrs. Denny’s, and this Friday go over to Dr. Jenkins to roll nine pins. I hope on Thursday morning your Father will return. The health of the plantation is much better. Miss Sarah Surget is a great belle. She has very pretty eyes and I am very much pleased with her. She will soon be married. Jane J. Anderson [ ] match with Dr. or Mr. Ralston has created a great sensation. Only think the marriage ceremony was performed at Richard Chitard. They had written to Henry Chitard to present them to be married at Minorca. Henry refused. I regret Richard had not sent them off. I could fill your sheets with much news but I have not the time as I must write to Aunt Sarah.

Tell John I saw Miss Dunbar this morning. Also Dr. Jenkins who gave me the news of him. I hear of his presenting bouquets to Ladies and that he is a favorite among the fair sex. I will write to him very soon. Only imagine me moving about when the thermometer is at 96 on the galley. I am more than ever anxious to return to Natchez and should not regret (excepting parting with Mr. and Mrs. Kenner) that I never return to Waterloo.

My dear son, I must scold you. you ought never to write anything that is vulgar. Now I think Mrs. Woodman’s message was decidedly so. I am sorry to find you paid this disagreeable and foolish woman any attention, and I fear she has paid court to you and flattered you. Madam Montgomery is not a Lady. She received too marked attention from gentlemen. I wish you to improve in your style of writing. Take pains with the penmanship and the style must be pure to please me. Recollect I am not able to give you a copy—but you have education. Take every advantage.

All have retired with the exception of William and Catherine. They are alone in the parlor. If William was only older, it would do. William rides out with Kate. They spent the day at Magnolia—Mrs. Denny’s place. The gentlemen have not returned from Black River. It is thought there will be no fighting.

Remember me to all friends and do let me know how Mrs. Charlotte Davis is. Tell Grandma Gus I will write to her the very first leisure moment and also offer my sincere congratulations to Aunt Matilda and to Mr. C[harles] P. Leverich on the birth of their daughter. How much pleasure it would give me to see them all. Goodnight. With most affectionate love, ever dear son [and] believe me to be your sincerely attached Mother, — R. A. Minor


1 Cherry Grove Plantation is located five miles from Natchez in Adams county on Second Creek. The mansion was built by Pierre Surget (1731-1796), a French planter, in 1788, over 2,500 acres of an English land grant, granted to him by the Spanish government. As such, it is one of the earliest private residences in Natchez. After his death, his widow Catharine (Hubbard) Surget expanded the grounds of the property. By 1850, the house belonged to their son James Pierre Surget (1785-1855), with sixteen house servants in residence. Cherry Grove has been in the continuous ownership of the same family since 1788 and has remained always a working plantation. It remains in the family of Surget descendants. Cherry Grove Plantation is today one of the best preserved and most complete plantation complexes in the Natchez area. The original plantation residence constructed by Pierre Surget and his wife Catharine burned in the mid-nineteenth century, and the present picturesque and architecturally significant residence was constructed about 1865 by Pierre Surget’s grandson James Surget, Jr. The form of the house, which consists of a residence constructed upon a fully raised basement with a central five-bay block and flanking single-bay wings, has the regionally early single-pile plan with rear “cabinet” rooms enclosing each end of a rear gallery recessed under the rear slope of the roof. Likewise, the facade of the central block features a gallery that is recessed under the front slope of the roof. These features suggest the possibility that the present house may have taken its basic form from the earlier house which burned. The original flanking wings with octagonal bays and gable-end balconies represent the concession of the builder to the popular taste of the 1860s. The collection of plantation outbuildings is exceptional and includes an unusual tenpin frame alley building with attached late-nineteenth century gymnasium, smoke house, detached kitchen building, corn crib, stables, privy, sheep stalls, and barns. Hand-hewn cypress troughs for feeding and watering the stock are rare plantation survivals, and the plantation cemetery containing the graves of Pierre and Catharine Surget and their descendants is located within sight of the main dwelling house. The plantation gains added significance from its long history of family ownership. Pierre Surget, originally a seaman by trade, was the patriarch of the Surget family in Natchez, a family that formed one of the largest planting dynasties in the entire South. Pierre’s son Frank was described by one contemporary historian as the most extensive landholder and successful planter in Mississippi.

2 Francis (“Frank”) Octave Minor was born in 1847.

3 Katherine (“Kate”) Lintot Minor was born in 1849.

4 Catherine Surget (1834-1926) was married first to James Gustine Minor (1839-1860) in 1853. She married second John Duncan Minor (1831-1869) in 1855. Catherine’s collection of letters are housed at the University of Michigan.

1832: Walthall Burton’s Statement of Theft

Walthall Burton in post-Civil War years

This unusual statement was written in 1832 by Walthall Burton (1807-1899) a planter residing near Woodville in Wilkinson county, Mississippi, in the early 1830s. Woodville was one of the earliest towns established in Mississippi. It was sited in the rolling hills just north of the Louisiana-Mississippi border in the southwest corner of the state on the Natchez Trace. The planter community centered at Woodville thrived on cotton production from the 1830s until the Civil War.

Burton was born in Nelson county, Kentucky, the son of Wilson Burton (1779-1825) and Eleanor Gray Bruce (1778-1862). He lived there with his parents until 1811 when the family relocated to Wilkinson county, Mississippi. When he was 19 years old, he became the overseer of a plantation near his parent’s home but by 1827 he was ready to start his own plantation near Woodville. It was on this plantation that he wrote the following.

The year following, 1833, he move to St. Helena Parish where he resided until 1849. Following the Civil War, Burton spent his time steamboating on the Atchafalaya river. He was married in 1827 to Theresa A. Terrel of Mississippi.

This statement appears to have been meticulously prepared as if it were intended as an exhibit in a trial, but I can find no record in the Woodville newspapers of either the described incident itself or a trial that might have followed.

[Note: This statement is from the personal collection of Rob Morgan and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Walthall Burton’s Pocket Book, Wilkinson, County, Mississippi—Woodville

Transcription

On Saturday, 26th of May, Wilson went to Woodville and was there informed by William Evans that my Boy Reuben 1 had brought an order to him and which he had taken up and wished to know whether it was good or not. Wilson came home and told me of the order and asked me if I had gave such an order. I told him that I had not and asked him in what way my name was signed. He told me that it was signed Wat Burten. I then realized that it was forged if it was intended for my name.

Advertisement for store operated by James Jones in Woodville in April 1832

On the Thursday following I went to Woodville to see Evans about the order. I went to Evans’ house and saw Mrs. Evans who showed me the order. I told her that my name was forged to the order and enquired of her what kind of a negro it was that passed the order. She described the negro to the best of her recollection and said that he had a hat on that he told her he had got at Mr. [James] Jones’s. I then went to Jones and asked him if he had sold a boy of mine a hat. He said that he had but it was on an order of mine that he done it. I then told him that I had drawed no order on him at all. He then said that he had two orders on me passed by the same boy. I came home and on the next day I searched all of my negro houses and could find none of the kind of goods that was given me as a sample. I then went to my negroes and showed them the samples and asked if they knew of any person that has such clothes; one of them told me that Mr. Deloroches’ Ned had such them goods. I then went and seen Delroch and told him of it. He then said if Ned had passed the orders that Bird had wrote the orders, for Bird and the negro was very thick he believed. He told me to come back next morning and he would take the negro and search his house.

“The negro still denying the charge, we then resorted to means to make him confess. He stood out for some time…” Scene from Twelve Years A Slave.

The next day I went and took the negro and searched his cabin and found some of the goods, but the negro denied getting or passing the orders then. We then took the negro and carried him to Woodville for the purpose of seeing if he was the negro that passed the orders. We went to Jones’ first. Jones recognized the negro immediately and said that he was the very fellow that had brought the orders there. I then sent the negro to Evans’ which I was informed that Mr. & Mrs. Evans both knew on first sight and said that it was the same negro that brought the order there. The negro still denying the charge, we then resorted to means to make him confess it. He stood out for some time and [at] last said that Bird had given the orders to him and he did pass them. I told the negro then if he did not fix it so that Bird could be detected, that he would have to suffer. He told me that it would be very easy to do that if any person would go with him; that he could tell him anything that he could get to suit him and he would get another order from him in our presence. I and Mr. Evans then agreed to go with him on Saturday night.

Accordingly, I fixed myself and took my brother and Mr. Deloach and the negro and some meal and came to Woodville for the purpose of trying Bird’s innocence or guilt. Mr. Deloach & myself and the negro together went within fifty yards of Bird’s house where the negro laid the bag of meal down and told me and Deloach to stay until he came back. The negro the went to the house of Bird as he told us and had some conversation with him. We heard them talking but it was too far to hear what they said. After the moon was down and all fairly dark, the negro came to us again and told that Bird had agreed to take the meal but had made him promise not to say anything in our presence about the orders. I told the negro that he must talk about the orders in our presence. The negro then took the meal and we all three went to the house. When we got to the house, Bird was standing in his yard a scolding of his dog whenever the dog would attempt to bark at us.

The negro walked up to the palin and set the bag on the top of the palin & I walked in about 5 or 6 feet of the palin and stopped. Delroch stopped immediately behind me. After he had got the dog reconciled, he stepped to the fence immediately between me and him and commenced looking at me very close. I thought he wanted to see me good. I stepped up close to the fence where he was and laid my hand on the fence close to where he had his. He then looked at me good. He had looked at me for some time. He then turned his head to one side as if to look at Delroch which was immediately behind me. He looked at Delroach for some time. Then he went down the fence a few feet to where the negro was with the meal and laid his hand on the bag and said to the negro it is a very hard matter to trade now. Times is very squally. People watches very close. And then [he[ came back and took another look at Deloach & myself. He then went back and felt the bag. The negro asked him what he wanted. He said that he wanted to taste the meal but the bag was tied. The negro then untied the bag. There was some noise heard. Bird then stepped back against the side of his house and said some person was coming. I sorter squatted down against the paylen and asked Bird if there was any patrol about. He said he believed not—that he had heard no noise about lately. I expressed some fear of the patrol. He told me that they never came in that part of town—that he had got in that part of town on that account (all was still again).

Bird then stepped to the bag and took out some meal and put it in his mouth. The negro said to him the meal is good, sir, we stole it out of the mill yesterday. Bird answered yes, the meal is good. Then he asked how much there was. The negro told him a bushel. Then he asked the price. Ned told him 75 cents. Bird said the meal was high and asked me what Drake gave me for mine. Ned said 75 cents. He then said that Mrs. Conrad had bought some last Sunday morning at 62.5 cents and that he had offered the same negroes 75 cents for it right on that hillside (pointing to the hills east of his house) and he would not take that but went and took 62.5 cents from Mrs. Conrad. Ned then said I suppose Master you won’t give nairy order tonight. He said that he rather not. That there had been some noise about orders and he did not like to give any. Ned told him that that man’s master was a going away (pointing to me) and that he wanted to get an order for him—that he wanted to get some things before he went away and I told him that you had written some orders for me and I thought you would give him one. To that Bird made no answer. Ned then said that he can write and would write one himself but he was afraid. Bird then said it is a bad business. He then looked at me and asked if I could read. I told him yes, that I could read a little. He then paused a moment. I told him that I could write my own orders if I could spell well. I then said to him, Master, I wish you would give us an order tonight, if you please. He then said that he was willing to give the order but he could not write himself—that he made his wife so all his writing and she was asleep.

Ned then took the hat off his head and said to Bird. I got this hat with the order you gave me to Mr. Jones and it is a mighty good hat. Bird said I am very glad you got a good hat. Ned then said the stamped britches I got, you know I gave them to a runaway negro. I then said to Bird, Master, I wish you would wake up mistress and let her write the order for us now. He then said she is a bed and got a very cross child and if she gets up, the child will cry and make noise. I then said if you will get her to get up and write the order, we will go out in these weeds and lie down until you give us the sign and then we will come and get it. Bird said no he would not wake her and asked us if we could not come in the morning and he would have he order wrote for us. I told him that I had a mighty tight master—that he made me get up very soon of a Sunday morning and hunt up the stock and I had no chance to come in soon in the morning. Bird said that I could get the order any time that I would come next day. I told him that I wanted the order to come to town or that I could not get a pass and would have to slip in at a time when master would not be at home and it would hinder me to call and get the order and I would have but little time to trade in. Bird said that I could always get there and that he would have the order ready when we called for it in the morning. I then asked what time in the morning I could get the order. He said any time between daybreak and sunrise. I asked him then if there was no chance to get the order before daybreak. Bird said not that soon.

Ned then asked him if he would give us orders like them others. Bird said yes. Ned said you recollect he orders you give me on the 6th of May to Mr. Evans and Mr. Jones with my name wrote in it, Reuben, and Watly Burton’s name to it, for ten dollars. Bird said yes, he gave the orders but he did not write them—that his wife wrote the orders—that he could not write a bot. I then renewed my application for the order and told him if he would give us the order tonight, that I would slip him in something more some night next week that would better pay him for his trouble. Bird said I told you that I could not write and I won’t waker her up tonight to write it. Ned said can’t you write? Bird said, no, that his wife done all his writing and said she wrote the others.

Advertisement for the new store in Woodville run by David Armstrong, May 1832

At this moment we heard some beast cough. Bird said there is somebody a coming and started like as if he was a going in his house and said some person will come presently and I won’t stay here any longer. Ned said as Bird walked a little off we can get the order in the morning, can’t we? Bird said yes and turned and came back and went into the corner formed with a little room that project beyond his house and joins with the corner of the paylon near a door that leads into that rom or just between the room and house. He there leaned back against the wall of his house with his crutches in one hand and a hold on the side of the door with the other hand as if prepared to spring in at the door the moment he should see or hear anything that might affright him. Bird had in the course of our conversation about the orders taken the bag of meal from the fence and put it on a barrel and laid a board on it. We asked him for the bag. He asked us if we could not get the bag in the morning. I told him that master always sent to mill on Sunday morning and that was one of the mill bags and if the bag was not at home ready for mill, that there would be a noise. Bird said he would empty it then and started back from the door where he had so completely fixed himself that Ned then told him to write the order to Mr. Jones. He said yes but he did not like Jones much ad would rather give one to Armstrong [see adjoining advertisement]. He said Armstrong was a very fine fellow and his goods is cheaper. He then took the meal and hopped along with it in at the door above mentioned and emptied out the meal and gave us the bag at a different place from where he got it and gave us some water to drink. We then told him that we would be back in the morning to get the order, bid him farewell, and left him.

June 5th, 1832

— Wathall Burton

1 A Slave book kept by Burton indicates that Reuben & Amy were a couple and together they had the following children: Amstead, b. 1 December 1831; Edmund, b. 15 Jan. 1834; Delphine, b. 4 July 1836; and Mariah, b. 12 October 1842.