Category Archives: Slavery

2nd Kentucky Cavalry (US), Emancipation Proclamation, Slavery

1862: Sam Lyon to Sallie (Harper) Lyon

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Capt. Sam Lyon, Co. H, 2nd Kentucky Cavalry (USA)

The following letter was written by Sam Lyon (1836-1899), Captain of Co. H, 2nd Kentucky Cavalry, USA. He wrote the letter from Tyree Springs, Tennessee, in the fall of 1862. At the time that he wrote this letter, he was a sergeant in Co. L; he did not receive his commission in Co. H until the fall of 1864. Sam was the son of Hamilton Shaw Lyon (1805-1887) and Frances Royse (1800-1843) of Newport KY, just across the river from Cincinnati OH. He wrote the letter to his sister-in-law, Sarah (“Sallie”) Harper Lyon (1833-1919) who was married to Sam’s older brother, Hamilton Shaw Lyon, II (1832-1883), a pattern-maker living in Cincinnati.

A photocopy of the original letter was shared with me by Douglas Lyon, a family descendant. He says the original letter passed down to a now-deceased cousin and is likely in the hands of one of her children. Doug has previously shared this letter on a public blog but since I found some errors in transcription and also because the blogs posts were not being archived (like those on Spared & Shared), I’ve made an exception to my general rule of not duplicating other people’s work.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Headquarters Second Kentucky Cavalry
In Camp at “Tyree Springs” Robinson Co., Tennessee
November 21st 1862

Dear Sister Sallie,

A few days ago I had the pleasure of receiving two letters from you—one bearing date of October 22nd enclosing a letter from [sister] Missouri, the other under date of November 1st. And did you know with what peculiar satisfaction such favors are received by us “Soger boys” in the field, isolated as we are from home, friends and all that we hold near and dear, and how grateful we feel toward our friends at home for these epistolary favors, it would be unnecessary for me to say I thank you for them.

You speak of my getting a furlough and coming home as though one could be had for the asking. But such is not the case. It is almost an impossibility now in our Department to get a furlough. In the first place it would have to be a matter of life & death for our Colonel to approve one for one of his men for he is one of the most rigid and exacting disciplinarians in the army. He is a “regular” from “West Point”—a classmate of Buell, Bragg, Barry, McDowell, Beauregard, &c., &c., and one of a class of soldiers that indulge neither themselves nor their men in furloughs or pleasures while in the field on an active campaign. So in the language of the old song, “until the wars are all over,” I never expect to see home of friends unless someone should lose their senses and be guilty of that inconceivable folly of coming to see me.

You ask when will this cruel war be over and peace be again restored. In my opinion then, when the sphere of action that the Almighty designed the negro to figure in shall be more generally understood. When a certain party in the North prompted by mistaken premises shall cease their endeavors to drag him from the sphere that wise Providence designed him to act in—as a laborer in the fields. And place him in positions of honor & trust, to the exclusion of the white man, whose superior intellect God gave him to fit him for such posts—wherein the feeble intellect of the negro would expose him to ridicule & contempt. When the North shall cease this and unite with one accord to establish the “Union as it was,” not as their sectional proclivities would have it for there is the rock upon which the hopes of this fair nation has been dashed [but] not, however let us trust, without hope of eventual reclamation. Then and not till then will it be done. 

Should we by one tremendous convulsion, such as the [Emancipation] Proclamation, perhaps eradicate slavery, then though we might have a union of lakes and of lands, that more desirable union of the happiness & well being of a people, “a union of hearts and union of hands” would be forever wanting. For so far as the influence of our arms extends, or wherever the slaves outnumbered their masters’ safety, such acts of rapine & lawlessness would be perpetrated as sickens the heart to contemplate. Such scenes of brutal excess of riot, of arson, of pillage, and of murder would be enacted as to cause the authors of it such remorse of conscience as no heart could endure and would impose such a barrier to a happy union as no time could surmount.

This view of the affair will give Hamp [Hamilton, his brother & husband of Sallie] great offense, I suppose, if he reads it. My views always used to, and when I used to vent them, he invariably made an inroad upon my loyalty. But as I now have shown my “faith by my works,” there is no farther room [for criticism].

I suppose Amelia & Alec [Amelia was his wife’s sister] have been married. To sum all manner of good up in one short word—I wish them well. For old acquaintance sake, give Miss Ely my regards. Tell her that in her next “affair de coeur,” I wish her better success. 

Tell Hamilton that I am much obliged to him for his half sheet, and will be further obliged when I receive his promised letter, and which obligation I will cancel by an answer. 

Since I have been here I have had quite a pleasant visit to Gallatin where I lived some time ago for about a year & a half. Gallatin is distant from here 16 miles. I was glad to find that all of my most particular friends were union. Well as it is getting late and I am growing quite chilly for as yet we have got no stoves here. I will close. Your affectionate brother,  —S. Lyon

Please write soon again. Let me hear from Missouri as soon as you hear from her, for I feel quite anxious about them.

[to] Hamilton Lyon

Antebellum Mississippi, Natchez, Slavery

1836: George H. Marble to John Lyscom Putnam

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How Judge John Lyscom Putnam might have looked in 1836 based on a sketch of him drawn several decades later.

The following letter was written by 23 year-old George H. Marble (1813-1843, the son of Antipas Marble (1766-1841) and Sally Putnam (1772-1826) of Cornish, Sullivan county, New Hampshire. George wrote the letter to his much older cousin, the Hon. John Lyscom Putnam (1792-1875) who served as an associate judge on the Sullivan county bench and was described as a “man of sound judgment and stern integrity.” Putnam was the son of Samuel Putnam (1768-1843) and Lois Lyscom (1766-1855) of Cornish. One of Judge Putnam’s son’s, born just after this letter was penned, was Haldiman Sumner Putnam (1836-1863) became a West Point graduate and served with honor in the Civil War as the Colonel of the 7th New Hampshire and was acting Brig. General in the storming of Fort Wagner on 18 July 1863 where he was instantly killed.

The letter reveals that George Marble owned a plantation near Natchez in the mid-1830s, yet his aspirations seem to have far exceeded what his achievements could support. As the youngest child in a large family, he did not inherit substantial wealth, and his resources were constrained. Absent George’s correspondence, it would have been difficult to conceive that he had left New Hampshire and traveled to the banks of the Mississippi River. No census, land records, or family histories document any endeavors on his part other than his untimely death from “consumption” (tuberculosis) in his hometown of Cornish in 1843, at the age of 30.

A store in Nashville (1836) by Auguste Hervieu (French, 1794-1858)

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Natchez, Adams county, Mississippi
June 12, 1836

Dear Coz,

I received your kind and highly interesting letter some few weeks since and am greatly oblige[d] to you for the same. I was sorry to hear that dear Aunt was so unwell and trust she has quite recovered ere this. I have no special news to write you but will merely say I am so well pleased with this delightful country that I think of remaining here until Dame fortune sees fit to shine upon me. You will undoubtedly think I shall be under the necessity of spending my days here, &c. My health is extremely good and I am of the opinion it will so continue through the summer. I have not been to Texas yet and since the war has so nearly terminated, have given up the idea. I wonder my Uncle Sol did not raise a company and start for Texas. If he had, I would have joined him and we would have immortalized ourselves together (behind the same stump). Remember me to Uncle [&] Aunt Sol & Polly Wellman. 1

The Mississippi River continues very high and the people talk much of being visited by the Yellow Fever so soon as it falls. The low land is completely covered and the lakes and swamps are full. It has not been so high since 1828 and when it falls, it leaves the swamps full of animal and vegetable comption [decomposition] which, being exposed to the sun, causes the deadly diseases to walk forth among we poor mortals and mow us down like grass before the scythe. But this country at present is as healthy as any on the Globe and I shall not budge until I see more sickness than I have yet.

Our little City of Natchez is improving more this season than it has for the last ten years. The spirit of improvement is going on worthy of its old and new inhabitants. We have recently settled an Episcopal Minister—the Rev. [David C.] Page, a very smart and talented man. I was obliged to hire a pew in order to obtain a seat. I pay thirty dollars a year (almost enough to pay the minister in Cornish). We have one Orthodox and one Methodist Church besides the Catholic Church (which we have not got) was burnt down in 1832 and has not been yet rebuilt. We have three banks, three Insurance Companies, [&] a number of quite large public buildings. Natchez is about as large as two like Windsor and more business done in one day than ever was done in Windsor since its first stone was laid.

I do admire to ride out and visit some of the cotton plantations, some fields containing one hundred acres and upwards, perfectly level, with 50 to an hundred negroes who work with as much discipline as a military company. People are not considered worth anything unless they have two and three hundred negroes—every negro worth 1200 dollars. But I shall be content when I possess fifty. Some of our planters’ crops amount to one hundred thousands a year and from that as low as five. My plantation was under water last year and I made no cotton of any consequence and am fearful I shall be served the same this [year], but I hope for the best and am prepared for the worst.

I am ten thousand times oblige[d] to Dear Uncle Sam [Putnam] for his short epistle and can afford to thank Ann about once for what she wrote. I trust I shall have the pleasure of receiving a long letter from yourself, Ann, Maria, and Uncle—all. How does my niece Miss Polly Adams Peories, Putter, Penelope, Penecete Underwood Marble—or whatever her name may be for I do not yet know. Ask her to write it down and forward it. Excuse the miserable scrawl and believe me your obedient servant, — Geo. H. Marble

[to] John L. Putnam

My respects to your Lady.

Tell my brother I wrote to him a few days since.

Martin Van Buren & Liberty!

1 George is referring to the Texas Revolution in 1835-36, and to his Uncle Solomon (“Sol”) Wellman (1758-1841), a veteran of the American Revolution, who was in his 70s at the time. Sol was married to Polly Putnam (1769-1848)—a sister of George’s mother. The Wellman’s lived in Cornish.

Antislavery Movement, Presidential Election of 1840, Slavery, William Henry Harrison

1840: Robert H. O. Goodell to Gaylord George Goodell

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The following letter was written by Robert H. Goodell who had clerked for Joseph S. Bates & Co. in Cincinnati until he was appointed postmaster at Franklin Furnace, Scioto county, Ohio. He wrote the letter to his younger brother, Gaylord George Goodell, in response to a letter Gaylord sent him, datelined from Cazenevia, New York, on 27 April 1840. That letter, published on Spared & Shared 1 years ago, speaks of politics and asks Robert for his opinion on the presidential candidates and on the question of slavery:

“You wish to know what your brothers think of politics. David is a hot Whig; Edwin an administration man; Dwight’s mind is not fully made up yet, I think, but at Town Meeting he voted the administration ticket more somebody wanted he should than anything else. Nothing exceeds the enthusiasm expressed here for [William Henry] Harrison. There is nothing to be heard but log cabins & old cider. Last week there was a county convention at Morrisville which was attended with great display. Each town carried its log cabin — some drawn by 6 horses & some by 8 — with a barrel of old cider attached to the stern & 3 or 4 coon skins nailed to the side. The diner was composed of pork and beans with cornbread & old cider which they carried with them for it would have been extravagant to have bought a dinner these hard times. It is said to have been the greatest collection of people ever known at Morrisville. Each town dined in its log cabin. Such a display of flags I never before saw. Each wagonload had its flag with a motto of some kind relative to Harrison. Although I am in favor of Harrison in preference to Matty [Martin Van Buren], yet there are others that I should prefer. People act so much like cursed folks that I am disgusted with anything that bears the name of political. It appears to be the whole business parties to frame thunderbolts vulcan-like & hurl them against each other with Herculaneum strength. Please write what you think of abolitionists. They are getting a third party here.”

In response, Robert informs his brother that he considers slavery an evil but think the abolitionists do the slaves more harm than good by their fanaticism, causing the Southern slaveholders to tighten their control of their human property. He thinks the only viable solution is for Congress to outlaw slavery, to compensate the slaveholders for their lost property, and to export the Blacks from the United States. To emancipate the slaves without compensating the slaveholders, he considered robbery and would take up arms with the slaveocracy even against his own state if need be.

1 See 1840: Gaylord G. Goodell to R. H. O. Goodell on Spared & Shared 8.

T R A N S C R I P T I ON

Franklin Furnace, [Scioto county] Ohio
June 4, 1840

Dear Brother,

Yours of date April 27th was received in the last of May while Joseph was with me. He remained with me about two weeks. I could prevail on him to stay with me no longer, he being anxious to get to Texas by the first of June. It did me almost as much good to see him as it would to go him. I am very sorry he met with bad luck in Fulton but I trust he will soon work out if he has his health. I received of him a letter from Canfield & my good Aunt which please acknowledge & say I will answer soon. About the middle of April I wrote you and enclosed a $50 note on the Franklin Bank of Cincinnati which i suppose you have ere this received. You ought to have had it about the time you wrote but you do not mention it. I have waited about two weeks before writing to hear from you. Sister has not written me yet. I got a letter from Mother by Joseph. Expect another every day. I think you have improved very much in writing but you have the same fault with myself—you write too fast & take too little pains. Were you to be more careful, you might write very well.

You wish me to say what I think of Abolitionism. I think just this. I am an abolitionist in principle at heart in the nat[ural] sense of the term. I consider it [slavery] an evil but I consider there is no remedy that can possibly be expected at present. I am not one of your N. Y. hotheaded fanatic fools that spent & make a great fuss about what is not my business to meddle with. I think all acting abolitionists are little better than common highway robbers & murderers. They are in effect cutting the throats of all the southern country. By their noise, they stir the negroes up to rebellion & thereby draw the lines of bondage tighter in proportion to the extent of their fanatic inconsiderance. It is a little curious that you will not find a man who has ever seen slavery & its effects & the treatment the slaves in this country receive from their masters but he is an abolishionist at heart, goes decidedly against all acting abolitionists. He sees that their actions seem to make the condition of the slave much worse with no possibility of making it better. They are a hundred times better off as slaves than they can be free under any circumstances.

Slavery is an evil but take the slaves together, they are much more happily situated than the Whites of this country when taken together. This I do know myself from observation. Then, know my opinion. I think slavery to be a serious evil. I believe the continuance of slavery to be a far less evil than the destruction of it except it be done in one way [and] the only effective way that can ever be adopted—that is, to leave it to Congress. When Congress thinks it a greater evil than it is a benefit, they will buy all the slaves with the public money and send them from the country.

Do you suppose that a man with a human being will suffer his property to be turned from him with no remuneration by a set of ruthless, heedless, headlong fools? No! Nor is there a slave holder in the U. S. that would not gladly sell their slaves to freedom for two-thirds their value. This I do know. Then know that I could wield a ponderous weapon in favor of the South were I called upon even against my mother state. I am equally enthusiastic in that as I am in the Harrisonian cause. There are others I would prefer to Harrison, [paper torn] cannot get them now. Harrison is the most available. In 1844, we will try to march the greatest man in the world to Washington—Henry Clay. Next we will take Daniel to the Capitol. Harrison goes it as Jackson did. He sweeps the whole country. Men, women and children cry, “Live, Tippicanoe, live!” The right spirit is abroad now. The country sees her wrongs. The rascals are too Vanfaced. Their race will be over in November.

Tell Aunt I will write her in a day or two & you must write me immediately & I will write about something besides public affairs. Remember me to all. Truly your brother, — R. H. G.

to G. G. G.

Slave Revolt, Slavery

A View on Slavery, by H. Flagg

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The following essay or oration on slavery was not dated and signed only by the name “H. Flagg” so confirming the author’s identity remains problematic. However, I think there’s a high probability that it was written by Henry Collins Flagg (1792-1863), a native of Charleston, South Carolina, a graduate of Yale, and a lawyer in Charleston by 1814. He gave up the practice to return to New Haven to edit the Connecticut Herald, honing his skills as a writer and immersing himself in politics. He returned to the practice of law in South Carolina in the 1820s and then resided in New Haven once again in the 1830s so that his children could attend school there. He remained there until his death in 1863.

The essay refers to frequent fires in southern cities that were thought by many to be started by slaves. Charleston was one such city that had numerous fires in the 1850s and these would have no doubt caught the attention of Henry Flagg. He was described by those who knew him as a “graceful and eloquent public speaker, with a powerful voice and fluent utterance, and a ready and effective writer. His attachment to his native State was strong, but secondary to his devotion to the Union.” [Source: Biographical Sketches of the Graduate of Yale College, page 385]

The essay presents a powerful persuasive argument for a gradual, if not immediate emancipation of the slaves held in the southern states and suggests that, once liberated and recognizing themselves that they could never be treated as equals in American society, most of the free Blacks would opt for migrating back to Africa. The author also suggests that by ridding themselves of slavery, the white population would become less indolent and more virtuous.

T R A N S C R I P T I ON

The great number and rapid increase of the slaves in the southern states is becoming a subject of considerable interest and alarm. The vindictive disposition they manifest, the jealousy with which they are watched, and the severity with which insurrection is punished, indicate a state of dreadful insecurity. Witness the fearful apprehensions of the inhabitants during the late distressing fires that have desolated the southern cities, many of which were attributed to the sable incendiary. At the cry of fire, the whites were not seen running with buckets & engines to extinguish the flames, but with arms, on horseback, galloping in every direction to intimidate the negroes & prevent them from seizing the favorable moment of general confusion & consternation for mutiny & outrage. The combinations they have formed & the policy with which they have been conducted, evinces what the negro is capable of achieving. The mischiefs they have already effected are but the precursors of wide-spreading devastations—the first tremulous shocks of an earthquake which is soon to convulse the continent. The period may not be far distant when we shall hear with horror that the negroes, conscious of their strength & goaded to frenzy by their sufferings, have burst like a deluge over every dike of opposition, and overwhelmed the territories of their oppressors with a tide of desolation. Who can say that when the menace of some foreign invasion has summoned an army from the slave-holding states, they will not find their return disputed by the negro who has seized on the wealth he has created & the fields he has cultivated, & with the courage of desperation shouts defiance to his masters?

Lacedaemon once beheld such a scene & but for a stratagem, the Helots would have remained the lords of Sparta. With what facility might another Corsican march a broken army into the heart of the country & recruit his ranks with any number of this oppressed & exasperated population, & incite the rest to a general insurrection & an undistinguished massacre. What measures shall be adopted to avert the impending calamities? What barriers shall be opposed to their threatening desolation? Shall we prevent their propagation by enacting penal statutes? Shall we break down their spirits, and reduce them to a state of uncomplaining acquiescence by increasing the severities of their bondage? If this were attempted, we should see the tragedy of Egypt acted over again. Their miseries are now swelled to the greatest magnitude of endurance & the least aggravation might drive them to desperation. Shall we try to make them contented in their present state? Shall we give them instruction? For this they are already enthusiastic & regard its attainment as the means of effecting their emancipation. Shall we ameliorate their condition?

Alas! How shall this be accomplished? Go, teach the tiger mercy, but think that you can learn those monsters whose property they are, who have been bred to despotism & hardened to cruelty, even the rudiments of kindness. But allowing that some mitigation of their sufferings could be effected, still it would be slavery & would be endured no longer than till an opportunity offered to break the accursed chain. Shall we determine to liberate a certain proportion annually until at the expiration of a given period they shall all have obtained their freedom? When indolence becomes progressively industrious, when intemperance gradually leaves the full flowing bowl, and when avarice becomes by degrees munificent, then, & not till then, may such a project hope to see its accomplishment. No, there is no other expedient to which we can resort, but to throw off their shackles immediately & universally; to disarm their resentments, & conciliate their affections by an act of generosity. But perhaps I misname it, for tho they might consider it an act of generosity, it would in fact be an act of justice. Will anyone urge that the consequences of such a measure would be more dreadful than those of an insurrection? That we should thus turn loose among our citizens a horde of unprincipled desperadoes who would gain their livelihood by theft & robbery? Has he not in his calculation forgot that overruling Providence which can avert these evils & preserve in tranquility the nation that dares to be just?

Or does he consider the slave unsusceptible of generosity & utterly destitute of virtue & humanity? Would not the recollection of his deliverance allay the resentment of the most vindictive, and unnerve the arm of the most desperate? But allowing that a small proportion of them should band together and lay waste on a few paltry villages & plunder some of the useless treasures of the opulent How easily might they be apprehended & punished! And what would be the losses sustained by a few districts compared with the devastations we must expect if things continue as they are, till, within a century, they will outnumber the white population of the confederacy. But what would in fact be the effects of the measure we advocate? The white inhabitants of the slave-holding states would be obliged to labour more. They would become more healthy & robust, & of course, would increase much faster than in their present state of pampered indolence. They would become more virtuous. They would no longer be employed in human traffic—that most detestable commerce, nor surrounded by the vices nor hardened by the enormities which are the concomitants of slavery. And as they are almost the sole proprietors of the soil, the negroes would be obliged to rent the fields of a landlord for their subsistence, or seek some distant settlement where they enjoy the fruits of their labors.

And feeling as they must the pride & independence of humans, they will not endure the consciousness of inferiority. They will still be despised and branded by the odious epithet of negro. But they, hearing of the colonies establishing in the land of their fathers, of the extent of the country, the exuberance of the soil, & the congeniality of the climate to their constitution, thither will they direct their attention & it will be both the interest of the politician & pleasure of the philanthropist to equip them for their departure. They will return to Africa in multitudes, leaving tranquility behind, & carrying with them the arts of life & the blessings of civilization. H. Flagg

Antebellum North Carolina, Slavery

1846: Ralph Ashley to Rollin Mallory Ashley

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Ralph Ashley (1797-1852)

The following letter was written by Ralph Ashley (1797-1852) to his eldest son, Rollin Mallory Asley (1827-1911). Father and son were partners in a general store in Port Republic, New Jersey under the name “R. and R. T. Ashley” until 1833, when the partnership was discontinued and Ralph carried on the business alone until about 1848. Ralph also ventured into ship building, the marketing of wood and charcoal to New York City. Ralph Ashley was married to Sarah Blackman (1803-1879) in 1826.

The nature of Ralph’s trip to the coastal port of Edenton, North Carolina, is not stated explicitly but seems to have been connected with the salvage or selling of a vessel and/or cargo, and perhaps a reconnoissance trip to look for timber to purchase and sell to the New York City market. Ralph’s impression of slavery is consistent with the views of most Northern businessmen who visited the Antebellum South.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Rollin M. Ashley, Unionville, Post Republic Office, Atlantic county, New Jersey

Edenton, North Carolina
Thursday evening, 20 minutes to 9 p.m., 12 November 1846

Having rested pretty well through day, saw and heard some new things and finding my nerves a little quieted this evening, the matter of our school teacher came fresh into my mind. I agree with you as to salary. You will therefore decide the matter accordingly. Then what course can be taken, am not prepared to say. Hope there will be some way to school to Leonard and David and Eliza too. 1 Can’t say now how it will be. We will keep trying.

Now today as I began about 3 o’clock this morning loafing about town, Jonathan-like, everyone looking and peeking for dear life to know who I was, directly it was published a Gent from York had arrived at Bond’s Hotel. Visitors appeared by scores to hear how the elections had gone and many invitations sent to call before leaving town. Now inasmuch as there is a time to rejoice the Noble Whigs of North Carolina and Edenton, on this evening together with peel after peel, and roar after roar from the brass-mounted field pieces ranging over the waters of Albemarle Sound, all qu again.

Now, about the discoveries I have made today about — the wreck is not much [ ]. Saw a gentleman at Portsmouth of the account I think I mentioned in my letter last evening. Have been nothing more today. Shall make arrangements soon to go down the Sound. I met Capt. Halsey last evening in the street soon after I got on shore today. He was taken down again with the pleurisy [and] is very bad. I am fearful I shall not be able to close the matter fully on account of his poor health. He taken the Alum. From your letter arriving in advance of me had [ ] and it in the office. Who [ ] I have noted found out on. Many any enquiry. Shall keep still till the alarm is over, &c.

I shall be compelled to cut my way from here soon as I am charged $1.50 per day for board. [ ] stand that any [ ]. I should want 4000 for my half week before Christmas at that rate. Do not see that I shall get away from here for some weeks yet. Have been asleep a bit. Cannot tell where I began or left off.

This is a fine place to live. I like the people much. A [more] pleasant situation cannot be desired anywhere yet but little business done of much account. [There are] no energetic business men here. Too much Negro labor done in this country. A white Carolinian would choke and starve to death before he would reach his hand to help himself to a drink of cold water or a mouthful of food if he had not a Black at his elbow to get it for him, to set the chair and take it away, put on his clothes and take them off, and so on. Every white man’s hands are more delicate than any Northern belle in any of the great cities. I have not the privilege of dressing or undressing without the aid of a Black boy. I stand with stick in hand as dark Romans and Mom bows to the Gent from the North. This would suit me and Gardner to a T.

Now if I should sell the wreck for 3 or 4 M, I am bound to Florida before I return. I shall keep you all posted up of my doings from day to day. Shall look for the same. I hope all hands will reap full enjoyment while the Old Man is gone. No one to scold and abuse you. Oh dear Mother and children, enjoy the precious moments as they flit away, never to return again. And when laying, standing, or kneeling, pray for the crazy old man. Here is good ways for hauling out vessels, though not much done. Edenton is beautifully situated with Sound extending marly all round it. A wide expanse of water, deep too, and high coast. Soil of the country rather light. Splendid timber. Intend if Capt. Job gets able to have a ride to see he country and ledges. — R. Ashley

I rode in the car from Petersburg to City Point with a Virginia Gent through a 300-acre [ ] of fine timber about 3 miles from James River. City Point with a good railroad and landing and wharf at City Point Landing owned by the same Gent. He is Hon. G. H. Phillips of Petersburg—the great Virginia temperance advocate. Offered to sell any part or the whole. Better timber for vessel building so far as the strait part is concerned. Need [ ] [ ] for said he would sell buy cheap. Saw [ ] of fine timber on Roanoke in the neighborhood of [ ].

Good evening all, — R. Ashley

1 Ralph’s youngest children were Ann Eliza Ashley (b. 1835), Leonard (b. 1837), and David (b. 1840).

Antebellum Mississippi, Slavery

1848: Thomas Henry McNeill to Malcom McNeill

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Thomas Henry McNeill

This letter was written by Thomas Henry McNeill (1821-1866), the son of Malcom McNeill (1796-1875) and Martha Rivers. Malcom McNeill began accumulating property in Kentucky where he relocated in 1817, and later bought thousands of acres in Mississippi and within the city of Natchez, which greatly increased in value. An 1884 history of Christian and Trigg counties as “perhaps the richest man in the county, with a large estate and many negroes both there and in Mississippi.”

Thomas Henry McNeill first went to Mississippi to tend his father’s plantations there which were sited along the Mississippi River. He began purchasing his own lands in 1853, initially in the extreme southwestern corner of Coahoma Co. near his father’s plantation in that area. He accumulated 1,945 acres on the Mississippi River there, including a gift from his father of 698 acres. In 1857 he purchased 1,100 acres about ten miles north but still on the River, and sold the southern properties. He called the new plantation “Dogwood” and the Mississippi river now flows over half of that property.

Thomas married first Rebecca Ann Tuck, daughter of Davis Green Tuck and Elizabeth M. Toot, on 26 October 1842 in Christian County, Kentucky. He married second Ann Eliza Arthur, daughter of William Arthur and Susannah Hill Peters on 11 June 1861 in Marshall County, Mississippi. He died at his plantation in Coahoma County, Mississippi at age 45.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Major Malcom McNeill, Lafayette, Christian county, Kentucky

Buena Vista, Coahoma, Mississippi
Monday, June 12, 1848

My dear Father,

Your ploughs were engaged during the whole day of Monday in laying by your corn on the Lake cut. They commenced Tuesday the other piece which was finished about noon. They then broke up those low, wet places between your cotton and my cotton, plowed over all the small corn. Those low places were planted by Emily & Amrett in corn. Your hoe gang only finished your corn on Monday. On Tuesday they finished that portion of new ground which you left undone. Hoe men were started to getting [ ] and are getting 15 hundred per day. The hoe’s after finishing the little that you left, went into the latest new ground and chopped it over.

On Wednesday fifteen plows (Monday & Tuesday Harich [?] was sick) and the hoe’s started in the cotton opposite your lake corn—the piece near the Irishmen’s levee—which the plows finished about 3 o’clock. They then commenced the piece over the Bayou which was finished on Thursday at nine. They then plowed that young cotton over the levee by 12 o’clock. After dinner they commenced the Walnut Ridge which was finished Friday morning early. They then went into the eighty acre field which they finished about 4 o’clock. They then plowed the piece of cotton on Lake Charles, back of the gin which was finished about 10 o’clock on Saturday. They then plowed those two pieces near the negro cabins, finishing all your old land cotton one hour by sun on Saturday.

I left your hoe gang in the office near the Irishman’s Levee on Wednesday which they finished that just at night. Next morning (Thursday) they went over the Bayou and to the Second year’s cotton which was finished about 3 o’clock same day. The hoe hands that evening cleaned out th bayou very well as your other cotton had all been gone over by the hoe gang just before the plows. Your hoe’s went in the new ground on Friday late (as the women had to wash) the piece nearest my second years, which they chopped over well that day, finishing a little before night. They then commenced the nearest piece to them (that is the second ridge) which they about half finished on Saturday night.

Saturday very late in the evening we had an awful tornado which has injured our crops very much, particularly your large corn. The cotton, I hope, will all straighten up soon. The wind blew down very many trees in the Plantation. On Saturday night, we had a very heavy rain. Another on Sunday during the day and it has been raining very hard all the morning up to 9 o’clock. The quantity of rain fallen has been immense, rendering it impossible to plow in old grounds for a day or so. All your plows are in the new ground nearest to my gin. On examining your new ground the day after you started (which was the 13th) I found three [cotton] blossoms. We have now a great many but they are not fully blown, which is attributed to the last few days having been very cloudy. One or two days sun will show a great many.

This letter will be dropped at Line Port by the Steamer Talleyrand. I will leave it open until she arrives. Your negroes (except Harick) are all well, but showing considerable disposition to lay up, or in other words, to possum.

Tuesday morning, June 20, the boat has not yet arrived and I am on the eve of starting to the lands. After another light shower yesterday the weather has cleared off beautifully and seems likely to remain so for a few days. I close now for fear the boat should come in my absence. My respects to Mother. Your son, — Thos. Henry McNeill

Tuesday 12 o’clock. Your plows finished the field next to my second year’s land. After dinner they will go into the piece adjoining the first. The hoe’s chopped over the second piece. The old ground is yet too wet to go into. Your corn is shooting very finely but the crows are injuring it already. All the hands are out today. Three laid up yesterday—Libby, Priss and Parthenia—who I think had chills. Directed Hoages to give quinine today and tomorrow. I saw blooms in my long [ ] today for the first time. The weather seems more settled and we shall have a great many in three or four days. Mother’s poultry are doing very well. No deaths in that line except the old gobbler which died the day after you left. Your son, — Thos. Henry

As we had to put Clark to getting boards, I made a plower of Gabriel who does very well in old land. He has never attempred to plow in the new ground so we are only running fourteen plows. I cannot say what time I shall leave. Perhaps not at all. My health is not as good as when you left yet I am up and attending closely to our business. I am making an effort to get two hundred acres well cleared this summer.

I had all my hands in my new ground clearing all last week and will be in there the whole of next week. Hoages had a good many trees belted in your plantation but the rains have filled up the sloughs so full that he cannot as much more until the water goes down, We are all getting on very well and our crops in much better order than when you left us. Cousin Hector is not yet out of the grass. He is making a desperate struggle…

5th Maine Infantry, Slavery

1862: Joseph Wight to his niece Mary

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Lt. Joseph Wight of Co. E, 5th Maine Infantry (McDonald Collection, Digital Maine Repository)

The following letter was written by Joseph Wight (1822-1911), the son of Jonathan Wight (1783-1869) and Mercy Harmon (1788-1861) of Cumberland county, Maine. In 1860, Joseph was enumerated in Windham, Cumberland county, Maine, earning his living as a grocer. He was married to Elizabeth Irish of Sebago.

Muster records inform us that Joseph enlisted in June 1861 to serve as a 2nd Lieutenant in Co. E. In June 1863 he was promoted to 1st Lieutenant of Co. A. He mustered out of the regiment on 27 July 1864.

Joseph’s final paragraph tells us much about his personal beliefs: “I am fully satisfied about the question of slavery. I have seen enough to disgust anybody of its evil effect, both with regard to society or wealth. A man may make money by slaves but his farm grows poor and his children ignorant and degraded. But this war has nothing to do with slavery that I know of.”

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Camp Franklin, Va.
January 1, 1862

Mary,

I take the liberty of writing you a few lines and also of presenting you with a view of the City of Washington from the dome of the Capitol. We are encamped about six miles from Washington and three miles from Alexandria on the Virginia side of the Potomac River. I have been in one battle only—that was the Battle of Bull Run, July 21 last past, and I hope this national difficulty will be settled without more bloodshed.

Mary, I hardly know why I should write to you, and certainly, I know of no reason why I should not write to you. I don’t know where you are but I should like to hear from you and how you and Amanda and Mercy prosper temporally & spiritually. And how does your Father and Mother get along? and those little brothers too? though Edward is not very little. And ow is your Grandfather Wight? I have not heard from any of the folks in your neighborhood for a long time and I thought you might take the trouble to write your uncle Joseph one letter. Have you finished your studies? or how are you spending your time? Perhaps you think me inquisitive but you know that I am a Wight and so have a right. Tell your Father and Mother that if they have the time and disposition, I should be glad to hear from them too.

Perhaps you would like to know how soldiers live. Well we have one cook to a company who boils the beef and pork, bakes the beans and fresh beef. makes the tea and coffee, &c. &c. We have little tents just big enough for four men where we sleep and spend the most of our time—especially in stormy weather. Also a little stove or fire place in each tent so we get along very well. We [have] trainings or musters every week day—that is, [in] fair weather, and sometimes very great gatherings at one time. It is said there were 70,000 men, all soldiers and officers, beside many thousands of spectators.

I have seen much since I last saw you and my motto is, to see is to learn. And I am studying philosophy, geography, and phrenology ll at the same time and all by actual observation about the soil and climate in old Virginia. We have not had any cold weather yet and I may say that on the whole, the climate is delightful and the soil is fertile and fruit grows in abundance and berries of all kind too.

The inhabitants have almost all left this part of the state and where they have gone is more than I can tell but I am fully satisfied about the question of slavery. I have seen enough to disgust anybody of its evil effect, both with regard to society or wealth. A man may make money by slaves but his farm grows poor and his children ignorant and degraded. But this war has nothing to do with slavery that I know of. But the drums now beat and I must close by wishing you a happy New Year. Give my respects to enquiring friends and if I survive this national struggle, I hope to meet you all once more in peace. Yours with respects, – Joseph Wight

Antebellum Mississippi, Slavery, Yazoo City, Mississippi

1836: Lydia (Harris) Pease to Abby (Spaulding) Harris

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The following letter was written by Lydia Harris (1810-1836), the daughter of Dr. Stephen Harris (1786-1858) and Lydia Greene (1791-1820) of Providence, Rhode Island. Lydia was married to Henry H. Pease (1804-1840). From the letter we know that Lydia was residing in Yazoo county, Mississippi, during the winter of 1836-37. though she apparently spent the hot summers in Rhode Island with her relatives. The letter is datelined from “Woodland” which I assume was the name of the plantation owned by her husband. It seems to have been a few miles outside of Manchester (later renamed Yazoo City) where Henry also had a home.

Though her letter suggests she was suffering from chronic illness, still it was surprising to learn that Lydia died some ten days after this letter was written. Her husband did not live much longer. His obituary reads: “Melancholy Accident.—A letters received in this city, dated Yazoo City, Mississippi, September 15 [1840], states that Mr. Henry H. Pease, formerly of New York, was accidentally killed near the former place, on the previous day. It appears that he was riding with a friend in a barouche; the horses took fright at some cows, ran over one of them, and darted off at full speed. After they had advanced about fifty yards, they brought the carriage in contact with a large stump with so much violence that the vehicle was broken to pieces, and the two gentlemen who were in it were thrown a distance of 36 feet. Mr. Pease fell upon his back and neck and was killed almost instantly. His companion, Mr. George B. Dixon, escaped with some slight bruises and internal hurts. Mr. Pease was 36 years of age, and the son of John B[enjamin] Pease, Esq., [1774-1866] of Utica. His body was interred at Yazoo on the day succeeding th accident, with military honors.”

Lydia wrote the letter to her sister-in-law, Abigail (“Abby”) Spaulding (1816-1888), the wife of Cyrus Harris (1812-1887), and the daughter of Lovewell Spaulding (1780-1853) and Susannah Greene (1788-1869) of Rhode Island.

Land Deed in Yazoo County, Mississippi. Approximately 40 acres purchased by Henry H. Pease in 1835.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Mrs. Cyrus Harris, Centreville, Rhode Island, Via Providence

Woodland
November 21, 1836

Dear sister,

I began to think you had quite forgotten me, Abby, or did not intend to [ ] and had determined the day I received your letter to write you a very scolding one. You very fortunately escaped this time, however, for which you may thank your lucky stars.

Well Abby, how do you like housekeeping? I presume you are comfortably settled at Greenville [Rhode Island] ere this. I almost envy you your nice warm house. A house like yours would be very valuable in this country. I hope you have succeeded in getting a good servant. I should advise you to take little George. You will find him very useful. We at the South have the advantage over you in regard to servants. We can obtain good ones any time by paying for them. They are worth from one thousand to fifteen hundred dollars.

How does Stephen behave? Do you have to scold him every day? I intend taking him home with me another winter. I dream every night of being at home. I expect I shall feel as unpleasantly at leaving home next summer as I did this. I am much better contented now than when I first came. Could I be at my own home in Manchester [Mississippi], I should be quite happy. I find it very pleasant here but rather lonesome. Brother John has been from home this past week. Took his friend D. Pomery with him. Dr. Nesbit is at Vicksburg so that I am quite alone during the day, Henry comes home every evening and returns in the morning. Rides 25 miles on horseback every day to see me. Do you not think him a very affectionate husband? I will not say anything more about him for fear he should read this letter. I might raise his vanity to too high a pitch.

James has not arrived yet. We are expecting him daily. I cannot be lonesome when he is here. What does Eliza Anthony say about him? Have you forgotten “False one I love thee still.”

I expect you have cold weather now. Last year at this time it was very cold at the North. We had snow in November. It is very pleasant here; not much colder than when we came. The thermometer stands at 62 degrees above zero today in the shade. February and March are warm months here. With you they are the coldest and most unpleasant of the year.

They commenced planting their gardens in February. The woods are covered with strawberry vines. I anticipate a great deal of pleasure eating strawberries in the spring. I shall go and gather them if I am not too much afraid of snakes. I have been out but very seldom since I came here.

I intend going to Manchester on Thursday to attend a Ball. I received a note from the managers two weeks since. There are fourteen managers. They send invitations to all the ladies and let them get to the Ball the best way they can. It is all the invitations they have. I wish you was here to go with me. I know we should be amused. I have a great curiosity to see the Yazoo Ladies at a Ball. They are five or six years behind the fashion in dress and everything else. I know I shall laugh. I have heard a description of their dancing. Stephen could dance very well with them. I wish he was here. He would enjoy it so much. They use their head and arm quite as much as their feet and make as much noise with them as possible. Tell Pa and Cyrus not to scold because I am going to the Ball. I am going as a mere spectator and shall dress very warm. I shall wear a long-sleeved dress and shawl around my neck. It will be exposing my health too much to wear a party dress. I shall give you a description of the Ball in my next. We are anticipating a gay time here during the Christmas Holy days. The negroes all dance and enjoy themselves vastly.

Tell Pa I think my cough a little better than when I wrote last, but it is very stubborn. I have had a sufficient number of doctors [to see] if they can cure me. No less than four have prescribed for me. I am in hopes it will wear off after a while in this mild climate. I have no doubt I should have been quite sick had I stayed North this winter. The cold air affects me very sensibly. I get low-spirited and almost discouraged at time. I cough some. I have a very good appetite and do not lose any strength. I eat mush and milk every night for supper (what we call Hasty Pudding)/ They cook it much better here than at the North. Does Ma visit you often? Or is she as domestic as ever? Little Eliza will want to come every day. I want to see her so much. She is the best child I ever saw—so affectionate.

I saw the death of John K. Tiffany in the Providence paper. Is it Amey’s brother? Now, my dear Abby, write me very soon and tell e everything that has transpired. Give my love to all. Henry would send his love and probably add a postscript were he here. He speaks often of writing to Cyrus but has not found time yet. Tell Stephen I am expecting a letter from him. Adieu. Yours truly, — Lydia

What has become of Lucy Anna? I cannot hear a word from her. I intend writing Susan very soon. Does Cyrus visit his uncle often?

[In a different hand]

I have just returned from Court & Lydia desires me to add a P. S. to this letter and here it is. I have read this letter. I make my wife let me read all the letters she writes. Your husband probably does the same by you. I hope Cyrus is not as much troubled and vexed with his—he would say perhaps better half—but I will say lttle torment, as I am with my big torment. Little and big only refers to size. My big one has the impudence to wish me to ride from Benton 1 here 12 miles every night to see her and I am fool enough to gratify her. Do you think it right?

Our Boy Reuben has just said that “Supper is ready.” If I feel like writing more I will do it after eating. “The ancients eat before writing.” Lydia will tell you what the quotation means. I was grieved to hear that Cyrus was unwell in New York. I hope by this time he is better. Say to Cyrus that the cotton crop in this country will not be larger than last year. That cotton will be worth 25 cents by 1st June next. Tell him to mark that & remember that I predict it. I hope you make a better house keeper than Lydia. She does nothing but scold the negroes from morning until night. I have a great mind to send back to Rhode Island “a scolding wife, &c.” THe rest you know. Your brother affectionately, — Henry

Lydia says that in her next letter she will contradict what I say.

1 Benton was the county seat of Yazoo County from 1829 until 1850 when it was moved to Yazoo City (formerly named Manchester).

21st Illinois Infantry, Slavery

1861: John Russell to C. Sophia Russell

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John Russell was 33 years old when he volunteered to serve in Co. G, 21st Illinois Infantry. He was the son of Alexander Russell (1794-1863) and Jane Jack (1797-1873) and was still living and working on his father’s farm in Clay county, Illinois, at the time of the 1860 US Census. Living in the household as well was his younger sister C. Sophia Russell (1840-1934), to whom he addressed his letter.

John Russell, ca. 1875

The muster rolls of the 21st Illinois inform us that John mustered into the company on 28 June 1861 and he was discharged for disability on 24 March 1864. The regiment’s first colonel was Ulysses S. Grant. It was ordered to move to Ironton, Missouri, on July 3, but instead operated on the line of the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad until August. Grant was promoted to brigadier general and became commander of the District of Southeast Missouri on 7 August, being replaced by regimental lieutenant colonel John W. S. Alexander. The regiment reached Ironton on 9 August 1861 and saw its first action at the Engagement at Fredericktown in late October. The first major engagement was at Stones River in December 1862 and January 1863. It was shortly after that battle that John wrote a letter to his sister Sophia in which he provided great detail of the regiment’s action. See “Getting Bitten by the Bait: The 21st Illinois at Stones River” by Dan Masters (Civil War Chronicles).

Transcription

Addressed to Miss C. S. Russell, Xenia, Illinois

Ironton, Missouri
November [1861]

Dear Sister,

I take my pen to write you a few lines to inform you of my health which is very good, and there is little else to write. I received a letter from Doc some time since and one from Ann on Saturday and was glad to hear from you all. I have had no time to write for the last two or three weeks, having been in camp but little and on duty all the time. As week ago I expected to be at home now and had my furlough made out but an order was issued forbidding the granting of any more furloughs at present and mine was not signed yet. I could not come but I hope to soon.

We are stationed here for the winter and are at work here now a putting up winter quarters. I have had charge of 20 men for the last 4 days a chopping and hauling logs and only get to write now by getting F. M. Finch to take my place this afternoon. We will get them up in 4 or 5 days more. We have had a fine fall, but it is a little cold now. We had a fine little snow on Friday last, and we are in a hurry to get to our new quarters.

I think the government will soon put forth all its energies which it has been so long gathering to put down this rebellion. We know here that when furloughs are denied, a move is on foot and this denial is now universal and we know there is a general movement of importance contemplated and I hope its success will more than compensate me for the disappointment of not getting to go home.

“I am not waging a war for emancipation but I would seize the slaves of every rebel and set them to work at wages or to fight as most convenient and at the close of the war, give them their freedom…”

John Russell, Co. G, 21st Illinois Infantry, November 1861

There was a feeling of general indignation at the removal of Frémont and still more at the order of General Halleck that all fugitive slaves in our camps or that may come to them hereafter must be driven off. But in all there is a determination to sustain the government hoping that it would be compelled to come around right in time. All that is wanting to a speedy success is a man to hold up the thing square and use the means of success that we possess. I am not waging a war for emancipation but I would seize the slaves of every rebel and set them to work at wages or to fight as most convenient and at the close of the war, give them their freedom, placing them wherever Providence opened up a place. Thus we would get rid of slavery and by having them on hand, it is likely that the best disposition would be made of them that could.

I think the war will be over by the first of May unless there are some serious blunders on our part. I think our troops will occupy Memphis and Nashville in four weeks from this time.

But I must close. I hope this may find you all well. I send enclosed to Pap 25 dollars. I still save enough to bring me home if opportunity occurs. We have a good time here—plenty to eat and plenty to wear and not much to do. Write often and I will as often as I can. Yours, &c. — John Russell

To Miss C. S. Russell

29th Indiana Infantry, Slavery

1861: Christopher L. Davis to a Friend

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The following letter was written by Christopher L. Davis (b. 1818) who entered Co. G, 29th Indiana Infantry as a private and was commissioned a 2nd Lieutenant on 2 May 1863. He resigned his commission on 14 November 1864. Christopher was born in Virginia but was living in LaPorte county, Indiana by the early 1840s and was married to Jemima Warwick in May 1845. He was enumerated as a farmer with his wife and five children in Springfield township, Laporte county, in the 1860 US Census. After the war, Christopher and his family moved to Chattanooga, Tennessee where he worked as a house carpenter.

The 29th Indiana was organized at Laporte, Indiana, and mustered in August 27, 1861. They were ordered to Kentucky and joined General Rousseau at Camp Nevin October 9, 1861, then attached to Wood’s Brigade, McCook’s Command at Nolin, Ky., to November, 1861; 5th Brigade, Army of the Ohio, to December, 1861.

The regiment first saw action at the Battle of Shiloh. “…People mainly tell me that the Rebels can’t fight. They can fight just as well as we can!” wrote Harvey Grable, a member of Co. E, to his mother a week after the battle. [See John Harvey Grable to Mary F. Grable, letter dated 15 April 1862, Spared & Shared 22]

I could not find an image of Christopher but here are the Bascom brothers who all served in Co. D, 29th Indiana Infantry. Jonathan is to the left, then Silas, then Isaac Reece Bascom. They were mustered out at Marietta, Georgia on 2 December 1865, except for Silas who was wounded at Stones Creek, TN, and died from this wounds on 26 March 1865. (Ancestry.com)

Transcription

Camp Wood
December 13, 1861

Dear Friend,

I take my pen up to write you a few lines to inform you where we are and what we are about. We moved on this place last Wednesday and we marched 15 miles farther into secesh. We are now where we can lay down on our back to look up to tops of the hills and eight miles from the secesh and about fifty thousand soldiers around us, with plenty of cannon and ammunition, [and] plenty to eat. But we are in a land that is cursed with the negro and if you could only look on us and the great preparation that is made, you would think that the war would soon come to a close. But [we] are a going have some hard nuts to crack yet.

Where we are now, the secesh burnt the railroad bridge one week ago but now it is built up again and before you get this letter, I think that we will have something to do. We are going to make a move on Monday on to Bowling Green where Buckner is said to be fortified and our men are eager for a fight.

Men that never saw a movement of soldiers have no idea of the scene. Last Wednesday we were more than ten miles long and [as far as] you could see. The barefooted whites and blacks look like they thought that the angel Gabriel was blowing his trumpet, and from the noise you would have thought like an old man that we met on the road when he said that if he was a secesh, he would quit this world and climb a white oak tree. Says where did all of dese foks come from.

We are generally well. All of the boys from our part of the country are well and you will hear a good account of them when they come into a battle. We will give them fits first and then we will give them blue pills and powder to cure them. Where [we] are now, the grain is standing in the shock and the hay is in the cock and everything looks desolate—fences burnt, houses left vacant. But some of the owners are trying to get back. War desolates wherever it goes and I never want it to come any nearer to us that it is.

The weather is good here—pleasant and warm days but frosty nights. But we do not suffer in our cotton houses. Our beds are a bunch of hay out of the cock and a blanket for our cover. And yet we are comfortable and merry as larks. When night comes, you can hear many songs, fiddles and all kinds of noise. It is like building the Tower of Babel.

The boys went out today to get some chickens to eat and they found six at the moderate price of twenty-five cents and took them the [hen?], but when we get home, we want another picnic to make up for this and if you have any secesh up with you, just tell them that we are among their friends and we will clean them out and then come and give them a turn, and I tell you, it will do me good to do it.

B____’s boys 1 sent home twenty dollars to their father and the boys are good boys and I think that it will be a benefit to them if they ever get back. Give my respects to all of my union friends and tell them that I will do my best for my country but the secesh tell them to keep themselves clear for I hate them worse than ever. They are nothing but thieves and bridge burners here and if they had a chance, they would be nothing else as they would not have any sympathy for them.

We have four contrabands with us and some of the regiment get some every day. We make them cook for us. When we get through, we will have more of them [than] we will know what to do with and I think that old Abe ought to begin to send them to someplace now for they are the lowest of all creation. The more I see of it [slavery], the more I hate it. They have cursed all of Kentucky and all other lands where it lives and God speed the end now.

Dear friend, I have wrote you a few lines siting on the ground on a bunch of grass with a board on my lap which is all the desk that a soldier has now. I must close. You must write to me what is going on. Direct your letter as you do B____’s letters and they will come to me. Your friend, — Christopher L. Davis

1 Probably David Meredith Love (1841-1908) and his brother James Love (b. 1838). They were both living in Springfield township when they enlisted in 1861 in Co. G, 29th Indiana Infantry.