I had hoped to be able to identify the author of this letter, known only as “Henry,” who wrote to his sister Mary and his mother from the camp of the 97th New York Infantry near Hatcher’s Run, Virginia, in mid-February 1865. Unfortunately I was not able to do so. The only clue in the letter was a reference to some hometown boys from the Construction Corps named “Padson” but I suspect the surname was misspelled. It may have been Pattison or Patterson instead.
In any event, the letter contains a description of the fight at Hatcher’s Run (aka Dabney’s Mill) where the two sides fought back and forth for three days, ending in a tactical draw. The Union advance was stopped, but would not be forced back. The Federals dug in, having moved three miles closer to the vital railroad that kept Petersburg and Richmond alive. Grant was unable to permanently cut the Boydton Plank Road but found that the Confederates were already barely using it due to the threat of being raided. There had been almost no traffic on the road to sweep up. The fighting extended the Union siege lines another three miles and forced the Confederates to do the same, even though they were already dangerously near the breaking point.
The 97th New York regiment, Col. Charles Wheelock, was organized at Boonville, and there mustered in the service of the United States for three years February 18, 1862. In May, 1863, it received by transfer the three years’ men of the 26th Infantry; June 7, 1864, the men of the Sad Infantry, not mustered out with their regiment, and August 10, 1864, 103 men of the 94th Infantry. At the expiration of its term of enlistment, the men entitled thereto were discharged, and the regiment retained in service. The companies were recruited principally: A and C at Boonville; B in Lewis county; D and F at Salisbury; E at Prospect and vicinity; G in Herkimer county; H at Utica and Lowville; I at Little Falls; and K at Rome
Transcription
Camp of the 97th N. Y. State Volunteer. Near Hatcher’s Run, Virginia February 21st 1865
Dear Sister,
I now seat myself to write a few lines homeward to let you know that I am well and I can thank the Lord for it. We had a pretty hard time on this last raid on the left of the line. We had 10 killed and 20 wounded. That is a good many for one regiment. Mary, I saw the Padson boys last night. You know that they are in the Construction Corps. They was surprised to see me. We had a good old chat together. They are about half of a mile from our camp and so you see that I see them often now.
There is good news in camp now. The news came to our regiment last night that Charleston is evacuated. If it is true, it is a glorious victory. We have got them fenced in now and I hope that we may drive them out of Richmond next summer. I guess that Old Grant will try and flank them as he did last summer. Well Mary, a few words to mother. — Henry
Dear Mother, I must not neglect in writing a few words to you. I received your letter just before we started on the last raid and had hardly time to read it. We had a very hard time of it. I will tell you as near as I can about the raid and you can judge for yourself. We started on the morning of the 5th, crossed Hatcher’s Run and laid in line of battle all night and in the morning we fell back over the run again and laid in most in the forenoon and at one o’clock we attacked the enemy. We succeeded finely at first. We drove them about one mile as I thought into their works and then they received reinforcements and drove us back at a double quick. And when we was falling back, one division of the 6th Corps fired upon us.
Well the morning of the 7th we tried them in another place and there we lost a good many of our regiment. I could not see what the whole thing amounted to. It did not amount to shop [?] I don’t think.
Mother, we are putting up new shanties and when we get them finished, I will write a good long letter to you. Give my love to all. — Henry
How Henrietta might have looked in 1863(Megan Kemble Collection)
What a pleasure it is to read the words that spill from the glib tongue of an intelligent young woman. What follows is a letter composed in the midst of the American Civil War by 24 year-old Mary “Henrietta” Miller (1839-1912) of Claverack, Columbia county, New York, the daughter of William Albertson Miller (1813-1872) and Mary Hulst (1816-1883). Henrietta was an 1860 graduate of the Hudson Valley River School in Claverack (later renamed Claverack College).
Henrietta wrote the letter to her cousin, Peter Henry Hulst (1841-1926). Peter “spent his earlier years in Fishkill-on-the-Hudson and at Carthage Landing. He later moved to Jonesville in Saratoga county where he taught school and began the study of medicine (Homeopathy), graduating from the Albany Medical College in 1866. He then practiced medicine in Schuylerville for a short time, moving to Greenwich in 1869.” [Obituary, Glens Falls, The Post Star, 28 October 1926]
In her letter, Henrietta suggests that she and her younger sister Adriana (“Addie”) Miller (1846-1905) had intended to relocate to Kentucky to teach school but decided against it when Addie fell ill. She did eventually move to Kentucky where she met James Solomon Crumbaugh in Scott county and after their marriage in December 1866, they settled in Old Crossing, Kentucky, where James ran a mill and Henrietta taught European Literature. In 1900 they moved to Kaufman county, Texas with their two children.
Henrietta’s letter dares to express her thoughts on politics, a subject rarely broached by women except in private conversation in mid 19th Century. She observes the political nature and consequences of the Conscription Act of 1863 and refers to President Lincoln as the “Republican Autocrat”—a sentiment shared by a great many Americans, particularly New Yorkers.
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. Peter H. Hulet, Jonesville, Saratoga county, New York
Clarverack, Columbia county, New York September 17th 1863
My dear cousin,
I imagine you are “wondering” why you do not receive a more prompt reply to your last—especially as it was principally in answer to our plan of “going South.” Well, Cousin Peter, as you can perceive at a glance, we are still in old Claverack and the reason why we gave up our idea of going to Kentucky was mainly on account of Addie’s health. She had taken a severe cold and her old trouble—a bad cough—is again with her. It would have been impossible for her to teach anywhere then and the season was too far advanced for them to wait. They had to have a final answer immediately. She is getting better we think though she is not looking much better yet.
I am now engaged in teaching the school in this village. They give twenty dollars and I board myself. I have been teaching two weeks and have nearly forty pupils; consequently am very busy. I don’t know, I am sure, when Addie’s debt can be discharged. She and Ma are very much discouraged about it. Indeed, it is making mother almost sick, and I sometimes feel, cousin, as if my own courage would forever fail me when I look at the silver threads in my mother’s hair and mark the careworn lines on her face growing deeper and deeper every day. I wish she wouldn’t worry so much about it and I do try to be as hopeful as I can on her account.
Thank you for your suggestions and kind promises of assistance to Addie. If we had gone to Kentucky, we should have been very glad to avail ourselves of them. However, you must not defer your visit to Claverack because there will be no necessity for you to see Mr. M[iller] now; but do come and stay a few weeks, can’t you? I always think with feelings of the utmost pleasure of our visit to Aunty’s last autumn and Addie and I talk it over very often and mark it as a bright era in the past.
I am very glad that you have escaped the draft. Indeed, I must congratulate you upon being within the charmed circle of the Republican Party just now as recent developments have proven fully, the potent as well as “honest” measures pursued by the “Republican Autocrat” for shielding those who will have a voice at the polls next fall and turning the conscription upon the worthless democracy. However, coz., it is a subject of intense gratification to me that notwithstanding the undue share of conscripts that fall to the part of the Democrats, they are abundantly able to hire “substitutes” and I reckon they’ll get some of them from the opposite party as there are yet a few of Uncle Abe’s admirers and most obedient servants who have not more of the “green” currency than they know what to do with. But perhaps you are like some of the gentlemen that I know; “you do not like to hear a lady talk politics.” If no, pardon me and I will change the subject. Nonetheless, “them’s my sentiments.”
Ma has been up to see Grandma this fall. Went a few weeks ago. She made a very short visit as she was expecting us to go to Kentucky. The weather here has been very warm and pleasant. Now it is cloudy and cold. I have to walk about a mile to my schoolroom and I should like it to be pleasant weather all the time if it could be so, but I anticipate many a cold, wet walk this winter. School has just opened at the Seminary and I dare say Mr. [Alonzo] Flack 1 has begin again upon his well beaten track of—I guess I won’t say it after all, for I could not say any good of him so it is better to leave the sentence unfinished.
I am glad your health is improved. Are you taking vocal or instrumental music, or both? Pa and Ella have the whooping cough. They have been very bad but seem to be getting over it now somewhat. Dear cousin, I must beg your kind indulgence for this disconnected and ill written missive. I am not very well nor very much in the mood for writing tonight so I will close. Please write me soon and accept the love & best wishes of your affectionate cousin, — Henrietta
1 Alonzo Flack was born in Argyle, New York on September 19, 1823. While attending Union College (1845-1849), Flack joined the Methodist Episcopal Church and received a license as a preacher. He subsequently studied theology at the Concord Biblical Institute in New Hampshire and was recrutied by Bishop Osman C. Baker in 1854 to serve as principal for a new school at Charlotte. In 1855, Flack became principal of the Claverack College and Hudson River Institute. He later assumed the presidency of Claverack College in 1869. Flack was noted for his deep belief in the reform movements of the period, including temperance reform, the enfranchisment of women and ecclesiastical reform. He was granted a Doctor in Philosophy degree by the University of the State of New York in 1875. Much esteemed by his students, Flack served for thirty years as a teacher and administrator at the school, until his death in 1885. He was succeeded by his son, Rev. Arthur H. Flack, who occupied the position until 1900. The College, located in Claverack, New York, offered academic and classical studies to ladies and gentlemen and was very highly regarded. Alumni included author Stephen Crane, feminist Margaret Sanger, and President Martin van Buren. [sources consulted: Minutes of the annual conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church: Spring conferences of 1885. (p. 97)]
The following letter was written by Benjamin Milton Miller (1843-1877) while serving as a sergeant in Co. K, 21st Kentucky Infantry. Benjamin was the son of George Miller (1793-1848) and Louisa Yates (1820-1869) of Edmunton, Metcalfe county, Kentucky. He lays “claim” to a young woman named “Kate” in this letter who may very well be the woman he married in 1865, Eliza Catherine Kirkewall (1842-1929).
In his letter, Ben mentions that they have recently had an organizational change. Indeed, the 21st Kentucky had been part of the 21st Army Corps until October 1863 when they were reassigned to the 4th Army Corps.
Benjamin wrote the letter to his friend, James W. Pool (1838-1933) who was identified as a merchant clerk in 1860 in Edmunton.
Transcription
Camp on South Mountain of Walden’s Ridge November 15th, 1863
Kind friend a old associate,
Yours of the 30th of last month came to hand a few days since. It found me in the enjoyment of good health. I was very glad to hear from you and I was somewhat surprised to hear of Ben Clark’s marrying but was not astonished to hear that S. R. W. Ried was still waiting to marry. But you said that you was still in good spirits about yourself as Ben was colder than you ever was. Well gee, it seems that there is and will be a chance for you and I both when such men as Ben and Sam could not call names until you was certain you could tell me who you thought it was.
Well gee, you said that Kate was still single. That is good news to me and I am inclined to think like you. I think if my claim is not as good, it is at least the oldest but I expect she has done away with all the claims that I have. You will do me a favor to ask her if she has not.
Gee, I’ve no news of importance to write to you. Waller and McWare [were] both well the last I heard of them. We are not allowed to leave our fort to visit each other. Tell Mama and Uncle Jack that I am well. But I must tell you of last night’s adventure. Mr. Bragg sent a cannon ball over to see us and lit in our camp. But it did not kill nor hurt any person. But tore the top off of our tent so I was busy in the forenoon to fix the top on my tent and then I thought I would write to you.
Give my best respects to A. F. Newman and Sam Scott. Tell whether or not Sam is setting to Miss Nannie Wren. Gee, I am the same old Miller yet that I was three years ago. Have my own fun with the Boys. But I must tell you that I have not drank a drop of whiskey for six months. But I take my deck [of cards] and sit down with the Yankees and ease them of their money and they swear [they] will not play poker with me. But then James Long and me will light them up with Chuckerluck [Chuck-A-Luck] 1 and Fairer Banks [“Farobank”] 2. So I shall want me a piece of land when I come back to Edmunton. Gee, I hope by the next time I write to you that I can interest you and have more news to write to you. So give my love to all the Boys and girls and to all my friends.
So I will close by saying write soon. I am your friend, — B. M. Miller
P. S. Direct your letter to 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, 4th Army Corps
Please tell ma how to direct her letters as we have been changed from our division since I wrote to her. — B. M. Miller
1 Chuck-a-luck is a game of chance and as such, favors the dealer rather than the players. No skill is necessary. The person hosting the game (dealer) has a cloth marked into six spaces numbered 1-6. This “playing board” can be traced into the dirt if one did not have a cloth. Players would select their number by placing their money on the appropriate square. The dealer then rolls three dice. If the player’s number comes up on one of the dice, he wins and gets his money back. If that number comes up on two dice, the player doubled his money; if the number comes up three times, one’s winnings are tripled. The odds, however, are in the dealer’s favor, because he got all the money left that did not come up on the dice.
2 The faro table was typically oval, covered with green baize, and had a cutout for the banker. A board with a standardized betting layout consisting of all cards of one suit pasted to it in numerical order, called the “layout”, was placed on top of the table. Traditionally, the suit of spades was used for the layout. Each player laid his stake on one of the 13 cards on the layout. Players could place multiple bets and could bet on multiple cards simultaneously by placing their bet between cards or on specific card edges. Players also had the choice of betting on the “high card” bar located at the top of the layout.
How Edward might have looked (Graham Pilecki Collection)
The following letter was composed by Edward H. Johnston, an alumnus of Hamilton College from the class of 1837. Beyond this information, little else can be verified regarding his subsequent endeavors, although it can be reasonably inferred that he pursued a career in education in Virginia, a region characterized by a scarcity of public schools that necessitated the employment of private tutors. Such tutors were primarily recruited from the North and often resided with affluent families aiming to equip their sons for higher education. Furthermore, it is likely that he hailed from the vicinity of Sidney, New York, where his mother was still residing as of 1842.
Johnston wrote the letter to his good friend Henry A. Clark (1818-1906), the son of Henry and Catherine (Brown) Clark of Sidney, Delaware county, New York. Henry attended Cazenovia Seminary in the 1830s and graduated from Hamilton College (Clinton, N. Y.) in 1838. He studied law in Buffalo and was admitted to the bar in 1841. By 1842, when this letter was written, he was living in Bainbridge, New York, working as a lawyer. He was a member of the New York State Senate in 1862-63. In 1865 he married Ellen A. Curtiss.
Edward’s letter succinctly addresses the opportunities for teaching in Virginia and recounts his recent visits to Washington City and New York City, where he reunited with former acquaintances. Among them was Horace Dresser, a graduate of Union College and one of the pioneering lawyers who offered his expertise in defending and aiding fugitive slaves. The residents of the Susquehanna River valley, where Edward was raised, alongside the students at his college, exhibited strong anti-slavery sentiments; however, it appears that his time spent in Virginia, witnessing the realities of slavery firsthand, has tempered Edward’s perspectives on the institution, which he articulated in his correspondence.
Hamilton College in the 1830s.
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. Henry A. Clark, Esq., Bainbridge, Chenango county, New York
Martinsville [Henry County, Virginia] February 20th 1842
Dear friend,
I promised to write to Benjamin but I think that I shall not comply with the promise since it is somewhat doubtful whether my letter would find him at Sidney or not, if he is yet at Sidney. I can through you inform him respecting those things concerning which he wished to obtain information.
Respecting schools I wish that you would tell Benjamin that I should not think that it was advisable for him to come as far South as this unless he designs to teach longer than one year. If he wishes to teach two or three years, he would run no risk for I am very sure that he would in a very short time succeed in obtaining a school. A teacher is now wanted at Halifax Court House sixty-nine miles from this place. Salary $500 and only 13 students.
I had a very quick trip from Sidney down. I left Sidney Plains on the evening of the 1st of January and arrived at Martinsville on the evening of the 16th January. I spent one day at Kingston, Ulster County and one day at Philadelphia, thus I was only seven days coming a distance of 814 miles.
John B. Fry is at Washington City getting a salary of $1000 per year for officiating as a clerk in the general Land Office. I have received a letter from John since I returned and have answered him. John is doing well—remarkable well considering the advantages which he has enjoyed.
There has been much sickness in Martinsville since I returned. Two-thirds of the citizens of the place have been attacked with a fever which is peculiar to this country at this season of the year. There have been but few deaths yet. A young lady of the same family where I board has recently died. Both black and white are sick and the well being less in number than the sick are scarcely able to take care of them. Fine times for the doctors. They are making their fifty dollars per day.
I have sent two of my students to college—one to Washington College of this state, and the other to the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The one whom I have sent to Chapel Hill possesses superior talents. He intends to study law. Remember me to your landlord’s sister and to Miss Davidson, Miss Patience Newell and Miss Adaline Bigelow. I have understood that I said something when at Esqr. Sayre’s which displeased Miss Adaline. Tell her that I now ask her pardon. My respect to Esqr. Sayre and his wife and children—especially to Horace. Remember me to Joseph Bush, Junior and to Mr. Rockwell, his tutor.
The weather has been very pleasant during the month past, during the most of the time it has been uncommonly warm, which, I presume has been the cause of the sickness which is now prevailing.
Returning through New York, I called at Gilbert’s office but did not find him in. I called at Dresser’s office [89 Nassau Street] and found him busily engaged in making out his Brief—preparing to defend a poor negro. Dresser had much to say upon the subject of abolition. 1
There is not a slave holder at the South who does not desire the happiness of his fellow men as much as the abolitionists do. They will not suffer their slaves to want for food or clothing. When a slave is sick, they employ the best of physicians. It is altogether different with the poor at the North. When our poor are sick at the North, it is frequently the case that they are not able to employ a physician. When there is a scarcity of corn at the North, the poor have to beg for their bread. When there is a failure in the grain crops at the South, the master brings flour for his servants. The slave has no care upon his mind respecting his wife or children. But I will drop this subject as I suppose it is not at all interesting to you.
If you can make it convenient, please write to me immediately. Tell me whether Benjamin is at Sydney or not, and whether he intends to remain, and how long, &c. Remember me to my Sidney friends. Tell mother that I am perfectly well and an enjoying fine spirits. I shall expect to receive a letter from you in a few weeks. Yours sincerely, — E. H. Johnston
1 Horace Dresser (1803-1877), the Vigilance Committee’s leading attorney, argued most of the cases before Riker. A graduate of Union College [in 1828], Dresser later became famous as the author of works on legal and historical subjects. When he died, in 1877, the New York Timesrecalled that “at a time when it was exceedingly unpopular,” Dresser had been “the very first lawyer to plead the cause of the slave in the New York courts.” In the 1830s, Dresser was indeed “called upon in all slave cases,” as the Colored American put it. His “services are abundant,” it added, “but [his] remuneration is comparatively nothing at all.”
Against formidable odds, Dresser occasionally won legal victories. Sometimes he was able to obtain writs of habeas corpus to bring to court and liberate individuals held in captivity by kidnappers. Regarding fugitive slaves, however, there was little Dresser or his associate Robert Sedgwick could do, given the attitude of local officials and the duty to return fugitives that was required by the Constitution as well as by both federal and state law. In one instance, Dresser learned that an alleged runaway was about to be taken before the recorder. He rushed to the office only to see Riker rule in favor of the claimant and remark, “I am glad the man has got his nigger again.” [Source: “Gateway to Freedom; the origins of the Underground Railroad” by Eric Foner, Harper’s Magazine, 2024]
In 1971 an article entitled “Asa Smith Leaves the War” appeared in American Heritage Magazine detailing the story of a Union soldier, Asa Dennis Smith (Co. K, 16th Massachusetts Infantry), who received a grievous facial wound on June 30, 1862 at Glendale/Frayser’s Farm and, after being refused medical help was left for dead but somehow managed to survive. The article was based in large part on Smith’s handwritten autobiography (which I have not been able to locate) and details his determination to survive in spite of what was believed to be a mortal, and untreatable wound. Later in life he even became a physician himself, practicing in Boston and Dorchester.
The following extract comes from the American Heritage article:
“…. I turned my head to the right to speak a word of defiance in the ear of Corporal William E. Eldridge, and before it was turned square to the front something hit me. It felt as though an immense timber had struck me end first, with great force. It was not painful; but seemed to partly daze me. I did not fall, but dropped my rifle and put my hand to my chin, and found that it felt as though torn to pieces. Lieutenant Meserve saw me and told me to go to the rear as soon as possible. From the direction that die ball came, I am of the opinion that it was fired by one of the sharpshooters in the trees.
I started for the yd Corps field hospital, which was established in the Willis Church, a small building on the Quaker Road (so called) leading to Malvcrn Hill. It was but a short distance in the rear, and the nearest way was through the wood and was marked by small hospital flags at intervals. On my way I found two or three small, coarse towels which evidently had been thrown away by some soldier, and used them to try to staunch the hemorrhage, which was quite severe. On arriving at the field hospital station, I found several surgeons busily at work, with men wounded in apparently about every conceivable manner. The operating tables were made from the seats of the church, placed upon empty beef or pork barrels.
I got a seat beside a young rebel who was shot in one foot and waited for a time, but as nobody came to my assistance I went outside and found D. Harris Clark of Co. B, who was on detail and was an old acquaintance. He found a young New York surgeon and prevailed upon him to attend to my case. Upon his coming (as I could not talk) I made him understand that I wished to know if I would recover, upon which he shook his head and said, “Doubtful.” And, after a short interval, “I have seen men recover who were hurt as badly as you are.” This was not very encouraging; but somehow hope was strong and I made up my mind to try for it. The surgeon took a bandage and, passing it under my chin, pinned the ends together on the top of my head, and said, “This is all I can do for you now.” Then he ordered Clark to take my equipment oil and get a board and lay me upon it alongside the church, which he did, using my cartridge box and haversack for a pillow.”
Five of Asa Smith’s letter were acquired recently by Richard Weiner who has made them available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared. There is some excellent content within the letters—particularly the last letter written from a hospital two weeks after his injury, conveying the optimistic spirit and fortitude which was responsible for his survival and his being able to establish a future life marked by a high level of accomplishment. I agree with Richard, his story would make a great movie.
Camp of the 16th Massachusetts in “Camp Hamilton” near Fortress Monroe
Camp Hamilton April 27, 1862
Dear Sister,
I am sorry to hear that mother is no better, but hope she soon will be. Am afraid she frets too much about Wallace. 1 Nothing of importance in this department. The Galena has arrived and yesterday struck her masts, having nothing but her smoke stacks above the deck, which is shot proof. She is a wicked looking craft and as the [CSS] Virginia, is daily expected. They may soon have a chance to try her. It seems to me that the three vessels can whip anything the Rebs can bring along.
The Michigan 1st has got to Newport News to be brigaded but I don’t know whether they will go farther or not. The darkies are at work building a railroad from the fort to our camp where the new store houses are and I shouldn’t wonder if it was extended farther.
We are all in an uproar as we have got new tents. We had just got fixed up around our old tents when they were condemned and the Sibley’s given to us. We have got them floored but have not built the porch yet and are all littered up with boards and tools. I think it is wasting labor to make the improvements as we are soon coming home. The fall of Yorktown must soon take place and soon after you will see me at hoe.
There are men here who are willing to bet that the 16th will be discharged in less than six weeks but I am not quite so sanguine as that. I have written to Wallace once since he left here but have not heard from him excepting what you have written. We hear firing every day but no great move has been made as yet. It would not be strange if they were waiting for Banks and McDowell to come nearer before they strike.
Wounded men are brought to the Chesapeake Hospital nearly every day and a few prisoners have been brought to the fort. Never fear but “Little Mac” will come out all right. Give my love to mother and all the rest of the folks and excuse the looks of this.– Asa D. Smith
I reckon there is enough on the card.
1 William “Wallace” Smith enlisted in the 22nd Massachusetts Infantry on September 17th, 1861 and the two brothers exchanged letters about the soldier’s life. Some of Wallace’s letters to Asa, as well as a few from the family at home to Asa, are available in the Gilder Lehrman Collection 13742.
Letter 2
Gosport Navy Yard May 12, 1862
Dear Mother,
Here I am in Dixie, safe and secure. We left camp last Thursday and went on board a steamer where we staid until the next morning when we went back and pitched tents again feeling blue, you may believe. I was detailed on guard and if I ever wanted to be out of the army, it was then. In the afternoon our boys started for the boat to escort the body of our late comrade, but before they had gone half way there, orders came to pack immediately and they were sent back. I went to the Officer of the Guard, Lieut. Flagg, and got released from that duty and got ready for the tramp, and in less than 15 minutes we were on the way to the fort where we embarked on board the Nelly Baker, the old Nahant boat. We lay on board all night and kept crossing and recrossing the [Hampton] roads till we landed at 7 in the morning near Willoughby’s Point where we expected to [ ] as the Monitor and 4 war vessels had been shelling Sewall’s Point during the afternoon and the Rip Raps had kept up a steady fire all the evening.
We immediately took up the line of march for Norfolk (Gen. Wool with Generals Mansfield and Weber being with us). We pushed on at an awful rate. It was very hot and dusty so you could hardly see 20 feet at times, and soon the boys began to throw away overcoats, blankets, and oftentimes knapsack and all its contents, and for two or three miles the sides of the road were lined with cast away property, but I had left everything I wanted to spare in the old camp and hung to mine, though it seemed as if I should drop sometimes. I believe nothing but pride kept me in the ranks. But anyway, I stuffed my hat with leaves and pressed on. A great many fell out and one sergeant of Co. A was sun struck but will probably recover.
We passed a deserted cavalry camp early in the morning and were told that they left it about three hours before. We expected a fight which did a great deal toward keeping up our pluck, and some tall walking was done. After marching several miles the cavalry reported the bridge burned and we had to countermarch a considerable distance to take another road but we pushed on at no time stopping to rest over 10 minutes until within three miles of the city when the word passed down the lines, “a battery ahead to be carried,” and the order was given to “unsling knapsacks” and pile them up on the side of the road.
The lightening us of our load and news of a battery started us a nearly a double quick but soon a clearing showed us volumes of smoke—a sign that they were leaving, and when we came in, not a “Secesh” was to be seen. The 20th New York entered first and planted their colors on the ramparts. The 16th was the 3rd regiment to enter. We found the works strong but there was no regular ditch in front so they could have been easily stormed. They are said to be between 5 and 6 miles long & to mount 92 guns. Part of the barracks were burned but they did not wait to finish the job nor even to spike a gun.
Col. Powell T, Wyman, 16th Massachusetts
We stopped here and rested and each man made a dipper full of coffee as we had had nothing but hard tack and cold water for about 36 hours and at length the 16th started for the city. Col. [Powell T.] Wyman claiming the honor by right of seniority, we entered it a little before dark and showed them the first Yankee flag that they had seen for some time, and I assure you I never felt prouder in my life than when marching through the streets of Norfolk. The greater part of the people looked on in sullen silence but our welcome was a great deal more cordial than I expected. One old man approached the color bearer and taking off his hat exclaimed, “I thank God I’m all right now.” Another one took off his hat at the sight and said, “I bless God that I have lived to see the star spangled banner once more.” One woman waved her handkerchief saying, “Oh! how I have longed to see this day,” and many similar scenes I witnessed.
As we drew near the city, we saw the light of a tremendous fore and rightly guessed that it proceeded from the Navy Yard. They had set fire to all the shops but two (one machine shop and the foundry) and all the vessels at the yard, 8 in number. They also burned the cotton warehouse in Portsmouth and threw some 500 boxes of tobacco overboard, some of which we fished up for our own use. On halting in the city we found out the cause of our crossing the roads so often, and saw its effects as it was reported in the city that Wool was advancing with over 40,000 men while we probably numbered less than 6,000, but we took care not to undeceive them, giving them to understand that the main body had camped a few miles back, as the Merrimack was within 5 miles with 500 men on board.
At about 9 o’clock the right wing crossed the ferry and took possession of the yard, the rest remaining in Norfolk till last night. Co. K was put on guard in the city of Portsmouth and we had a hard night without overcoats or blankets and nothing but the pavements for a bed. Ater sweating so through the day, it seemed as if we should freeze and we are no better off now as our knapsacks have not arrived and our tents are at Old Point. We had not got the first relief posted before we heard a crash and soon found a gang with some boxes in the street. We charged on them when they scattered leaving us 4 boxes of flintlock guns, 1 of sabers, and 1 of cartridge & cap boxes. We also found two buildings occupied by the rebels as commissary stores which we took possession of and yesterday we fed on secesh ham and hard tack, and during the night we found several soldiers. They are the worst dressed men you ever saw.
About 5 yesterday morning we heard a loud report which proved to be the blowing up of the Merrimac. Three of her crew were brought here—two of them Lowell men. The rest landed at Craney Island and were taken by the garrison to Richmond. They say they could not get out nor touch us without shelling their own cities so they blew her up. They say that the Monitor used her up badly.
Yesterday 4 men-of-war came up and anchored between the cities, broadside on. They were greeted with cheer on cheer from the citizens, and during the day the American flag was hoisted on a great many private houses.
Last night Co. K was on patrol and ordered all citizens indoors at 8:30 o’clock. The watchmen objected to going but were told their term of service had expired. The streets were travelled all night. What little sleep we got was on the sidewalk in from of the Ocean House. A flag of truce from Gen. Hager came down last night to the Colonel who commands this side of the river. I hear that Gen. Viele is to command here. I forgot to state that Old Abe came round every boat at the fort and bid us God speed. Co. H is at Craney Island.
We have no certain news since Thursday. How is Wallace? I hope this may find your health improved. Can’t tell half the news. We make it too fast. Direct as usual to the fort. Send me 1 dollar if handy. Suppose we have taken at least 200 cannon and any quantity of other stuff. Am first rate. Love to all, Asa.
Letter 3
Camp near Fair Oaks June 20th 1862
Dear Mother,
I intended to have written before but was unable and am taking my chance now, only on picket reserve. I have received but one letter from you since we left Suffolk but got a paper yesterday. Did you receive that note?
I got a line from Wallace yesterday. He has joined his regiment. He was at White House when the 29th landed, only two or three days before our arrival. I suppose before this reaches you, the papers will have notified you that we have smelt powder but I will tell you our movements as well as I can.
Sunday afternoon [15 June 1862] we had a smart thunder shower and in the midst of it, the Rebs made a dash at our pickets and took a captain and forty men. Some two or three were killed, including Gen. Sickle’s aide. We were under arms and stood through the shower formed in line of battle. Again at three the next morning we were turned out by skirmishing on the pickets toward our left and several times since Sunday they have thrown a few shells amongst us, but without doing much hurt. On Wednesday the 18th at about 10 o’clock, the bugle sounded (the signal for a general alarm) and the whole Army of the Potomac was under arms. After standing in line about an hour, we were dismissed with orders to fall in at half past three, ready for action.
At the appointed time we formed and marched to the line where the 69th New York were picketing where we found Gen. Hooker & Grover, and were ordered to deploy in the woods between the Williamsburg road and the railroad, and drive in the enemy’s pickets as far as it would be safe in order to find out the chances for taking artillery through.
We started in with good relish, well pleased at the chance of meeting some rebels, and as for myself, I had a curiosity to know how I should feel under fire. After going a short distance through a very thick wood, we came to a swamp where we waded above our knees in water. We soon pushed through and very soon after the firing began on the left and in a few minutes became general along the whole line. We advanced so rapidly that we could not keep their cover, but left as quick as possible, and here they met their greatest loss, our boys raking them terribly. We were so eager that we paid little attention to cover, and before long we received a whole volley probably from their reserve which took off some of our boys. But we pushed them through the woods clear to their rifle pits although we suffered badly.
It was at the time of the volley that I first thought of cover, a son of Dr. Sherman of Waltham, and a number of our company falling dead within five feet of me. There were four of us standing in a small open space when a dozen or more bullets whistled by us and he fell, shot in the mouth. I got behind a stump and the others behind trees and watched for a chance to return compliments, the rebels all bring hid, and for the first time I felt mad. We kept our position and when one showed himself, we fired. But soon the order came to fall back and we slowly retreated. We were obliged to leave our comrade where he fell as it would have been death to have approached him but it seemed hard although we knew he was beyond surgical aid.
Our loss in this skirmish of 3/4 of an hour was 18 killed, 25 wounded, and 11 missing—more than the 1st Regiment lost at Williamsburg in ten hours of skirmishing. Lieut. Rogers of Co. F was instantly killed and Capt. Donovan of Co. D is missing. The loss in my own company in killed—Orderly Sergeant Charles F. Coburn, & Private Robert Sherman; in wounded Gregg. Smith, James Leverton, and Henry J. Miller (neither of them dangerously); and missing Joseph Corrigan. Both of our dead were left where they fell, it being impossible to bring them off. The death of Sergt. Coburn is a great loss to us as he was a general favorite.
The wounded were sent to White House yesterday, We don’t know the loss of the Rebs but it was certainly greater than our own. I know of 5 killed by Co. K alone. I believe we performed out duty to the satisfaction of the General and the other regiments call it a spunky affair. I heard an officer of the 26th Pennsylvania say that it was the most dashing affair that has happened on the peninsula.
I am certain of one thing—that the boys are not so anxious to get into another fight as they were the first one but will fight as hard as they feel rather sore to think we got cut up so. As for me, I have seen enough of it though I thought but little of it at the time and we were actually laughing and joking when we entered the woods, we were so pleased to get a chance.
I was detailed to work on the redoubt yesterday and so am on the reserve, although the regiment is on the advance. I hear that two men were wounded out there last night. There is a brisk cannonading going on to the right of us. I forgot to say that we brought in 7 prisoners with us. While we were in the woods one of our guns threw a few shells which it is said did good execution. I am in good health and feeling first rate but have a good deal of duty to do. With love, — Asa
Letter 4
Addressed to Mrs. E. Smith, Newton, Lower Falls, Massachusetts
Fair Oaks June 27, 1862
Dear Mother,
There was a fight here day before yesterday. The attack was made by our division and Kearney’s was also engaged. We got possession of the belt of woods in the front of us. My company was not engaged but was under fire a good share of the day. Seven companies were in the fight, and the loss of the regt was 26 in killed, wounded, and missing. Lieut. Flagg was wounded in the arm. Keyes was hit in the head by a shell but it did not explode and only stunned him. The 1st [Massachusetts] lost 86 in killed, wounded and missing. The 11th had 20 wounded.
The enemy attacked of General [Fitz John] Porter yesterday and dispatches were read to us last night stating that he had turned their left and whipped them at every point. The bands played on receipt of the news for the first time since they have been here. The cannonading has been going on all the morning and we are under arms, expecting they will try to break through near us. I am all right so far. Expect Wallace has been into it. Meagher’s Brigade captured 18 pieces of artillery yesterday, We have lost all our rubber blankets. We left them outside the woods when we went into support the 2nd New Hampshire and have not seen them since.
This life is a hard one but we hope to get through soon. Give love to all the folks. — Asa
Letter 5
In hospital July 13, 1862
Dear Mother,
I just received your letter and was glad to hear that you took it so well. I don’t know where the story could start from that I was dead for I am sure I don’t intend to die at present, though I didn’t know yesterday but I should. It seems there is a vein on the inside my lip which is inclined to trouble me. It had bled a little once before but yesterday morning when I woke, I found it had bled freely during my sleep. I called the nurse and while cleaning my mouth, it commenced to bleed again and continued until the nurse got frightened and went for the doctor who came, but before it stopped I was so weak that they had to hold me up. I never came so near to fainting in my life.
If that will not bleed any more, I shall do first rate but I am a little afraid of it. The doctors told me yesterday that they thought I should not be badly disfigured but would never be able to chew anything and I guess that so for most all my jawbone is missing but I can stow away spoon victuals beautifully.
Just before you letter came, I received letter from Ben Hall saying if I wanted any assistance to telegraph him. I suppose it has been on behalf of the Engine Company so you see the boys don’t forget us.
I am in hopes to get along well and come home in the course of a month or two and tell M. there’s little danger of my joining the regiment. I have no cartridge teeth. 1 I shall be discharged as soon as I get well. I am obliged to the neighbors for their kindness. Should like to see some Boston papers. Will try and write oftener. Love to all, — Asa
Monday morning. Am first rate.
1 Despite his severe injury, Asa retained his sense of humor. Here he reassures his family he won’t reenlist given that he no longer has teeth with which to bite open a cartridge to load his musket.Medical records reveal that Asa was admitted to the hospital at the Naval Academy, Annapolis, Maryland, on 4 June 1862 with a compound fracture of the lower jaw. The treatment consisted of the removal of that portion of the jaw lying between the molars of the opposite sides. The secondary hemorrhage described in this letter was arrested by the application of ice. He recovered and was discharged on 27 July 1862 with very little disfiguration. In 1866 it was reported that the bone had reunited though he was still unable to masticate solid food. The disability was considered total and permanent.
The following letter was sent to me by Mark R. Terry who asked me to confirm his transcription of a record from the Union Provost Marshal’s Papers (see Union Provost Marshals’ File of Papers Relating to Individual Civilians, 1861–1867; Microfilm publication M345, 300 rolls; NAID: 2133278. War Department Collection of Confederate Records, Record Group 109; The National Archives in Washington, D.C.). Mark had a question particularly about the camp name and wondered if I might confirm the author’s identity. While I’m certain the author attempted to write “McLure” as the camp name—the McLure house being the headquarters of Gen. Rosecrans at the time, I am unable to confirm that the author was his g-g-g-grandfather of the same name though I think it’s likely. What’s not clear is whether the author wrote the letter from or to Camp McClure. In other words, was the McLure House used to hold prisoners? I did find some evidence that it was though it may have been only a temporary holding place. The October 19, 1861 edition of the Atlantic Democrat tells the story of a Mrs. Poole who was “placed in confinement at the McLure House, charged with aiding and abetting the escape” of her daughter charged with being a spy.
Gen. William S. Rosecrans
General William S. Rosecrans established his headquarters at the McLure House—a hotel on the Corner of Market and Monroe (now 12th) Streets in downtown Wheeling, West Virginia in December 1861. Rosecrans, who commanded all Union troops in western Virginia, at the time lived in Wheeling from December 1861 to March 1862.
Terry’s ancestor, Philip Obed Bosley (1818-1909) was born in and lived his entire life in Hardy county, (West) Virginia. Terry has found evidence from newspaper accounts that four men—one named “Bosley”—were arrested subsequent to the attack on the wagons of a Union foraging party not far from were his ancestor lived and it’s logical to conclude that any Confederate militia or guerrillas rounded up by the Union army would have been taken eventually to Wheeling for confinement. Terry’s ancestor was also married and had nine children by the time of his arrest in 1861.
There’s no evidence that Terry’s ancestor ever served officially in the Confederate service prior to or subsequent to his arrest, though he may have engaged in some guerrilla activity if the family bore anti-administration sentiments as Terry claims they did. Whether Rosecrans acted on Bosley’s Christmas Day petition for clemency is unknown but he was undoubtedly released sometime not long after as this part of Virginia fell under strong Union control by the spring of 1862 and most of its citizens lived unmolested.
Transcription
Wheeling, Camp McLure December 25, 1861
To your honor General Rosecrans,
I hope you will forgive me for attempting to state my case to you. I was arrested about a month ago at my home but I had not been there more than a half hour till I was arrested. I was forced into the militia service but got released and returned to my helpless family—wife and nine children—and I have no way to maintain them only by days work and I never intend to take up arms again against the government. I am willing to take the oath.
I could not find an image of Asbrah but here is a cdv of Albert Henry Clay Jewett who also served in Co. D, 4th New Hampshire Infantry until he was commissioned an officer in Co. I. (Dave Morin Collection)
The following letter was written by 32 year-old Asbrah Pike Howe (1831-1897) of Acworth, Sullivan county, New Hampshire. Asbra was the son of Ephraim Howe (1791-1865) and Charlotte Pike (1795-1884). He was married in 1853 to Diadema Hull (1825-1910) and had a two year-old son named Frank when he enlisted in Co. D, 4th New Hampshire Infantry.
Asbrah wrote the letter to his hometown friend, informing him of siege operations his regiment was involved in on Morris Island near Charleston, South Carolina. From the regimental history we learn that, “The spring of 1863 opened with an attack upon Morris Island, then followed the siege of Charleston. Gen. Q A. Gillmore commanded the expedition. The division in which the Fourth New Hampshire found itself was commanded by Gen. A. H. Terry. The Fourth brigaded with the Third New Hampshire, Sixth Connecticut, and a battalion of sharpshooters. This brigade was commanded by Col. Louis Bell of the Fourth. Two long sand-bar islands on the coast just south of Charleston harbor formed the basis of an attack upon Charleston. Folly Island was captured with very little resistance.
The Fourth New Hampshire worked twenty-one nights in building batteries to attack Morris Island, which is separated from Folly Island by a narrow creek. On the 10th of July the Fourth participated in an attack on Morris Island. The successive charges on Fort Wagner were repulsed by the enemy. On the 23d of July the Fourth dug the first trench and planted the first chevaux-de-frise, for the long siege of Fort Wagner. From the 23d of July to the 7th of September may be looked upon as one continued battle under the blazing sun of South Carolina—digging trenches, advancing lines, repelling attacks and doing severe out post duty. The morning of September 7, when the line was formed for the final charge, the news came that the fort was evacuted. The capture of Fort Wagner resulted in the immediate capture of the whole island.”
Transcription
Addressed to Master Eddie A. Warner, Acworth, New Hampshire; postmarked Port Royal, S. C.
Camp Morris Island, South Carolina 4th [New Hampshire] Regiment, Co. D, USA August 22, 1863
Friend Eddie,
I was somewhat surprised and pleased to receive a letter from you which came in due time under date of August 9th. I had almost begun to think that I had no friends in Acworth outside of my own family for I have received but very few letters since I left home except those which came from home.
The bombardment of the defenses around Charleston commenced the 17th of this month and still continues but we are strictly forbidden by a General Order from Gen. Gilmore to write any particulars in regard to the progress of events.
Suffice it to say, therefore, that the general features of the case are favorable to the Union cause. Some casualties occur daily but the loss of life on our side has not yet been very great. Last night one of the sergeants of this company, while on picket, was hit by the fragment of a shell thrown from Fort Johnson from the effect of which he died this morning. I suppose all eyes are turned anxiously in the direction of Charleston waiting to see it in the hands of the Federal army but you must wait patiently for it is no small thing to subdue a city so strongly fortified.
My health is middling good at present but I have not been able to do duty for about a month, but am on duty now. I must draw to a close by wishing these few lines will find you in good health and spirits and hoping to hear from you again soon. Convey my compliments to all inquiring friends. With much respect, I remain your sincere friend, — A. P. Howe
The following letter was written by Aaron J. Moore (1792-1862), a native of South Carolina and of partial Choctaw descent, who married Jane Tally (1796-1839) and relocated to Autauga county, Alabama by 1820, and then to Winston county, Mississippi, prior to the 1840 US Census. Known children by his first wife included: Aaron Tally Moore (1817-1860) who married a woman named Mary E. Burnside [?] the year before the date of this letter; Jeptha Norton Moore (1820-1886); Sarah Ann Moore (1821-1860) who married William J. Hickman (b. 1819) in February 1842; Martha Jane Moore (1834-1853); and Alexander Travis Moore (1836-1884). In the 1850 Slave Schedule, Aaron is recorded owning 11 slaves ranging in age from 2 to 45, mostly male.
We learn from Aaron’s letter that he was remarried after the death of his first wife but that she had abandoned him and gone to Alabama—presumably her home, for we find that an Aaron Moore was married to Elizabeth Prestridge (1797-1874) on 3 December 1842 in Perry, Alabama. Elizabeth was the widow of Joseph W. Prestridge (1794-1836). Her maiden name was Bagley and they had married in 1812. Her youngest child with Joseph was George Harper Prestridge (1832-1863), a member of Co. A, 6th Arkansas (Confederate) Cavalry. It does not appear that Elizabeth ever remarried after leaving Aaron. She was enumerated in the household of her younger brother, a slaveholder named Berton Rucker Prestridge at Oakmulgee, Perry county, Alabama, in 1850. Today her remains lie buried under a smashed tombstone in Balch Cemetery, Alvarado, Texas.
Marriage Record in Perry County, Alabama, dated 3 December 1842.
Transcription
Stampless letter addressed to Jeptha Norton, South Carolina, Pickens District
[Louisville] Winston county, Mississippi November 1, 1845
Dear Brother, Sister & Children,
I take my pen to tell you that we are all well, thanks be to God for His blessing, hoping this may find you all well. I can inform you we have had the greatest drought I ever saw but we will make enough to do us. We are getting along as well as we can these hard times. I believe I wrote you I married the second time and my wife left for Alabama. Well I have not seen her since and I never wish to see her again for I have always acted the gentleman with her and the neighbors will tell you the same. I am a great deal better satisfied without than with her for my children loves me and I love them. Sarah Ann is married to a W. Hickman and is doing well. Andrew is married and is doing well. Aaron is married lately and lives with me.
Jeptha was married Thursday to a Miss Daniel. I expect Jeptha will continue to live with me. My two little ones are nice children and very smart. I have 900 acres of land and part of it very good and I expect to get more shortly for land can be got very low. We also have negroes aplenty. I would be glad to hear from you anytime. W. Smart lives near us and are all well. I believe I will quit for my pen is dull and I have no sharp knife so nothing more but remain your friend, — Aaron Moore
The following letter was written by 28 year-old Norman Taylor Pike who enlisted in September 1861 as a private in Co. I of the 4th Vermont Infantry. He was taken prisoner at Weldon Railroad south of Petersburg, Virginia, on 23 June 1864 and died a POW at Andersonville. His date of death was recorded as 30 November 1864. His remains are now at the Andersonville National Cemetery, Grave No. 12198.
Norman’s parents were Isaac Newton Pike (1803-18840 and Jane Holt Stiles (1807-1872) of Windham county, Vermont.
The 4th Vermont Infantry at Camp Griffin, Langley, Virginia, 1861
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Greg Herr and was offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Camp Griffin December 16th 1861
Dear Friend,
I received your very welcome letter and will try to answer it. I am well and hope this letter may find you and all the rest of the folks the same. I have been pretty busy for a week past. I went on picket twice last week and on a foraging party to Vienna one day. This afternoon I have been drilling. We had a Brigade Drill and a first rate good one.
We have moved from our old camp ground about one mile. We have got a good spot this time. It is dry and warm. We are in the woods and on a dry knoll with plenty of good water on all sides of us. There is not so many sick ones in our regiment now as there was three weeks since. Between 20 and 30 have died in this regiment—three in Co. I. All of them tented in the same tent with me. I found one of your cousins in a few days after I got your letter. His name is Spaulding. He is in Co. C, the next company to Co. I. When we were on the old camp ground, he tented not more than 15 feet from me. I see him most every day but have not got much acquainted with him yet.
I have not seen any of the rebels yet except a few prisoners. I heard them firing at our picket the other night when I was on picket. There were about half a mile from us. There was six guns fired. None of our men were hurt. Don’t know whether the rebels were or not.
How does the squire get along. Tell him to write to me. I should like to go to meeting with you one Sunday if I would just as well as not. We have meetings here every Sunday. We have to stand up all the time we are at services. I have not time to write any more now so goodbye. Yours with respect, — N. T. Pike
P. S. Give my best respects to all and accept a share yourself. Write soon.
The following letter was written by Corp. John C. Allen who was 22 years old when he enlisted at New York City to serve two years in Co. D, 31st New York Infantry. He entered the service as a private in June 1861 but was shortly after promoted to corporal. During the Peninsula Campaign, John was wounded and captured at Gaines Mill on 27 June 1862 but was paroled and exchanged a month later. He mustered out with his company in June 1863.
The 31st New York was sometimes called the Montezuma Regiment or the Baxter Light Guards. They left the state and served at or near Washington D. C. from the time of their arrival in late June 1861 until joining the Army of the Potomac (AOP) in its Spring 1862 Campaign. At the time this letter was written in late December 1861, the regiment was in General Franklin’s Brigade of the AOP.
TRANSCRIPTION
Alexandria Camp 31st New York Vols. December 22d 1861
Dear Father,
I take my pen again to write to you. I have been out on picket since I last wrote to you. Was gone four days. We had very mild weather. I suppose you have had good weather.
Here I will tell you a story about this place that we last went to. I think we have been to this place four times. We stacked arms in front of a farm house and posted a guard, about three in number, on the road not far from the house. The barn is opposite the house so the guard challenges people as they pass, allowing no one to pass without a pass. The house or barn was not entered the first time. The second time we went at midnight. There came some officers on horses and entered the house, barn and other places, taking from the barn three horses leaving but one horse and entered the house and found the owner as was told them. It appears that this man was in the rebel army and was in the Battle of Bull Run and was wounded in the leg and was taken there to his home. He then showed them his wound. He had seven slaves and they were all freed and he had two sons old enough to join the army so it appears that he volunteered and was a rebel of the blackest kind.
So then they took from him cattle, pigs and some other things but he is sworn into the Union now and they don’t trouble his things. I saw him come out of his hog house when we was there last—the first time I had seen him. One of this slaves I saw a few days since near our camp. He told me he was taking care of horses for one of the Generals for ten dollars a month so you see that the Government has the power to take horses or slaves or any other property from the rebels and an officer told him the night they got wind of him when he was laying in bed helpless that the law of war was they should burn his house over his head. The ways for the transgressors are hard.
That man I saw shot was not worse than he. He has a very good farm but I suppose he has that same old heart. The woodland is all cut down. Gen. Lee of the rebel army has a large tract of land there—the wood being all cut down last fall and now they are cutting it in four feet [lengths] and carting it to the different camps.
Nothing very uncommon took place [on picket]. We came in on Friday. I took as much tobacco as I wanted out of a field that was left by a rebel, I suppose, as it is too late to gather it at this season of year. I venture to say that 99 out a 100 of the inhabitants of this neighborhood are rebels.
It is dark. You see I don’t get on the line. Will say if there is any tax for me to pay, let me know and I will send it on. It begins to rain. Without any regard to receiving your letters from you, I write to you. It may be some time before I write and it may not so if you do not receive letters from me regular, you must not think strange. I hear that in New York there is three feet of snow. If so, it is much milder here than there.
I was on guard last night in the camp. I did not get much sleep. The guard duty is not very hard for me. Some of them think it is hard. There was three reliefs—two hours on post and four off. There were nine posts. I will give you an idea of the guard duty. The guard is mounted in the morning soon after dress parade. They appear on the parade ground and inspected. They then march to the guard house. The band play for them. There is about twenty-five in the band, mostly brass pieces, and then there is about twenty-five more drummers and fifers that play for the reveilles. Well the guard march to the guard house or tents and the old guard present arms and then they leave and the names of the guard are taken and the number of the post given them.
General William Buel Franklin
Yesterday I was on Post No. 2, it being on the road in the camp where all the officers pass in and out. Gen. Franklin, who is the general of our brigade, whose quarters are near ours, passed out and I presented to him and he returned the salute with his hand, so I passed none in without they showed me their pass.
Last night at about one o’clock, I saw a party coming towards me. I commanded to halt and say who comes there. The answer is Grand Round and Field Officer of the day. I then say, “Advance Sergeant of the Grand Round, and give the countersign.” He gives me the countersign, then I say, “The countersign is correct. Advance Grand Round.” If you can find this out, you can do more than I can. Your son, — J. C. Allen
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