The Civil War Letters of John Hager, Co. B, 110th New York Infantry

Pvt. John Hager, Co. B, 110th New York Infantry

The following Civil War letters were made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by Sue Hager, a descendant of the veteran soldier John Hager (1829-1897) of Oswego who served in Co. B, 110th New York Infantry Regiment. According to military records—where he was carried as “Hagar” on the muster rolls—John enrolled as a private in August 1862 and mustered out with the company on 28 August 1865 at Albany, New York (3 years, 23 days). The enrolling officer described John as 5′ 7″ tall, with blue eyes and sandy hair.

John’s parents were Gardner Hager (1784-1844) and Submit Presson (1878-1850). John was married to Phoebe Alice Calkins (1831-1898) about 1850 and two of their children, Charles (b. 1853) and Emma (b. 1858) were living at the time of the 1860 US Census when John was identified as a “cooper” in Richland.

The 110th New York Infantry was sent to Baltimore, Maryland on 29 August 1862 where they were on duty until 6 November 1862. They were then shipped to Fort Monroe, Virginia, and then sailed for New Orleans on 4 December, arriving at Carrollton on the Mississippi river 26 December. They remained on duty there until March 1863, participating in operations on Bayou Plaquemine, and then engaged with Banks’ army against Port Hudson. They were present in the siege and assault on Port Hudson culminating in its surrender in July 1863. They then were placed on garrison duty at Baton Rouge and elsewhere before participating in the Western Louisiana Campaign and eventually relocated to Key West, Florida where they were garrisoned at Fort Jefferson until their term of service ran out. The regiment lost a total of 210 men during service; two officers and 14 enlisted men killed or mortally wounded, three officers and 191 enlisted men died of disease.

I have searched high and low on the internet to find a regimental history of the 110th New York Infantry without success—in any form. There are a number of unpublished letters and diaries by members of the regiment housed in libraries. Those that I am aware of include letters by Samuel J. Bass who served in Co. C (died of chronic diarrhea, August 12, 1863, at Convalescent General Hospital, Baton Rouge, La.). His letters are held at Cornell University.

There is a partial 1863 diary that was kept by Charles M. Byington while serving at quartermaster sergeant of the regiment. His diary contains a first hand account of an engagement near Port Hudson, in which the USS Mississippi lost its rudder and exploded. In mid-April, he wrote about the Battle of Fort Bisland, including nearly getting hit by shells and seeing white flags hung outside of “most every house,” reportedly by Confederate women frightened of the Yankees (April 19, 1863). In June, he described frequent foraging, his health problems, and the Battle of Port Hudson, in which several men he knew were wounded and killed (June 14, 1863). He also recounted a surprising assault by Confederate cavalry, which he and several officers fled by boarding a ship that was “peppered by bullets” (July 2, 1863). On July 18, 1863, he mentioned a visit to the decimated Port Hudson (July 14, 1863: “The buildings inside were literally torn to pieces”). The diary ends with a search for a coffin for “one of our boys” and a church visit on July 19, 1863. This diary is housed at the University of Michigan.

There is an 1862-63 Diary kept by Sgt. Thomas Hall (died of sunstroke and disease, August 25, 1863, at Arsenal Hospital, Baton Rouge, La.) which provides some detail of the passage from Baltimore to Ship Island, noting the mechanical problems, extreme weather, his ship-related duties, health concerns, his surroundings, and shortage of food. He also describes the bombardment of Port Hudson as “fire & explosion on river” (March 15, 1863), and gave an account of a march through knee-deep mud (March 18, 1863). On April 12 and 13, 1863, Hall briefly commented on the Battle of Fort Bisland, noting that fighting had ended at 6 p.m. and the Confederate band had played “Dixie.” Subsequently, he mentioned the capture of Confederate prisoners near Franklin, Louisiana, (April 15 and 16, 1863) and the poor condition of the men in his regiment due to a lack of regular rations and the absence of the quartermaster (April 25, 1863). On May 26, 1863, he discussed a skirmish near Port Hudson, stating that “marshy ground” had caused the Union artillery to fail. Other entries note the surrender of Port Hudson (July 8, 1863), the suicide of a man in the regiment (July 8, 1863), and a Zouave’s failed attempt to escape from Port Hudson (July 9, 1863). This diary is also held at the University of Michigan.

During his three years in the regiment, Claudius W. Rider, a fifer in Co. C also kept a diary. Though his diary entries are brief, he refers to life in camp, weather, military and other music, practicing and rehearsing, socializing with fellow soldiers, marches, disease, fatalities, voyages, the presidential election of 1864, the assassination of Lincoln and ceremonies held in his honor at Port Jefferson, daily occurrences at the prison, and the arrival of the four conspirators in July 1865. This diary is held at the New York Historical Society.

Finally there was another diary kept by Henry B. Whitney during his three years of service in Co. B. His diary particular describes his service as a guard at Fort Jefferson, a prison for Confederates in the Dry Tortugas, Fla., 1864, including a description of the arrival of four civilian prisoners convicted of conspiring to assassinate President Abraham Lincoln. His diary is located at Duke University.

As warned by Sue Hager, his descendant, John Hager’s letters are challenging to read due to his informal education (he admits never having written much until he was 20 years old). His poor grammar, spelling, and lack of punctuation have made transcription difficult but every effort was made to retain John’s vernacular and yet make them readable. Sue informs me that the letters were not discovered among the family’s possessions until 1993 when a house and garage was being cleaned out. They were nearly tossed into the trash but thankfully discovered and preserved.

John and Phebe (Calkins) Hager—reunited after three years of war.

Though somewhat deteriorated and rodent nibbled, John’s letters reveal the hardships endured of three years service and separation from his wife and two children. His frequent letters—sometimes two or three written in a week’s time—not only inform us of the regiment’s movements, but we learn of John’s patriotic spirit that induced him to enlist, of his struggles to stay healthy while so many of his comrades fell ill or died from disease or malnutrition, and of his devotion to his family and the anxiety he felt when he learned of their hardships and could offer little relief due to delays in his receiving pay. These hardships placed an incredible strain on his marriage that tested both John and Phebe and yet they emerged from the war as partners.

Like most Northerners, John held clearly racist opinions about Negroes but it is interesting to observe the changes in his thinking over the course of the war as he observed their plight—particularly in Louisiana where he spent much of 1863. He notes that slaves were treated worse than he imagined and, as a fighter himself, he grew a new-found respect for the race as soldiers once they donned the union blue.

John’s letters mention many of his comrades in the 110th but those mentioned most frequently include Ransom (“Rans”) A. Soule (b. 1833), George S. Filkins (b. 1836), William C. Weed (b. 1829), and Jason B. Wright (b. 1831). All of these men were from the Richland area who joined Co. B and were of an age comparable to John.


Editor’s Note: The number of letters in this collection (171) compels me to post them on multiple webpages so that the files will load more quickly. As such, John’s letters written in 1862 (1 through 29) will appear on this page and his letters from 1863, 1864, and 1865 will appear on the following pages:

John Hager’s 1863 Letters (30 through 115)

John Hager’s 1864 Letters (116 through 148)

John Hager’s 1865 Letters (149 through 171)

The 110th New York at Camp Patterson Park, Baltimore, Maryland, 1862

Letter 1

[New York City]
August 29, 1862

Phebe Hager,

I have got to New York [City] all right. We expect to go on today. We are on the boat now all right. When we get down there, I will write again. — John Hager


Letter 2

Camp Patterson, Baltimore, Md.
September 7, 1862

We went in swimming last night. It is salt water. This city is under martial law now. They put one of our boys in the guardhouse but they let them go in about an hour or two—one was Ramson Soule. I han’t been down to the city, some come here. Lester Pitcher has been here last Friday to see the boys but there wasn’t nobody but me and the Lester boys and they was in the guard house when he come here. Let is about a mile from here. He is in sight.

There has been a good many sick in our company but they have got better. William Weed has been sick all of the time since we have come here but has got better now. The boys that I tent with are all well and right yet. I am as tough as a bear now. I have fatted up like “hog” since I have come here.

The report was that Stonewall Jackson was coming here to take this city but we are ready for him. Now we have got our guns and ammunition. And we sleep on our arms one night since we came here. But it is rebel times now. There has been a good many soldiers along by here since we have come here. They say that there is some men down to Weston that they can’t feed them. But we have had enough to eat here since we have been here and good enough for any white men to eat. There is niggers enough here.

I don’t know what to write to you but I thought I would because I han’t got anything to go to today. But to go to meeting today at 3 o’clock in the afternoon on the ground here. I ain’t homesick yet any, but I thought I would like to see you and the children. But I am here and you are there. I have got a New Testament now. This from John Hager to Phebe Hager.

Direct your letter to Co. B 110 Reg N.Y., Camp Patterson, Baltimore.


Letter 3

September 8, 1862

Old General Wall (Stonewall Jackson) has been here and we expect to be hard answering. Colonel Littlejohn is (related to?) to lated to John?

Old Well Davison (?) is right here, close by here and I have seen him myself. He is an old grey man. I have to salute him according to war duty orders. I was on guard duty that day and to ? with him myself. I think we shall go in his army when we get deviled(?) so we know how to fight. Then we will give them hell then.

Some of our boys are ready to fight. They say they want Jackson to come on if he dare. He has started, but he han’t got here yet. I don’t believe I would like to see him myself. Then I could know that he was coming here or not. They is [with]in 40 or 50 miles of us. When we was down in a line the other night, the boys was a good many sick just then. We expected Jackson was coming in this city but I was all right myself.

I don’t know whether you can read this or not but I han’t no place to write—only on my knapsack. If I write as much every week as I have since I come here, I shall write a good deal more than I expected when I started from home. But I have a good deal of time since I come here and will keep you a reading this damn poor writing. But I want to bother you some if I am away down to Baltimore. It is a good place down here. Tell Charles and Emma Hager that I am well and han’t shot a gun since I left home. I expect to when we get where the rebels is. Then I will shoot like a good feller.

We have got news that Jackson is within 12 miles of us here now. We have been called out since 5 o’clock tonight. I thought I would write this down here to night but it is dark now.

Direct your letter Co B 110, Maryland Baltimore. It so dark. — J. Hager


Letter 4

September 24, 1862

Phebe, you don’t like to write much, do you. I will write to you about every day while I stay here, then after that maybe I can’t write so often for I don’t know where we shall go from here. But we shall go somewhere I guess, pretty soon, but maybe not at all. But I am ready anytime.

Bumpus is in the hospital yet, but he is getting better. So is Shannon. They han’t drill[ed] none yet. The rest of us are pretty well drilled. It han’t rained but once since we have been here.

If you can, I hope you will all be good Christians. I will too. I hope if we never meet together in this world, we will in another. I hope we shall live so that we shall meet in heaven, if not before. That book was given to me in N.Y. I have got another that is the book that they sing in here, and you can carry it to meeting with you to sing in. I am [still] the boy that I was when I start[ed] from home. Never meant to do nothin very bad. I always want to do about right.

But it rains now here and our company is all on guard today. But we have all got overcoats and we can deep dry and nice. My pants is about as good as when you seen me. And the rest of my clothes is too. Some of the boys has got holes in [theirs], some has ripped to pieces, but mine is all right now. How does your’n stand it?

You hain’t got wet yet, I hope. May God bless your old soul and our children too. Don’t forget to pray for me and yourself and the children too. Learn them to pray.

I will tell you something about soldiering. Some of it is pretty hard work and some ain’t hard at all. Tain’t as hard as cooperin’ is. My hands don’t look as they did when you seen them, but I feel as well as I did then and a good better. I hope you do too for if I didn’t feel very well then. You know that yourself. Nothing more to write. Take good care of yourself, my dear wife and friend. Don’t worry about me for you and I are better off than a good many hain’t got nothin at all.


Letter 5

[near Baltimore]
[Sunday, 25 September 1862]

Phebe, it is Sunday today. The boys have all [gone] down to City to meeting but Robert and me today. We stay and keep house alone. But we have a meeting here at 3 p.m. every Sunday.

We all have our belts on with our bayonet too. We don’t carry our guns to meeting. We have our dress coats on, and our boots blacked, and wear white gloves, and our hair combed and then we look pretty well. All stand up.

Phebe, I have heard from the 147th [New York] Regiment. They are 6 miles from Washington. They say they han’t got as good a place as we have here.

This to my Emma. This is the way that we do in these war times. Emma don’t you see the smoke [referring to cannon fire on stationery heading]. My little girl, my girl when you look at this, then think of pa. And Charley, you can see.the smoke in this gun, can’t you? This is the way that we do in these war times my boy. When you see this, remember your pa. And try to be a good boy and then everybody will like you.

Emma, I have seen thirty big guns today. Do you go to school yet? Emma, I have seen a lot of little girls when we went over to Fort McHenry. We stayed there 30 minutes. Didn’t stay long. The New York 17th and the Massachusetts 15th was outside of the fort. They are the boys that can fight. They are tough hard boys now, I tell you. They brought their guns with them and their tents too. But they look dirty and hard. They don’t look half so well as we do. We keep clean and nice in our camp.

We have went down to the bay in swimming four times since I have been here. We keep clean and nice Emma. I have a good place to sleep, one blanket under me and another over me. A pine board to sleep on. But I sleep in a white house. We all do. When we are off to war, ma can tell you about that and so can Charley for he has seen our house in Oswego. This to my daughter Emma Hager, my girl.

This from your pa away off to war. Emma, when you get big enough then you must write to me. Won’t you, my girl? So good bye for this time.


Letter 6

[Near Baltimore, Md.]
October 2, 1862

Phebe, I got your kind letter today and was glad to hear that you was all well. I sent you a letter today just before I got yours. I wouldn’t have sent it if I had known that you had wrote some, but [I was] glad to read it. I like to read your kind letters.

Well, Phebe, if you don’t want me to write so often, you must tell me so and then I won’t write no more often than you want me to. But I want you to write to me as much as 3 letters a week. That will be 9 cents a week for you and 9/18. That ain’t much to pay for letters. I could send three times that but I will save it so you and I can write. I want you to write to me 2 letters a week and if you can, 3 or 4. It don’t cost much. It’s worth 25 cents every letter if you answer what I write to you.

I will answer anything that you ask me to. I don’t care what it is. I ain’t afraid to talk with you. And I hope you aren’t with me.

Well Phebe, I han’t but one story to tell this time. [It’s] this. There was a boy in the 81th [New York] regiment. His name was Harry. He lives, when he was to home, in Albion. He has been in the hospital about 3 months last Saturday and his sister come Monday to see him and he was buried. But they dug him up and carried him home. He was wounded in his leg but he took poison and [ ] 9 days. One of our boys went and sat up with him 3 nights. He was a young man but his sister didn’t come soon enough to see him. I should thought that she would come before. That’s all about this boy.

Phebe, I don’t want you to trouble yourself about me. You must try to send me money unless I send for it, then there will be time enough then. Phebe, you feel pretty poor now, don’t you. But I don’t feel pretty sick now-a-days myself and I wish you did too. But Phebe, it will learn you and I both to write. If we write 3 or 4 letters a week.

This from your soldier — John Hager

to my wife and friend Phebe.

There is a dozen in the tent tonight so I can’t think of nothin’ to write but after you answer my last before this, then I can answer all that you can write. Now try your best.


Letter 7

[Near Baltimore, Md.]
October the 8, 1862

Phebe, you didn’t tell me how you got along with your harvesting. I hope that you won’t try to do it alone. Phebe, I don’t want you to try to dig the potatoes yourself for I think that you ain’t able to do it and I wouldn’t try to do it. What is potatoes worth there now? I hope that you will have some to sell… They han’t been no frost here yet. Today is as warm as any day since I have been here.

Our company is all on guard today but it ain’t very hard work. I have to stand on post two hours and off 4 hours. That’s the way that we work it here. But we have to keep walking all the time and we can’t talk with nobody when we are on duty for we have got 10 rounds in our cartridge box.

The election is today in this city of Baltimore. They said that they should tear down all of the flags that is in the city, but they doesn’t come no such thing. If they do, we will give them all that they want, for we have got the tools to do it with. And they all know it too. The majority is Union men in the city.

Phebe there is about 20 in our company of sick men. But they ain’t but 2 that is much sick. The rest ain’t only grumble sick. They will be all right in a day or two I guess. I han’t missed a roll call yet since I come here and I feel pretty well pleased about it. I wish it would rain a little here for it is getting pretty dry here now, and dusty. Phebe, it ain’t half as hard work now for me as it was at first. It comes pretty easy now for me to deal now days. But it was most darned hard when I first come. But we have more to do, but it don’t seem half as hard.

You said that you hope that I would be contented here. Phebe, I am contented here and have been all the time and I meant to be. I like it better than I expected that I should. You know that I always was a Union man when I was to home and I am the same here. And I only will be till I die. You can tell that to anybody that you see. I don’t care who it is nor where they live. For I come here to fight. I didn’t come for nothin’ else—only to fight and that only.

Phebe, I don’t expect to make much at it, but I guess I can help you some. I might be sharing of my money as I can, and send it to you. I have used a good deal of money I know since I see you. It was for things that we need to use. I will write what I use my money for if you want me should and I will tell you what I do with every cent if you want I should, and what it is for, all of it is for.


Letter 8

[Baltimore, Md.]
October 9, 1862

Phebe, my dear, I thought of a hard thing too when I was on guard last night but I can’t think of nothin’ now hardly to write. But my dear, I can tell one thing—that is, that I ain’t sorry that I enlisted, for you know that I wanted to go and help fight and I han’t altered my mind from that yet. And I don’t think that I shall. But I hope that the war won’t last long. And I hope that I shall come home again. But I am ready to fight anytime now.

We have had marching orders two or three times and we have got them now. But I don’t think that we shall go in a month yet, but maybe we shall go in 2 days. But guess not. But if we do, I am ready every time.

This from your best friend, I know it is in the world for think that you be mine.

Phebe, if I should be sick as Bumpus is, I should want you to come and see me before I should die for they won’t let nobody go home. For there is more then 4 bushels of letters been sent to Washington to see if they discharge the sick and wounded. Stanton says he han’t time to read them. They come so fast. That the reason that Tom Whitney han’t been discharged. I know this to be a fact.

Our Captain offered to send Bumpus home and pay the money himself if they would let him go, but they can’t do it—not till he can get his discharge. Then he can go. But I think that he will die in less that one week. But maybe he won’t. I han’t seen him today but Mr. Homes, Jesse Homes’ boy has seen him. He was acquainted with him. He goes over there every day to see him and he wrote to his wife for him a week ago.


Letter 9

[Maryland]
October 16, 1862

I got your kind letter today and I was glad to hear that you was all well and your letter found me well too. Phebe I like my new home first rate, although it’s pretty sickly here now. But I guess it won’t be long for it getting some colder here now than it was. Phebe, we don’t have to drill half as much here as we did to Camp Patterson, but we have to go on guard almost every day here. But we have two men on one post every night but only one in the daytime. So it makes it a little better for us to have two on in the night so it ain’t so lonesome for us. It ain’t hard work—not at all—for us to guard the railroad.

This railroad is guarded all the way from Philadelphia to Washington. It has to be guarded. If it ain’t the rebels would take it all up. Here is where we went by when we went to Baltimore. This ain’t but 9 miles from Baltimore where we be. But you must send your letters just the same that you have, for the mail goes every other day here… Maybe we shan’t stay here more than one week but I think that we shall stay a month or two, and maybe longer. But I can’t tell much about it myself.

But Col. Littlejohn han’t resigned yet. About all that we know about it, we read in the papers. The Pulaski paper will tell you something about it. But I guess that he will stay with us till next fall, then I think he will leave but I hope not, for he is just the man for us.

But I think that the war will be over in less than one year, but maybe not, but it looks like it to me. There have two regiments gone by today. There has more than two a day ever since we left Oswego. Our lieutenant was down to Baltimore. He says that there was 30 regiments went to Washington today and last night the folks in Baltimore, they think that they has folks enough gone by to eat up the whole south. That what old man told me. He said that he had lived there over 60 years. He said that he hope that this war would be over right off, for he said that they can’t do nothin but work. For the said that they han’t done nothin but work for the government. All that they had done ever since the war began was to work for the government.

The poor folks han’t nothing to do. Phebe, we came by apples for 50 cents here, but potatoes are 100. We done have them but one in 2 days, and we have to buy some, as we don’t have to, but we do. It goes a little better the (cleg?) bread and meat fat. We have enough of that, but if we had a little butter it would be pretty good, l guess. But I can stand, it I guess.


Letter 10

[Maryland]
October the 20, 1862

My dear,

I have wrote more now than you can read, but I will write a little more to you. I got Chester’s letter the same time that I did your’n. We don’t get them only every other day. Phebe, I don’t know how long I shall stay here but I would like it if I had a bed quilt for it is pretty cold nights here now. But I s’pose that you can’t send one to me for you hain’t got money to send it with. Dick said that he wished that he had one quilt too, and some cheese and some butter too. He wanted I should send with him to get them. That was a week or two ago and I told him I didn’t want nothin’ but now I would like a comforter to put over me. But maybe we can get another blanket. But we can’t not now for Walter tried it. But I guess that I can stand it if the rest can. But it has been most all mighty cold here for three or 4 nights.

Phebe, it comes here by a box that 129 pounds will cost $2.50. But if you could send some butter and one comforter, one pound of fine cut tobacco. Get that is good. That is all that I want. The reason that I hain’t sent for a comforter is I didn’t know when we should go away. But maybe we shan’t stay here two days. But if you are a mind to rush it, I am waiting to hear you send a small box. But don’t send much for maybe we shan’t stay stay here long. And if it’s butter and cheese, then I can sell it. Then I won’t have to throw it away. Phebe, when we had marching orders then we had to give our meat and bread away. But I sold that bacon for 10 cents. We expect to go into action right off then and we wasn’t allowed nothin’ but our clothes. So I sold the bacon.

Phebe, I can’t get no tobacco that is worth a cent here. If you send anything don’t send much for maybe we shan’t stay here long and I don’t need much. I can get along without any. Then if you send, you had better send it right off as Sunday. You can send it to Richland Station. Chester will make the box for you. Have him make it small and light if you conclude to send it. You won’t send it unless you think it is best. But if I could stay here I could need more clothes. But maybe that we shall go on south. But I guess not. Boys around here say that we never will go no farther south than here but I don’t know nothin’ about it myself.

Phebe, I guess that we shall get some money next month. Then I will send some to you. I have got mine most all used up, but I have 200 dollars yet. I guess that will last me till I can get more. Phebe, I think this is a pretty small letter. I hain’t time to write much this time but I will try to write more the next time. So, excuse my short letter. To you my dear, for this time, this from your soldier.


Letter 11

[Maryland]
October 21, 1862

My dear, I got your kind letter last night and I was glad to hear that you was all well for I am well too. And I feel as nice as you please here in Maryland for we have good times here now, for we can go off in the woods to shit here, and that is worth a good deal to me. You don’t know how good it seems to have the privilege of going where I have a mind to shit. But when we was in Camp Patterson Park we all had to shit in one house. That you, know was hard for me.

We have been here one week today and I like it first rate here. Phebe, I han’t been homesick not at all yet since I have been gone from you, and I hope that I shan’t, but I have thought of home some.

Phebe, I write just as I think to you. Phebe, I can write a good deal better since you said that you would live and die my own wife. I always said that I never would know no other woman but the one I have got. I could not marry, never again if I could come home tomorrow if you was dead now for I promised myself that I would have respect enough for my good wife for she is the only one that l ever thought enough of to marry. And if I should live till I was 100 years old, I never will. No woman but my hebe. So follow me, my dear, for I am yours truly. And if I should die today, I should think the same by you my dear Phebe. You may think that I am trying to flatter you but this is what I think. If I should die tomorrow I shan’t wan’t this [ ] not at all for it is so, my dear.


Letter 12

October 23, 1862

Phebe I wrote a letter yesterday but I will write a little today. I am well and I hope this will find you well too.

Phebe, I have sent two maps to you that they will go to Pulaski in a package. The boys have all got some. You can send and get them as soon as you get this. I give 50 cents for them. You can give one to Chester Hager and you can keep the other if you want it. And if you don’t want it, then you can give it to Ezra Whitehead for I think they are something pretty nice. But maybe you won’t think so. You may keep both till you hear from me again. Phebe you can see where we sleep in tent #9. Right by the tree.

Map showing Tent No. 9 in the line of tents occupied by Co. B, 110th New York Infantry at Camp Patterson Park.

I am off to Stemmer’s Run now but I think that it all looks natural to me. The officers and colonel seem to me but I s’pose it don’t to you. But if you have seen Col D. C. Littlejohn, he looks natural. So does [Lt.] Col Sage. If you ever seen him, they are noble looking men, all of them I think, don’t you? But maybe you hain’t seen them yet.

The images John is referring to in the preceding paragraph.

Phebe, this long crooked [steak] is a bank [earthwork] that was made in the last war [1812]. This shows everything just as it was in Patterson Park where we stayed 46 days. And here is the place where we was brigaded in General Emory’s Division. This Brigade has got 4,000 men in it. We have been brigaded now two weeks under General Wool but we shall be under General Emory. But I hain’t seen him yet. But I expect too sometime. But maybe we shan’t have to leave here—not this winter. And maybe we shan’t have to stay here two weeks. I don’t know nothing about it, but if we go from here, I will write to you.

Phebe, the boys say that I wrote home that we had 150 boys in our company that had the clap. Lester is awful mad about it and Sam too, and he don’t like it, I guess. George—he don’t say nothin’ about it, not to me. Sam’s brother wrote that I said that to him, but you know that there ain’t but 92 [men] in our company. You know I didn’t think that you would tell anything that I wrote, so to hear it come back into the company. I don’t care much, but it hurts them some, I guess.

But they told the 147th [New York] boys when they was here that there was more than 100 men that had the clap in the regiment. But I don’t care one damn for none of them. They are hard boys and I don’t think much of them now—none of them.

Phebe, I hope that I have one friend that I can put confidence in, that I can write what I am a mind to and not have everybody know it. But I don’t think you will tell all that I write to you and I guess you don’t.


Letter 13

Baltimore [Maryland]
November 3rd, 1862

I got your box today, but I don’t know what to do with this bed quilt. But I can send it home again. But maybe we shan’t go in two or 3 days. But the boats that they sent for to New York has come to carry us off, we seen them when they come in the harbor. I guess we shall get ready to start about Wednesday this week. I guess you will get this about the time that we shall leave for Dixie. If you know where that is, you know more than I do, for I don’t know, nor the Colonel don’t either—[at least] I don’t think he does. If he does, he don’t tell us. But I don’t care as I know of, for I s’pose it is to fight and I s’pose that we can do that right up. For old Jeff, I want to shoot at him once or twice.

A blue wool kepi with leather visor and chin strap with 16 mm brass New York state “Excelsior” buttons, leather sweatband, and brown cotton lining. Underside of sweatband initialed “S.B.” This cap belonged to Samuel Burnside of Co. H, 110th New York Regiment. He died of disease on 25 October 1862 in Baltimore, Md. (Hindman Auctions)

For when we was down to Stemmers Run, we shot our guns at a mark. The first time I didn’t hit the target, but I have hit every other time that I shot at it. It was 80 rods that we shot our guns, but will carry a mile they say. But Phebe, I s’pose that we shall go down to help take Richmond. I think so myself. But I can’t tell—not till I get down there. But Phebe, I am ready and waiting to go. But somebody will get hurt there if they stand their ground which they probably will. But I think that we will be enough for them. I think so anyway. I think so myself, for there is a lot of us to go. I wish we was there now for I think that we have stood here long enough.

Well Phebe, we have had our orders. [Here’s] what we can carry with us. We can’t have but one change of clothes [and] 2 shoes, for the Colonel says we are going where we can’t get them—not every day. Tomorrow we are goin’ to have our things all inspected so we have to have them all carried up. But I guess I shant draw no clothes for mine ain’t half worn out yet. Phebe, I think we shall get our pay before we go, but they say we shan’t get but one month and 7 days. That’s all we shall get this time. There will be 20 days for New York State to pay sometime. If you don’t get it, you can get it. But I expect to come home next spring for I think the war will be over by that time. Phebe, I am well and I feel first rate tonight. Now 90 you can see on your map that we can’t set up no longer. If you have got it. If you han’t, you can buy one to Pulaski for 25 cents. I want you to give one to Chester. You can read this to him.

I would of sent one to Charles and Nancy but I han’t got money enough to spare. If I had, I would of sent one to Ezra Whited, but I han’t the money to spare.


Letter 14

[Baltimore, Maryland]
November 4th, 1862

Phebe, I thought I would write a little more tonight for I han’t had a moment of time today. We was inspected and he didn’t find no fault with my things. Phebe, I bought some new buttons and sewed them on my coat. Our Colonel likes to have us look pretty nice. We have to have our boots well blacked and our clothes well brushed up. So you can see that he likes to have us look pretty nice. He made a short speech tonight. He said that we must be ready at a minute’s warning and he said we mustn’t carry nothing but what the government furnished us. He said that the boat was ready to carry us now. So you can see that I don’t know when we shall go.

Phebe, I don’t want you to worry about it for I guess it will come out all right. I guess it will. Phebe, I will excuse you for reading that letter but I shan’t of thought that them darn fools would [have] told that. But it ain’t nobody [but] them damned old whores and their followers. You know that they are always the ones that want to make a row. I seen two of them boys. They said as much to say they was out with two whores the night that we left Stemmers Run. When we was on the cars, it was dark, but I seen them. I might of seen them at it if I got out of the cars. I could tell more but I ain’t [got] time tonight. But it is all right with me and you. I don’t think it makes it any better to have me say anything about it or have anything to do with it. When I want his help, I will ask for it so I burnt that [ ] up for he just got a letter from home.

George ain’t very well today but he says that he shall go with us. He is in the hospital now but he ain’t much sick. I guess he will be able to go but don’t you tell that I said he was in the hospital for if you do, I shall hear of that. After this, I will tell you what I don’t want you to tell but I ain’t afraid that you will do it again. I guess we shall start tomorrow. The boys all say it. But if we do, I am ready to. But we shan’t get no pay. There is about 26 dollars coming to me besides my bounty. I guess I can get it when I get on the boat. I han’t had time to write much…

This from your best friend in the whole world. I know I am. So I must say goodbye, my dear, for this time. This your friend and soldier, — John Hager


Letter 15

[On transport vessel]
November 6th, 1862

Phebe, we have got aboard of the boat. We are a waiting for the rest of the fleet. We shall start tomorrow morning. I understand that there is 50,000 men agoin’ with us.

There are 1,000 on our boat. We have got 6 days provisions on board. We have got a middling good place on here to stay but we are in the hold of the boat. But that is good enough for soldiers. Phebe, I don’t know where we are going to. The orders will open when we get outside.

Phebe, I guess your letters will follow after us, but I don’t know about that. But you can write once a week.

When I get to our stopping place, then I will write again. The mail is coming onboard tonight. I hope I will get one more letter before we leave here. I went and told the Colonel that I wanted to see George and he let me. George is pretty sick but he has got in a good place. He said he would like to go with us, but he cannot.

Phebe, I han’t time to write. This from your soldier –John

To my dear wife.


Letter 16

Addressed to Mrs. Phebe Hager, Port Ontario, Oswego, N. Y.

[Baltimore, Maryland]
[7 November 1862]

Phebe it is the 7th and we are in sight of Patterson Park yet. We have been here two nights and I guess we shan’t start tonight. Our letters all come on board last night but I didn’t get none. I guess I shall get one tonight. It is so dark down here I can’t hardly see, and it snows up on deck. Snow is one inch deep now. The boat that we are on is the Ericsson from New York. It was made there. The same man made it that made the Monitor. It draws 30 feet of water when she is loaded. But 1000 men and our possessions and our horses and all don’t [pack?] it down but 24 feet.

Phebe maybe you won’t get another letter in one month, but if you don’t, you must not worry about me—not at all, for we are all right I guess. For we are going to rout old Jeff now. I s’pose you will hear of something being done when we get down there.

Phebe I can’t hardly write for there is so much noise down here. There ain’t but 9 [ ] in this boat so one company have to stay on deck. But some of them has come down here. The Major come down here and had us all lay down to see how many more could sleep in our place. This is a pretty noisy place here now, I tell you, to write. Phebe, I am glad of this tobacco that you sent to me, but they have got some on board to sell that sells for 3 cents perhaps for 20 cents apiece. They don’t ask but 7 cents when we first came to Baltimore. But you know they charge more on the boat. I like this that you sent me first rate. I thank you a hundred times for it, and for the rest of the things. I have got my box on board. I put the things all in one and give the other to the Lieutenant Fellows to put books in. The boys are dancing to set right here. They hit my hand most every time that they promenade around.

This is a hard place to write, so I think it is. I can’t think of nothin’ to write much. I see Fuller today. He is as fat as a hog. He ain’t been sick—not at all. He is in Co A. He told me to tell Chester and Jan he would write when we get to our stopping place.

I have been 30 minutes in writing this and snow is 3 inches deep now. Phebe, I wrote you a letter yesterday and one day before too so I haven’t much to write now. I ain’t sure that I can send this… Phebe we shan’t get no pay, not till next payday… I have got one dollar and 25 cents now—that is enough for me now. This is to my wife, Phebe Hager


Letter 17

[On board ship]
November 8th, 1862

Phebe, we are here about 5 miles from the Park. We are waiting for the wind to go down so the tide can come in. Then we shall start. We are all ready now. There is 80,000 men a goin’ with us. I guess we are a goin’ to do something now. Phebe, you can keep writing just as you have for General Wool will have them forwarded right on to my company. The captain said for he was the only man in Baltimore that knew where we was a goin’ to. He will forward them right to me, so we shall get them.

Phebe, we have an awful storm here. Snow on deck is 4 inches deep but the sun has come out now and is pleasant today. But it won’t be so cold when we get out one 100 miles from here.

Phebe, I thought that I would write every day while I was here, so to let you know when we started to fight, for I s’pose that’s where we are a goin’ to now. I am ready to go. That is what I started to do when I left home. Old Abraham says that we share this right along. Now Phebe, I understand that the Democrats has carried the day this fool for Governor. Some think it will be settled now cus they have got their man but the way they have got it is because they are most all to home. That is the reason. You can tell Da[ ] Flemmings of that and see what he will say. He always said of the Democrats that was off to war, but it ain’t the Republicans that run over to Canada to get away from the war. I had rather be where I am than to run [off from] my country. And you can tell them all. So if they say anything to you, if a mind to.

I han’t heard much from the 147th [New York] regiment. The boys all told me that they would write but they han’t none of them wrote to me—not yet. Nor old Harkemer han’t wrote neither. Nor I guess she won’t but I don’t care if she don’t.

They was here after the mail. But I han’t hardly begin mine then, so they give us a little more time to write. But I shall get another letter tonight, I guess. I han’t had none since Tuesday. It is Saturday today.

We shall leave tonight now, so good bye for this time. This from your friend and soldier — John Hager to his wife Phebe Hager. That is all for this time.

We are all on board of the Ship Ericsson from New York. It 4 o’clock now and we are all on deck now. The boys are a dreaming now to have a little fun. They make a lot of noise. I guess they do. Phebe, I feel first rate and I hope that you do too. There has one boat gone by just now with soldiers on. We went up and cheered them all. Phebe, I did think I won’t send this, but I have made up my mind that I would so 1 will. I write this on rail of the ship. That all my dear, this all.


Letter 18

[Enroute to Fortress Monroe, Virginia]
November 9th, 1862

Phebe, I got your kind letter last night. I was glad to hear that you was all well. I am myself. We have started. We started at 8 this morning. We have got almost to Fortress Monroe. Now when we get there, I can send this. Phebe, this is just what I have been looking for, so you see I ain’t disappointed—not a bit. This is what made me write so often to you. I am satisfied with what you have sent me. I can’t write much for it is pretty cold on deck. The sun shines, but the wind blasts pretty hard here. But I ain’t seasick yet. It is about 100 miles from Baltimore to Fortress Monroe. But we are going on [ ]. We got six months provisions on board of this ship and ammunition enough to last six months. So you can see we have enough to eat. I have got some butter left yet and apples too.

Phebe, maybe you won’t get another in a month. You mustn’t write till you get another from me, for maybe I shan’t get them. When we get off [the boat], then I will write where I am. That’s all that I can think of now to write. I hope when I write again It will be a little warmer, for it is most damn cold here where I am. The rest of the boys say they won’t write now.

November the 10 1862

…We are right in sight of the place where the Monitor and the Merrimack had their fight. This is a nice harbor her as I ever saw in my life. It is a fine day today. It is warmer here than it was yesterday so we are pretty comfortable now here. Yorktown is 12 miles from here. Phoebe, you hain’t told me whether you got them maps yet or not but you will get htem if you hant…

November the 12 1862

We still lay her to Fortress Monroe. Yesterday we went to Newport News. We went on shore there and drilled a spell. It is seven [miles] from Fortress Monroe. We lay now right between the fort and the Rip Raps. I must tell you about the city there to Newport News. You have read of this place. Well, it is a hard looking place. Their buildings are made of round poles about 4 inches big but they are most all are whitest on the outside. There ain’t as good a building in the whole city as my old shop is. They are all blacks that live there, but the government supports them. They have all got government clothes on. I should think that there was 150 acres of land there, all cleared up nice. They ain’t a stump on the whole place. It did belong to the rebels till our men took it away from them.

This is to the mouth of the James River. The Monitor lays there. She lays right by the side of the Cumberland. That is the ship that the Merrimack sunk. But it don’t look so it would take much to sink the Monitor, for she is most all under now. She ain’t out [of the water] more than two feet besides her little cheese box that I should think was 14 feet abreast it. And her boiler is about 10 feet high, I guess.

By the looks of things we shall leave here before long. There are two more ships come in today with soldiers on. There about 10,000 here now and I can see two more ships a coming. So I guess we shall start in a day or two. I hope that we shall, for I am getting tired of laying around so long. For we shall all get lazy before long if we don’t get on shore. But when we land, I think it will be to Charleston. I did think that we should go to Texas but I don’t think so now.

Phebe, I thank you a thousand times for them things that you sent me. For the tobacco that you sent me is first rate. That tobacco that we get here ain’t fit to use. And they ask $2 a pound. That is a big price to pay in this war times.

Phebe, I feel contended here on the Ship Ericsson as I would on land. We go up on deck and drill one hour every day, one company at a time. So, we get a lot of exercise on her. It is nice weather here today… You may show this to Chester, or I guess it will take you to read this. Then you can’t hardly, but maybe you can make out a little of it and guess the rest I don’t hardly tell how them houses was. They set their poles up in, and but they made one or two log houses. The rest is set up in end, there a lot old wenches there but they all look [ ] than look plump.

This is all I have to write this time when I get another letter maybe I should have more to write then. I have heard more than 50 guns today. They are off a good way from here. So, I must say goodbye for this time. This from your friend and soldier, — John Hagar to Phebe Hagar


Letter 19

Fortress Monroe
November 14th [1862]

I got your letter tonight so I will answer tonight for it will go on shore in the morning. We are on the Ericsson Ship. We lay right where we have for a week or more. We all went on shore today to wash our clothes and we stayed there all day. We went from the ship on a steamboat and come back on it.

I sleep first rate here on the ship. It has been nice here today. It looks like spring of the year here today. I don’t need no coat here for it is warm enough without it. I don’t know when we will start from here but I guess it won’t be long but the government is pretty slow, [at least I think it is. But for my part, I’m ready to start anytime, even if it was tonight. There has 4 more ships come here today loaded with soldiers. The 114th New York Regiment has come today. There is as many as 1,000 soldiers a waiting at anchor right here. We are most all well.

This is 9 days since I came on this ship. It don’t seem so long as that but it is. Even so, I am well and hope you are well at home. I haint heard from George since we left there but I thought he would be with us before this. The doctor said he had a fever of some kind but they have good doctors there where he is. He was able to write when I left him. We left 2 or 3 others there.

Phebe, your last letter was just 3 days a comin’. You may direct just as you have all the time. I guess I shall get them if we leave here. Phebe, you may tell Chet he has got plenty of money and he can send me a few stamps for when we was to Baltimore. we thought that we should get our pay but we didn’t get it so I didn’t buy no stamps and here I can’t buy them. But I suppose I could send them and let you pay the postage when you get them. My light is [inadequate]. They don’t allow us to have no candles [as] there is so much gun powder. We have two lamps here—2 globe lamps. We burn them night and day. I can’t see the lines half the time but I suppose you think I must write anyway whether you can read it or not.

I must say good night so good night, my dear, for this time. John Hagar to Phebe

I thought I would send Emma these sea shells I found on the sea shore in Virginia. Phebe, them maps was all sent to Chester. I know they will come sometime. They was 50 or 60 of them. If they haint you may buy one if they don’t come. I understand the 147th is gettin sick of their bargain. I guess they are all [ ] I know they haint drilled yet. They was a braggin’ about their Col. whenever they was to Baltimore. This from your soldier — John Hagar

Phebe, don’t go to fretting nor stewing about me—not at all. I guess I shall come out all right. If I don’t, I s’pose it will be all the same. I don’t want nobody to shed not one tear for me for I think it will be well with me. When I die, let me die where I will. This is what I think.

Our mail has just gone out and I will write a little more. I am 70 miles from Richmond from here. I think that is the place where we shall go to but I don’t know. But it don’t make no [ach?] where for I am ready every time. You will hear of something been done before long. I think you will. I guess I han’t no more to write now. Write my dear when you get this.

I han’t sent it, so I will write a little more. I want to tell you what I have seen. I have seen the Monitor. She looks like a raft with a cheese box on top. She looks so she was sank all the time. But they say she can whip Johnny full, and all the rest that gets before her. There is an English Man-O-War close, right side of us. She is a big three master but she don’t trouble us.

Now I guess I will send it. Phebe, you may direct to Baltimore just as you have all the time, for maybe we shall stay here a week or two. But I don’t know that. The mail is come from Baltimore now and I will send this.

This from your friend John Hager to his wife Phebe Hager


Letter 20

[On board ship]
November 20, 1862

I thought I would write a little more for I was in a hurry when I wrote the last letter. We still lay here on the Ericsson ship. We lay here to Fortress Monroe but I don’t think we shall stay here much longer. The boys say that there are a going to keep us here till the war is over but I don’t think so.

George has got here today. He has got well. I got a letter yesterday from you that was wrote the 6th. It got delayed somewhere, I guess. It was all the letters that came for Co. B but I was glad to get it to read. It done me good to read it. I guess I get all of your letters. I got one letter today from Gardner and maybe you can tell them I am well and all to write here to Fortress Monroe on the Ship Ericsson.

I have seen something that I never saw before. I seen today in th Navy Yard a pile of cannon balls about four feet. There is two acres in the yard, I should think. There is bullets enough to shoot the whole South I should think but damn, I am in a hurry to fight them. I don’t care how much we get down for I think this is a pretty hard place on board of this ship for there is too many of us together and I think it is unhealthy on here too.

Our boys have got lazy now but I hain’t not got. But I shall if we stay here long. O’d rather go right into battle than to stay on here for it is warm weather. If it was cold, it would be better for us.

Well, Phebe, I feel pretty well today and I hope that you do to. I sent you $10. I sent it to Mr. Clark to Pulaski. You can get it any time, I hope what you don’t need, you will keep. Write when you can. You said you were wearing [a] short dress but I think maybe that you ought not wear them for folks will think kinder strange of you for they know I am off to war. I had a little rather you won’t wear them much till I come home. Then we will talk about short gowns. Then we will talk about matters and things.

This from your friend and soldier to his ever dear wife and friend Phebe, — John Hager.

I don’t think I’ll send my letter this morning so I…will write a little more today and put it in later. I went on shore yesterday but I didn’t feel none the best. I hain’t had much appetite to eat for a few days past. I have had the jaundice. I look rather yellow yet. Our company has all had them [adn] what hain’t will have them.

The 114th New York was on shore. Some of them said they had got the jaundice and the measles both together. They have had one die since we have laid here. They say we shall start the 28th but they don’t know when we shall no more than I do and I don’t know nothing about it. I guess we shan’t stay on here much longer. I hope not for I am afraid if we do that we shall all be sick for the water ain’t very good here. But I guess I can stand it if the rest can. But I am content with my lot. I get along a good deal better than a good many of our boys do. I got all of your lettres but some of them have been a good while a coming. But they all come.

It rains today so I have to sit down in the hold. We was a going on shore today but it rains so we don’t go… This is all I have to write this time so I must say goodbye to my dears for this time. — John Hager


Letter 21

Fort Monroe
November 24-26, 1862

This is Monday noon now and we have gone on shore today to stay an hour. George will stay to the fortress hospital. He come out yesterday but he didn’t come today. There is a good deal of men would like to play sick now for they think they had something too and they are cured. I am willing to go and help fight it out. And Mr. White is too. That is about all that is ready and willing. There may be some more but I don’t know who they be. But if you do, I wish you would tell me who they be. But I think that when we get it, then our boys will do as well as any of them for we have got the hardest company in the whole regiment a good deal. And they all is men.

I write this on the seashore at Fortress Monroe. When we get started, I will finish it, if I don’t before. It is Wednesday today and we han’t start yet. The order has been countermanded and they have took us back on shore today. So we didn’t go to drill. It rains here today so we didn’t go to drill. George is getting better now. I guess he has concluded to go when we do but I won’t wonder if we stay here some time yet. It is so dark and cloudy, I can’t hardly write down in the hole. We are down three pairs of stairs. That ain’t all, there is a hole about 6 feet across it for the light to come down. The rain scatters on my paper some, but I will send it.

Maybe it will do you some good to see it. I know it does me good to hear from you. If I had a letter every day it would be much too often while I am here, for this is rather hard times. For we can’t more than half, take our vittles here on this ship. But we have enough to eat [even] if it was half cooked. But there is so many of us that they can’t do any justice.

It is the 26th. I had a letter the 21st. That is the last. But I think I shall get one today. I hope so, for it seems a good while to me. But I feel better than I have since I have been on the ship. You can tell Chester to write how he is. I shall tell him bugger it all up and send the account to me. I want to know how it is. I want him to get you what wood you want this winter. It is so dark here I can’t half write. But I will send it maybe you can read some of it. I han’t much to write this time so I will close by saying good bye for this time. — John Hager

To his dear wife Phebe Hager.


Letter 22

Thanksgiving Oysters, Confederate land
November the 27, 1862

I got your kind letter today when we was a eating our Thanksgiving dinner our on shore. We had oysters for dinner. We bought 3 barrels full of oysters and we ate them all up for dinner. It was a good dish.

Now I tell you we have started for the ship. We are a waiting for the steam boat now. So, I wrote a little. We went out in the country about 2 miles. It was a nice place. The man that owned that place he went in the Southern army. He is killed.

His place was confederate and his wife and family has left his land. He had a nice house as you ever saw.

I have got on the ship now so I will finish my letter that I began when I was on the wharf. When we went from the ship we landed. We went right across the ship that Cal Bonet was on but I don’t know it. I felt I could have seen him. I could have seen him. The way I found it out: one of the 110 NY boys see him. They said he was well. There was 6 guns on the ship that he is on. That boat is a going with us when we go. If we ever get ready to start. I don’t know as we shall ever get ready to go. We lay right here where we have for the last 22 days. I won’t wonder if we sit here a spell yet before we go. But don’t care now for I have got a first rate appetite now. I feel first rate tonight so I must tell you of it. I had all the apples I could eat today. 2 for 5 cents on the ship. They sell for 5 apples but I han’t bought them on board but when we go on shore then I buy 3 or 4. Then they taste pretty good. Now I tell you George is getting pretty smart now. He told me to tell you so.

I sent 3 maps to Pulaski. One for John Calkins if he han’t got none. One for Charles M. Smith if he han’t got none. The other for Gardner. I know he han’t none, or you can do as you think.

I sent one to Ezra Whithead. I sent his to Mexico. I might of sent yours to the Port Ontario, but better sent than let it go.

The way I do with mine (letters), I read them three or 4 times first. So good bye my dear, I got two of your letters.


Letter 23

[Fortress Monroe]
November the 29, 1862

I thought I would write a little tonight for I don’t have no time to write—only nights—and then not much time to write. We been on the shore today to drill. They put us right there on double quick. It warmed us up first rate. But I stood it first rate. I have got a good appetite to eat as ever l had, and a little better, I think. I feel I feel pretty well now. I han’t been excused but one day. Then I went on shore with the rest but I didn’t carry my gun that day. I look some yellow yet, but I feel pretty well. I have eat a good many apples today. We have to pay 5 cents for 2 apples, but they taste good.

Now I tell you our horses here gone on shore to stay 20 days. So, I guess we shall stay here. We have all been inoculated for the small pox. But they han’t no one got it—not as I know of. But there is a good many of us together here.

Phebe, I got them stamps. I got that [ ]. I did sleep under that quilt one night at Patterson Park in tent No 5. That is where we slept the last night that we stayed there before we went to Stemmers Run. You can see it on your map.

I don’t want you to pay Sam Stone no money, nor nobody else unless I tell you to. There is time enough to pay. I want you to keep all the money you can till I come home. I shan’t like it not a bit to have you pay no debt that I owe now. I want you to remember this. I didn’t cost but 15 cents to send that quilt for he paid me back the 25 cents. The (stage cleaner?) must of charged 10 cents for fetching it to you. So, you see it didn’t cost much to send it home. I had just bought a pound of sugar so l didn’t need that that you sent. George han’t got so he can drill yet but he went out on shore to day with the rest of the sick boys. But he is getting better.

I think lately, all of our sick is a gettin’ better now. I han’t got much to write not now. Maybe I shall have something to write the next time. So I can’t write no more tonight. So, I must say good night to my dear.


Letter 24

[Anchored at Port Royal]
December 8, 1862

My dear,

I will write a letter tonight. We are anchored at Port Royal. We lay between there and Hilton Head. We are a goin’ on to Mobile. We go round by the Gulf of Mexico. It is a 6 day sail from here. The rest of our fleet didn’t stop here. There has been two gun boats here to lead us. We are about 36 hours behind the rest of our boys. The boys say we are a gettin’ a good ways from home but it don’t seem a good ways to me. It’s about 700 miles from New York to Port Royal. I don’t know if I have spelled it right or not. It is 8 at night. They said we must put all letters in at 9 so I haint got much time to write. You direct to Fortress Monroe, 110 Regiment, Mr John Hager, Co. B.

Well Charley, I must write some to you. Well Charley, I have seen 2 or 3 whales. I have seen a good many porpoises as the sailors call them. Charley, I have seen the gunboat they call [Comet?]. It has 6 big guns on it.

A little to my little Emma. You must be a lady. You can eat Pa’s part of meat and taters so to grow big and be a lady, when Pa comes home. Tell Charley to be a good boy and learn all he can when he is in school. I want him to learn to write so he can write to me and when you get a little bigger, you can to. I am off a good ways from but I hope you won’t forget me if you don’t ever see me again. But I expect to come home when the war is settled. I don’t want to come home before—not as I feel now.

This to Charles Hager and Emma Hager, my two children. Charles, I hope you get so you can write better than this but I write this on my knees by a globe lamp and 100 men all a talkin’ at once, so you see, I don’t have much chance to write.

Phebe, my dear, one more word. Keep a stiff upper lip and do the best you can. Be careful not to get sick, take good care of yourself and I will do the same. Good night my dear.


Letter 25

December 9th, 1862

We are at Port Royal today. We laid here all night. We lay within sight of Fort Beauregard. It looks like a small fort. The Union flag is there now. We are taking on coal and water now. We shall start this afternoon. It is a nice day here today as I wish to see. Our boys all feel pretty well. We have got [ ] guns in [ ]. I have got 26 dollars due me now but I ain’t payday—not till the first of January. But we don’t expect to get it then. But we will have all the more when we do get it. If you can wait for it. I can borrow what I need here of Peter. I shan’t want much to use, I don’t think. If I do, I will let you know it if I do. I know I have used a good deal since I started but I thought I needed all I bought. I spent one dollar for apples since I have been on the ship. But we can’t get them now. I have got some money left.

DeWitt Clinton Littlejohn served as Colonel of the 110th New York Vols.

They thought that the 81st more around a good deal, but we are a going right away from them. But I don’t find no fault. I am willing. I go where DeWitt Clinton Littlejohn does. I think he is a good man. I like him first rate. So does all the rest. They think he keeps us pretty close when we are on land.

We shall let that old propeller stay her till she is repaired up. Then she will come on after she would have went down if we hain’t happen’d along to here. She had on 3 or 4 hundred soldiers on—a part of the 114th New York on board. She rolled so they was all seasick. They was a hard lot of boys now, I tell you, and so was we for one or 2 days. I wasn’t much sick but I couldn’t eat much for the rest spewed so much that I couldn’t eat more for the sight of vittles. It was a hard looking sight for any white man to see. They laid right down in the [ ] and laid there [ ] see [ ] on deck for two days but he is getting smart now. But he hurls up pretty [ ]. He is pretty tender. He can stand much hardship. He hain’t got half the snap that I thought he had, but I guess he will fight pretty well when he gets into it.

I forgot to tell you that I seen the blockade at Charleston. Our gunboats lay along there, for a number of miles we could see them. Charleston—that belongs to the rebels yet. We have got one rebel prisoner on this ship. He is one of the sailors. They call him Stonewall Jackson. We all call him so. He has been on here 2 or 3 months. He would go into the rebel army if he could get away. It hurts him to be called Stonewall Jackson but we can’t help it. We have been here so long that we have got pretty well adjusted with the sailors. This from your soldier — John Hager

to his wife Phebe Hager

December 9th 1862

Chester and Jan, I will write a little to you. I am at Port Royal and we shall start this afternoon for Mobile—about 100 miles farther. And what will be done there, I don’t know nor care, for I am ready for anything that comes now. I am as tough as a bear now. But when we sailed around Cape Hatteras, I tell you my hair pulled some. Then it rained and the wind fly some now, you had better believe. The waves rolled as big as a gimlet handles. Now you had better believe that.

Well Chet, if you can wait for what I owe you a spell longer I wish you would. But I don’t know when I shall have any money now, for we are agoin’ off somewhere far from home. I came on this ship November the 5th. Now it is December the 9th. We shall have to stay on here 7 or 8 days longer. If we unload as quick as we land, I hope we shall, for it ain’t a very comfortable place for so many men to stay so long. I think we have stuck by this ship pretty well.

This is all for this time. I wrote to Phebe since I come here. You can see them. Direct to Fortress Monroe, General Banks Division,110th New York Regt., Co B. It will come on. This from the Soldier John Hager. I see Fuller and he is well and tough and so be I. This to Chester Hager


Letter 26

[Ship Island, Gulf of Mexico]
December the 14 1862

We are on Ship Island. We came on here yesterday. We have put up our tents. We are a going to stay here 10 days, then go to New Orleans and take Old Butler’s place. I expect there ain’t a [ ] tree on this island. It is all covered with sand. It looks like snow but I han’t seen no snow since we had that snowstorm the next day after we started from Baltimore.

It is warm weather here now. There is about 7,000 men on this island. There is some houses on here. It did belong to the rebels but it don’t now. There is lots of old ships come on shore all around this island. We came off on small boats for the Ericsson draws 20 feet of water. We have been getting wood today. Old plank and baskets—that is what we bake our vittles with. We [ ] go before but can’t get no boat. Our boat can’t run up the Mississippi river. Our captain said direct to Ship Island. One word to my dear wife—I am well and hope you will be when you get this.


Letter 27

Ship Island
Today is [December] the 18th, 1862

We are on Ship Island. I am in a tent with Jason Wright 1, Randy Soule 2, George Filkins 3, and William Weed. 4 That is five in our tent. It is a good lot of boys. We picked out our boys ourselves so we are suited with it. We have all got a good appetite to eat. We can eat all before us, but we have enough to eat. And we can cook it [too].

I don’t think we shall stay here more than 10 days but maybe we shall. We can’t tell nothing about it. I am well and so is George and all the rest of the boys. This island han’t got no timber on it. We can see Cat Island from here. It ain’t more than 2 or 3 miles off from here. That has got trees on it. It is as white as snow with sand. And so is this. It drifted last night a foot deep in some places.

Well Phebe, we expect to start to New Orleans in 10 days but maybe we shan’t in 4 weeks. And I would like it if you could send me about 5 dollars if you can send it by express. If not, don’t send more than 1 dollar at a time. I guess that Chester will carry it to the station. I don’t know when I shall get any pay here. I guess I won’t write no more this time for here is more than you can read now. So good bye my dear. Write when you get this.

1 Jason B. Wright, age 31. Enlisted August 6,1862 at Albion to serve three years: mustered in as a private Co. B, August 13 1862 promoted sergeant, August 21, 1862: first sergeant, May 1, 1862, Mustered out with Company August 28, 1865 in Albany N.Y.

2 Ransome A. Soule, Age 29 years. Enlisted August 7, 1862 at Richmond to serve three years: mustered in as private Co. B, August 13, 1862: mustered out with company August 28, 1865 in Albany N.Y.

3 George S. Filkins, age 26 years. Enlisted, August 9, 1862 at Richland, to serve three years: mustered in as private Co. B. August 13, 1862: mustered out with company, August 28, 1865 at Albany N.Y.

4 William C. Weed, Age 33 years. Enlisted, August 6, 1862 at Richland, to serve three years: mustered in as private, Co. B. August 13, 1862, Died of typhoid fever, April 21, 1863, at Marine Hospital, New Orleans, La.


Letter 28

Addressed to Mr. Charles Hager, Port Ontario, Oswego county, New York

[Ship Island, Gulf of Mexico]
December the 21, 1862

This is to Charles,

I am on Ship Island. There is water all around the island. This island is 7 miles long. There is a few houses on this island and little houses here. They are a building a fort here. They are a building this fort of brick—there ain’t no stone here. There is plenty of sand here. We went after wood yesterday. He have to go 3 miles and fetch it in our arms. What do you think of that? My boy, we han’t no horses here and sand is over shoes every step. Sand does drift here like snow. Some nights it has drifted two feet deep. What do you think of that my boy?

Charles, I will send you some shells that I got when I was after wood on Ship Island. Emma, I will send you some shells. You can [ ] them your little own self. Some of them has got holes in them. I wish I could send you some fish, and there is some nice ones here. Charles and Emma, I am well and hope you all be.

This from you pa to Charles and Emma Hagar


Letter 29

[Ship Island, December 1862]

Phebe, I have got paper and stamps but I hain’t no money—not a cent—only what I have. I don’t need much but you know I want some. I want you to send it as soon as you get this letter. You go and see Chester if you hain’t got the money. Let him read this all there is. I wrote it in a hurry. I hain’t had time to write much. Chester will carry the money to the office and have it forwarded to me. Maybe I can get my pay by the middle of the month. I hain’t drawed no more clothes since I left Oswego. The last letter I got from you was the 28th of November. I got it the morning we left Fortress Monroe.

Well, Charles, I have got to where the Rebels have been but I hain’t seen none—only prisoners on this island. They are building a fort. They are a hard-looking lot of men. I would write some more but I hain’t got time to [write] Emma. You can tell her I am well and hope she is too. [When] I [think of] her, I see her little white head.

1864: Franklin Johnson to Mrs. Austin Blair

Capt. Franklin Johnson, Co. K, 26th Michigan

The following letter was written by Captain Franklin Johnson (1841-1870), of Company K, Twenty-sixth Michigan Infantry, which was addressed to Mrs. Austin Blair, “Michigan’s Wartime Governess.” In his letter, dated July 11,1864, Captain Johnson writes Mrs. Austin Blair from the Armory Square Hospital in Washington D.C. and mentions his badly wounded ankle, a result of his regiment’s engagement on May 12,1864, at Spotsylvania Court House, Virginia. His foot was amputated due to the severity of the wound. On March 13,1865, Franklin Johnson received the rank of Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, after being discharged from the service on November 30,1864. Johnson’s letter includes his reflection on the deaths of two 26th Michigan comrades—Charles Wellman and Walter H. Maxson—who were killed in action at Spotsylvania.

Franklin was the son of David Johnson (1810-1886) and Adelia A. Pollard (1821-1884) of Jackson, Jackson county, Michigan.

Transcription

Armory Square Hospital
Ward “A”, Washington D. C.
July 11th 1864

Mrs. Governor Blair,

My dear friend, your favor of June 6th reached me at a time when body & soul wavered in the balance between life and death, but the vivifying influence of a Mother to nurse me, encouraging, loving letters from home to tell me I was not forgotten, and kind friends to visit and cheer me, made their influence perceptible, and once more I am able to sit up and enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. You cannot imagine how pleased I was to hear from you and to think that though sick & wounded, weak & weary, down here in this living point of suffering, I still had friends who sympathized with and mourned for me and whom it would afford pleasure to assist me in any manner they were able.

Sergt. Walter H. Maxon, Co. K, 26th Michigan, killed at Spotsylvania Court House

I thank God that I was not killed, though sometimes a bitter feeling comes over me as I look down at my mutilated limb and I almost wish that the bullet had sped home, as was the case I am so sorry to say with my gallant sergeants Wellman & Maxson. But then when I see cases so much worse than mine here and plenty of them, I think I have cause for congratulation that I escaped simply with the loss of my foot instead of my head. Poor Charley Wellman. How happy it makes me feel to think that he was able to obtain a furlough so soon before his death. It seems to me that that little act of kindness conferred by you in obtaining him a furlough, since it was only by your influence that he obtained a leave of absence, must ever be remembered by you with feelings of the most exquisite pleasure, the thought that you had been able to obtain for a poor soldier the pleasure of visiting his wife and family so soon before he was dashed into the jaws of death and the gates of eternity had forever closed upon him. Indeed it seems wonderful that we were not all killed and wounded amid that storm of shot and shell. It reminded me of Tennyson’s poem:

“Into the valley of death
Into the mouth of hell
Rode the Six Hundred.”

Poor Charley sleeps in the trenches of that battlefield which wet by the best blood of our country adds one more to the list of victories gained by the aid of our gallant Michigan soldiery. Peace be to his ashes.

I wrote to Gov. Blair today asking for a promotion in some Michigan regiment in which I would be able to muster as I wish to be transferred to the Veteran Reserve Corps and to obtain said transfer I shall have to undergo an examination, but am not allowed to ask for an examination for any higher grade than that which I now hold. By being promoted, I could ask for an examination for the rank to which I was promoted and although if I should fail to obtain the position I aspired to, I should be awarded a commission corresponding to the merits of my examination and would thereby at once leave a vacancy for the person to whom it might more properly belong, and besides, it is much easier for me to ride now than walk, unless I should make my mind to accept of your offer, although I hardly think your delicate foot could stand Virginia marches and Virginia med. But I am so tired, I must to bed, so goodbye.

Your friend, — Frank Johnson, Capt. of Co. K, 26th Michigan Vols.

P. S. Ma sends her regards. She is quite well adn endures the fatigue of hospital life admirably.

1862: George Naven to F. D. Phillips

The following letter was written by George Naven, a wagoner in Co. F, 6th Regiment, Missouri State Cavalry. This regiment was organized in the spring of 1862 and saw duty at Cameron and in Central Missouri till June, 1862. They participated on a scout into Pettis county in late July and then were ordered to Sedalia, Missouri, where they remained until late August, 1862. It was while in Sedalia that George wrote this letter to his friend, Francis D. Phillips (1826-1911), an Irish emigrant residing in Plattsburg, Clinton county, Missouri.

Transcription

Sedalia, [Missouri]
August 12th 1862

Mr. F. D. Phillips,

Sir, your letter came to hand on the 11th by Mr. Michell. I received two letters. The first I received from you I was going out on a scout and I have had no opportunity to answer it, and when I got back, I received the last letter. The men that came from Plattsburg arrived here safe and well. They would have been here sooner, [but] the Colonel at Lexington called our boys in to reinforce him on the account of the trouble there. That is the cause of our boys being detained.

Mr. Mitch informed me that you have been bitten by a rattlesnake but he tells me you was getting better when he left.

That history that John Barns told about us being abolitionists or not laying down our arms until the negro is free—it is an infamous lie. There is two men in the regiment I believe a little tinged with abolitionism and that is all. It stands to hand for John to tell such a plausible history as that for if I was to desert my country’s flag as he has done, I could scratch up some infamous lie. I would like to see you but when you see me, I will come honorable—not as a deserter. Luis and Rollin is here and held as deserters. I will not mention what their punishment is because I do not think it would be prudent.

You must excuse this letter [that] I commenced on the 12th. We had an alarm and we have all been on duty ever since and reinforcements arriving every hour or so until today, the 15th, and the arlarm is quiet now and I conclude to finish my letter.

As for myself, my health is good. The diarrhea has left me and I seldom do without I should catch a cold and that is seldom. That gun Mr. Shepherd had taken from him, I believe it is his neighbors. I believe that he is no more than a bushwhacker and if you ever see him, shoot him as ew do all bushwhackers. I mean Keiffer.

I expect that this last call sets very hard on McClenick as he has boasted a good deal. I would like what he has done. I wonder if he ain’t called on the mountains to fall upon and him. That history that John Barnes told about us being swindled out of our pay is a lie. The paymaster made a mistake in paying off this regiment but when the mistake was known at headquarters, we had a little sent to us—not a payment. Every man that had a contraband have received 10 dollars—just enough for pocket change—with the assurance that we would receive all of our pay the next pay day.

I close my letter. My best respects to you and your family and Mr. George Shepherd’s and his brother’s families. Yours very respectfully, — George Naven

1844: Austin Train Wing Blair to Edwin Hugh Blair

The following letter was written by Austin Train Wing Blair (1820-1847), the son of William Blair, Sr. (1765-1842) and Sally Train (1772-1864) of Williamstown, Berkshire county, Massachusetts. He wrote the letter to his older brother, Edwin Hugh Blair (1806-1878) who took over the family farm, became melancholic in his old age and committed suicide in 1878.

A notice placed in the Mobile Register & Journal in 1844 informs us that “Blair & Co.” purchased the well known drug establishment of Mr. George F. Marlow located at the southeast corner of Dauphin and Water Streets in Mobile. According to Austin’s headstone, he died of yellow fever in Mobile on 20 October 1847 when he was 28 years old.

Transcription

Addressed to Mr. Edwin Blair, Williamstown, Berkshire county, Massachusetts

Mobile, [Alabama]
October 22, 1844

Dear Brother,

You may deem it somewhat strange that I have not written to you before this, but the fact is I have been “upside down” ever since I arrived here, which was on the 19th of November. I had a pleasant trip, meeting with only one accident which occurred in the stage in Georgia. There were only three passengers on board but we had about 25 mail bags all well filled. These were stowed on the two front seats of the coach, leaving just enough for us to get through the window onto the back seat. The roads were very slippery from the effects of the rain. While going down a hill, the coach began to sli, the driver stopped the horses, so that we went over very easy. We would have got out before the coach struck so slowly did it go over, but we were penned in by the mail bags so tightly that we could not help ourselves. No one was hurt. We called some negroes from a cotton field near, unloaded, turned up the coach, and went on our way rejoicing.

We staid one day in Philadelphia, passed through Washington in the night but could see the Capitol very distinctly as the moon shone brightly upon t. Did not have time to see much of the cities through which we passed so rapid was our flight on the rail roads &c. Fredericksburg in Virginia, Wilmington in North Carolina, Charleston, S. Carolina, Augusta in Georgia are very pretty places for the South but they do not compare at all with the northern cities. The section of Virginia through which the rail road runs is very barren in appearance. The land lies very handsomely but appears on the surface just like your fields when the snow goes off—black and dead.

In North Carolina the rail road runs in a straight line nearly 150 miles. On both sides of the road are forests of Pine trees nearly all of which have places about as large as your two hands cut on the from which the gum runs out and is gathered in dishes, put into barrels, and sent to Wilmington to be distilled. Nearly all of the turpentine, resin and pitch comes from North Carolina. This was a long and dreary road. The houses many miles apart and built mostly lof logs. A poor and desolate country. I would rather live on the top of old “Saddle Back” with a privilege to come down but once a year.

From Wilmington to Charleston by sea is pleasant in a smooth time, which was the case when we came over. But it is more dangerous generally than any other route on the salt water. From Charleston to Augusta we had a fine time; the weather was very pleasant and a fine rail road running at the rate of 25 miles an hour on an average. The cars are in the shape of a barrel. When we arrived in Hamburg, South Carolina, we got into an omnibus which looks much like a “Seventy four.” It holds 60 persons inside drawn by six horses. In this we crossed the Savannah river. The way the old bridge cracked was a caution.

A South Carolina Railroad Car (patented in 1841)

We staid 3 days in Augusta and had a very pleasant time. I then found a young man who used to live in Troy with a Weed & Sons. While here, I wrote to Savannah to Martin Yesterday I received a letter from him stating that he is non-commissioned officer, is very happy, situated in a pleasant place, and likes the life he leads very well, but what will surprise you is that he was to be married on the 8th of December. In his letter he says, “Before this reaches you I shall be a married man. You will be surprised but it is no sudden thing. I have been considering on a long time and I hope I shall have your best wishes for my happiness. I shall write to him before long and congratulate him on the occasion to his household, and find out what he intends to do in future—that is, after his term expires. I feel some interest in the boy and hope he may do well.

I found my affairs in very good shape here, though business has been very dull during the summer. It rained just four weeks after our arrival which threw me back some time with making repairs but I worked night and days and have got things in good shape now. The store is the handsomest on the outside of any store in the city and attracts a great deal of attention. Tis two stories high with iron doors and shutters, all opening on the outside. These are painted a bright green on the panels and trimmed with black. The building is pained the color of peach blossom except the caps and sills of the doors & windows which are white. Then the letters of the sign are 3 feet long. One can read it 6 squares off. The [ ] made of tin is 6 feet high and 3 feet in diameter painted blue, with gold bands around. On the whole, it is the handsomest building I ever saw.

But we shall have a hard season for business. There is a heap of competition & cotton is very low. The very highest price paid this season was 7 cents but nearly all of the crop so far has brought but 5 cents on an average. Some has been sold as low as 3 cents—a fair article too. We have had but little business yet and shall not do much before February & March. But enough to pay all expenses which is better than many have done.

The gardeners are now putting in a fresh lot of seed. We received yesterday upwards of 11,000 paper of garden seeds which we sell at $8 per hundred or 10 cents a single paper. I wish you were here to spend the winter with me. Write to me soon and let me know how you get on with your matters. Remember me to all the folks and give my love to our family & believe me your affectionate brother, — A. T. W. Blair

The weather is very pleasant now though we have two or three days cold enough to make a fire quite comfortable. Indeed, it has been colder than any weather we had last winter but notwithstanding this, there has been green corn, snap beans, radishes, and in fact, all kinds of vegetables in market grown this season.

1862: Francis Teear to Lestina (Williams) Teear

I could not find an image of Frank but here is one of Elijah Roe who served in Co. G, 24th New York Infantry. Liljenquist Family Collection of Civil War Photographs (Library of Congress)

The following letters were written by 29 year-old Francis (“Frank”) Teear (1833-1862) of Pierrepont Manor, Jefferson county, New York, who enlisted in Co. K, 24th New York Infantry and was killed in action at the Second Battle of Bull Run on 31 August 1862. Prior to his death, Frank had been promoted to a sergeant.

He was married to Lestina L. Williams (1833-1908) in April 1860. Their only child, Hattie L. Teear was born at Ellisburg on 27 December 1860.

Letter 1

Addressed to Mrs. Frank Teear, Pierrepont Manor, Jefferson county, New York

Upton’s Hill, Virginia
March 5th [1862]

Dear wife,

I thought that the last letter I wrote would be the last from Upton’s Hill, but we are here yet with I think as fairer a prospect of staying as leaving. I do not think that our noble Gen’l McClellan is quite ready. The right wing has crossed the river successfully at Harpers Ferry and have got good foothold. Vienna is in our possession so that we have possession of the Alexandria and Louden Railroad up to there. The cars run up to Vienna yesterday with a load of ties and rails to re-lay the track destroyed by the enemy. About 20 miles has been destroyed by them.

The left wing has also moved forward and I presume that as soon as they get their position, we shall have to move out to Centreville. All sorts of stories are in circulation as to when we shall go, but I think as long as the roads are in as bad condition as they are now, we shall stay where we are. I see that the rebels have finally evacuated Columbus, a pretty good plan if they want to be safe. I presume that when we go from here we shall go rather suddenly. It may be this week and it may be a month hence.

Some say that we shall not get our two months pay, which is now due us, until the 1st of next month. I do not see any cause why we should not get it in a day or two and I think we shall, or at least I hope so, for I am about out. I have bought more nic-nacs this time on account of my sickness. The purchasing of those lithographs did not make any material difference. I am glad that you was pleased with them. I would like to have conformed to your request to have that detested mustache off, but it was such a fine one I hated to cut the poor thing off. Then you know a soldier without a mustache looks like a pig with one ear.

We drill now in the bayonet drill and practice shooting at a target. The distances are 150, 250, 350 and 500 yards. We shoot at off hand and four rounds each at each distance. We do some pretty good shooting, though not more than 1/4 of the shots fired hit the target. Still they are all—or most of them—good line shots and would do execution if fired at a body of infantry. I hit it half the number of times that I fired except the 500 yard distance when I only hit it once in four shots.

I received yours of the 27th of February night before last and was glad to hear of your continued health and that of our little one.  Poor little thing—she has to suffer while her teeth are coming through. But I hope she will soon get over that and enjoy good health & it makes me long to be at home and play with her when you tell me about her. I hope the time is not far distant when I shall be there.

I have to chronicle another death in our company—that of Edwin Green. 1 You knew him well as he lived at John Barnes and Mr. Packers. I used to think him a good moral man, but the immoral influence of the camp I fear had got the ascendancy. I did not see him until after his death. I hope he had made his peace with God.  He was sent home by express yesterday. Almost everyday we hear the solemn notes of the band, which tells us that someone is being conveyed to his narrow home. One of Co. D’s boys was buried last Sabbath and also a member of the 12th Regiment, making two last Sabbath. On Monday one died belonging to the 21st. The undertaker at Washington says he averages ten a day. Wonder how many out of this vast number go into another world prepared. This is only known to the ruler of all.

Give my love to Joseph and Lucretia and a kiss for Hattie. I received a good long letter from my scholars signed by Mary, Eunice, Betty, Lovica, Celestia, Madora. I shall have to answer it tomorrow. I will send it to you in this. Well, I must bid you goodbye, remembering you always in my prayers. Yours forever.  — Frank

I sent home all my old letters and a photograph by Myron Whitney who started last Monday. I told him if he did not get a chance to drop it in the office, to hand it to Mr. Hatch, so if you do not get them by the time you get this, ask Hatch if it was left with him. We do not have very settled weather yet. It rains or hails about every other day. I am feeling first rate again, thank God for it. Our mail does not go very regular now, sometimes every other day and sometimes not so often. We have three books of the Old Testament read. An order was read on parade tonight forbidding women to accompany the army in its advance.


1 Edwin Green—Age , 23 years. Enlisted, September 21,1861, at Ellisburg, to serve three years; mustered i n as private, Co. K , September 27, 1861; died of disease, March 1, 1862, at Brigade Hospital, Upton’s Hill , Va .


Letter 2

Camp Beardsley
March 30th 1862

Dear wife,

I received your letter of the 23rd and was glad to hear of your continued good health and that of Hattie. I was sorry to hear of Joseph’s inability to fix up the old house on account of cold. I hope he will soon recover.

We are still in the same place as when I last wrote with about as good a prospect of leaving as then. About all the divisions of the Potomac Army have gone except McDowell’s Corps to which we belong. Last week we had two reviews—one to gratify the pleasure of certain English officers of the British Coldstream Guards. They expressed their admiration in strong terms to McDowell for our soldierly appearance and good marching, being equal to most European troops. The “puff” was read to the regiments next day.

Most of the boys got tired living in their little tents and for a change put back to the old camp and got the large ones, stoves and all, backing them down about 4 miles. The lieutenant stops with us and as I was not in favor of having one for the lugging, he hired one of the boys to go and get one but the lugging was not the only obstacle. They were guarded by cavalry and to get one, you must have an order from the Colonel and that he would not grant. So the boys had to stretch the truth or else make a forged order, neither of which I left like doing, but we have one and I am now writing under it.

Yesterday we had quite a snow storm. It commenced early in the morning and continued most of the day. It finally turned into rain and rained all night and has continued at intervals all day. Snow at this time of the year in Virginia is something uncommon and what is more so is the heavy thunder which has been rattling over our heads most of the day. Camp life remains about the same, Now and then a fire occurs to break the monotony. Two or three days ago we had one that destroyed 3 overcoats, the tent, guns and knapsacks and their contents, blankets and accoutrements of four men.

O, now I will answer your question as to whether I want any money. As long as I have my health, I shall get along with Uncle Sam’s rations. I have 20 cents yet and they say that we get our pay this week so I think that I shall not want any. But for all that, I am very glad and thankful for your offer. I sometimes think that we shall not go from here but stay and guard the City. Then things look as though we shall act as the reserve of the army which has gone down the river. I do not care much where we go if htis thing is only ended in a short time so that we can come home and enjoy civilized life once more.

Eldridge Green is here with us yet. He and the Captain have been over to the City for two or three days past. I thought he had gone. I had calculated to go down to Alexandria to meeting today but the weather has been so disagreeable that I thought I would not go. I went over to see Harrison a few days ago. He is now at Fort Blenker. He was not very well then but is now better. I had a letter from Arronina a few days ago. She says that Eunice Shepardson is pretty sick and thinks she has the consumption. I hope not. I read a letter from Doctor Bud tonight. He said that he had attended 7 births since he was out here and they were all boys. I think the women are making up for our losses and the men are not idle. It is now late and I think I shall put this off until morning.

Well, wife, I have just been to a breakfast of hard bread softened in grease and washed it down with coffee so I feel that I can finish this before eating again. We live entirely on hard bread. Soft has not been issued since the advance. Our boys have again been victorious at Winchester. The rebels must begin to think that Providence has entirely deserted them. They have met with quite a snag in the Mississippi but when Commodore Foote gets ready to bring down his foot, he will make them scatter. The 94th are doing duty at Alexandria and appear to have a great deal of trouble with drunken soldiers, They have shot three or four and filled the slave pen full. They have more trouble than any regiment that have done duty there. They do not understand the run of things yet but will learn in time.

We have no chaplain yet nor do I think we shall have another but it will make but little difference with me although I should like to hear a good sermon every Sabbath. The old heathen of a Colonel has always opposed the idea of having a chaplain. Harrison told me that your Pa bought the old house and that you and Joseph and Lucretia are going into. I told him he must be mistaken but he said he was not. How is it? Did he buy it? Ashel Dickerson is got a furlough started and will probably be at home before long. Well the boys are going to Alexandria and I shall send this by them.

So I must bid you farewell for a time. Hattie and you are ever with me in thought. Goodbye. Yours as ever, — Frank

1862: William D. Bosenbark to M. A. Green

Corp. Christopher J. Edenborough of Co. C, 67th New York Infantry (Matthew Fleming Collection)

The following letter was written by William D. Bosenbark (1839-1862) of Co. C, 67th New York Infantry. Their nickname was the 1st Long Island Regiment. He enlisted on 24 June 1861 as a private and was wounded on 31 May 1862 in the Battle of Fair Oaks, Virginia. He died of a gunshot wound at David’s Island N. Y. Hospital on 23 June 1862 after one year’s service.

William was a resident of Ward, Allegany county, New York. His parents were Charles and Susannah (Bowers) Bosenbark.

Transcription

Proctor On Queens Farm
First Regiment, Long Island Volunteers, Co. C
Washington D. C.
February 7, [1862]

M. A. Green,

Dear friend, your long neglected letter I now commence to answer. But there has not ben any change in our program. Only we were paid yesterday & day before and as usual, it makes quite a stir in camp. Along the entrance to our camp may be seen peddlers wagons of every description where sogers can lay out all their money to a disadvantage. Now is the time we bluff it. We go it whole hog to lose or win.

There is a report that we are to be put under marching orders with three days rations cooked in haversacks on hand. It is so every time we are paid. It is done on purpose to keep us from getting passes, furloughs, &c. &c. It seems by the reading of Prof. D. W. Maxous writing in the Wellsville paper (the Free Press) that the 86th Regt. are over the river so the Spencer boys & those of Alfred in that regiment may see some of Jeff’s men in arms before I get a chance to yet.

The 64th Allegheny Regt. are also over the river. The 85th is camped about 2.5 miles from here on Meridian Hill. The weather here has been very wet & rainy for a long time so there is no end to mud in camp and in the roads where the supply trains run. I was down to the City the 5th inst. and coming back I met a train of 60 odd wagons, 6 mules to the wagons.

Well, I cannot write anything to interest you so I will finish. Since I wrote before, we have exchanged arms. We are now armed with Springfield rifles—very nice & good ones too.

Warren H. is still in the Brigade Hospital but is getting so he will be on duty soon now. His brother is on duty here now. Co. C are all on duty now, hearty & tough as bucks. We were on picket duty yesterday. All we had to do was to go to the camp of the 31st Pennsylvania Regt. to mount guard & then we came to quarters to stay unless called upon to support the Grand Guard in case of an attack.

Let me hear from you soon. Tell me the news stirring. Yours with respect & dignity. Direct as before. — Wm. D. Bosenbark, your friend

Answer soon.

“We Saved the Day”

Billy Moore, Princeton 1917

The following 45 letters are from an incredible collection of nearly 130 letters written by William (“Billy”) Blackshear Moore (b. 1895), a U. S. Marine Officer during World War One. Billy Moore was a 2nd Lieutenant when he wrote the letters presented here but he later rose to Captain in the 97th Company and was the Regimental Liaison to the 6th Marine Regiment Headquarters Company, 4th Marine Brigade, 2nd Division, American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) and Army of Occupation. He hailed from Texas and was a Princeton graduate where he starred in football and track. There are many newspaper articles extolling his athletic accomplishments. While deployed in France, Billy was awarded the French Croix de Guerre with gold star, the Distinguished Service Cross and the Navy Cross. The DSC and NC were awarded for his heroic actions on 6 June 1918 at the historic Battle of Belleau Wood under extraordinary circumstances. I do not know of any other complete archive of letters from such a decorated officer available in private hands. We are indebted to Kevin Thomas for making these letters available from his private collection for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared.

Billy meticulously chronicled his experiences in a series of letters to his parents, demonstrating his unwavering dedication to his duty. From the intense emotions of battle to the heart-wrenching losses, he vividly portrayed his journey from the ship ride to France in late October 1917 to the Occupation duty in Germany in May 1919. His accounts are filled with gripping details of his encounters, the hardships of trench life, and his remarkable acts of heroism, which have been documented in various publications, solidifying his legacy as a true wartime hero.

He describes being cited for “new” awards and great details leading up to and the ceremony where he received the Distinguished Service Cross. He writes on the day of the armistice and what Marines were doing and how France was celebrating. He describes amazing occupation duty details, locations, and shares his thoughts on the Germans. He provides context as to the creation of the 2nd Division Indian head insignia and what the colors on the patches mean—simply amazing stuff for a collector of USMC or historian.

The material presented here offers a fascinating firsthand account of the thoughts and experiences of a young Marine officer during World War I. The letters, often written on YMCA letterhead, Knights of Columbus, Red Cross, 2nd Division Indian Head, Third Army of Occupation, or any available paper, provide a continuous and detailed source for those interested in primary historical documents. The author describes battles as they unfold, or within hours to days after they occur. The abundance of content and letters begs for transcription into a book accompanied by historical commentary or for direct use as a primary historical source documenting the journey of a Marine officer who participated in all USMC campaigns in France, received numerous decorations, and survived to share his story. Interestingly, there was a point when he was mistakenly reported as deceased in newspapers back home. He even got a “Dear John” letter as the girl he was going to ask to marry him married another man.

Billy Moore, Tiger Star, Wins War Cross in France—Brings Honor to Princeton

Though he disliked the duty, Moore was in a unique opportunity to be a censor for the 6th Marine Regiment working in the Headquarters and was able to censor his own mail! As a result, Moore pushed the envelope a bit, revealing a little more detail about things that you would normally not see in WWI letters including what he witnessed of superior officers, some troop movements, and soldier accounts and decisions. He even admitted to his parents that reading everyone’s mail, as a censor, was how he got to know his men!

During occupation duty in Germany after the armistice was signed, he was assigned as billeting officer for the Regiment and was able to go all around Germany in his motorcycle and sidecar that seems to have served him very well “squatting on the Rhine” as he describes it. At one point he was asked to write the Regimental history during the war, but while playing exhibition football in Germany he sustained a leg injury that set him back. Though interesting and worthy of publication, I have only transcribed those letters up to the armistice on 11 November 1918.

Many of these letters are very fragile as they were written on wood-pulp paper supplied by the YMCA to servicemen in Europe and they have become almost too brittle to handle.

Service Timeline:

Entered service July 5 1917 at Brooklyn New York.
Marine Barracks Quantico Va July 28 to Oct 25 1917.
Sailed for France Oct 25 1917; attached to 97th Company, 6th Marines.
Bordeaux, Nov 1917 to Jan 1 1918.
Training area Vosges Jan to Mar 1918.
Woëvre Sector near Verdun Mar 14-27 1918.
1st Corps School, Gondrecourt Mar 27-Apr 28 1918.
Woëvre Sector Apr 28 to May 15 1918.
Aisne-Marne Defensive (Château-Thierry) June 1 to July 4, 1918
Aisne-Marne Offensive (Soissons) July 18-22, 1918
Marbache Sector Aug 1-20 1918
St Mihiel Offensive Sept 12-21, 1918
Promoted 1stLt Sep 6 1918
Meuse Argonne Offensive (Champagne) Oct 6-13 1918, (Argonne Forest) Nov 1-11, 1918
Army of Occupation, Germany November 1918 to June 1919
Promoted Captain March 5, 1919
Returned to US June 10, 1919
Marine personnel office NY June 12 1919 until discharged July 9, 1919

Capt. William B. Moore stand in center of back row.

Chapter 1—“You have a son in France”

Chapter 2—“Somewhere else in France”

Chapter 3—“Their one great hope”

Chapter 4—“We have made history”

Chapter 5—“When God & country call”


1862: Thomas Howard Ruger to his Wife

Thomas Howard Ruger

The following letter was written by Brig. General Thomas Howard Ruger (1833-1907). In 1854 he graduated from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, and then embarked on a long and distinguished career in the military. After a brief commission with the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Ruger practiced law in Janesville, Wisconsin. In June 1861, he was assigned as lieutenant colonel of the 3rd Wisconsin Regiment, he rose to the rank of brigadier general, commanded a contingent in the Rappahannock maneuvers, and aided in the containment of the 1863 New York draft uprising. On November 30, 1864, he was promoted to major general for his admirable service in the Battle of Franklin. After serving as colonel of the 33rd Infantry in the U.S. Army, Ruger again was commended for his courageous service in the Battle of Gettysburg and was commissioned a brigadier general. On January 17, 1868, Major General George W. Meade, commander of the 3rd Military District, forced Governor Charles J. Jenkins out of office. Meade then appointed Ruger to serve as Governor of Georgia, a position he held until June 28, 1868. The following year, Ruger was appointed to supervise a board of U.S. officers in Atlanta, examining the qualifications of select members of the Georgia Legislature. From 1871 to 1876, he served as the superindent of the U.S. Military Academy, and was the commander of the Department of the South and West, serving until 1885. Two years after being promoted to major general, Ruger retired from active military duty. Governor Thomas H. Ruger died on June 3, 1907.

This letter to his wife was penned a couple of weeks after the Battle of Antietam and after having been introduced to President Lincoln who visited the battlefield afterward. Ruger’s impression of the President was not exactly favorable though he postulated correctly that history would be a better judge of the man. “Exact justice of opinion will be more surely found among thinking, candid men after the present condition of things has passed away and the results are seen,” he wrote.

Transcription

Camp near Maryland Heights, Maryland
October 3d 1862

My darling wife,

I did not get the expected letter from you today but hope for one tomorrow. I have not had one for several days. You know I look for a letter every two or three days. You have so much time that you can write often.

The weather has been very pleasant for the past few days but I expect we shall have rain before long. The fall campaign the papers talk so much about and which I think will be made unless made very soon and quickly ended, will be made during the fall rains, of the beauties of which from what you saw last winter you can form a pretty good opinion. There may and probably will be considerable pleasant weather yet. If we are on active duty during the winter, there will necessarily be much suffering, however successful we may be. I am willing to undergo the privations of a campaign if at last I return safely to my darling little wifey, but it would be very pleasant to pass this fine fall weather with you and little Patey. I hope another fall will find us nicely situated without any war or rumors of war to disturb the quiet enjoyment of our home life.

You little sweetie. I often think of the pleasure of being once more with you for good and all, and hope I shall be before many months. I see no way of ending this war but to fight it out, and for me but to do my duty hoping to be brought safely through it to enjoy the society of my wifey all the more for the long separation.

All is quiet now, but how long the quiet will continue, I cannot even conjecture. The speculation of the papers are of no account. There are but two or three probable courses for us to take but which of them will be chosen, I can’t tell. Of course I have my views on the subject of what is or appears to be the best plan.

How is my wifey this fall? Do you dread the cold weather the coming winter as usual. I would like it very much if you could be with me this winter but that will not be possible if we are actively engaged in campaign. You must pass away the time in writing ever so many letters to me. Since we have been here and I have got pretty well rested, the comparative quiet after so long time of continued activity gives me more time to think or perhaps I should say more thoughts come of things not connected with immediate duties, and you may be sure you are in my thoughts many times a day. Today I have been pretty well engaged writing, getting things in shape after the long time when even necessary writing could not be done. I see that there seems little prospect of the draft being made in Wisconsin to fill up the old regiments. It seems as if we never will learn wisdom. It is of much greater importance to fill up the old regiments than to raise so many new ones. Every officer who has given his opinion, everyone whose opinion is worth much, has decided in favor of the policy of filling up the old regiments, but still it is not done. The new regiments are composed of good material but the officers are for the most part deficient in military knowledge. It would not be a matter of so much importance if there was plenty of time as last year for bringing the new troops into a state of efficiency.

You will find people who say that they don’t need it and a great deal more such twaddle, but it would be a hard matter to convince anyone who had had opportunity for seeing the thing tested, that raw troops are as good as drilled & disciplined troops. No one but an ignorant person on that subject at least would suppose so. There are plenty of men, however, who claim to be intelligent who contend for that and many other about as absurd things in this war.

I sent you two hundred and fifty dollars by Express. You will doubtless have received it before this reaches you. If not, ask your father to enquire at the Express Office. How do matters go on at home? About as usual I suppose. For yourself attending to the usual daily duties and cares, visiting some returning calls, going down to the store, talking over matters with your mother and Hattie, talking a great deal to Patey and watching her girlish pranks, thinking a great deal about Howard, reading the papers for war news, watching for a letter from me and hoping that all this may end and you will soon be in your own house with your husband. The picture makes you a very loving wife and is somewhat flattering to myself, but it is true, is it not wifey, you little sweet. Just imagine a good kissing.

You see I have written quite a letter. I almost forgot to tell you that the President was here yesterday. I had the honor of being introduced and hearing him tell several stories. You have heard of the Presidential inclination for stories. Old Abe is a good man but darling, not a great man for these times, which latter remark may be somewhat objectionable as implying that what is great under some circumstances may not be under others. Perhaps President Lincoln has done as well, all things considered as anyone would. The fact is, Helen, we cannot judge as truly as people will who are not actors in, and witnesses of the present scenes. Exact justice of opinion will be more surely found among thinking, candid men after the present condition of things has passed away and the results are seen.

Give my love to all. Take good care little Patey, three years and a half old by the time this reaches you, which outs me in mind of the day three days from now. Would I not like to drop in for a visit. Write often, very often, darling. With very much love, your affectionate husband, — Howard

1863: Daniel C. M. Appleby to Thomas Alexander Appleby

Daniel Curlet Montague Appleby

The following letters were written by Daniel Curlet Montague Appleby (1840-1905) of Shade Gap, Dublin township, Huntingdon county, Pennsylvania. He was the son of John Appleby (1813-1856) and Priscilla M. Montague (1815-1892). He wrote the letters to his younger brother, Thomas Alexander Appleby (1843-1930).

During the Civil War, Daniel served in Co. I, 149th Pennsylvania Volunteers—a regiment formed in the summer of 1862 and brigaded with the 143rd and 150th Pennsylvania regiments, referred to generally as the “Bucktails” because they put the tails of white tailed deer in their kepis. Both of the letters presented here were written before the regiment came under its first real baptism of fire which was on 1 July 1st at Gettysburg near the McPherson Barn on Seminary Ridge.

Transcripts of these letters without images of the originals were provided to me by my friend Tom Clemens and though I rarely publish any letters on Spared & Shared without the originals, I made an exception on this case. I am not certain of the location of the original letters but I suspect they are part of the Appleby Family Papers, 1862-1902) at the William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan. I could find no evidence that they were published anywhere on line.

Letter 1

Camp Dwight
April 2, 1863

Brother Tom,

Dear sir, after returning from General Reynold’s Headquarters where General Hooker reviewed the 1st Army Corp. our whole corps was together, amounting to about twenty thousand infantry and seven batteries—a beautiful procession, marching about fifty me in a breast with the cannon in front. Each cannon was drawn by six splendid horses—a man on every horse. Such a procession in Dublin township on some of them flats (or I don’t know whether we could all get inside the largest field in those parts) would attract considerable attention. Marching in four ranks, artillery and all, the string would reach from Graham’s to Shade Gap.

I would like to see the whole 12th Corps together. There are 12 corps in the Army of the Potomac. We are in the 1st Army Corps, 3rd Division, and 2nd Brigade. Roy Stone would not have any nine-month’s men or militia in his brigade so we have but three regiments in our brigade—149th, 150th Bucktails, and the 143rd Regiment Pennsylvania Reserves.

President Lincoln asked Hooker of the Army of the Potomac was in marching order. Hooker’s reply was, “I can have the who army marching in one hour from the time I give the order,” and said he, “I can march them to New Orleans when they are out too.”

It is reported that the rebels are moving out of Virginia and going to Nashville, Tennessee, their principal place. If so, we will be kept in the vicinity of Washington as a reserve or sent to Tennessee to wait on them at Nashville. If we go, we will pass Mount Union. I suppose we would hardly get stopping though. The Rebels don’t like Old Joe [Hooker]. They don’t fancy his mode of doing things. Six rebels left their posts while on picket adn came over to our lines and joined our army. They say the rebs are in rather bad order. Hooker says he can whip all rebeldom with eighty thousand men. He looks like fighting stock and I guess he can do it too.

Our colonel don’t drill us anymore. We have two hours company drill per day and dress parade pretty nearly every evening. I wish you were here some evening at dress parade. I know you would be pleased with the appearance of the 149th. Every man must be exactly alike in every particular. A man dare not come out without a button not buttoned or his pants turned up at the ankles. And brass must be bright as it can be made.

Pvt. Frank W. Lehman of Co. C, 149th Pennsylvania (“Bucktails”). From the Liljenquist Family Collection , LOC

We are brought in line of two ranks—that is, two men deep. The line is as straight as a die. You can’t see one man out farther than another. We stand at parade rest—that is, when we get the command parade rest, you set your right foot three inches in the rear of the left foot while the butt of the gun is just square with your left toe and [with] your hands you grasp gently the right hand (the army supporting the gun) with the left, body straight to the front, eyes looking straight forward, striking the ground fifteen paces in front. In that position we stand while the music passes twice along the battalion, not moving an eye. The Adjutant brings the battalion to a present arms, then turns to the Colonel who is standing fifteen paces in front of the battalion, and opposite the colors, and says, “Colonel. the parade is formed,” and walks around the Colonel. Then the Colonel puts us through the manual of arms and a few bayonet charges. Then we must stand at attention until the Adjutant reads the orders of the day, if he has any.

The colors are in the center of the battalion. I wish you could see them. We have two flags—the stars and stripes, and the state colors. The stars and stripes is about ten foot square, solid silk with a yellow fringe and tassels made of red, white and blue twine. The state color is the same size but all blue with a golden eagle as large as can be made in it, which is about four times the size of a turkey. It is the prettiest flag I ever saw. I has 149 Regiment Bucktails in gold letters across the top.

Our music corps consists of eight fifers. eight tenors, and one bass drum. They make the hills ring at night. At six o’clock in the morning the reveille is beaten by all the troops. I tell you, they make the plains ring. If there was about two hundred drums started up about daylight all within a mile of each other about Shade Gap, it would make them open their eyes. Well enough of military.

By the way, Dave and Tom [Appleby] are at Harrisburg in the hospital. What do you think of that? They want to play off and get the Governor to do something for that—that is, release them from the government. I think that is their idea. I don’t care what becomes of them. Dave wrote to Captain [Brice] Blair to send them their Descriptive Lists immediately. He swore they might go to hell; he was not going to send a deserter his Descriptive List. If they come to this regiment, salt-petre won’t save them. They have both been reported as deserters, not only to the Colonel but to the General. So if they don’t look sharp, they will get transportation down the Chesapeake apiece to a little place near Fort Calhoun and Old Point Comfort called the Rip Raps. I shall never own them as relations/ They are a disgrace to the name and place a stain on their own character which shall never be removed while the world stands. Dave sent word that he had letters for all the boys. If I thought he had any of any importance for me, I would send for them, but I don’t know whether he has or not.

Well, I am enjoying good health and equally good spirits. I never was better contented in my life. We have been looking for the paymaster for some time but do not see him. He owes us five months wages. I am out of money at last and only got three postage stamps. I wish you would send me a few as the paymaster might not come for awhile and I might have play out, which would never do. I am too much of a business man to be compelled to stop writing. That would never do.

I must close. As the Colonel don’t drill us any, we have nothing to do so I will send you a card or two which I drew altogether by the eye. I expect when you see them, you will think I am not strong. I must close. Yours as ever, &c. — Dan

[To] Thomas A. Appleby


Letter 2

Near Middletown, Maryland
Saturday, June 27th 1863

Tom,

Dear sir, as we have been on the move for some time and are coming up to assist you folks in fighting the rebels up in your country—or rather to head them when you drive them back. We are said to have 104,000 up from Pennsylvania. We are only 15 miles from Hagerstown and I have an idea that we will go up into that country before we do much else.

Four hundred of us were on picket on the 23rd and on the 24th we were taken out five miles to bushwhack and we patrolled the woods all night. The next morning we were ordered to report to report to our camp and when we got there, the brigade had gone and we were left as rear guard.

We had a hard march. The wagon train had got started and we had to pass it and the train was twenty miles long and to mend the matter, it rained nearly all the time. But we had a good time though, hard as it was. i only hope we do not have to go back to Virginia for a while. I think I can get to see some of my friends now if we remain in Maryland.

I saw wheat in shock yesterday and all the grain that ever I saw. I never saw anything to compare with Frederick county and the biggest wheat ever I saw.

I think this war is going to play out. If we whip them here, they are played—that is, if Grant whips them too [at Vicksburg]. I can’t hear anything. We can’t get papers when we are moving. I have not say a paper or heard from Vicksburg for ten days.

We heard that the rebels were pitching toward Carlisle pretty fast yesterday and that the boys were preparing to give them a fight. I hope they may be able to whip them. I must close for the present, — Daniel

Sunday morning P.S. I had a letter from J. B. Peterson last night. He writes me there is quite an excitement up about the recent rebel invasion. I think there is but little danger of them doing much harm or remaining long either. I feel soon they will get their fill of it. If the militia can’t whip them, we can, and are only a short distance behind them—only one mountain between us and we are ready for them too. I will answer John Peterson’s letter in a few days. I must close. I just gave you a sketch of our trip again. Yours, — Dan

Memoirs of Sergt. James W. Kenney, 1st Independent Battery, Massachusetts Light Artillery

Headstone of James W. Kenney, “sargeant of artillery” and a “brave soldier, a good citizen, an honest man”

The following memoirs were recorded in 1893 by James Woodell Kenney (1835-1900), the son of Michael Kenney and Jane Woodell (d. 1844) of Arlington, Middlesex county, Massachusetts. Kenney’s memoirs and his military records inform us that he mustered into the 1st Independent Battery, Massachusetts Light Artillery in August 1861, commanded by Josiah Porter. He was wounded in May 1864 during the Wilderness Campaign and mustered out of the battery on 29 August 1864 after three years service. He was married to Lizzie S. Shattuck on 24 December 1868. In 1870, James and Lizzie were enumerated in Charleston, Mass., where he was employed as a clerk in a printing office. Vital records of Massachusetts inform us that he died of a cerebral hemorrhage on 6 April 1900 in Boston.

James’ brother, Andrew J. Kenney (1834-1862) is mentioned several times in the memoirs. He mustered into Co, B. 40th New York Infantry and was killed in action during the Battle of Williamsburg on 5 May 1862. According to Mass. vital records, he was married on 25 November 1860 to Mary Jane Hodge (maiden name Woodell) in Ashburnham, Massachusetts.

The memoirs were addressed to James’ nephew and namesake, James W. Kenney. Family tree records are scanty but my hunch is that this nephew was James W. Kenney (b. 1858), the son of Michael Kenney (b. 1831) and Mary McKenna Sheehan (1828-1882). Michael was a rope maker and later a shoe factory worker in Roxbury, Massachusetts and during the Civil War he served as a private in Co. K, 1st Massachusetts Infantry.

[Note: These memoirs were provided to me for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by Tom Clemens. I could not find them transcribed elsewhere on the internet or in book form though the original might be housed at the U. S. Army Heritage & Education Center at Carlisle Barracks, Pa., as they claim to have a folder marked, “Memoirs of James W. Kenney’s Service.”]

Transcription

Dear Nephew and Namesake,

I greet you in love and kindness. Thinking you might like a short sketch of your Uncle Jim for whom you were named, and as I may have passed beyond “the River” before you grow old enough to remember me, or read these lines. the most of the sketch will be about my military service in the War 1861-5 which I thought might interest you. I kept a journal while in the service of every day—the drills, marches, reviews, battles, &c. After keeping it over two years, and being afraid I might lose it, I sent it home by a comrade going home on a furlough and he lost it, so the journal was gone up. What I write you in this will be taken from letters I wrote home and other memorandums. By reading this you will see what battles I was in any by referring to the History of the War, you can obtain an account of those battles. I was in the Army of the Potomac and served under every General that commanded it from General McClellan to General Grant.

I will commence with my birth, town, name (that is, the J. W. part) and follow with the army life. So many years have passed since that took place I cannot remember many things I would like. — Uncle Jim. January 1893

I was born in the town of West Cambridge, Mass., now called Arlington (name being changed about 1867) on September 26, 1835. I was named James Woodell for my grandfather (Woodell being my mother’s name before marriage). I also had an uncle J. W. who served in a Mass. Regoment and was killed in the Southwestern Army and also other relations who served in the Army or Navy in the war.

The town is between Lexington and Cambridge…The British troops crossed the river and landed in Cambridge, passing through West Cambridge on their way to Lexington and Concord. On the night of April 18th 1775 about midnight. the next morning the Battle of Lexington and Concord was fought and as the “Yankees” were coming in from the other towns making it rather warm for the British, they commenced to fall back to Boston. They were under fire almost all the way and lost many men on their return. There were more British and Americans killed in West Cambridge than at Lexington, and to West Cambridge belongs the honor at making the first capture of stores, provisions, and prisoners in the American Revolution on that day in the center of the town.

Cambridge is the place where General Washington took command of the American Army, its headquarters being there at the time. The old Elm tree under which he stood is still standing. Also the house in which he had his headquarters, bing for years the home of Longfellow—the poet. Here is also Harvard College, founded before that time….I was born on historical ground and grew up with a strong love for my country. My father had also held a commission as ensign in the 1st Regiment Mass. Militia under Gov. Lincoln in 1832.

I will not enter into details of my early life but will say my Mother died when I was quite [page missing]

…as the lawyer had to go out of town to court, he could not attend to the details. I offered my services in any way and it was left in my hands to call a meeting that evening at his office or the Town Hall. I went out and found the others, then got three uniforms—two that had belonged to father, and one that belonged to me as I had been in the militia before father died but gave it up then. Then got a fife and drum to make a noise and went all over town telling every one of the meeting in the Town Hall that evening. The Hall was not large enough to hold the crowd that came—the largest gathering ever held in town. We soon raised a company, the lawyer was chosen Captain and I was chosen First Lieutenant. As the Captain had so much to attend to in court fixing up his cases and turning them over to other lawyers. I had all the charge of the company in drill and I often duties in the daytime. We drilled in forenoon and afternoon on the street in marching and company movements and in the Hall in the manual of arms in the evening. My older brother Andrew came home and enlisted in my company. So we all three were in the service.

We continued drilling until the last of May when we were told of a regiment being raised in Brooklyn, New York, by Henry Ward Beecher that they had seven companies and wanted three more to fill the regiment and start at once for the Seat of War. My company and two others from Mass. took special train for New York on the evening of May 30th, arriving the next morning, and after breakfast, went over to Brooklyn and took quarters in a five story armory large enough for two companies on a floor. In the afternoon I went over to New York and took boat for Governor’s Island to see your father. I found him in “Castle William,” the round fort on the point of the island. He was surprised to see me. On Sunday we all went to hear Beecher preach in the morning and in the afternoon a few of us went to the Catholic Cathedral to hear the singing. It was fine.

We found out that there were not 7 companies—that all there were was about 150 men—the toughest looking you could find and they were not drilled or uniformed. The food they gave us was so bad we could not eat it and we could get no satisfaction from those raising the regiment so we called a meeting of the officers of our three companies and voted to return to Massachusetts. (You will understand we were Mass. troops and not mustered into U. S. service.)

On the evening of June 4th, took boat from New York to Boston, arriving the next morning. After breakfast, the officers went to the State House to see the Quartermaster General of the State and have him put us in camp until he could send us away but at that time the State did not have camps for troops as they did later on. But we were granted leave to go to Fort Warren (Boston Harbor) until we could make arrangements for something else. the companies went down in charge of their 1st Lieutenants and the Captains remained in town to see what they could do. They came down to the fort on June 8th and we went up to the City and were dismissed until the 11th when we all reported and started again for New York, arriving the next morning and taking boat up the river for Yonkers. On the morning of the 13th two of the companies were mustered into the U. S. Service. As each company was a few short, we lent them a few men to be exchanged back into our company later on. My brother Andrew went into one of those companies [Co. B, 40th New York Infantry] and remained in it until he was killed at Williamsburg, Virginia.

As we were going to New York Regiments, we would have to get N. Y. State commissions. The two companies mustered in were mustered as they were, officers and men, but my captain wanted a new election which was held and the same officers reelected although te captain tried to make a change and throw me and another out, and put in two friends used to drink and bum around with him. I heard what was going on and we had a row. He got some plain remarks from me and it ended in my taking all the men but about 12 and marching them out and took cars for New York City. I had two offers while there to take my men, fill up my company, and go as captain in some New York Regiment but I had enough of New York and was going home. I got quarters for my men that night in the Park Barracks near City Hall and started for home the next evening and arrived all right. The citizens were provoked at the action of the captain in breaking up such a fine company. I was offered all the backing with money wanted to raise another company but I was anxious to get away and did not want to wait so long as to raise and drill another company. A captain belonging to the 16th Mass. Regiment Infantry wanted me to take my men and join his company but as I could not get any satisfaction as regarding my being an officer in his company (and the men wanted me as an officer over them), I would not go. So you see I had bad luck all around in getting away. One reason was Mass. was so patriotic. We had about three times as many companies enlisted in the State as was called for.

I remained around home working or attending to some military duties until August 27th when being in Boston I found out the Boston Light Artillery had returned from its three-months service and was reorganizing for three years. I dropped my commission and enlisted in the Battery and was mustered into the U. S. Service for three years on the 28th of August. We went into camp in Cambridge about half a mile from the Arlington line.

Arriving in camp we were formed into Gun Detachments and the Warrant Officers appointed. I was made Gunner with the rank of corporal and took charge of a Gun Detachment. I soon picked up the drill (as artillery was new to me) and soon had the best drilled squad on Sabre and Gun Drill. I was promoted to Sergeant afterward and remained as such during the rest of my service.

Perhaps now would be a good time to give you an account of the organization of a Battery and the duties of the men. This will be on a war footing as all troops are about one-third less in time of peace. Artillery is generally formed for field service, one third short range (smooth bore) 12 lb. Howitzers or Light 12’s called Napoleons, and two-thirds long range, or rifle, generally 10 lb. [ ], although our army had about the same number of each at the last of the war owing to the nature of the ground fought over being woody. Most of the fighting was at short range. There are 14 carriages in a Battery, 6 gun carriages with a gun mounted on the hind wheels, and an ammunition chest on the front wheels. The trail of the gun hooks on the axle of the front wheels when on the move, but rests on the ground when in action. Six caissons which carry ammunition, two chests on the hind wheels, and one on the front wheels, the front and rear parts of the caisson couple together the same as the gun carriage and are alike and can be exchanged when wanted, Thus in action the caissons are left in a sheltered place when convenient and if the ammunition of the gun limber is running low, the limber of the caissons come up and take its place and the gun limber returns to the caisson and refills from the rear chests, ready to exchange again. There is an extra wheel on the rear of the caisson, an extra pole under the carriage, shovel, axe, pick, water buckets, &c. One carriage called Battery Wagon with half round top to carry extra feed bags, parts of harness, halters, saddlers tools, wheelwrights tools, and various stores. One carriage called Forge or traveling Blacksmith Shop for shoeing horses and doing iron work of all kinds.

We have about 140 horses, three pair to each carriage, one for each sergeant, bugler, and artificer, and the rest are extra or spare horses to replace those broken down or lost in action. There are 150 men in a full battery, 5 commissioned officers (1 captain and four lieutenants), 8 sergeants, 12 corporals, 2 buglers, and three artificers. The Battery is divided into sections, two guns and two caissons make a section. Also into Gun Detachments, one to each gun and caisson.

Now I will give you a list of their duties. The captain is in command of all, one lieutenant in command of each section (taking 3) and the rest of the junior 2d in command of the caissons when they are away or separate from the guns. One first sergeant who is over he company next to the lieutenants and receives orders (in camp) to pass down to the other sergeants for details &c. draws rations, clothing &c. One quartermaster sergeant who draws forage or grain for the horses and looks after the baggage wagons. Six other sergeants, one for each gun and caisson, they having charge of the two carriages, horses and men. Twelve corporals, one for each gun and caisson and called 1st and 2nd Corporal (A Gunner and No. 8 man). They are under the sergeants. Buglers who blow camp and drill calls. Three artificers (one blacksmith, one wheelwright, 1 harness maker) to attend to all the work in their line. There is a driver to each pair of horses and he rides the nigh one when on duty. They take care of their horses—cleaning, feeding, and driving. Also take turns standing guard over the horses at night. Others are detailed to clean the extra ones and one man takes care of each sergeant’s horse as he has to look after the others while cleaning and feeding.

I will now give you the duties of the gun squad with the gun unlimbered and in position, the limber in rear of the gun, horses facing the rear of the gun, the drivers dismounted and “standing to horse” holding them by the bridle. The pole driver holds the sergeant’s horse when firing, he being dismounted and in charge of the gun. Standing in the rear, 8 men and the Gunner is a gun squad. the Gunner goves the order to load, cut the fuse, fire &c., he receiving the order from the sergeant, also sights the gun. The men are numbered from 1 to 8. No. 1 is on the right of the muzzle and sponges and rams the gun. No. 2 opposite him and he inserts the cartridge and shot or shell, having one in each hand. No. 3 on the right, he thumbs the vent, then steps to hand spike in end of te trail and moves the gun to right or left for the Gunner, then pricks the cartridge and steps to place. No. 4 is on the left and he fixes a friction primer to the lanyard, inserts it in the vent, stepping back to place, ready to pull at the order to “Fire.” No. 5 is on the left and half way between No. 2 and the limber. He takes the ammunition from his position to No. 2. No. 7 stands on the left of limber and takes it to No. 5. No. 6 stands at the rear of ammunition chest, cuts the fuze and delivers it as ordered to No. 7. No. 8 is the 2nd Corporal of the Gun Squad and in charge of the caisson and remains with it and attends to any order received. If to pack any ammunition from rear chests to limber, he would dismount his drivers and set them to work. The men are drilled at all the duties on guns and horses. Also drilled to work short-handed, one man doing the duty of two, three or more. On drill the sergeant would say, No. so and so knocked out, and sometimes would knock out almost all the squad and then en would go right along with the drill so when it came to active work, the men knew just what to do.

We remained in camp at Cambridge drilling on the guns and in field movements from August 28th until October 3rd. I went home quite often while there as the horse crew passed the camp and our officers let me go out of camp when not required for duty in camp or drill, and then men did not abuse the privilege. On October 3rd we started by railroad for Washington, passing through New York, Philadelphia, & Baltimore, arriving all right and going in camp on Capitol Hill in rear of the capitol.It was quite a different place then from what it is now. The capitol was not finished and on the Hill were log houses with negroes, pigs, and geese around loose (we caught some). The streets were awful from the gun carriages, wagon trains, &c. The mud at times was up to the hubs of the wheels and horses up to the belly.

When we left home we had two six-pound smooth bore guns, two six-pound rifled guns, [and] two twelve-pound Howitzers. While here we received orders to turn in the four six-pound pieces and take four 10-pound Parrott Guns, rifled—a fine gun and extreme range—about 5 miles.

There was a review of 75 horse companies and 22 batteries by General Scott, the President, Members of Congress, and others. We were picked out and received orders to join Gen. Franklin’s Division across the river. On the 14th October, we crossed Long Bridge and went in camp near Fairfax Seminary about three miles from Alexandria. Our camp was named Camp Revere in honor of a friend of the captain—Major Revere of the 20th Massachusetts Infantry. Our division has twelve regiments of infantry, 1 regiment of cavalry, and 4 batteries.

We had been assigned to Gen. Franklin’s division, which was then lying about four miles northwest of  Alexandria, on the borders of Fairfax County, the division headquarters being at Fairfax Seminary, the New Jersey brigade then commanded by Gen. Kearney, and the First New York Cavalry, lying upon the slope of Seminary Hill, south of the Leesburg pike, a brigade commanded by Gen. Newton located along the pike north of the seminary, and a brigade commanded by Gen. Slocum lying northeast of Newton’s brigade, and north of the pike, the camp of its nearest regiment, the Sixteenth New York Volunteers, being perhaps thirty rods from the road. These troops, with four batteries of light artillery, constituted this division in October, 1861. When we arrived, there was a battery of New Jersey volunteers commanded by Capt. Hexamer in the vicinity of division headquarters, a battery in the immediate vicinity of Newton’s brigade, a battery of regulars, D, Second U. S. Artillery, lying near the pike, and opposite, Slocum’s brigade. This battery was located upon a plain, which the road from Alexandria reaches shortly after it crosses the run which makes its way from Arlington Heights southeasterly to Alexandria. The First Massachusetts Battery encamped in a piece of woods on the east side of this run and at the left of Slocum’s brigade. In this camp, which was named Revere, we remained until winter. Our drill-ground was on the plain beyond Newton’s brigade, on the north side of the pike,—of this field we shall have occasion to speak later. The inspection of the artillery by the chief of artillery of the army, and the review of the division, were made upon the high plateau west of the seminary.” Pvt. A. J. Bennett, First Mass. Light Battery

The execution of William Henry Johnson, 5th New York Cavalry

We remained here all winter with plenty of Division reviews, inspections, and camp duties. While here our Division had the 1st Military Execution for deserting. A man named [William Henry] Johnson, 1st New York Cavalry, was on the outer picket line and he left his post and rode towards the rebel lines. When a long distance out, he met a squad in Rebel uniforms and was halted. He said he had deserted. He had his horse, saddle, and bridle, sabre, carbine, and revolver—government property. The officer in charge asked him all kinds of questions as regarding our line, position of picket posts, &c.. He also asked to see his carbine, looked it over, cocked it, and told the man he was a prisoner. The squad was some of our scouts. He was brought in, courtmartialed and sentenced to be shot on the 13th December. The Division was ordered out to see the execution. We were formed on three sides of a square in double lines with the other side open and the grave dug in about the centre of that line…He was brought on the field in a wagon seated on his coffin and a horse with reversed arms (as at a funeral). They entered on the right of the line and passed through all the line. As they passed along, the band of each regiment played a funeral dirge (going to his own funeral). Passing on the left of the line, they drove to the grave. He and his coffin were taken from the wagon, the Judge Advocate read to him the charges, findings, and sentence of the court martial.He was then blindfolded and seated on his coffin. The firing party then stepped up and shot him. The line was then faced to the right and all were marched by close to where he lay. He was buried there. No one was sorry.

In November we had a Grand Review at Bailey’s Cross Roads. Over 75,000 troops before the President, foreign ministers, Members of Congress, and others. It was fine. Four batteries were picked out to fire the salute and we were one of the four. Instead of firing so many guns for the salute, we fired so many batteries, all the guns in a battery being fired at once, and counting as one gun. Then the next and so on.

On January 20th, we had one of our men thrown from his wagon and killed. While out after wood, his team, ran away and striking a stump, threw him off. This was the first death in our company. We remained in this camp all winter attending to drill and camp duties.

I will give you an account of what some of our camp duties were. 1st call in the morning at 5.30 when we get up, put on our boots, and are dressed. 5.45 fall in for roll call and served with a dipper of coffee. 6.00 fall in again and clean around the horses, also clean and feed them until 7.00 then breakfast. 8.30 guard mounting when the old guard are dismissed and the new guard go on for 24 hours. They are divided into three reliefs and go on for two hours and off in 4 hours. 9.00 water call when the drivers take the horses to water. 9.30 sick call when all the sick go to the doctor’s tent. 12.30 dinner. 3.30 stable call when the stalls are cleaned. Also horses ed and cleaned. 5.30 evening roll call, 8.00 tattoo roll call. 8.30 taps when all lights are put out. No noise or talk after that. Also about five hours drill beside if the weather is good. Every day field drill, gun drill, or sabre.

After remaining in Camp Revere from October 14th until March 10th, the army started on the march for Centreville and Manassas where the Confederate army were in winter quarters. We had large bell tents called Sibley tents that would hold 12 men each while in winter camp but when we received marching orders, we also received orders to turn them in and draw small ones called shelter tents, one half tent to each man. They would button together. The men would cut three small poles, one for each end and one for a ridge pole, put the tent over and pin it down. Two men could crawl under and sleep.

We had orders also to turn in wheelbarrows, shovels, hoes, pitchforks, small camp stoves and a large quantity of other things we could not carry. I was left in charge of all this property with a guard of six men, one sick man, and a prisoner and two teams. I had to take an account of all the property, turn it in at a government store house in Alexandria, and get a receipt for the same. Then take my men and follow on after the company and report. I overtook them at Annandale on the 14th March on their return from Centreville and Manassas where they had been and Lee’s army had fallen back towards Richmond. When this was found out, the plan of operations was changed ad we (the army) were ordered back to our camp. As we had cold rains on the return march and the men slept on the ground, they suffered very much.

At this time the army was formed into corps, three divisions in a corps. I told you before how many were in a division so you will understand the size of a corps. Our division was the 1st Division, 6th Corps—one of the best in the army and called the “Fighting Sixth.” We lay in camp on our old campground about three weeks, having drill, reviews, and inspections. On the 25th March, General McDowell reviewed and inspected about 50,000 troops. On the 27th, Lord Lyons and other foreign ministers with Members of Congress reviewed about 33,000. Also a review by General McClellan and others.

April 4th last night we received orders to be ready to start in the morning. Were up, tents struck and all packed before sunrise but did not start until about 10 o’clock. I was again left in charge of some stores with two men and orders to turn them in to the quartermaster’s department. The next afternoon at 2 o’clock I took the cars (baggage train) and went about three miles and stoped until six, then thirteen miles and lay on a side track until 10 the next morning in an open baggage car. Then we started again and I found my company at Manassas. Owing to rain and snow the roads were so bad we could not move. There were also various steams of water that had becone so deep we could not cross. We lay in a plowed foeld in a sheet of mud until the 11th when the steam Broad Run, having fallen, the cavalry found a place up the stream where we could cross. The water was up to the axle of the carriages. After passing the run, the fields were so soft we would get all ready and put on whip and spur to the horses and start across, sometimes clear up to the axle, and they would become stuck. Then all the men would get hold and help them out. Each carriage would take a different track in crossing. After getting about two miles beyond the river, we received orders (our Corps) to return to Alexandria, turned back and by a forced march reached Manassas on April 12th, marched again to Fairfax, and camped.

On the 13th reached Alexandria and camped outside the town near Fort Ellsworth. On the 14th we shipped our guns, caissons, and horses on stream transports, and men and baggage on schooners. On the 15th, 16thm and 17th the rest of the corps were being shipped to join General McClellan before Yorktown, he having taken the rest of the army some time before down the river. Sailed early on the 18th, the schooners and some transports in tow of the steam vessels, arriving at Ship Point about three o’clock on the afternoon of the 19th. On the 20th and 21st, unloaded the cavalry and artillery on account of the horses and left the infantry on the transports to await orders, it being understood we were to sail up the York River and attack Gloucester Point opposite Yorktown when McClellan attacks Yorktown. My brothers were in camp about three miles from our camp but I could not go to see them. While laying here the Boys killed quite a number of snakes—Blue Racers. Some of them were four or five feet long. They would crawl in along side the men in the night to keep warm and they would find then in their blankets in the morning.

From the 22nd until May 4th we attended to our regular duties with nothing of interest that I can think of. We could hear the firing every day at Yorktown. On the morning of May 4th, we were having our Sunday morning inspection when the officer commanding the artillery of our division informed us that Yorktown was evacuated and gave us orders to reship. We were all board by midnight. Started up the York River the next morning and reported at Yorktown, remained all night and in the morning, May 6th, we started up river again for West Point, reaching there early in the afternoon. Our horses, arriving first, were landed during the night and our carriages the next morning, May 7th. Some of our infantry that were landed the day before were skirmishing all night. We took position with our guns and were in our first battle. We also had General Sedgwick’s Division with us. The Rebs opened on our troops, steamers and transports. We replied to them and advanced a strong line of infantry and won the day. Our gunboats in the river aided us by rapid firing with large guns. There was a French gunboat came up the river with us to look on. Some of the shots struck quite near her and she run up the French flag and beat to quarters. We remained in harness all night and I was sergeant of the guard and had a gun loaded to fire as a signal if needed.

On the 8th [May], General McClellan and staff arrived, the rest of the army having marched from Yorktown up between the James and York rivers, his right joining our two divisions, remained here the 9th and 10th, the gunboats going further up the river and shelling the woods. On the 11th, moved a few miles and camped, remaining the 12th and moving again on the 13th, camping at Cumberland, remaining the 14th. On the 15th, up at four and ready for the march. Went to the White House—a fine estate belong to Lee. It was a beautiful place, a large number of slaves, and they had nice quarters and workshops. The fields of grain and everything looked fine. The 16th, 17th, and 18th were quiet but we moved again on the 19th. On the 20th and 21st we moved along and on the 22nd remained in camp. Also the 23rd and 24th. On the 25th, we marched again and camped on a plantation belonging to Dr. Gaines who raised grain and tobacco. The Rebs threw a number of shells into our camp today.

For the next few days we lay in camp here and could hear firing at different points along the line. I stood on the brow of a hill and looked down on the Battle of Fair Oaks. Could see the lines move up, hear the cannon and musketry, the yell of both armies as they charged. Also the Battle of Seven Pines. While in this camp I received a letter from your father informing me that in the Battle of Williamsburg (May 5th) that our brother Andrew J. was killed and that your father was wounded in the same battle and was then at Annapolis, Maryland in hospital.

On June 11th we started from camp (leaving the camp standing under guard) at 4 o’clock to relieve another Battery on picket at Mechanicsville where there were a few houses and a ford across the creek. Our troops held one bank and the Rebs the other. We could see them working on earthworks on a hill, but they remained quiet until about 6 p.m. when they opened on us. Each section of the Battery lay quite a distance from the other. The short-distance section was in the road leading to the ford. One long-range section to the right and the other to the left of it. So the lieutenant from right and left would go to the centre and eat with the captain and other lieutenants. As the officers were at supper when the firing commenced and only the sergeants in charge when an aide rode up and ordered us to reply to them. To the fort on the hill was about one mile. I from the left and sergeant Lawrence from the right, each dropped a shell in the breastwork. We heard afterwards from some prisoners that came in that we killed quite a number and dismounted a gun. They soon stopped when they found out what was in front of them. The lieutenant came up running and asked who gave the orders. I told him. Soon the aide returned and told us to stop. The lieutenant told me and I replied, I have a shot in the gun.” He said fire it but don’t load again. I asked could I fire where I wished, He said yes. I dropped the breach of the gun all I could (for elevation), pointed it toward Richmond, which was 4.5 miles and let it go. As the gun would carry about 5 miles, I have often wondered where it went.

We remained here a week laying around the guns, day and night, but we were not troubled again while there. On the [ ] we were relieved, returned to and struck camp, leaving Dr. Gaines’ place and crossing the creek at Woodbury bridge and camped in a field near Fair Oaks. On the 19th, moved a short distance and camped. While here I went among regiments of our line and found [ ] regiments and two batteries from Massachusetts. i found some friends in some of them. The sights I see in passing over the fields of Fair Oaks and Seven Pines were hard. Men thrown into [burial] trenches, some having as many as 100 to 150 in a trench. Many had been only covered as they lay on the ground by throwing dirt up from each side and as the rains had washed parts of them out—arms, legs, face, &c. and those parts were one living mass of maggots. The stench was horrible. And the troops were camped among the graves and had to drink the water. The reason they were buried so was after the battle, there was an awful rain storm and the creek was overflowed and the bodies were under the water. When it went down, they were so bad they could not be handled. The dead belonged to both armies.

Captioned “Woodbury’s Bridge—Chickahominy River.” Library of Congress

For the next week things remained about the same, firing along the lines every day and the regular camp duties. On June 26th the Rebs crossed at Mechanicsville and above, turning our right, where there was a terrible fight—the first one of the Seven Days. General Porter commanding the corps on the right was forced to fall back to Gaines Mills. On the 27th was the Battle of Gaines Mills. We crossed over at Woodbury Bridge and were in the battle in the afternoon. It was very fierce and the loss was large on both sides. At night we crossed back over the creek and took position on the front line remaining all night.

On the 28th, moved back to creek and took position to command another bridge. Troops passing all day and fighting at different points on the line. We held the position all day and on picket at night. Moved back before morning passing through lines of battle. I will explain something here something of the way we were falling back. While say one half of the army were fighting today, the other half formed the second line in rear of the first, ready to support them or take part holding the line all day, and at night the first line passed through the second and formed in their rear, being the supporting line that day. And at night change again from first to second.

On the 29th June was the Battle of Savage Station. When I passed here there were piles of rations—beef, pork, rice, hard bread, &c. Tons of musket and artillery ammunition, shot, shell, &c. All the stores of all kinds the teams could not carry were piled up and set on fire. Also hay and grain. The soldiers were taking the fuses out of the shells, pouring out the powder and in fact, destroying thousands of dollars worth of property. This was a railroad station and that is the reason there was so much property there. We had railroad trains moving what they could and kept them at it so long we could not get back. so the bridge over the creek was burned, the train loaded with stores, the engine started and all run into the creek.

You will form some idea of our wagon train when I tell you if it was put in a single ine, it would reach over 50 miles. We also drove a large head of cattle.

On June 30th, Charles City Cross Roads and White Oak Swamp Battles were fought. We were in the Charles City Cross Roads fight and had it hot. We fired so long and rapid our guns’ breach [became] so hot they would go off when the vent was uncovered. Although we wet the sponge in water, the water passed into the vent honeycombed them so bad that they had to be taken out and new ones put in as soon as we had an opportunity, a man coming from the gun foundry. We fired that day from our long-range guns about one ton from each.

I told you I had a good drilled squad ad we use to see who would gwt the first shot when we received orders to commence firing. I got the first shot and I suppose they fired at my smoke for while loading for the second shot, my No. 3 man at the vent, and my head by his side sighting the gun, a shell passed through him and over my shoulder, spattering the flesh and blood in my face and clothing. After dark we lay around the guns with a skirmish line in front. At midnight the lieutenant told me to wake my men and mount the driver and tell them and the other men not to speak a word or strike a horse and if they became stuck on stumps or in a hole, to leave then and save my horses if I could. If not, leave them. We drove off on the grass without a sound being made. One of our officers (said to be Gen. Kearny) rode up to the picket line and asked for the officer in charge, gave him orders to move the line back and uncover a cross road through a wood as he wished to pass some artillery. the officer, thinking it all right, moved the line and we passed through with everything all right. When we came out on a pike road inside our line, an officer sat on his horse and told us to let them go and we went down the road flying, arriving at Malvern Hill at 4 o’clock in the morning of July 1st, took position in line, and was in the battle part of the time. As our corps was out of ammunition, we received orders to go to the rear. Towards evening we took position for the night.

July 2nd left our position at 2 a.m. and marched to Harrison’s Landing, the troops coming in all day. When we arrived here we entered as fine a field of grain as ever you see, but before night, with the rain and the tramp of troops, it was all gone and was our sea of mud. Thus ended the Seven Days Battles before Richmond—one of the grandest movements of the war. When you think of the country we had to fight over, the large force General Lee brought against us, and we saved our trains and cattle, also artillery and troops.

On the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th, we were in different positions in reforming the lines. On the 8th, President Lincoln with a large staff and guard rode around the lines and received the troops, the gunboats and batteries firing salutes. The infantry built long earthworks and the artillery was placed in them all along the line, the guns being about 17 yards apart and the infantry camped in the rear. A strong picket line was out about 3 or 4 miles. We had drills and other camp duties every day. Otherwise it was quiet until the night of July [ ], when at midnight, the Rebs having brought down some batteries on the other side of the [James] River, opened fire on our gunboats, transports and camps. The gunboats and some batteries near the landing replied. The camps all turned out. It looked fine to see the shells going through the air when they didn’t come too near. In about an hour it stopped and all was quiet again and we turned in. The next day several regiments were sent across the river to destroy some buildings used by then=m for observation and a strong guard left to prevent the move again. A large number of men were dying in the camps every day from the hardships they had passed through but only one died in our camp from fever. Sometimes twenty or thirty dead bodies would pass our camp a day and I suppose the same in other parts of the army. It was very hot while here—from 100 to 115 degrees every day.

We received orders to turn in our guns and draw others of a different kind. We received six light 12-pounders or Napoleon guns, short-range (less than a mile) but the most destructible gun in the service for close fighting. Expecting the guns were ready, we took the horses and only 12 men and went to the landing and then found out we had to put the carriages together, mount the guns, and draw the ashore. Also all the ammunition, It took all day and was a hard job. The glass stood 80 degrees in the shade.

On August 6th, some 30 lb. Parrotts took position on our right. On the 7th Battery, B. Md. Artillery took our position and we moved into camp half a mile in the rear. On the 11th, received orders to be ready, packed up and hitched every day but did not start until the afternoon of the 16th when we crossed the Lower Chickahominy on a pontoon bridge which the gunboats were guarding. On July 18th, passed through Williamsburg (the place my brother Andrew was killed). On the 19th, passed through Yorktown and reached Lee’s Mills on the 20th and were ordered to Hampton. On the 23rd, we shipped our carriages on an old ferry boat that used to run from Boston to Chelsea which reminded us of home.

On the 24th shipped our horses and men on schooners. On the 26th went to Aquia Creek and received orders on the 27th to proceed to Alexandria. Arrived there on the 28th and disembarked, went into camp outside the city near Fort Lyons, and quite near the old camp where my brother was last winter.

On the 29th the Battery was ordered out towards Centreville and as our teams had not arrived, I was left in charge of baggage and stores with a guard until they came. The Battery returned to camp on September 2nd in the night and the next day moved to the old campground of last winter. In camp the 4th and 5th. In the 6th we received orders at 5 p.m. and were on the road at 6 passing over Long Bridge, through Washington and Georgetown on the trot and camping beyond on the Poolesville road (as the Rebs had crossed into Maryland). Remained in camp the next day. Troops passing all day. On the 8th passed through Rockville and at 7 went in position for the night. Marched the next day and camped at night at foot of the Sugar Loaf Mountain. Remained in camp the next day and marched on the following one camping near Buckstown. On the move next day and at noon, halted near Jefferson. Started again and halted near South Mountain, then opened the battery on Crampton Pass, South Mountain, where the Rebs were in a strong position on the side of the mountain with both artillery and infantry. Our battery was engaged part of the time, but being short-range, could only reach part of their line, but other batteries could. Part of our infantry moved on the front and another force moved into the woods and up the side of the mountain and flanked the position, driving them up and over the mountain, taking artillery, baggage wagons, and prisoners. We moved up the hill and camped on the field with the dead and wounded.

We were on the move again on the 17th and could hear rapid firing in the direction of Sharpsburg. We arrived at Antietam Creek at noon where we found a fierce battle going on. We was ordered into line on the right of center where the battle had been fierce, the dead of both armies and wounded lay thick as the field had been charged over two or three ties by both armies. In passing through a cornfield to take position, many a poor soldier (wounded), Union & Reb, would raise himself on his elbow and ask us, “For God’s sake” not to run over him. I can say I never run over a wounded man while in service. I rode by the lead driver and looked out for that. We took position within 500 yards and opened fire, remained on the field that day and the next, engaged or under fire.

On the night of the 18th, could hear the Rebs moving artillery or trains the most of the night, not knowing if they were massing troops for a final charge on our right, or a flank movement in the morning. As soon as daylight on the 19th, our skirmish line was advanced with a strong supporting line and forced the Reb skirmish line back. They soon found they had no support as their army had gone and left them. They threw down their guns and came in as prisoners.

We started after them at once, passing over the field of battle and I must say, I see worse sights here than on any other field I was ever on. Thousands of dead and wounded of both armies, killed in all kinds of ways and positions, and those that were killed at the first of the battle were swollen to twice their size and turned black. The stench was awful (when men are killed in health and full blooded, they turn soon) and the sun was very hot. In all the buildings from the field to the river, we found them filled with their wounded whom they had left behind. Lee’s army had crossed at Williamsport.

On the 21st, camped at St. James College. On the 22nd, moved into camp at St. James College. On the 22nd, moved into camp at Bakersville and remained the rest of the month and until October 9th when we went to Hagerstown and washed up the Battery for repairs and painting, and harnesses for oiling. After getting about half done, we were ordered on picket at Williamsport, put our carriages and harness together and went on the 16th finishing while there. We went out three or four times at midnight (with other troops) to command a bridge expecting a cavalry dash. The nights were very frosty and cold standing on watch. On October 31st we were relieved by the Baltimore Light Artillery and marched to the south side of the Blue Ridge, crossing at Crampton Pass and camping for the night. Then crossed the Potomac at Berlin on a pontoon bridge and entered Virginia once more.

During NOvember there was nothing of interest—only marches taking position in various places. Lots of rain and some snow. General Burnside had taken the place of General McClellan at the latter part of the month. Gen. Hooker’s Division was passing our camp and I run out and watched for the battery your father was in, he having returned to duty. I see him for about half an hour—the first time for eleven months.

December 4th, marched to Belle Plain and went in camp, remaining in camp until the 11th. Some rain and snow. On the 11th we started for Fredericksburg and camped near the river. On the 12th, crossed the Rappahannock on a pontoon bridge below the city (called Franklin’s Crossing) and went in position near the Barnard House. The day was foggy but about 3 o’clock it lifted and the Rebs opened on us and there was some brisk fighting. At night it stopped.

Early the next morning, the 13th, the firing was rapid and lively on both sides. At noon we moved and took position on the right of the left wing of our army, when the whole of the infantry line (in that wing) advanced towards the railroad and a fierce infantry fight took place. The Rebs moved a battery to rake the line, when our battery opened on their and blew up a number of heir limbers and the loss of life must have been large. We soon silenced that battery.

Our troops were repulsed with a large loss in killed and wounded and they fell back to their old place in line. Towards evening the opened a cross fire on us from a battery near the town. Their 1st shot smashed a wheel on a gun limber, took off a sergeant’s leg, and a private’s arm. Some horses killed and wounded. On the 14th and 15th lay in position with few shots from either side, both watching for a move from the other.

On the night of the 15th all the army fell back across the river on the pontoon bridges. These were covered with hay to deaden the sound. We were all across and the bridges up before daylight which surprosed the Rebs who expected to see us before them in the morning. Our battery was the last to cross, being with the rear guard. We had a large loss and no gain in this battle. We then returned to the same camp occupied before the movement. Remained here until the 19th when we moved and camped near White Oak Church on the Belle Plain Road. Nothing of interest during the rest of December—only the same as when we are in camp long. On the 28th I got a pass, mounted, and went out to find your father’s company. After riding about all over the army, I found him.

From January 1st to 20th, we were in the same camp building brush stables for the horses and attending to other camp duties. On the 20th, left camp at noon and marched across country striking the Warrenton Pike near Falmouth where we camped for the night. A cold rain all night and for the next three days. In the morning we were soaking and puddles of watrer where we lay. We had hard work to move our carriages, the mud was so deep. We had to take the horses from one carriage and put them on another, then return for the others. Sometimes we had from 8 to 28 horses on one carriage. Pontoon trains, baggage wagons, siege guns, and ambulances were struck fast in the mud. Mules and horses were mired and became so weak as to fall over in the mud and drown. I had to take a mounted detail of 16 men, go back and find the forage train, get a bag of oats, and put it in front…[the remainder is missing]