The following letter was written by Stephen “Chester” Shaw (1808-1890), the son of Philip and Lucy Shaw of Lewis county, New York. Chester was married in April 1837 to Frances (“Fanny”) Edelin (b. 1816) in Wood county, Virginia. We learn from the letter that Chester left his home in New York State in 1830 when he was 22 years old and had started a new life for himself in the Ohio river town of Parkersburg, Virginia, located at the mouth of the Little Kanawha river. At the time of his arrival, the town had only 200 inhabitants. Chester wrote the letter to his older brother, Dr. Otis Shaw (1802-1888) and his wife, Lucretia (Nash) Shaw (1807-Aft1850) of Copenhagen, Lewis county, New York.
Chester is considered the first “true Parkersburg and Wood County historian.” He spent his first seven years as clerk in the Wood county court room under James H. Neal, clerk of the Circuit Superior Court. He then held the office of county assessor and commissioner. In 1878 he published a book entitled, “Sketches of Wood County: its early history…“
Blennerhasset Island in the Ohio River near Parkersburg, Virginia
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Parkersburg [Virginia] 13 September 1833
Dear Brother & Sister,
With a head almost as barren and destitute of a sentimental idea as the desert of Arabia, I this morning take my pen to acknowledge yours of the 26th June last which was received the 6th of July & which as they ever do, gave me pleasure to know that health with the other blessings of life still attend those that the undeviating friendship of youth yet remains indelibly fixed upon my imagination, and who I again hope to see before I pass the isthmus of two eternities.
This morning my mind has been wandering back to the time I eft home first which is three years today. The Sunday before leaving home, we were all together at Father’s, and which is the last time that I have seen our family circle filled by those that once were happy under the guidance of parents—“When shall we all meet again” often sinks with weight on my mind, and produces sensations that pen is unable to picture to your imagination. But here the [paper torn] is directed to that world, which sheds forth the glories of immortality that so dearly vibrate in each bosom—and shall we all meet there? who are depraved by transgression—I most sincerely hope we shall duly considered of the relation we bear to untried eternity, and make sure preparation for the same, and though all here is changing be prepared for that changeless state.
I received a letter from Father a few days since, replete with kindness for which I feel grateful and hope he will not let so much time elapse before he writes again as has between the letters already received. My health is good at present and has been during the summer past, and the reason of my not writing you ere this has been owing to the multiplicity of business that crowds itself upon me. Last Quarterly Court was a wracker, I’ll assure you—which left business on my hands for night and day—during the sitting of the Superior Court which adjourned last Monday—I think that after a few days I shall have more time to devote myself as the confusion of the multitudes of country people that attend court, will not come round again till November Term next. Mr. Stephenson has been very sick with the bilious fever. He is now recovering and I think in a few days will be about. It has been generally healthy with us this season past. The weather’s dry—drier than ever I knew before. Three weeks ago last Sunday, I forded the Ohio River on horseback with a lady behind me at the foot of Blennerhassett’s Island and should not think that there was any place in the river over three feet deep. There has not been a boat down or up the river till today for five weeks. And this one has taken the fair side of a rain storm we had last Friday and Saturday, which raised the river about two feet. The river is now a falling very fast.
The farmers’ crops are said to be not good this fall owing to the dry weather. Fruit is very plenty and good excepting peaches. Wheat worth from 60 to 70 cents per bushel. Money scarce through the county and a general time of collecting debts by law. This much for local matters and I should like to make some inquiries about Copenhagen, and first how does Mrs. Gerry and Irene do? are they going to Connecticut, if so, when? and where is she now living and what doing. Has Mr. Stephens been to the Springs this summer? How does Mrs. Stephens get along? Can she walk about, and where is Jane? Give my love to them and tell them I should like to hear from them. Stephens owes me a letter and he used to tell me, “be like good pay masters.” Ask him if he has changed his “motto.”
…I have to write all the time and think that I take the most pleasure in writing home of anything—for my mind appears to wonder where you are and I can almost sometimes hear you talk. I had a letter from Lucy the other evening, adn she says that Father is agoing to live with you, and I hope he will. I do think that you or [ ] ought to live with Father and Mother. How does Zenas like clerkship and how got along? Remember [me] to Miss Submitt Hammon and tell her it would do me good to have a good chat with her, also Derias and Eliza. Edward has got married.
Have you heard from Cousin Ebenezer Winchester or any of the family? I have not since I left Butler. Has Esqr. Chipman moved to Michigan or does he yet live in Tylersville? If he has moved to Michigan, I wish you would tell me where…Do you know where Miss Scoval is now and should you go to Tylersville, remember me to Mr. Warren and family and Mr. Webb and family. I should like to hear from Mr. Warren….Tell Father and Mother that I am well and shall write to them shortly. I have received several Journals and Lewis County papers from you which are very acceptable and hope you will send more of them to me.
I shall look for an answer to this in four weeks and hope not to be disappointed. Remaining your well wisher, — Brother Chester
The following 12-page handwritten document contains extracts from letters sent to the Friends’ Association (Quakers) of Philadelphia by agents sent out throughout the South to alleviate the suffering, attend to the needs, and to educate the large numbers of refugee slaves who entered Contraband Camps established by the military in 1863. The misery of the ex-slaves’ past lives, as well as the level of ignorance in which they had been maintained, is countered by their hope for the future.
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The following extracts from letters recently received embody such information as can be gleaned from them for the benefit of our friends at a distance. — E. C. Collins, Secretary
December 24th 1864
Elkanah Beard and his wife Irena organized a relief effort for freed slaves in the Mississippi River Valley.
“I have very recently visited the camps between here & Vicksburg (12 in all) containing about 26000 freed people. Nearly one half of these people are doing tolerably well, all things considered. The others are suffering in various ways; thousands have not a change of raiment and no bed clothing and are compelled to quarter in tents that shield them but very little from the weather—the cold rains and freezing winds of winter. From this exposure they cannot avoid pneumonia, small pox and other diseases incident to camp life are on the increase and more fatal. There are several thousands in other camps that I have not visited; in the interior of Arkansas if reports are to be credited, there is more destitution than in any camps on the river. From a lack of clothing or goods to be made up, a vast number that are convalescent, will no doubt, be chilled to death.
Schools have been organized in nearly all the camps on or near the river which are largely attended and most of the pupils are making rapid progress in learning. Stocking, yarn and knitting needles are very much needed, and many begged me to furnish them, but as yet I have not been able. With desires that all friends of suffering humanity may be fully aroused to a sense of duty and immediate action, I conclude for want of time to add more.” – Elkanah Beard, Memphis, Tennessee
[Note: the Elkanah Beard letter was published in full in the Friends Review of 23 January 1864, pp. 323-324.]
Helena, 1
“The condition of this camp is far from satisfactory though superintendent Kenick is doing all that he can to improve it. The visit to it was a very sad one, and I longed for a supply of clothing at once to relieve the needs of the poor creatures who in many cases had but one garment and were suffering from cold and disease. There is a peculiar dampness in the atmosphere which makes the cold hard to bear. The number of colored people here during the past year has been some 4,000. There have [been] 1,100 deaths. This statement tells the story. They want underclothes and children’s clothing. Garments for the men are not needed as they have the clothing of deceased soldiers which they use for outside garments. In one case I saw a sick woman in bed who had nothing but a blanket in which she rolled herself. Children’s shoes are very badly needed here. I think almost the best thing we could do would be to send some shoemaker’s tools and several sizes of lasts for women and children with suitable thread. They can get leather here and there are several shoemakers among them who understand how to use the tools.”
— Samuel Shipley
1 In May 1863, a Quaker man named Levi Coffin visited Helena, where he met with an old neighbor, William Shugart. Coffin wrote that he found 3,600 contrabands in Helena working either in the service of the government or as farmers. Many blacks were living in three large churches, while others found shelter in houses and in tents. Coffin referred to other camps between Helena and Vicksburg, Mississippi, among them Camp Deliverance, Camp Wood, and Camp Colony. However, shortly after Coffin’s visit, these camps were attacked by the Confederates, and many blacks perished in the burning cabins in which they were housed.
2nd letter from S. Shipley, dated Vicksburg
Vicksburg represents a number of camps. The general superintendents of the Western & Southwestern camps is Col. John Eaton. He is one of nature’s noblemen. Happy are these oppressed people that they have found such an advocate & defender. He strongly advises us to send out an agent who understands farming. He expressed much satisfaction in the labors of the Friends—says that all we can do will be needed; that the work is colossal. There are two schools here with 500 scholars and 20 teachers. Some classes are taught by soldiers. 30 learned to read in 8 weeks. Clothing is hard to procure; calico sells for 50 cents per yard. A tin basin for $1, and all other things in proportion. The greatest trouble is in the camps outside of the city limits. I rode on horseback to Blake’s Plantation; 2 though the superintendent, Capt. Elliott, is doing all he can, there is great suffering there. About 1,600 are in two camps. In my walks there through the quarters, I found many poor creatures wornout with long years of suffering & privation, some of them now over 75 years old, on beds of sickness with scarcely clothing to cover them. You would be deeply moved to hear them thank their Heavenly Father for the great boon of Freedom and express themselves satisfied that He could care for them. No tongue can tell what they have suffered. I authorized Capt. Elliott to buy two stoves for a large room in the second story of a barn hitherto unused because it could not be warmed. He proposes to use this room as a hospital. I shall direct E[lkanah] Beard to supply this camp with clothing. There are numerous camps of which we hear little or nothing.”
2 See Letter No. 5, 1863-64: THURLOW JOSEPH WRIGHT TO CAROLINE S. WRIGHT describing Blake’s Plantion; “[Benson Heighe] Blake Plantation about ten miles from Vicksburg on the Valley Road. The husband of Mrs. Blake is a colonel in the rebel army. She is living on the plantation and depends upon the government for rations. The Blake’s Plantation are three in number which contain many thousands of acres of as fine land as the sun ever shone upon. She is, I am informed, strong in the faith still. Yet a visible improvement has taken place in her made from the remark, I am told she has frequently made—that is, that she does not care which government is successful, ours or the Southern Confederacy so that the property she and her husband once owned could be placed in her possession as it once was. She is after the dollars and the negroes could she hold them.”; See also excerpts of Memoirs of Louisa Russell Conner who wrote: “[The Yankee] army was followed by hundreds of negroes and they formed these contrabands as they were called into camps or corrals. One of these corrals was on each of Mr. Blake’s plantations the one at Blakely being probably the largest as the accomodations [sic] were greater. There were seventeen hundred in this corral stored away in the quarters, in tents and in the gin to which they built two stories…. Very soon Yankee school teachers or ‘Marms’ as they were called arrived and took up their quarters in the corral to teach the negroes. The whole field presented a singular appearance dotted with camps, etc. and standing out in the sun and rain were carriages of various kinds which were brought there by the Yankees or negroes.”
A letter from T. Nicholson dated December 30th [1863] says—
“More suffering exists in Tennessee & in Alabama & interior of Arkansas than any other points. It is very satisfactory to know that the agents employed appear to do their best. Col. Eaton says that the great necessity centers at Pine Bluff, Vicksburg, & Natchez.
At one point where 100 orphan children are collected a request was made for needles & yarn. It is a great satisfaction to know that the Young Men’s Aid has sent out both needles and yarn to meet this want, & that they have also dispatched lasts, with shoemakers findings for the camp indicated by Samuel Shipley where shoes were so much wanted.
From Newbern, N. C. where so much distress from small pox 3 has prevailed, the letter from Helen James (the wife of the Superintendent) states, “I am happy to announce the arrival of your valuable box. A part of the contents have already been distributed to meet the requisitions made upon me by the orders from the small pox hospitals. These are given to patients about to be discharged & are all they have to begin the world with, as every particle of clothing & bedding possessed by those poor creatures is burned.”
3 John Williams, an African-American soldier in New Bern, N.C., supplied more chilling detail in an 1864 letter to a Union officer outlining the disparity in treatment of white and black victims: “I write to know if theire cant be some protection for the colored people of new Bern the people of coler when they are taken with the small pox they hae to be dragged across the river and their they have not half medical attendanc for them. It is said by the folks that has got well that they do not get enough to eat and when thy die thy have a hole dug and put them in without any coffin and I think this is a most horrible treatment and therefore thy ought to have some person that will look after them in a better manner then this[.] the[re] is A grat distinction made between the white and the colored in such cases as this when the whites are taken with this disseas thy taken care of and so you will pease to look into this matter.”[Source: Freed Slaves Battle Small Pox and Other Diseases, by Jim Downs]
From Norfolk—Lucy Chase 4 writes on December 23, 1863—
“I am fresh from an hour or two at the jail yard where 130 refugees are looking into the future. They came in yesterday, brought from their masters by Col. Wild’s Brigade. Smiling, hopeful, and satisfied they all are. “Don’t care if we are crowded”—“Would rather live on bread & water than stay in my old home.” You must all go to the schoolhouse tomorrow, I said. We will give you books and teach you & fit you to help yourselves.” “If I can find the way there, I reckon I shall be [ ] there myself,” said one sprightly mama. “I’ll go;” ”I’ll go” said several. I took with me a quantity of primers adn after exciting the ambition of the multitude, I took a slate and wrote copy for them, and plunged them deep into letters. A moment of instruction tests the ability & interest. Some of the very young boys and girls gave me undivided attention and learned rapidly. Others never knew the meaning of fixed attention and required constant urging. We have had many bunks built in the yard, have had the walls whitewashed, the broken window sashed, mended and an approach to comfort secured. Every new arrival is more marked in interest than any preceding one; as the multitude crowded around me this morning, losing their heads in the folds of my shawl, looking into my face with faith and thanksgiving, crowding the stairway, grouping themselves into families, as it were instinctively, on the approach of a stranger, the scene was picturesque in the extreme. Seeing but little baggage, I enquired if they were obliged to leave it behind. “We couldn’t bring anymore honey.” … 18th—Today 125 wagon loads of negroes came into Portsmouth & will probably be here tomorrow. Sarah & I spent this afternoon in the yard giving necessary clothing to a few of the most needy and remembering the many on their way, husbanding our resources. 23rd—300 more refugees came yesterday—seventy wagon loads on 7th day last—and 125 a few days before. Now they are dropped outside the city on a farm where huts have been built for them. We with many others passed this afternoon in patching the clothes of the school children who would come in for repairs. We mended their coats and pantaloons on their backs and sent them home rejoicing.”
Virginia Contraband, Library of Congress
4 “When Lucy Chase (1822-1909) and her sister, Sarah Chase (1836-1911), single women from a well-to-do Quaker family of Worcester, Massachusetts, arrived at the contraband camp established on Craney Island near Norfolk, Virginia, in 1863, they found the needs of the newly freed slaves assembled there to be overwhelming. They commenced their work of dispensing material aid, establishing schools, and preparing black people to become self-sufficient, work they continued in other locations in the South for much of the decade. The correspondence of the Chase sisters, which spans the years 1861-70 and includes a number of letters from New England supporters and blacks whom the sisters had taught, constitutes a valuable source for examining the interaction of female humanitarians from the north with federal officials, ex-slaves, and white southerners. Lucy Chases’s richly detailed accounts of the life histories of former slaves and the beliefs and religious practices of the black community are of unusual interest.” [See Dear Ones at Home; Letters from Contraband Camps“
William Burgess 5 writes from Yorktown, December 19th [1863]—
“I have just got my school started; have 58 scholars—the number is increasing and by New Years I think there will be a hundred. As I have no schoolhouse, I just take my chart, speller & chalk around to their houses—hear their lessons—then make chalk letters on the walls about for them to learn by the next day. Then go to the next house and do likewise & so on. Those who are most anxious to learn follow me around and so recite several times. As i go, I have a class of about half a dozen of the brightest with me most of the time; that suits me exactly. I am very much encouraged. They learn so much faster than I ever expected.”
On the farms in the Department around Fortress Monroe, Norfolk, etc. comprising over 5,000 acres, two thousand hands are constantly employed—the produce raised is very valuable & does much to render them self sustaining. In another year they will be probably more than self-sustaining.
The following letter was written by William H. Arndt (1844-1910), the son of Abraham S. Arndt (1821-1853) and Alvinah Winter (1823-1909) of Harmony, Warren county, New Jersey. William serged in Co. F, 2nd New Jersey Cavalry from 4 September 1863 to 1 November 1864, a total of 1 year, 2 months. He entered the service as a private and mustered out as a sergeant.
William wrote the letter to Caroline (Bareford) Alston of Springfield, Burlington county, New Jersey, the mother of his tent mate, Sgt. Thomas B. Alston (1842-1864). He wrote to inform her that Thomas had been shot in the hip during the fight at Egypt Station in Mississippi. In the battle, the 2nd New Jersey lost three officers killed and two wounded, and 16 enlisted men killed and 69 wounded. One officer and 39 men from the 2nd New Jersey were left at Egypt Station under the care of the regiment’s assistant surgeon because they were too badly hurt to be moved.
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Camp Kargé, Memphis, Tennessee January 9th 1864
Mrs. Alston,
As a friend to your son Thomas I take the responsibility to write to you of a slight misfortunate that has befallen your son. The 20th of December we started on an expedition down in the State of Mississippi for the purpose of destroying railroads to hinder the operations of Hood’s army. We penetrated sown in the state along the line of the Charleston and Ohio Railroad to Egypt Station where we met the enemy to the number of 7 to 9 hundred and a battle ensued immediately.
A telegraph operator tapping Rebel telegraph line near Egypt on the Mississippi Central Railroad
We made three charges before we could make any impression upon their lines. In the third charge, just in the last of the fight and on the very moment of a gallant victory, your son received a ball in the side a little above the left hip, but thank God not so as to endanger his life. I helped him to a temporary hospital where there was a surgeon in attendance and saw him in bed when UI left him for a short time. I soon returned to him just as our regiment was leaving and asked him how he felt. He wasn’t in much pain and was in good spirits. He expressed a wish that I would address his friends and leave them know his condition and that they shouldn’t feel anyway bad about his misfortune for he would soon be with them again, well and hearty.
The ball that hit him passed through a tent and rubber blanket rolled on his saddle and also through the cantle of the saddle so you may judge that the wound is nothing serious. I have been a tent mate and friend of your son since the death of Curtis, your fellow townsman. I always valued him very highly as a friend and none can grieve his loss more than I.
This is four letters here for him which I shall keep in my possession until directions from you. As it was a raid that we was upon, we left your son behind with more than a hundred of our regiment, with a doctor to attend them. There is a flag of truce going from here with provision for them and if I can get any information from [them], I will forward it to you immediately.
Please excuse all blunders for any information as instructions as to his things, please address William H. Arndt, Corp in Co. F, 2nd New Jersey Cavalry
This letter was written by William Russell Thomas (1843-1914) in February 1863 while a student at William College in Williamstown, Massachusetts. William was the eldest son of Chauncey Thomas(1802-1882) and Margaret Bross (1819-1856). His obituary record at Williams College states that “while he was a mere child, his parents moved to Shohola, Pennsylvania, just across the Delaware River from his birthplace [Barryville, New York]. He prepared for college in the academy at Monticello, New York, and graduated from Williams in the class of 1865. During his college course, he took some practical lessons in journalism on the Chicago Tribune, of which his uncle, Lieutenant Governor William Bross, was then chief owner. His first real assignment was the funeral of Abraham Lincoln. Wishing to push on towards the real frontier in the early spring of 1866, he journeyed to Colorado on a stage coach, before the days of western railroads. He spent that summer traveling over the Rockies with Bayard Taylor. In October 1866, he became editor of the Register-Call, a frontier daily paper published in Central City, Colorado. In May, 1867, he went to the Rocky Mountain News as traveling correspondent, in which position he spent several years riding over Colorado, New Mexico and Wyoming…He later became the managing editor, which position he held for sixteen years and helped to make it the leading paper of the West.” [Obituary Record of the Alumni of Williams College, Class of 1865]
In this February 1863 letter, William attempts to dissuade his father from embracing the Copperhead movement by illustrating through the words of Jefferson, Washington, and other revolutionary leaders that slavery was a moral wrong and that, if given sufficient time, slavery would have been abolished by a democratic process.
Addressed to C. Thomas, Post Master, Shohola, Pennsylvania
Williams February 28, 1863
My dear Father,
I have just received your letter and also the box by Express for which I am very much obliged. A token like that from home is always thankfully received for it reminds one that he is not forgotten at home. Aunt E___’s letter I will answer tomorrow, but yours I will answer immediately. I am sorry that you considered the letter to which you refer as a reprimand. I had no such intention and it wsa furthest from my thoughts. I wrote it as a fair and just argument, intended it should be that, and am sorry that it was not taken as such.
As to your remark on Jefferson, I would say I uphold in its fullest extent the right of free speech until it comes to treason which a government has the right to suppress. Admitting this, it leads us to this. A man has a perfect right to denounce slavery, or he has a the same right to praise it. And as long as each party keeps within bounds of the Constitution, each party has the undoubted right to extend their principles.
You try to escape the force of my argument by a quibble—that I cannot show that Jefferson ever belonged to a society to denounce the institutions of one section. Jefferson denounced slavery everywhere—North, South, East and West, as it then was, and when the North, East and West squared themselves upon the principles of Jefferson, did his denounciation of the system not apply just the same, even if it existed in one Section instead of all four? This argument would be sufficient, but to fashion it, I enclose some of his opinions on the point. See extract 1 where he considers it an honor to belong to such a society.
And now, on to [George] Washington. For his views on slavery, I refer you to extract No. 2. A man who would proclaim such sentiments now is called an abolitionist and on such we shall consider George Washington. Whose fault was it that a sectional party was formed! If the North chose to place itself upon the principle of Washington as here expressed, was it not the fault of the section that refused to come up the principles of Washington that the party became sectional! This is the point. The North said with Washington and Jefferson, we believe slavery to be wrong, and called upon the whole country to oppose the sentiments of the founders of our government. The South refused, and the party in the North became sectional by that refusal. Where was the fault? Certainly not of the North. I think the position taken by the sectional party on the mode of stopping the advance of slavery to have been wrong. I believed then—I believe now—that the principle of popular sovereignty was the fairest, most constitutional and most democratic way of stopping that advance. But I believe that every man has the right to denounce the institution of slavery. And if as I have heard you say, slavery is wrong, it is the moral duty of every man to denounce it, just as Jefferson denounced it—just as Washington and Franklin denounced it.
You seem to think it hard that the South have been called barbarians and think Jefferson would not have done so. Well he did do so. He said it makes them exercise “the most boisterous passions”—“the most unremitting despotism and deprives them of every moral sentiment.” And now, let me ask, how much better is a man who is an unremitting despot, subject to the most boisterous passions and deprived of his morals than a barbarian? It is these very elements that constitute a barbarian. And in this war they have fulfilled the prediction of Jefferson and proven themselves to be barbarious.
And I would now repeat what I said in the beginning, that if I have sau anything in my former letter, or in this, which injures your feelings, I ask to be forgiven.
I have written out of a feeling of duty I owe to my country to prevent you, if possible, and everybody else from being numbered with the Copperheaded Party of the North. Already the late convention of Copperheads of Hartford has place itself flatly upon the platform of the Old Hartford Convention, and also upon the very principles of nullification advocated by Calhoun and opposed by Webster and Jackson. Are you willing to go there and place yourself in direct opposition to where Madison and Jackson stood? I cannot believe you will. But I firmly believe that you will stand yet with Dix and Dickerson, Butler and Tremain, Holt and Andy Johnston, under whose guidance the true principles of the Democratic Party will be sustained—the principles of Madison, of Jefferson, and of Jackson. And under these principles the country has ever prospered, so it ever will prosper. And when the rebellion is crushed, as sure it will be, when the powers of the Constitution shall again be respected over our whole country, then the fate which shall be meted out to secessionists and traitors will only be equaled by the scornm indignation, and execution of a justly indignant people upon Copperheads and Copperheadism which, while the country was all but strangled beneath the folds of a wicked, gigantic, and damnable rebellion, was willing to make peace with Rebels, even at the expense of country, Union, Constitution, right, law, humanity, justice, and freedom.
Write soon and believe me ever your dutiful and affectionate son, — Wm. Russell Thomas
I could not find an image of Sidney but here is one of an unidentified Virginia Officer (Matthew Fleming Collection)
The following letter was written by Sidney Crockett Painter (1837-1890), the son of Isaac Painter (1802-1885) and Evalina Jackson Bell (1809-1892) of Wytheville, Virginia. Early in the war, Sidney enlisted in the 4th Virginia Infantry as a 1st Sergeant in Co. F. He was wounded in the Battle of Bull Run and was discharged in late October 1861. He reentered the war in May 1862 as a private in Co. B, 29th Virginia Infantry and was commissioned a lieutenant by September 1862. Later in the war he served as an Assistant Quartermaster of the regiment and on the staff of Cabell’s Confederate Artillery.
Sidney married Mary Gertrude Bitting (b. 1844) of Surry, North Carolina, in 1867.
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Headquarters Conscript Office Petersburg, Virginia March 23rd 1863
Dear Sir,
As I have not written you anything since James went home, I will give you some of our disappointments in regard to our late order which was to go west. I imagine, however, you have heard something of it before this.
First we were ordered to report to our old commands in S. W. Virginia. The 63rd, 50th and 54th went but our beautiful Lieut. Col. opposed the move and went to Richmond and got us detached from Gen. Marshall’s command and the consequence is we will have to remain here or somewhere in this country. We all wished for Col. [A. C.] Moore as we we think he would have taken us back. We held meetings to try and do something to get back but I fear it will do no good. I will send you a copy of the resolutions drafted as soon as I can see Adjt. Moore.
Our duties are just as when I wrote before. Some of our sentinels have been fighting like smoke. They have shot five or six men. They shot one yesterday and it is thought he will die. I will send a full description published in the Express. I bought me a fine suit of gray that cost me $28. The same will cost $80 to have it made up—outrageous! My intention is to have it made this week if we remain here.
My health is tolerable good though the weather is so bad I can’t do much out of the camp. I believe Lawrence wrote you by last mail and I presume he gave you all the late items. Tell Pa to keep my mule unless he can get $400 for him and that cash down. She will just suit him to ride and I want him to ride her everywhere he goes. She will keep fat on just half what it will take to keep up a horse. If he would fatten Horace, he can get $350 for him. Write me as soon as you get this.
The boys all send their love to you all. Ezra is very well. In haste. Yours, &c. — S. C. Painter
The following letter was written by Andrew Fern (1843-1919), the son of James Fern, Jr. (1806-1852) and Ann Coon (1804-1886) of Milford, Otsego county, New York. In August 1862, at the time of Andrew’s enlistment, he was a resident of Marengo, McHenry County, Illinois. As such, he enlisted as a private in Co. E, 95th Illinois Infantry. The enrolling officer recorded his description as a 5’5″ light-haired, blue-eyed farmer. He served out his enlistment, mustering out of the regiment on 17 August 1865 at Springfield, Illinois, as a corporal.
I could not find an image of Andrew but here is one of Pvt. Thomas Rees of Co. H, 95th Illinois Infantry (Ancestry.com)
The 95th Illinois had an extensive and proud record of service in the western theatre of the war, including their participation in the Battle of Nashville that took place on 15-16 December 1864—just ten days after this letter was penned. In this letter to his family back in New York, Andrew informs them that his regiment is well fortified at Nashville anticipating an attack any hour from Hood’s army and though he accurately estimated the Union strength at 55,000 men, he grossly overestimated the Confederate strength at 75,000 men. In actuality, Hood’s forces approximated only 30,000. Hood’s defeat at Nashville signaled the end for his Army of Tennessee. In six months of campaigning, they had lost nearly 75% of their fighting force and ceased to be a serious threat to the Federals. The Union victory at Nashville shattered Hood’s Army of Tennessee and effectively ended the war in Tennessee. Following Nashville, the fall of the Southern Confederacy was now only a matter of time.
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Nashville, Tennessee December 5th 1864
Brothers at Home,
I take a few leisure moments to write you a few lines. We are now at Nashville, Tennessee. The regiment is now all together with the exception of one company and that is Company K. We expect them here in a couple of days.
For nearly one week we have been working on two breastworks and we have got breastworks made all around the city. General Hood, Forrest, and General Bragg had had a fight with our General Thomas and have drove him into this place and Smith’s forces have been here and fortified and their intention is now to hold him here until we can get force enough to send in the rear of him. We expect that he will make an assault into our lines every day so we are in readiness. Their pickets and ours are only about 40 rods [220 yards] apart. The artillery is playing at them all the time but they are very quiet with theirs and their force, we think that they are making preparations to make an assault onto our lines. Their forces altogether is estimated at about 75,000 and ours about 55,000.
I suppose that before long there will be a great battle fought here. We are looking every hour for it. The boys are usual well and in good spirits, although we have got a lot of recruits in the regiment and I don’t know how they will perform into a battle but they look like good old war dogs.
I am in good health with the exception of a bad cold. My partner is well as usual, McKendry Bishop—he is a son of Leander Bishop. I will close by saying that you must write soon. I will write in a few days again if nothing happens to me and tell [you] how it comes off.
A well wish from your true brother, — Andrew Fern
To Mother and Brothers at Home. Direct by way of Nashville, Tenn.
I can’t be certain of the identity of the author of this letter. Only because I recently transcribed a letter by Robert Hill of Osweatchie, New York, who served in the 106th New York do I have a hunch that it may have been written by:
MILLS, FREDERICK H.—Age, 21 years. Enlisted, August 7, 1862, at Oswegatchie, to serve three years; mustered in as corporal, Co. C, August 27, 1S62; mustered out with company, June 22, 1865, near Washington, D. C.
Transcription
January 15, 1863
Friend Libbie.
I now take my pen in hand to answer your brief note which I received this evening and was glad to hear from you once more. I am well and I hope these few lines may find you the same. I am at Larel [?] now building barracks for to move in but I do not want to move here for the citizens here has got the small pox and some of our regiment is exposed to it. One man died today and four of our regiment is going tonight to bury him.
I hardly know what to write tonight and if I did, I could not write tonight for Rob and John Hills is here on the floor and you may guess what I have to encounter with so you must excuse my bad spelling. But I am sorry to hear that you have a cold that lasts you so long.
I should like to have been there at New Years for I think I could have enjoyed myself better than I did here though I had a good time here, but you must have had a great time to have afflicted you so. But it is now all over with I hope by this time. I am glad to hear that Diana is well but as for her ever asking me to sleep with her, it’s not so. nor she had better not for she would surely have to. But she got mad at me as I got at her.
The weather is warm and nice here now. It has not been much cold weather here yet but as it is getting late, so I am obliged to close for the time. You must excuse my bad writing and spelling for my pen is good [for] nothing or paper either, but it is the best I can get here.
No more this time. This from your friend Frederick
The following letters were written by Abel Starkey (1816-1864) of Boston who enlisted on 13 June 1861 as a private in Co. F, 11th Massachusetts Infantry—one of only three Massachusetts regiments to participate in the First Battle of Bull Run. The regiment spent the early fall of 1861 helping to build fortifications around Washington. In October, the 11th was stationed at Budd’s Ferry in Indian Head, Maryland where they remained on picket duty for the winter of 1861–1862. The 11th Massachusetts Infantry saw its first combat during the Peninsular Campaign in the spring of 1862. They were heavily engaged during the Second Battle of Bull Run, participated in the Battle of Fredericksburg, and suffered severe casualties at the Battle of Chancellorsville and the Battle of Gettysburg.
Presumably Abel was with his regiments throughout these engagements and was with them as well when the regiment marched into the Wilderness in May 1864 in Hancock’s Second Corps where they were engaged heavily on the Plank Road on 5 and 6 May 1864. It was Abel’s last fight. He died of wounds on 7 May 1864.
Abel wrote these letters to his older brother, Horace Starkey (1814-1872), a farmer near Rockford, Winnebago county, Illinois.
Other letters I’ve transcribed by members of the 11th Massachusetts:
In Camp 14 miles from Richmond Sunday, June 1, 1862
Dear Brother,
Your favor of the 18th instant was received 2 days ago. I did not get into camp until that day Friday. Our (Hooker’s) division is on the extreme left, 14 miles from Richmond. Our advance is within 6 or 7 miles from Richmond and has been for several days. There has been hard fighting for the last 2 or 3 days on our advance & the result I know not. We hear that our men have been repulsed with heavy losses & Gen. Casey & Gen. Carney are killed. And then we [also] hear our men drove the Rebels right through Richmond & taken possession of the town. Hooker’s Division have been ready to march at a moments notice & in fact have been out on double quick twice expecting the Rebels to attack us on our left—a place assigned to our division to prevent the Rebels from flanking us on our left. While I am now writing, we are expecting an order to run any moment.
All our luggage, except haversack, canteen, gun and equipments, is all sent back across the Chickahominy river. It is very hot here today. It has been raining a considerable part of the time the last month. The roads are almost next to impossible to travel for man or beast. I saw the Westmoreland boys today. They are as well as could be expected considering the weather and fatigue they have to Endure. The papers say our troops of the Army of the Potomac are in excellent health. I don’t think so—to say nothing about those that have been killed or wounded on our right last week. There is more than 25,000 that have been sent home or are still in the hospitals and not fit to do any duty. Capt. Barker told me today that the 2d New Hampshire Regiment could not muster over five hundred men that were able to go into battle (He told me that Abijah French was dead).
I came in the rear from Williamsburg and was 11 days coming. Took my own time. The houses on the main road were mostly deserted by the white population excepting families & seldom I saw any of them and nearly every house vacated. There were more or less sick soldiers in them & many of them turned into hospitals.
There was nearly three thousand sick in the hospitals at White House landing and more arriving daily and taking the steamboat for Fortress Monroe, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York &c. News has just come in that we had drove the Rebels & taken lots of prisoners. I have not heard from home since I wrote you last. Two or three letters came in my absence & were sent back to White House Landing in our Captain’s trunk. I am well & hearty. Tell [your daughter] Ella I am very much obliged to her for the letter she sent me & tell her to write again. Tell her also that Jeff Davis was not quite patriotic to hang himself. Stanton’s Michigan Regt. encamped near us at Yorktown. They are away in the advance now. I will see Lewis Webster when we come near them again. Give my regards to your family and write again. Respectfully yours—Abel Starkey.
We are Off.
Letter 2
Addressed to Mr. Horace Starkey, Rockford, Illinois
Camp Fair Oaks 6 Miles below Richmond June 21, 1862
Dear Brother,
The Grand Army of the Potomac are spread out from James River to Chickahominy River & how much further I do not know, but quite a distance. Hooker’s Division is encamped on the same ground that Casey’s was at the time the battle was fought 3 weeks ago. When we came here, the ground was covered with dead men and horses, broken gun carriages, muskets, accoutrements, &c. It was 4 days after the battle. The men and horses were perfectly alive with maggots. It would make a well man spew to look at them and then the smell was enough to knock a whole regiment end ways. We covered the men over with dirt as well as we could & piled wood on the horses & burnt them. The air begins to seem fit to breathe again.
Burying the dead and burning the horses on the battlefield of Fair Oaks
It has not been so very hot here as yet. There is a great deal of sickness in the army at this time and very likely the sickness has only just commenced. The two armies are only about 1 mile apart. The outward pickets are less than half a mile of each other with only a small bit of woods between them. Every move [that] is made by the enemy, we are called out in line of battle. We are expecting an attack at any moment. I do not think that McClellan intends to attack them as he has been as busy as a bee ever since he came here in making redoubts, entrenches, rifle pits, roads, &c. I think [Stonewall] Jackson has frustrated McClellan’s plan in preventing McDowell and Banks from marching on to Richmond from the North with their armies.
We are well fortified now for an attack should the rebels choose to do so. Some of their cavalry has passed through our lines twice and done considerable damage in our rear in burning wagons, schooners, & bridges, carrying off horses and mules, &c.
I now commence the 3rd time to finish this letter. Have been called out in line of battle since I commenced it. I am well. I saw Tim yesterday. His health is good but he is very homesick. His regiment lost 184 in the late battle. Capt. Barker has not been well since the battle at Williamsburg. The rest of the Westmoreland boys are well. I received a letter from home a few days ago. They are all well. You may hear of a great battle before you receive this on this very spot. Give my regards to your family. Tell Ella to write me & do the same yourself and much oblige. Respectfully your brother, — Abel Starkey
The following letter was written by Warren B. Ewing (1825-1876) a jeweler in Shelbyville, Shelby county, Kentucky. Born in Bourbon county, Ewing arrived in Shelbyville as a young man in the early 1840s to live and work with his brother-in-law James S. Sharrard. “Those who knew him well wrote of his refined nature, his musical talent, and his love of hunting and fishing.” In 1859-60, Ewing advertised as a goldsmith and silversmith, documenting is business of close to 20 years. Toward the end of his life, he lived in a furnished room in the rear of a hardware store on Main Street on the west side of the public square. He died a pauper on March 17, 1876, and was buried in an unmarked grave on the Atkisson lot at Grove Hill Cemetery, Shelbyville. Warren’s sister, Emeline, was the wife of James S. Sharrard who lived, by 1862, in Henderson, Kentucky.
Warren’s letter speaks of the first raid that Confederate raider John Hunt Morgan made into Kentucky in July 1862. With some 900 men, Morgan “swept in a wide arc through the state, during which he raided 17 towns, reportedly captured and paroled more than 1,200 Union troops, acquired several hundred horses, and destroyed huge amounts of Federal supplies. Morgan unnerved Kentucky’s Union military government, and President Abraham Lincoln received so many frantic appeals for help that he commented that ‘they are having a stampede in Kentucky.'” Though he was feared to be targeting Shelbyville, Kentucky, Morgan’s men rode into Paris instead and helped themselves to Federal supplies stored there and destroyed the rest. After Paris, Morgan stayed in the state just long enough to capture Winchester and Richmond.
Warren wrote the letter to 23 year-old Victoria (“Vic”) Ely (1839-1922), the daughter of William Masterson Ely (1808-1868) and Charlotte Robertson (1810-1881) of Milton, Trimble county, Kentucky. Warren’s relationship with her is unknown; perhaps she was a prior student at the Shelbyville Female College.
[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Josh Branham and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Addressed to Miss Vic Ely, Milton, Kentucky
Shelbyville [Kentucky] July 20, 1862
Miss Vic,
I am before you again in a scribble effusion pleading guilty to the charge of leaving violated my promise again. It may be quite as welcome as any pretense would be but I hope, however feebly, to the contrary. I have perhaps done the best to remain at home under the existing circumstances. My brother is quite helpless, requiring much attention. My sister has been from home until a few days past since which out town has been threatened with an attack from a portion of Morgan’s guerrilla band and it seemed necessary for every Union man to remain at his post as but very few of the secesh would take up arms to defend the place though all pretended to be very willing to do so. Some of them with but their shotguns fell into the ranks and remained firm until there was no further use for their remaining under arms, and are entitled to confidence. But those who lent their aid and influence to demoralizing and dispersing the aids who came in from the neighboring villages are not worthy of the respect of the negroes whom they regard the bone of contention.
The news reached us Sunday morning that Morgan was within thirty miles of us, threatening Frankfort, Lexington, and Shelbyville. A portion of his command were within eighteen miles of us and had a fight with a few home guards near Camden. Preparations were made to give them the warmest reception we could, receiving one hundred and fifty recruits from the villages around us between Sunday night and Monday morning. That no enemy came Monday morning when we were anticipating them, the men were suffered to stack their arms and stroll about town and the consequence was that many got drunk and were so demoralized when a breathless (almost_ courier came late in the afternoon with the news that twelve hundred cavalry were within six miles of and marching on Shelbyville, that they could not be managed. Several rumors followed soon after bringing the same tidings—men, too, who had been considered reliable.
A general stampede of the hundreds of the country people who had been flocking in all day commenced. Sheer panic stricken Union men and [ ] secesh such property holders gathered about our commander imploring him to lay down his arms and save the town from destruction by an over-powerful foe. Next two companies from Mount Eden and Harrisville made a grand skedaddle, some of them leaving their arms and taking to the field and woods, leaving only our home guard and a small band from Simpsonville to meet the Allens and their Cossacks. Amid the prayers of the property owners and flying families from the town, our young commander became embarrassed and finally concluded that he would make no resistance if they numbered over five hundred men.
A flag of truce was proposed but no man in authority and none of the Union leaders would bear to making terms with robbers as they regard Morgan’s gang. However, Jno. P. Allen 1 and Jno. Anthony Middleton, 2 be it said to their shame and the humiliation of the people, sneaked out with a flag of truce on their own responsibility to deliver up the town, and after riding for miles vainly searching for somebody to deliver up to, they sneaked off home. Jno. P. Allen is an old secesh sinner and J. A. M[iddleton], a young traitor lawyer of some promise. I am not prepared to say that his assumed responsibility will much advance him in the esteem of the loyal people, notwithstanding his unequalled impudence & betrayal—a requisite trait to the lawyer.
Shelbyville, Kentucky
Shelbyville is disgraced beyond a doubt. I am not sorry that they did not pay their respects to Shelbyville, but am truly glad that the brigand John Morgan was so routed yesterday morning near Paris and sincerely hope that his command will be annihilated or captured before the chase is over.
Margaret Sorency and her husband passed through town toward Mulberry Friday evening and Will Bird and a young Mr. Sorency yesterday morning stopped a few minutes. I have not seen [ ] or his lady since he was married. I am told that he is perfectly happy at house. Hope it may always be so with them.
There was a picnic given out for Mulberry yesterday. Quite a number went out from town but found only a very few of the Mulberry folks there—not even those who was instrumental in getting it up. I reckon they have not been relieved of their fright yet. A reward is offered for any man who will admit that he was alarmed last Monday. None can be found—nearly everybody run, but nobody was scared.
Not knowing what else to write, I must hurry to the conclusion of my missive. My kindest regards to the friends and accept the best wishes and regard of yours, as ever, — Warren B. Ewing
1 Presumably John Polk Allen (1810-1887) of Shelbyville, Shelby county, Kentucky. In the 1860 US Census he was identified as a farmer with a Simpsonville Post office address.
2 John Anthony Middleton (1838-1883) was the son of David Fulton Middleton (1796-1878) and Elizabeth Yerkes Beattie (1805-1859) of Shelbyville, Kentucky.
I could not find an image of Foster but here is Pvt. Allen Curtis Smith who also served in Co. I, 1st Mounted Rifles
The following letters were written by Foster C. Carl (1845-1920), the son of William C. Carl (1796-1882) and Mary Bennett (1807-1884) of Putnam county, New York. Foster enlisted in 1862 in Co I, First Regiment of New York Mounted Rifles, and served until the close of the war, when he was honorably discharged. He was only 17 years of age when he enlisted, and the consent of his parents was obtained by Capt. George H. Dean, who commanded the company and recruited it. He was a strong, healthy young man when he entered the service, and was a good soldier, always ready for duty, and never flinched. This is shown by the testimony of his captain.
He was taken sick about April 8 or 9, 1865, at Summerton, N. C., and was carried in an ambulance to the hospital at Petersburg, Va. After a few days he returned to his regiment and went from there to Fredericksburg, Va., but was not able to do any duty. He was granted a sick leave for thirty-five days, and was taken down with malignant typhoid fever, and was confined to his bed until March, 1866. He was attended by physicians whose affidavits are on file. This sickness resulted in a permanent disease of the head and air passages and throat and bronchial tubes. Matter was discharged from the ears, and the throat continually filled with phlegm. It resulted in a permanent disability in the nature of a catarrhal trouble, and a disease of the throat and general debility. The soldier seems to have suffered from a malarial poisoning, and is in a general feverish condition. The hearing and eyesight of the soldier is now seriously affected, and he suffers constantly from the same trouble of a catarrhal nature and is emaciated and physically unable to do but little work. At the time he was taken down with the sicknesses referred to he had been in the saddle with his command for 15 consecutive days. He was discharged from the service on 15 June 1865.
Foster wrote the letter to his half-brother, Walter Tilly Foster, the son of Tilly Foster (1793-1842) and Mary Bennett.
Camp Dodge at Suffolk, Virginia, 1862
Letter 1
Addressed to Mr. Walter T. Foster, Andover, Massachusetts
Camp Dodge [Suffolk, Virginia] September 24, [1862]
Dear Brother,
I wrote to you some time ago for some things & ain’t received the things nor letter yet. You must send them as soon as you can as I want them. There is nothing new in camp. We are preparing for a battle. I can’t write much. Capt. has come & I am taking care of his horses now & things in his tent. I feel quite at home since he came. Write soon & let me know the news. Send a paper.
From your affectionate brother, — Foster C. Carl
I just received a letter from home. They are all well.
Letter 2
Camp Suffolk, Suffolk [Va.] November 13th 1862
Dear Brother,
I received yours of the 9th inst. and hope you will obey Capt.’s wants. He says if you will come down, he will have six horses hitched up to receive you. You must act to the best of your judgment about it. I should like to see you very much, but it costs like thunder to travel now-a-days—at least I think so.
We shall soon see each other as Fighting Joe and Burnside are determined to push things right along now. Capt. [David C.] Ellis of Co. H had a skirmish with some rebels out at Providence Church about 7 miles. There was one wounded came in last night at 12 o’clock and another said to be wounded left with the company. The one that came in had his horse shot from under him and he rushed up, shot the Reb captain dead, mounted his [the Reb’s] horse, and came in with only a slight wound on the head. There was immediately four companies dispatched to the place last night and three this morning and calculate to take the Rebels if possible by surrounding them by going on different roads till they get beyond them and then come in on them all at once. But they can’t, for the Rebels know the country too well for us. They get away every time.
Capt. is left in command of the camp with two companies. we soon expect to make a movement to Petersburg but don’t know how soon. I hope before long. We have got twenty thousand brave soldiers all up in fighting trim, ready and eager for the attack. We are getting tired of staying in one place so long.
I wrote to you to send me some things. I suppose you have got it and you can send them.
The fight at Providence isn’t over yet but they are still wanging away at it yet and I hope may kill every damned Secesh there is there. I don’t know but what it would pay you to come down and see us and the country. If you come, you would never enlist as long as you can help it. There was a General Review yesterday by Gen. Dix and the men & officers appeared splendid on the review. Our regiment is still ahead of the others & the General & Staff complimented us very highly on the occasion.
We have a chaplain here now. Ned Buntlin is here. He is 4th duty sergeant. I guess you might as well see the country South now as ever. It is a solemn sight to see the deserted houses covered with turkey buzzards and wild animals in abundance such as the bear, dear, and possums. I expect still it will soon be pay day amongst us here. I can’t think of much to write. Answer soon and come down. — F. C. C.
1st N. Y. Mounted Rifles, Co. I, Camp Suffolk, Suffolk, Va.
Write a good letter.
Letter 3
Camp Suffolk, Suffolk [Va.] November 15 [1862]
Yesterday we had another skirmish with the Rebels. Night before last we were all called out for a scout at 10 o’clock p.m. We traveled all night and in the morning we came to Zuni—a small place on the Black Water where there was a company of Rebels, numbering about 90, all drawn up in line ready for us and when we got in sight of them, we were ordered in line too. But we didn’t get in any lines but Co. B which was in advance broke, gave one yell and started with revolvers all ready for to kill the Devils. When they got near them, they commenced firing and some coming the right and left cuts, and front right Parry and left with their sabers. We killed 20 at Zuni, 2 at Windsor, and took two prisoners. We done well. We only lost 1 man killed and 5 wounded.
We have to go on picket tomorrow at Providence where some of Co. H was taken prisoners 3 days ago. I guess you will see the whole affair in the Herald. I must stop as it is late. From your affectionate brother, — Foster C. Carl
Company I, Camp Suffolk, Suffolk, Va,
Letter 4
1st Mounted Rifles N. Y. S. Volunteers January 12th 1865
Dear Brother,
Yours of the 6th inst. came to hand last night. I am glad to hear from you and that you are well. I hope you will not practice any nuisance as you say some does. I think they are better than what the “Principal” calls them. I am glad you like it there. I received a letter from home this week. Ma thinks of moving on the farm in the Spring and letting you tend the store, in case of my not being present, which I think is very doubtful as “Old Abe” is bound to kill slavery before he will end the contest and I think that it will be some time before he can do it. True, we have the power and the means, but the Rebs still hold us at bay from Richmond and will until April or May when I think Grant will hop triumphantly into their stronghold and bid them be quiet or die.
I am quite unwell at present, having a sore throat which makes me feel down in the mouth. I don’t think I shall be home this winter on a “furlough.” I wrote to you only a few days ago and consequently can think of no news which are very scarce here. The mud is thick and plenty of it. It rains just when it pleases here and I think sometimes when it don’t.
There were 28 deserters came in yesterday and 8 day before. Amongst them were two women dressed in men’s clothes and a wench and Rebel officer. The latter is a pilot and spy for us and have gone back to fetch in more. I hope he may bring in Jeff for the next one.
Write soon and all the news to your affectionate brother, — Foster C. Carl
Co. I, 1st Mounted Regiment N. Y. Volunteers, Bermuda Hundred, Va.
Spared & Shared 23 