1862: Virginia (Ellison) Bonner to Macon Bonner

This letter was written by Virginia Neville Alderson Ellison (1842-1907). the daughter of Henry Alderson Ellison (1801-1863) and Eliza Ann Tripp (1818-1880) of Beaufort county, North Carolina. Virginia married in 1860 to Macon Bonner (1836-1908) and was residing in Washington, North Carolina when the Civil War began in 1861. The couple had two small children, Elizabeth and Richard.

Confederate service records inform us that Macon Bonner was 25 years old when he enlisted in September 1861 as a 1st Lieutenant in Capt. William H. Tripp’s company (McMillan Artillery). By 1862 this unit was known as of Co. B, 40th Regiment N. C. Troops (Artillery) or the 3rd North Carolina Artillery. Macon was taken prisoner at Fort Anderson on 19 February 1865 and transferred to Washington D. C., and then to Fort Delaware where he remained until his release in mid-June 1865.

In the letter “Bettie” Blount is mentioned. Bettie was Elizabeth Watkins (Perry) Blount, the wife of Lieut. John Gray Blount (1831-1914) of the the same unit that Macon served in. He was acting quartermaster for a time and then in March 1863 he was promoted to Captain in the Quartermaster’s Department. He later rose to Major.

At the time this letter was penned in May 1862, Washington, North Carolina, was occupied by Federal forces and the 3rd North Carolina Artillery was posted at Fort Hill a few miles below Washington on the Confederate side of the Pamlico river. It appears that Virginia Bonner was visiting the Satterthwaite family elsewhere in Washington county when she wrote this letter to her husband who must have been stationed with or somewhere near his children. The Ellison and Satterthwaite families were related by marriage.

The letter itself is of considerable interest as it includes discussion of the large group of contraband presently in Washington, North Carolina, as well as multiple mentions of “the colonel”—a Union leader residing in the area whose jurisdiction included deciding who among the inhabitants got their “property” (slaves) back and who didn’t. Although technically not a colonel at the time of the letter, it would not have been surprising for him to portray himself as such to the local population, given his expectation that he would likely soon be a regiment commander.

Edward Elmer Potter

It’s very likely the “colonel” was Edward Elmer Potter who enlisted (from NY) as Captain in the US Commissary Department and was known to be in Washington, North Carolina, at the time, assigned to Gen. Foster’s command. Turns out that at the time of this letter, Potter was also heavily involved in fostering connections with local citizens having Union sentiments (of which there were quite a few). Based on these contacts, Potter was a major recruiter the 1st NC Infantry Regiment (Union), with himself as a Lt. Col (one month later as Col., and subsequently Brigadier Gen. and finally being discharged in 1865 as Brevet Major Gen.). The formation of this unit had been authorized by Gen. Burnside the same month as the present letter.

The Bonner family was considered the first family of Washington, NC, with the town formed and named in 1776 (1st city in U.S. to be so named in honor of Gen. Washington) by James Bonner (probably related to Macon), a local landowner and politician who fought as an officer in the Revolutionary War. Macon’s father, Richard Hardison Bonner, was a soldier in the War of 1812. Macon himself would go on to become postmaster of Washington, NC following the war.

Many more of Virginia’s letters can be found in the Wilson Special Collections Library at the UNC Library under the title: Macon Bonner Papers, 1862-1864.

[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Richard Weiner and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Drawbridge over the Tar River at Washington, NC, June 1862

Transcription

Mr. Satterthwaite’s
May 22d 1862

My dear Mac,

I send Bettie’s trunk, directed to you. It had been here for two weeks, I waiting for an opportunity to send it. Richard told me he would come in a buggy and get it. I might have sent it the day Ann E. Brown went up, but the hours had been ploughing all day, and as she had a quantity of baggage I would not add to it.

I enclose you a letter I received from Mother to give you the pleasure of hearing from her.

Poor dear brother! If we can only come out of this war with our numbers unbroken, property—though a mighty good thing—will be of secondary consideration. It is estimated that there are two thousand ‘contrabands’ in Washington and their value at the comparative small sum of 500 dollars each, makes 1,000,000 dollars that Beaufort and adjoining counties have lost in two weeks. I understand the Col. intends to set them at work this week filling up the entrenchments about Washington.

Mac, it makes me think of what Mrs. Williams said about you and Bettie Blount and the wire-grass. The Georgia soldiers s________d to get them out, and the darkies to get them back. I expect Squire Ellison is delighted to have his field put in status quo.

Before the pickets were killed, Merrill made a business of capturing and putting in jail all without a pass, and the Col. allowed (ain’t that hard to say) persons to reclaim property as under State laws. But now, he says that the servants of them in the service, or of original secessionists cannot be returned at all. Those who belong to old Union men cannot without an examination by the Col. of the slaves, and their perfect wilingness to return.

Mr. Williams says it is only a pretext in either case, that he believes it is only part and parcel of Lincoln’s emancipation scheme—depleting the Border States of their slave population and thereby identifying their interest less with the Cotton States.

The Col. expresses himself as much disappointed with the Washington people. He says there is not a man there he can confide in—that he expected to have his hands strengthened by the Union sentiment there but that the reverse is the case.

Love to all. Kiss the children. Write soon. Yours, — Virginia

1861: Asa Gillett to Savilla Gillett

I could not find an image of Asa but here is a CDV of William Ulrich who also served in Co. A, 2nd Illinois Cavalry (Cowan’s Auctions)

The following letter was written by 19 year-old Asa W. Gillet (1842-1891) who enlisted at White Rock, Illinois, as a private in Co. A, 2nd Illinois Cavalry on 4 September 1861. Asa reenlisted after three years and on 25 June 1865 he was transferred to Co. E as a corporal. He mustered out of the regiment at San Antonio, Texas, on 22 November 1865.

In the 1850 Us Census, 10 year-old Asa was enumerated in his parents home in Chagrin Falls, Cuyahoga county, Ohio, with his older sister Savilla and three younger siblings. His parents were John Gillet (b. 1812) and Lucy Wheeler (1819-1851). In 1860, the family was still living in Chagrin Falls but Asa’s father had remarried and there were additional younger siblings.

After the war, Asa returned to Cuyahoga county, Ohio, where he found employment as a canal boatman. He was married to Minerva C. Hawkins (1845-1908) in 1869. In 1890, the Gillett’s were living in Tuscarawas county Ohio.

Transcription

[Duquoin, Perry county, Illinois]
September 14, 1860 [should be 1861]

Dear Sister,

It is with pleasure that I take my pen in hand to let you know that I am a soldier—that I have enlisted for 3 years or the war. I get $28 per month and 160 acres of land and $100 in gold at the end of the war. 1 I have just as good a horse as there is in the company. I paid $150 for him. I bought him off A. Bell.

I wrote to you [before] but have received no answer. I started from Bell’s the 2nd of September. We went from Lane [Ogle county] to Camp Butler. You may not know where that is. It is 20 miles west of Springfield. We left Camp Butler the 10th and arrived here the 12th. We are now in Camp Nelson. I like it very well. We have enough to eat and to drink. We have nothing stronger that cold water and coffee. I am glad of it,

I am 750 miles from home now but I can look back on Chagrin [Falls] ever with pleasure when I think of the good times I have had there [when] I was a boy but that time is all over. I am not sorry in the least that I am a soldier. Let the cowards stay to home. We want none of them along that is afraid to fight. We don’t know the moment we shall be ordered to march and we don’t know but we shall stay here for three months.

I belong to the 2nd Regiment of Ogle County Dragoons. I like the company very well. They are all good boys and a good Captain. 2 I am well and hope that these few lines will find you all the same. I would like to see you all once more but it will be a good while before I shall see you, if I do at all. But don’t give up hope. I shall die in a good cause if I die at all but I don’t intend to die. But if it comes my turn, I am willing. Don’t forget to write and write all the news and tell all from home to write and do not forget to write as soon as you get this. This is from your friend, —Asa Gillet

To Saville Gillet

Be sure and direct your letter to Duquoin, Perry Co., Company A, 2nd Regiment, Illinois Cavalry


1 These promises of pay and land seem inflated to me. The 1862 Homestead Act allowed for anyone to get 160 acres of government land and gave priority to Civil War veterans. Veterans were also allowed additional land, up to another 160 acres, but one had to live on the land for 5 years and make improvements. Since this letter pre-dated the passage of the Homestead Act, it isn’t clear to me how this promise was made to Asa. The $29 per month included the government allowance for the feeding and care of the horses.

2 The Captain of Co. A, 2nd Illinois Cavalry was John R. Hotaling of Lane (now Rochelle), Illinois.

1863: Mathias Edgar Richards to George Richards

The following letter was written by Lt. Mathias Edgar Richards (1830-1876) who enlisted on 23 September 1861 in the 96th Pennsylvania Infantry and was made the adjutant of the regiment. He later served as the Aide-de-Camp to General Joseph J. Bartlett.

Mathias Edgar Richards was born in New Hanover township, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. His parents were George Richards (1788-1873) and Maria Matthias (b. 1885). He came from Pottstown, Pennsylvania, to attend college at Penn’s 9th Street campus and graduated as one of twenty members of the Class of 1851. After graduation he became a lawyer in Pottsville. During the Civil War, Richards was a member the Army of the Potomac, serving first (in 1861) with the 25th Pennsylvania Regiment of U.S. Volunteers, then with the 96th Pennsylvania Regiment U.S. Volunteers, and finally, in 1864, as an assistant adjutant general on the staff of General Bartlett. [Source: University of Pennsylvania]

Richards’ letter contains a brief reference to the surprise attack at dusk on Saturday, 7 November 1863, in which the Union army forced their way across the Rappahannock and overran the Confederate bridgehead at Rappahannock Station, capturing about 1,600 Confederates, and forcing the balance of Lee’s army to retreat below the Rapidan river. This engagement is sometimes referred to as Rappahannock Station II. Richards’ letter also includes a rather crude hand-drawn map.

Artist Alfred Waud called this drawing “Capture of the fortifications on the Rappahannock at the Railway Bridge–by the right wing commanded by Genl. Sedgwick” (Library of Congress).

Transcription

Addressed to George Richards, Esqr. Pottstown, Montgomery county, Pennsylvania

Camp near Kelly’s Ford
November 10, 1863

Dear Father,

I take the opportunity of dropping you a few lines to let you know that I am safe and well. The 5th and 6th Corps attacked and took the fortifications at Rappahannock Station on Saturday by storm, taking 4 guns and 1580 prisoners. Gen. Bartlett has been assigned to command the 1st Division of the 5th Corps, and of course has taken me with him, so can direct all mail matter that way. Of course, I do not know how long we will stay here.

At present our division and the 3rd Division in the 6th Corps are stationed at Kelly’s Ford. The balance of the corps are on the other side of the river.

I have no news to write of our future movements. No one seems to have the least idea of what we are going to do. Our advance on the Rebs was a complete surprise but the trouble was there was no large force of them to attack this side of the Rapidan.

Your affectionate son, — M. E. Richards

I will write more fully when we get settled.

1847: Aura M. Hugunin to Elizabeth Gladwin

I could not find an image of Aura but here is a young woman whose image dates to the late 1840s.

The following letter was written by 19 year-old Aura M. Hugunin (1827-1914), the daughter of Robert H. Hugunin (1792-1862) and Eleanor Waring (1804-1873) of Chicago, Cook county, Illinois. Aura’s father was a veteran of the War of 1812, a ship owner, and also a ship captain, sailing out of Chicago. Aura was married twice; first to Calvin D. Bristol (1817-1852), and second to Ephraim Holton (1814-1865). Both husbands were born in New York State.

From the letter we learn that Aura had only recently relocated from New York State to Chicago with her family which included not only her parents, but younger siblings named William (b. 1829), Robert (b. 1835), and Caroline (b. 1839). On the passage down Lake Michigan, the steamboat stopped at Southport (which is present day Kenosha) where Aura was persuaded to spend a few days with her uncle “General Hugunin” and his family. I believe this was Daniel Hugunin, Jr. (1790-1850) who served as a US Congressman from New York State in the late 1820s.

Aura wrote the letter to her friend, Elizabeth Gladwin (b. 1830), the daughter of William H. Gladwin (1797-1876) and Eleanor M Daniels (1802-1874) of Sacket’s Harbor.

Aside from her description of the trip from Sacket’s Harbor, New York, to Chicago Illinois, by way of railroad and steamboat, Aura shares her fist impressions of Chicago which were not very favorable. “It is a very large city but not a very genteel one. Everything looks so common to me—the streets so dirty. But it is all hurly burly. The greatest business place you ever saw. Everyone seems to be about crazy-looking and running every which way. ” And then she added, “The gentlemen look about as the city does—rather unpolished. You needn’t think that I am going to fall in love with the hoosiers here, I can tell you, for I have stood unmoved in more polished circles.”

Transcription

Chicago [Illinois]
Sunday, June 6th 1847

Dear Elizabeth,

Agreeably do I fulfill the promise we contracted when we last parted; and having somewhat recovered from the fatigue and excitement of our journey and once more get set down and collecting scattering thoughts, my mind wanders back to Sacket’s Harbour and happily do I say that I left you all reluctantly and with feelings of soul felt gratitude to most of you for while we lived at your place I was dependent upon the treatment of others for my enjoyment and I was perfectly satisfied that in my case, the old adage was more than verified (that merit meets with its own reward). And if my conduct was worthy to warrant kindness and friendship from my acquaintances, it shows plainly that they are charitable; and do by others as they would wish others to do by them, and I will try to do justice to their feelings.

Now I must tell you, Libbie, how we all are and how we enjoyed our [journey] through the lakes. You will know that we enjoyed ourselves when I tell you that we were not sick a bit the whole way and that was almost a miracle for I never went the length of Lake Ontario without being very seasick before. We were just a week and one night getting to Chicago.

Monday evening we left Sacket’s and the next morning if I did not have my lunch [ ] to Oswego. I went up to Cousin Henry’s where I visited last summer and took breakfast and returned to the boat to receive calls as the news got there before we did that we were on our way to Chicago and we had the pleasure of seeing all our relations and friends and to bid them goodbye and I left Oswego very tired but pleased that we had seen all our friends. We had a delightful time to Lewiston with but one exception—that is we had to get up in the morning about three o’clock (and oh, I was so sleepy) to take the morning train of cars to Buffalo.

We got to Niagara Falls at sunrise. We stayed to breakfast and had a tramp or a regular romp over and round about the falls for there was a great many of us. Tore off one of the souls to my shoes and returned to the hotel where in a minute, our came the roaring iron horse a puffing and blowing with all vengeance, and into the box or whatever it is, we all tumbled and on we went as though we were never to stop and in an hour and a half we were in Buffalo. We spent the day there—was all over the town. Was shopping all day a buying a little of nothing. Had a call—a good long one—from Dr. Hunter, and in the evening went aboard of the steamboat Oregon, there to remain till we got to Chicago. We found the very steamboat we were anxious to take. She had only five hundred passengers but there was plenty of room. The Upper Lakes boats are magnificent. They are nicer than I imagined. There are indeed a “floating palace.” They always carry a band of music with them and a beautiful piano and an elegant sounding one. But they go to such an extreme in dissipation; they dance aboard every night and such bewitching music. It is such a temptation one can hardly refuse—[especially for] one that is as fond of dancing as I be.

We were disappointed in our visit to Cleveland for the boat was belated at Buffalo half a day so we remained in Cleveland only an hour. It was almost a calm, the lakes was, till we got to Lake Huron when it poured down rain as though we needed it on the lake. But my only trouble was that it would blow for it was just dark and they were clearing the saloon for dancing. But it did not discommode us in the least and everything went on finely.

The next morning was Sunday and I was waked up from my slumbers by the boats stopping and it proved that we had got to the Manitou Island to take on wood and in a few minutes I was up and ashore. And such a delightful walk as the clerk of the boat and my own dear self did have was not to be beat. We went along the beach where the most beautiful pebbles and shells was. The boat lay there three or four hours. Sunday evening was spent at Sheboygan on Lake Michigan. It was a bright moonshiny night and I was up in town and I enjoyed it beyond description. The next morning was in Milwaukee. Had a visit from Mr. Hopkins. The boat laid there all the forenoon. Our next stopping place was to Racine and the next was to Southport where General Hugunin’s family reside and one of my cousins happened aboard and nothing would do but I must stop and so I did and they kept me till last Monday [when] cousin escorted me to Chicago.

We come from Southport on the Hendrick Hudson—the most elegant boat of the whole and never did I behold so much splendor. We went aboard Monday at two o’clock and Tuesday morning was in Chicago to breakfast. Danced all the evening as a matter of course. I never was more pleased with a visit than I was at Southport.

Goodbye and ever remain your affectionate friend, — Aura M. Hungunin

Now Elizabeth, you will write to me as soon as you get this, won’t you? It seems as though I could hardly wait as long but I shall be obliged to. But remember that I am very impatient and not delay. You will forgive this horrible writing, won’t you, for if you know what a rickety old pen I have got, you would make all due allowance. Give my love to Clarissa and Maryett Pickering, if you please. Tell them to fulfill their promise in writing. Have you not thought how queer Maria treated me that night? I got all over it after the boat left the wharf two minutes and had a hearty laugh at her expense. Such child-like freaks but they are most intolerable. Ma says give my love to Mrs. Gladwin and Elizabeth, and Caroline says give mine too. I spent the evening with Dr. Hudson and his sister and Miss Luff Friday. It was indeed a Sacket’s Harbour party. They were over to see Emma Wilder. They said she was larger than her mother. No doubt.

I have become acquainted with Mr. Root, Samuel Root’s brother, and I am as much fascinated with his appearance as I was his brother and you know how much I was captivated they other way. The gentlemen look about as the city does—rather unpolished. You needn’t think that I am going to fall in love with the hoosiers here, I can tell you, for I have stood unmoved in more polished circles. I want you should remember me with a great deal of love to your mother. Tell Walter that I think Robert would appreciate his society now if he could have the privilege of enjoying it again. He is rather lonely but will soon commence school. Ma will go East in August so you will see her. Goodbye. — Aura

Since I saw you I have been in [ ] with the toothache but had it extracted last Saturday so I am happy again…

I have yet said nothing about how I liked Chicago for I have not been long enough in the city to know but one thing. I think I am quite certain that I do not like very much the appearances. It is a very large city but not a very genteel one. Everything looks so common to me—the streets so dirty. But it is all hurly burly. The greatest business place you ever saw. Everyone seems to be about crazy-looking and running every which way. Mother and I have both been homesick and Father makes all sorts of fun of us. Father comes in every day [and says,] “Mother, do you want to go back.” “Yes,” we cry. “Well,” he says, “you may go” (next Christmas, I suppose) but after we get acquainted perhaps we shall like it better. Dr. Maxwell and his lady were over to see us last week.

1862: Charles E. Walbridge to George Walbridge

This letter was written by Charles Eliphalet Walbridge (1841-1913) to his brother, George Walbridge, while serving in Co. H, 100th New York Infantry and later as the Assistant Quarter Master at Bermuda Hundred in Butler’s Command.

Charles E. Walbridge was born in Buffalo on 24 July 1841. Shortly after the death of his father—George B. Walbridge, a well known merchant of Buffalo—Charles left school and entered the employ of Pratt & Co., who were at that time the most extensive hardware dealers in the city. He remained with them until September, 1861, when he enlisted in the 100th Regiment, New York Infantry, and was made second lieutenant of Co. H. He served with this regiment until 1864, being promoted to first lieutenant in July, 1862, and to captain in January, 1863. In February, 1864, he was commissioned by the president as captain and Assistant Quarter Master (AQM) of volunteers. In February, 1865, he was brevetted major, and shortly after was appointed chief quartermaster of the Tenth Army Corps, with the rank of lieutenant colonel. After receiving his discharge Walbridge stayed for several months in the South. He purchased surplus horses and mules from the army and sold them to Southerners who were affected by Sherman’s march.

In 1866 he returned to Buffalo and re-entered the service of his former employers, remaining until 1869, when he engaged in business for himself. In 1884 the firm of Walbridge & Co. was formed and it became one of the largest hardware establishments in Buffalo. He married Annie F. Noble of Brooklyn in 1868 and they started their lives together in Buffalo. The Walbridges left a considerable paper trail dating from the 1840s up to 1913, the year of Charles Walbridges death.

In this lengthy letter, Charles gives a description of the Battle of Fair Oaks (or Seven Pines) in which the 100th New York participated and in which they suffered severe losses. The regiment was in Casey’s Division of Keyes’ 4th Corps and were among the first troops engaged, having been overwhelmed and driven back through their encampment, losing most everything but what they wore and carried with them into battle that morning. Charles’ account attempts to put the best spin on their performance but other Corps and Divisions had much less complimentary things to say about Casey’s Division. It would be Hooker’s and Kearny’s Divisions of Heintzelman’s 3rd Corps that had to make the charge through the “slashing” referenced in Charles’ letter.

To read more of Charles’ Civil War Letters published on Spared & Shared, go to 1862-64: Charles Eliphalet Walbridge to George Walbridge.

Waud’s sketch of bayonet charge made by Sickle’s Excelsior Brigade at Fair Oaks on 1 June 1862

Transcription

About a mile west of Bottom’s Bridge, Va.
Saturday, June 7th, 1862

Dear George,

I was made glad yesterday by receiving your epistle of last Saturday which  was truly an eventful day for our regiment. You of course have seen full accounts of the battle. The nearest one to the truth that I have seen is the description of the battle in the N. Y. Herald of June 5th. Our regiment—and I may say our whole brigade—fought well, and did not give way until they were ordered to, on account of the overpowering numbers of the enemy.

Our regiment was on the extreme left (I suppose you know that our brigade formed the first line which was opposed to the rebels) and  as we had to retreat by the right in order to reach the road, we brought up the rear in the retreat. The battle commenced at about one o’clock, and it was after four when our division was reinforced, so you see that Casey’s Division, which “so unaccountably gave way,” and which actually numbered between five and six thousand, fought the whole body of the enemy for over three hours and then only fell back about two miles.

At this point there were strong earthworks thrown up and rifle pits dug and the reinforcements which came up were put in position behind these entrenchments, but then were not attacked. The facts are, George, that our division was entirely  unsupported until these reinforcements arrived; that is—there were no troops in our rear to march up in case of an attack on us. This the enemy had no doubt ascertained and hence the attempt to force a passage through what they probably considered a  weak spot.

There is one thing which I notice the Herald does not mention in speaking of the bayonet charge in which the 100th took part. It does not say that we charged into a “slashing” but this was the fact. A “slashing” or “cheveaux de fris” is made by felling timber and just letting trees, branches, and leaves, lay just as they happen to fall.  This slashing was cut by our own men for the purpose of making it difficult for the enemy to pass through it; and yet our men were ordered to charge into it. It was of course very hard & slow work and impossible to maintain an alignment. Our regiment advanced very near to the enemy (Capt. Dye says thirty feet, and Col. Staunton says “until we could very see their eyes.”) when the orders to halt, and then to retreat, were given. We were at this time completely flanked on both the right and left and had we not fallen back, must have been surrounded in a very few minutes.

Although I was not with my regiment, I was right in the midst of the battle. I have been out on the battlefield since and I see that I passed our original line of battle and went up the road for some distance alongside the slashing. But alas, I cannot claim that I was on any use (except as quartermaster who are a kind of noncombatant species). It was an exciting time I assure you. There was a continual “whiz” of bullets with perhaps once every second, the rush of a shell (which sounds something like a big rocket) and every now and then I heart a “spat” as a ball struck some poor fellow.

Our regiment suffered severely. Let me give a list of the casualties. Col. Brown [is] supposed to be killed. The last that was seen of him, he is said to have been spiking  guns. Lt. Kellogg & Lt. Wilkinson, also killed. Capt. Moore wounded and missing.  Capt. Nash, Lt. Mayo, Lt. Brown, wounded. Capt. Bailey, Lt. Gardner, Lt. Lynch, Lt.  Newell, all missing. These last four were on picket the day of the attack and were  probably taken prisoners. In our company we have lost two killed, five missing, and  fifteen wounded. I presume most or all of those reported missing are killed, but it is possible that some of them may still be alive (Co. H went into battle with less than 50  men).

“Everybody agrees that the rebels fought splendidly. Our shells would open great gaps in their ranks but they would close up without a moment’s hesitation.”

— Charles E. Walbridge, Co. H, 100th New York Infantry, 7 June 1862

Everybody agrees that the rebels fought splendidly. Our shells would open great gaps in their ranks but they would close up without a moment’s hesitation.

Lt. Smith had the heel of his boot taken off by a shell and the heel of his foot somewhat bruised by the same missive, but was hurt in no other way. Capt. Dye was not hurt. The latter is now quite unwell. I have taken him to a house about five miles from here where, although there is no family but the owner himself, he can take better care of himself than he could in the field.

I am still acting Q. M. and I can assure you I have enough to do. The Quartermaster’s Sergeant and Commissary Sergeant are both sick and absent from the regiment so that I perform their duties as well as my own. I have been intending to write home for a long time but have truly been too busy to do it. Your letter has been the  first I have received for a good while. Before that, I had one from Louise, and before that one from Mother.

I was quite astonished to hear about the volunteering excitement in Buffalo.  That would have indeed been “a bully regiment” if it had gone. Don’t you go into any such thing without asking my advice first, which I shall be happy to give when called  upon. I think you would enjoy being a Light Guard very much, besides which it will be very useful to you to have a knowledge of military tactics for America must hereafter be a military nation, and for at least ten years to come, every other man you meet will be well posted in all military matters.

You cannot imagine how surprised I was to see my letter to Mother after the battle of Williamsburg published in the Commercial. I would prefer not to have any more published as they are not fit “for the public gaze.”

There is glorious news today from Halleck’s Army though you probably heard it day before yesterday, and by this time have probably received full particulars. Ten thousand prisoners and fifteen thousand stands of arms is a big thing.

I am looking for the Paymaster to show himself before long. You know I haven’t been paid yet for March & April. Will you please ask Butler if he ever paid Tryon anything on my account? Please get a bill of Tryon and also one of Metzger and send them to me, as I don’t remember the amounts but would know if I should see the bills. I do not know whether I am entitled to Q. M. pay for the time I have been acting or not but shall apply for it anyhow. I received a letter yesterday from Denniston of L  & I. J. White’s dated the 20th. I also received a paper from him some days ago. Please give him my sincere thanks for both. He wrote me a very kind brotherly letter, which it did me good to read.

I am still indebted to Will Butler for a letter and think I will write to him the very next one I write. I have sometime gone so far as to sit down to write him but when I get the pen in my hand and the paper before me, I can’t resist the temptation to write to Mother, or to one of my dear brothers and sisters.

Dear me it is clouding up again. It has rained most every day for a fortnight,  making it very uncomfortable as you may easily suppose.

The Chickahominy—which was a mere brook when I first crossed it—is now a respectable little river and a person crossing it, or rather crossing the flats on each side of the bridge, has to ford a considerable distance. This morning I was crossing  with a baggage train, when one of the wagons got fast in the very deepest part (about three feet deep). I ordered the teamsters to take off the leading mules and put on a  team of horses which was accordingly done right in the middle of the stream, greatly to the drivers discomfort and the wagon was soon restored to its native element.

You observe that Dixie must come into play nicely now. Alas, poor Dixie. She was too young to be ridden much. Besides, I have a government horse, so I left Dixie in the company when I became Quartermaster to carry the Captain & Lieutenant’s baggage. I had  several offers to buy her, but didn’t care to accept any of them. The day of the battle, Washington had turned her loose to graze and when the balls began to fly pretty thick, he tried to catch her but she was inclined to be frisky  and wouldn’t be caught, so she had to be “abandoned to the enemy.” Lieut. Smith &  the Capt. lost their overcoats, blankets, etc. and the Capt. lost his knapsacks. Lieut.  S’s fortunately was across the Chickahominy with the balance of the baggage.

I suppose that the “Michigan Estate” will prove to be a substantial benefit to our finances. Has Mr. Miller been around lately to see about it? Oh George, you don’t know how much I would like to see you all again. Well good bye for this time. Give Mother a kiss for me and my love to all the rest. Yours affectionately,  — Charlie

I am much obliged for the envelope and stamp you have sent me in the last few letters. I have received just now. I have no lack of the former. Keep an account of stamps in which you send me. You know my salary is a good deal larger than yours & of course  I want to pay all that you spend for me.

1864: Samuel Welch to his Brother

A post war image of Samuel Welch

This letter was written by Samuel Welch (1837-1918), the son of Robert Walsh and Elizabeth Maxwell of Uhrichsville, Tuscarawas county, Ohio. Samuel enlisted on 3 October 1861 as a private in Co. E, 51st Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI), was promoted to corporal in April 1862, and mustered out of the regiment on 17 October 1864. Samuel’s younger brother, Josiah Welch (1841-1877), also served in the Civil War as a 2nd Lieutenant in Co. E, 161st OHVI, mustering out on 2 September 1864.

Much of Samuel’s brother described the ill-fated attempt by General Stoneman to liberate the Union prisoners at Andersonville prison in Americus, Georgia. The plan was proposed by Stoneman to Sherman who finally consented because he thought “the execution was within the bounds of probable success.” In responding to Stoneman, Sherman was quoted as saying, “if you can bring back to the army any or all of those prisoners of war, it will be an achievement that will entitle you, and your command, to the love and admiration of the whole country.” For a good article describing the expedition, see “Sherman Inability to Liberate the South’s Most Notorious Prison” by Jerry Staub.

Transcription

Camp of the 51st Ohio
Near Atlanta, Georgia
Wednesday morning, August 17th 1864

Dear Brother,

We are still camped where we were when I wrote last. There has been no move made for several days. Nothing going on except skirmish firing and cannonading along the lines and we have got so used to that that we seldom take any notice of it.

Stoneman’s Expedition to the rear of Atlanta was a failure and Wheeler is now trying his hand on our rear. They captured a thousand head of cattle near Marietta a few days ago and the report come in last night that they were in the vicinity of Dalton & Tunnel Hill, I don’t think they can do much damage as there are but two bridges between here and Dalton and it seems as though they have passed both of them.

Stoneman’s Expedition was a complete failure. His main object was to liberate our prisoners at Andersonville & Americus and a good many of his men left here with two sets of arms and accoutrements—one for their own use and one for the prisoners. The plan was a very good one but instead of putting arms into the hands of the prisoners, they got their arms taken from them and were taken prisoners themselves. However, only a small portion of the command was taken and Stoneman with them and the general opinion among speculating men now is that it was a good thing that Stoneman was taken. But this is always the case when a general fails. No one ever heard tell of any good that he had ever done before. But if reports are true, he certainly got justice. It is said that he suffered his men to scatter in all directions, to forage and pillage, and while his men were out every fellow for himself, he was attacked.

It is hard to tell what the program is for taking Atlanta. The rebels are fortified along the Macon Railroad for several miles so that our lines will have to be very long to reach it. Our right wing is within shelling distance of the railroad and the cars have not come in for ten or twelve days. Our spies say that the women and children are all removed from the city and that every man that stays there carries a musket. The dwelling houses are all empty and the lost valuable furniture removed. There are some reports in circulation since yesterday evening that our corps is to be taken to the extreme right but they are only reports and it is hard to tell whether there is any truth in them or not. There is no doubt that a corps is needed on the right if Sherman expects to cut the Macon road, but if our corps is withdrawn from its position, our railroad will be exposed to raids as there will be but few troops left on the east side of the road.

I have not received a letter from Josiah for nearly two weeks. I suppose he will be at home in a few days if he gets his discharge when his time is up. An order came to the Colonel yesterday that all officers that had received promotions during their service and were re-mustered in were to serve three years from the date of their re-muster or promotion. This order will keep up the organization of the 51st Ohio Vet. Volunteers Infantry but it is very much to the dissatisfaction of the officers that expected to go home this fall. They swear that it is a conscript order, &c. &c. but I think a few days will reconcile them. The veterans had begin to complain that the officers were all going to leave and that they would be consolidated and transferred &c., &c., &c. and the order just suits the enlisted men. For my part, I have nothing to say, only that there were but few of the officers but what influenced the veteran cause last winter and it is nothing more than right that they should stay with them during their second term.

[Sister] Martha’s letter of the 4th came to hand since I wrote last. I don’t wish you to quit writing for fear that the letter will not get here before I start home. If I keep my health, I will be with the regiment & company six or eight weeks yet and you can make your calculations accordingly. It takes a letter about a week to come from home to this place.

Very respectfully your brother, — Samuel Welch

1862: Unidentified “Josie” to his Parents

An unidentified member of Co. K, 1st US Chasseurs (65th NY Infantry) wearing the distinctive uniform and M1858 Hardee Hat (W. Griffing Collection)

The following letter was written in pencil by a soldier who served in the 65th New York Infantry, otherwise known as the 1st U. S. Chasseurs. The companies in this regiment were recruited principally as follows: A, C, G and I in New York City; B in Maine, Rhode Island and the Hudson river counties; D in New York city and Troy; E in New York City, Connecticut and Rhode Island; F and H in New York City and Rhode Island, and K in New York City and Ohio. The Chasseurs faced their baptism of fire at the Battle of Fair Oaks on 31 May-June 1, 1862 during McClellan’s Peninsula campaign. In addition to wearing a chasseur uniform, the regiment were distinct for choosing to wear M1858 uniform hats (more popularly known as Hardee hats) rather than the kepis.

Though it is certain the author served in the 1st US Chasseurs—most likely in Co. D or Co. K—he only signed his name “Josie” and there is no accompanying envelope nor additional identifying information in the letter itself to state with certainly who he was. The letter came to me for transcription attributed to Joseph P. Baugher [Actually Joseph T.] (1844-1921) of Co. K but a search of the company records reveals that Joseph was detached from the regiment in February 1862 “on western gunboat service and was discharged therefrom.” This record could have been an error, however. Joseph lived his entire life near Tiffin, Ohio, and his burial record only lists his service in the 65th New York Infantry—nothing else.

Regardless of who wrote the letter, it is a great first hand account of the Battle of Fair Oaks from the perspective of a member of the 1st US Chasseurs who “covered themselves with glory” and where “not a man flinched” on the field.

Transcription

Camp on battlefield of Seven Pines
June 7th 1862

My dear parents,

I suppose by this time you have heard of the great battle near Richmond which commenced at one o’clock on Saturday [31 May] and ended about noon the next day [1 June] by the enemy skedaddling & leaving the field in possession of the brave soldiers of the North. I received a letter from home on Saturday a short time after writing & mailing an answer.

The noise of cannons and musketry was heard directly to the front of our camp. We were soon under arms, ready to take part in the encounter with the hated rebels. Our Colonel was ordered to take the regiment to the right of the [York River] railroad to prevent being flanked. At this place the shell flew over our heads like fun, doing no damage however as the range was too high. The noise as they came whizzing by sounded rather unpleasant at first, causing the men as well as officers to bob their heads, but we soon became used to that & we stood like men & soldiers ready to do our best for the glorious cause in which we had enlisted.

The Union line after Sumner’s troops arrived to join the 65th New York Infantry who were deployed behind a fence from which they “were loading and firing like demons.”

We soon received news that the Union forces were being driven back & that the rebels were at that time in the camps we had occupied not thirty minutes before. Such news made us feel of course rather low spirited. We fell back about half a mile and awaited anxiously for the rebels to make their appearance. After remaining at this place about 15 minutes, the right of Sumner’s line of reinforcements could be seen coming through the woods to the rear. This I can assure you was a welcomed sight. As soon as Sumner’s men had reached the field, we were ordered to double quick & take position in front of the woods on our right. We had no sooner halted than we received a sharp volley from the rebels who were at that time concealed in the woods. Without waiting for orders, we gave one in return.

“After I had fired, I hardly knew what to do but a second volley from the enemy brought me to my senses & I came to the conclusion that I had better reload. After this, I became perfectly cool and we let them have it thick and heavy for over two hours and a half…”

After I had fired, I hardly knew what to do but a second volley from the enemy brought me to my senses & I came to the conclusion that I had better reload. After this, I became perfectly cool and we let them have it thick and heavy for over two hours and a half—the enemy attempting several times to charge upon us but we would reserve our fire and when they came near, let them have it again & back they would go. I fired over 30 rounds, several times taking deliberate aim. The enemy skedaddled a little after dusk & the Chasseurs have the satisfaction of knowing that their first fight has been a victory.

After the firing was over, we turned our attention to our dead and wounded comrades. Our company lost three in killed and seven wounded; the regiment about forty & the brigade 650. The man to my right was killed; the one in front of him wounded, & I came so near that there was no fun in it—my cheek being grazed. It did not hurt me, however, so I am ready for the next battle which we expect will take place before the week is out. McClellan says it will no doubt be more bloody than the last. 1

After I had assisted in removing the wounded to the hospital and placing the dead together, I took a smoke out of the pipe which Pa gave me before leaving home & lay down where I had stood fighting and slept sound until morning—or at least daybreak when we stood under arms until about six o’clock when the rebels made their appearance intending to give us a second trial. Our regiment fired a couple of volleys when we were relieved by another regiment that had not been engaged the day previous & took a position in the woods where we remained during the day. The engagement ended about noon, the enemy being defeated.

For over 24 hours I had nothing to eat as our rations were left in camp. The next day a few crackers were brought to us and I can tell you they tasted good. We have lost all our clothes, &c. except what was on our backs as our knapsacks were left behind & destroyed by the rebels when they entered our camps. The government is going to make them good to us, I believe. I can tell you soldiering is a hard life. After our next battle, if I live through it & we reach Richmond, I shall try to get my discharge if it is possible. I can then retire with honor as I think I shall have done my share of duty in the way of fighting, &c.

When I write again, I shall no doubt have a bloody battle to describe. I hope I may come out of it safe but I am ready for it. My powder is dry, my musket (my best friend at present) in perfect order, & I shall have to take my chance with the rest. The enemy have commenced shelling us again so we will have to stand under arms again I suppose. So I must close. Goodbye. Love to all. Write very soon and often to your son, — Josie


1 According to Capt. William Halsted of Co. D, 65th New York Infantry, “Capt. Higgenbotham’s Co. [K] and mine took the worst of the fight….I lost in killed and wounded more than one-fifth of my company. Our regiment lost in killed and wounded 32 [actually 9 killed and 22 wounded]. Our men have covered themselves with glory. Not a man flinched in the field….We held our post for nearly two hours under a terrific fire. Not a cartridge was wasted. We went to work with 60 cartridges and my company averaged 40 left at night.” [Calvin Packard Civil War Battlefield Collection]

1865: Darwin Nichols to Orpha Jane Waters

The following letter was written by Darwin Nichols (1841-1901), the son of Cheney M. Nichols (1810-1892) and Almena Edson (1814-1883) of Attica, Wyoming county, New York. He wrote the letter to Orpha Jane Waters (1844-1906) with whom he married in 1865.

Darwin enlisted on 9 August 1862 as a private in Co. C, 130th New York Infantry but this regiment was converted to cavalry on 28 July 1863 and known as the 1st Dragoons or the 19th New York Cavalry. At the time of his enlistment he was described as 5 feet 7.5 inches tall, with blue eyes and light hair. He was wounded on 30 June 1864 but recovered and mustered out with his regiment on 30 June 1865. During its service, the 1st New York Dragoons fought in 64 battles, captured 19 pieces of artillery and four Confederate battle flags.

Darwin had an older brother named Edwin A. Nichols who served in Co. G, 160th New York Infantry who did not survive the war. He died at a hospital in New Orleans of an illness in December 1863.

A colt revolver that was carried by Corp. Chauncey J. Fox of the 19th New York Cavalry during the Civil War.

Transcription

[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Addressed to Miss Orpha Waters, Johnsonsburgh, Wyoming county, New York

Remount Camp
Pleasant Valley, Maryland
Tuesday, April 18, 1865

My dearest Orpha,

Words nor tongue can express my delight at receiving your much welcome letter of April 14th which came duly to hand last night & also one of the 12th that has just arrived today. It being directed to Harper’s Ferry, I did not get as soon as I should if it had been directed as the other was. Under the present circumstances I shall be obliged to answer them both in one.

You will see by this that I am again at Remount Camp & shall be very likely to stay here until I am discharged. The regiment left camp at Halltown morning of the 14th. I was on a pass to Summit Point, Va., where I had been to visit my brother. I found him in good health & had a good visit with him & many others of my acquaintance. My health is about as usual. The Dr. still excuses me from duty & shall be as long as I can make the Dr. believe that I am unable to do duty.

The 17th Pennsylvania Brass Band are playing such interesting music, it is almost impossible for me to write at all but will endeavor to do it the best I can (you very likely know how much I am skilled in the art of letter writing).

With the general news you very likely are as well posted as myself. With so much rejoicing we are brought to sadness by hearing the news of our President’s death. But since that, we again hear cheering news from the army. Mobile has surrendered & in all probability Johnston with his entire force has surrendered to Sherman. Everything looks favorable & I hope in a short time we shall be on our way to meet our many friends with joyful hearts and anxious minds to meet our friends & loved ones from which they have been so long absent. I don’t think I shall ever have a desire to enter the service again. I think you could easily persuade me to stay at home—that is, if you choose to do so, and I think you will unless you change your mind much from what it now is.

I was pleased to hear that Delia was married. She was a fine girl. I wish them “much joy,” don’t you? The others that you speak of I don’t know that I am acquainted with. I think they are celebrating the close of the war in good earnest & I know of some others that I think will do what they can to celebrate its close & I dare say I shall be one of the “lucky ones” & I think Miss W. will be the favored one unless she changes her mind…

The boys are making so much noise it is impossible for me to write anything sensible & will lay this aside for the evening & finish it in the morning before the mail goes. Good night dearest. Pleasant dreams, — Your Darwin

Wednesday morning, April 19

With great pleasure I resume my writing while the others are busy about the breakfast. It is quite a chilly morning though very pleasant. Wish I was in Wyoming County this morning just to see how it would seem. I think there is no doubt but what we shall all be at home within a month. I hope so at least & I dare say there are others wishing and hoping the same. How I wish I could start for home this morning instead of writing this letter. I would remain silent & surprise you a little just for fun.

We have very comfortable quarters now though I am not half contented as I was up to Halltown, Va. It was such a pleasant place. I enjoyed myself first rate while we stayed there though it was not much fun to have camp alarmed nearly every night. But I hardly ever went out of my tent on those occasions.

With the assurance that you are loved just as tenderly and truly as ever, I will close by hoping that it will not be long ere we meet to part no more. Always remember that your letters are always received with great pleasure & delight. Don’t fail to write soon and a good long letter. Hoping this will find you in good health and spirits, I remain as ever your faithful friend and affectionate lover, — Darwin Nichols

1864: W. F. Scott to his Sister

The signature of the soldier who wrote this letter is somewhat difficult to decipher but I believe it was W. F. Scott. Unfortunately there are several Confederate soldiers by that name and Lee had most of his Army of Northern Virginia encamped around Orange Court House at the time this letter was written in early February 1864.

The “shelling and skirmishing” described in the second paragraph probably refers to the Union advance who forced several crossing on the Rapidan river on 6 February 1864. This was done to divert attention from a planned cavalry-infantry raid up the Peninsula on Richmond which never materialized because a deserter tipped off the Confederates. It was Gen. Richard S. Ewell’s Corps that resisted the crossings at Raccoon Ford and Morton’s Ford so it is presumed that the author was in that Corps.

Alfred Waud’s sketch of the Reconnaissance at Morton’s Ford in February 1864

[Note: This letter is from the collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

Orange Court House, Va.
February 8, 1864

Dear Sister,

I seat myself this morning to drop you a few lines to let you know that I am well, hoping these few lines may find you well. I received your kind letter the other day and was glad to hear from you.

I have got back to camp. We have been down on the [Rapidan] river to meet the Yankees. We started yesterday morning and got back today. There was some fighting close to us but we weren’t in it. There was some shelling and skirmishing. They say that they took 50 prisoners from the Yankees and killed some few but I reckon they went back by us coming back to camp.

The weather is very cold here now and the mountains is white with snow but if I could stay in camp, I could do right well. We have got very good quarters now to stay in. We draw corn meal and a little meat and sometimes a little flour.

You wanted to know what I thought of your new dress. I think it looks very well. I was very much surprised to hear that Lucy and Frank was married. I never dreamed of such a thing. I wish she had a married when I was at home and let me be at the wedding.

I have wrote all that is worthy of your attention so I will close. Give my love and respects to Uncle John’s folks and tell Lucy the next time you see her she must write to me and you must write soon. — W. F. Scott

1862-63: Sarah Adeline Sparks to Caroline Dame (Tibbetts) Locke

These letters were written by Sarah Adeline Sparks (1818-1895), the daughter of Ebenezer Sparks (1792-1865) and Sally Kendall (1783-1870) of East Dover, Windham county, Vermont. Sarah apparently never married; she is buried in Dover Center Cemetery.

She wrote the letters to her friend, Caroline Dame (Tibbetts) Locke (1809-1893)—the wife of Rev. William Sherburne Locke (1808-1896). Caroline was the daughter of William S. Tibbetts (1780-1857) and Jerusha Dame (1784-1820) of Kittery, Maine. Caroline’s husband, William, was enumerated as a retired Methodist minister in Manchester, Hillsborough county, New Hampshire, in 1860. 

Letter 1

Dover
February 6th 1862

Dear sister Locke,

Your kind letter was received all in good time and I should have answered long ago. I feel really guilty in neglecting to write you so long. But be assured I have not forgotten. No, no, not a day passes but that I think of you & me. How much I do want to see you. If I had the means to come to Manchester, I should try to do so. I am getting to be somewhat confined at home for Father and Mother are getting to be quite inform. I don’t know how to have me gone long from home.

I suppose you have seen the Herald—that sister Elijah Howe has gone to her rest. She lingered on the banks of Jordan for months all ready to cross over & when the summons came, she calmly passed to the other shore. When told she was dying, she remarked, “This is the happiest day of my life.” She asked for drink and when it was put to her mouth, took it & swallowed it as usual. Then closed her eyes and said now I am going & only breathed a few times & was gone. Thus calmly fell asleep in Jesus. This devoted sister. I trust her death will be sanctified to her unconverted sons. Brother Howe told me he had often heard her say when in health that she should be willing to lay down her life if it could be the means of bringing her boys to the Savior. Brother Howe feels his loss very deeply & her daughter mourns in heartfelt grief the loss of one of the best of mothers. Yet the consolations of grace are theirs, but her sons grieve as ones that have no comforts. O may the prayers of their mother in their behalf be speedily answered.

It is a very general time of health all through the section. Your old friends are well. You have been gone so long from here that a new generation has grown up since you knew us. I can hardly realize that I am so old. Time flies & we are borne on. Changes are being wrought & the grim reaper is gathering in his harvest. The fields are ever open to his sickle from the budding plant to the ripened sheaf. All are exposed to this stern reaper and we often see the unripened fall while the whitened sheaf is spared. The gray headed parents to mourn their fallen children, tottering on awhile, until they too ar gathered in.

O, this horrid war! I can’t begin to see the end. Still, who can doubt the final triumph of the Federal arms? Yet thousands of lives must be sacrified ere the end comes. I am distressed at the disaster that befell the Burnside Expedition. Strange that the two great expeditions should encounter such a terrible storm.

How do you feel, or rather what do you think (for you know it is not always safe to follow our feelings) about the question of abolishing slavery per force of arms? For me, I am a constitution man, and as much as I hate slavery, I would not repudiate our Constitution in order to kill it! Let the North cast aside the Constitution & what should we see? Two great factions fighting upon an abstraction. I say fight it out on the Old Constitution, & if slavery gets its death blow in the struggle, so much the better. It seems fearful at such a time as this for the Nation to pull up her old landmarks, cast aside her anchor, and drift herself out on the wild waves of anarchy, trusting herself to the mercy of the contending elements. I might say more but I’ll wait & hear what you say upon the subject.

I got a letter from G. L. Smith the other day. He has two sons in the army on the Potomac. He says they are having a hard time and one of them is sick a great deal. How much anxiety & sorrow this unnatural war brings into thousands of households. You have your share, no doubt.

I saw the Dole mentioned in the report of the bombardment of Port Royal and I thought of a loved son on board her keel & of the fond mother in her home in the far North. I suppose you hear often from him. I should like much to get a letter from him.

Since I commenced this, Brother Brigham Read has called. He says the friends in Wardsboro are well as usual. Sister Daniel Read is quite an invalid but is able to be about the house and works some.

We are njoying our usual degree of health. Snow is deep with the prospect of having more. We have a new Post Office about a mile from us called the East Dover. Do n’t forget to change my address from Dover to East Dover. Write soon without fail. Remember me to all your family. Father and Mother send love to all. — S. Adoline Sparks


Letter 2

East Dover [Vermont]
March 15th 1863

Dear Sister Locke,

Your kind letter came to hand all in good time & should have been answered long before this but the multiplicity of cares “have let hitherto.” I am happy to say that Mother is better than when I wrote you before, yet she is not able to do any hard work but wait on herself, washes dishes, and sometimes make her bed. I find this takes a part of the labors off my hands & I have less to do than when she was poorly. But Mother can never be smart & well again. Her age forbids any hopes of this. If she can only live & be comfortable, I shall be content. Father is breaking down & is not able to have the care & labor that is now on his hands. How much longer he will struggle along with it, I can’t say. But it does seem as if we must change our situation before long. I wish our farm was sold & we were on a small place—say just large enough to keep a cow & pig. But when this change will be brought about, I don’t know. It is hard for old people to leave the old homestead, you know, and nothing short of a necessity shall ever make my Father & Mother willing to do it. So how long we shall rub along, I’m sure I can’t tell.

My health is rather better than it was last fall & first of the winter. I was then pretty well worked down.

The young soldier I wrote you about that was sick with us is dead. He stayed with us & I took care of him while he lived. His uncle came for his corpse & carried it to Andover to be buried by the side of his Father. Our country!! What can we say upon this all absorbing subject! For one, I am distressed at the present state of things & had I not an unwavering confidence in the justice of our cause, and a firm trust in the God of armies, I should almost tremble for our fate. The division and rupture among our northern politicians is to be truly deplored. It really seems that a certain set of men think more of their party than they do of their country, or their God. How men can at such a time as this, when our nation is struggling for her life, when her very existence depends upon the result, how men can at such a time stop to bicker about trifles, how they can stoop to the meanness od making party issues or war measures just for the sake of building up a party, may well excite the wonder of all true patriots and the just indignation of loyal men.

When our armies have gained a few victories such as the taking of Vicksburg, Charleston, Savanah, & so on, Copperheadism will soon begin to hide its fangs, no doubt. While the brave and noble boys are suffering the privations of the camp, enduring the labors of war, and facing the dangers of the battlefield, all for the salvation of the government, it is the blackest treachery to weaken their hands by party intrigue & political animosities at home. It seems to me that the old “Arch Traitor” is playing his last card in strengthening the course of his southern allies by creating division at the North. But we can but trust he will lose the game & only make his utter defeat the more sure.

We have had a fine winter—warm and rainy—but so far of March has been decidedly wintery. Snow is three feet or more in depth & the weather is very cold & unpleasant.

The course of religion is very low in this place. We have had preaching at the centre the past year, but it is doubtful if we have any for the year to come. It is a general time of health here at present. I have seen Brigham Read this winter. Sister Read’s health, he tells us, is poor. The society there has changed very much since you was there & hardly one of the old members save the Reads remain. I have not been to Wardsboro for over ten years…

Enclosed I send you my picture. It is a very natural one only it looks better than the original. Tell me if you see any of the looks of your old friend in her picture. No doubt I have altered much since you saw me. Remember me to all your folks. Father and Mother send love. Write soon & let me know if you get the picture. Your old friend, — S. Adeline Sparks

I shall seal this letter today & get it to the post office…