This letter was written by Dr. William Johnson Dale. Born in 1815, he was sent to North Andover, Massachusetts—his mother’s ancestral home—for schooling at Franklin Academy. He later went to Andover and graduated from Harvard in 1837 and then Harvard Medical School. He married Sarah Frances Adams. A physician in Boston, he was significantly wealthy by 1860 when he was practicing medicine in Boston. During the Civil War, he joined the service, rising to the rank of Brigadier General where he served as Asst. Surgeon General of the US, and following the War, became Surgeon General of Massachusetts. For these services he held the title of General for his lifetime. After the war, he returned to his ancestral roots of North Andover, purchasing the old Johnson farm, which had been in his family since 1637. Here he developed a model farm specializing in milk production.
William Johnson Dale
Dr. Dale wrote the letter to Dr. Albert H. Blanchard of Sherborn, Massachusetts.
The letter pertains to an apparent attempt by Abbie M. (Leland) Taber (1839-1926) of Sherborn, Massachusetts, to obtain a widow’s pension for the service of her husband, Thomas Taber (1835-1864), a corporal in Co. E, 16th Massachusetts Infantry when he was taken a prisoner-of-war on 26 November 1863 during the Battle of Mine Run. . The pension file shows evidence that Thomas enlisted as a private on 13 July 1861 and that he died at Andersonville Prison on or about the 9th of October, 1864 from “scurvey and want of food and proper treatment” while in the hands of the Rebels. Abie was married to Thomas on 18 October 1858 at Sherborn and together they had two children, Frank (b. 1859) and Willie (b. 1861).
Thomas’s death seems to have been confirmed by a statement given by a comrade who was confined in Andersonville Prison named Michael Brady. His sworn testimony is presented beneath the transcribed letter in the event anyone is interested in the details of Thomas’s death.
This short note to the Pension Office which was included in Abbie’s application hints at the frustration, anxiety and anguish she must have experienced in the long silence from her husband: “It may not be necessary but I will add this statement—that my husband Thomas Taber volunteered for three years in August 1861 (in 16th Mass. Regt). He was a prisoner of war eleven months—the last five of which he was at Andersonville, dying there October 10 or 11, 1864, about three months after the regiment was mustered out. For the last seven months, I knew nothing of him.” [Widows Pension File]
Transcription
Commonwealth of Massachusetts Office of Surgeon General, Boston January 7, 1865
A. H. Blanchard, Esq. Sherborn, Massachusetts Dear Sir,
I have the honor to inform you in answer to your communication of December 14, 1864, a memo of which we put on file, that we have a report of the death in Rebel Prison at Andersonville, George, of Thomas Tarbox, Co. E, 16th Mass. Vols. October 19, 1864. We have examined the muster in rolls of Co. E, 16th Regiment on file in the Adjutant General’s Office and find that there is no such name as Tarbox on those rolls. we regret to inform you that in our opinion this name is wrongly reported by the exchanged prisoners who furnished our agents with the information and we think the report may mean Thomas Taber instead of Tarbox.
we asked the Editor & Reporters of the Boston Herald (which paper published an account of Taber’s death) where they obtained the information but were unable to ascertain that fact. We would recommend that you address Lieut. Col. Gardiner Tufts, Mass. Agent at Washington D. C. who perhaps mat be able to furnish you with some additional information.
Very respectfully your obedient servant, — Wm. J. Dale, Surgeon Gen. Massachusetts
I could not find an image of John but here is one of Jacob Fitzgerald Goltry of Co. C, 37th Indiana Infantry (Photo Sleuth)
This letter was written by John E. Kennedy (1841-1916) who mustered originally into Co. I, 37th Indiana Infantry on 26 October 1861 and then when the regiment was reorganized, he reenlisted as a veteran corporal on 2 January 1864 in Co. A of the same regiment. Battles in which various companies of the Thirty-Seventh Regiment camped or fought included: Elizabethtown, KY., Bacon Creek, Bowling Green, Nashville, Huntsville, Shelbyville (Tenn), Athens, Fayetteville, Chattanooga, Stones River, Tullahoma, Chickamauga, Sand Mountain, Lookout Mountain, Pigeon Mountain, Atlanta, Buzzard Roost, Rocky Face, Resaca, Pumpkinvine Creek, Jonesboro, and the March to the Sea.
John was the son of Samuel Kennedy (1795-1875) and Polly Sargent (1799-1878) of Putnam county, Indiana.
Transcription
Kingston, Georgia November 7, 1864
Dear Brother,
Your letter came to hand yesterday bearing date of October 18. It found me in usual health. We have been on the march almost steady for the last month. We are now at Kingston but expect to return to Atlanta in a few days. We are looking for a hard winter’s campaign. Sherman is going to strike for Savannah which is on or near the Gulf. He is going to abandon the Chattanooga and Atlanta railroad and open a new line of communication by the way of Mobile.
The army is getting paid off here. I drew my money today—two hundred and fifty.
I was sorry to hear you was drafted but if you have to go, I would like to have you along with me. If you have to go, I would advise you to take some tools sufficient for cleaning watches and plugging teeth. I think you can make as much here as you can at home, besides your wages.
I have not heard from William whether he was drafted or not. Mother says Christie missed the draft. I believe I have nothing more of significance at present to write so I will close. Write soon. I remain your brother through life.
The identity of the author of this letter was intentionally concealed by the writer claiming that he feared for his life. The author datelined his letter from Philadelphia where we learn that he was a Southerner by birth and awaiting an opportunity to flee the city and return to the South before he might be “hung to a lamp post” or “thrown in prison.” He datelined his letter on 16 May 1861, over a month after the firing on Fort Sumter, but before all mail service to, from, and within the Confederate States was suspended on 31 May 1861 by US Postmaster General, Montgomery Blair.
“If I am spared, I will try and be once more where I can breath free and speak without the fear of being killed.”
It is my personal opinion that in concealing his identity, the author has conveniently also avoided the necessity of ever proving the extreme danger he was in. While it is true that many southern sympathizers were rounded up and thrown into prison for a period of time in the weeks and months after the fall of Fort Sumter, I have not found any reports of mob hangings though it was occasionally threatened by blowhard politicians. His representations of the impact on Northern businesses and the sufferings of the Northern populace were also grossly overstated in my opinion—perhaps intentionally. One gets the impression that he wrote this letter with the idea that it would be published in some Southern newspaper just to arouse popular opinion against the North—a common tactic in an age when news could not be easily or readily fact-checked.
[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Richard Weiner and is published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania May 16th 1861
Friend Joe,
Your kind and welcome letter came to hand a day or two ago and I was much pleased to hear from you once more. Joe, I do not know what to write as this will surely be opened before it reaches you and if it does, you can’t tell what it may cost me if it should be found out that I wrote it as the feelings of the people here are very hard towards those of southern birth or from the South. I can’t speak above a whisper here and have to keep my lips sealed to the world for fear of being hung to a lamp post, or being thrown in prison. But if I am spared, I will try and be once more where I can breath free and speak without the fear of being killed.
But do not say anything about my position here as I don’t want Mat to know that I am in so much danger as it will make her very uneasy about me. I shall try and leave here in a few days or as soon as possible for me to get off, even if I have to first go to England to get there on a sail vessel. It is exceedingly dangerous and almost death to attempt to go from here to the South.
You wanted to know the news here. There is no news except war, war, and everybody here is for war. The whole North are for war and I expect that we will have a bloody time of it very soon as we daily expect a collision between the troops. There are now thirty thousand troops in Washington City and a great many more in all the States but they have no arms to fight with at the present time.
There are a great many men here who are for the South but they cannot say a word for fear of being hung or put in prison or being shot down like dogs. Though time will tell, there is a bad state of affairs here and more suffering than you can imagine for so short a time. Provisions are scarce and exceedingly high. And hundreds have been compelled to join the army to get their daily bread or perish or go to the alms houses. The North will suffer as much as the South. All business has ceased and all of the manufacturers have been compelled to close up for the present. And times are very hard and no one knows when they will be better.
I wish I was with you but you are there and I am here. but God grant that I may soon be with you. If you answer this, be exceedingly careful what you write as your letters will be opened before i see them. Answer immediately and I may get it before I leave here. Best wishes to all. Your friends as ever, — Bo The old name
This letter was written by Pvt. John M. Ford (1843-1908) of Co. E, 7th Massachusetts Infantry. John gave his residence as Marshfield and his occupation as farmer when he enlisted as a recruit on 11 February 1862. He was wounded on 3 May 1863 during the Battle of Chancellorsville but recovered and presumably was with his regiment at the Battle of Gettysburg which was fought just one month previous to this letter.
I could not find an image of John, but here is one of James Lycett of the 7th Massachusetts Infantry. James was wounded at the Battle of Fredericksburg (Al Niemiec Collection)
In June 1864, as the term of the initial enlistees of the 7th Massachusetts soldiers had expired, he was transferred to Co. A, 37th Massachusetts Infantry where he finished his term of service, mustering out in February 1865.
John was the son of William Ford (1799-1861) and Clarissa Packard (1813-1907) of Marshfield, Plymouth county, Massachusetts. John survived the war and married Sarah Dingley Sherman (b. 1844) in November 1869. He wrote the letter to his older brother, William Henry Ford (1841-1907) who gave his occupation as “Housewright” in the 1860 US Census. William was working at the time in Fairmount, Massachusetts.
I have not found the details of John’s death on 16 May 1908 but his death certificate suggests that he was accidentally killed near the Allston Station, B&A Railroad tracks. A physician recorded that he had a compound fracture of the skull and other injuries (no autopsy performed). The railroad was identified as a contributing cause. I suspect that he may have committed suicide as no report of accidental death appeared in the papers and in his hometown paper, his obituary simply reported his “sudden death.”
To read other letters by members of the 7th Massachusetts Infantry I’ve transcribed and posted on Spared & Shared, see: Thomas Denton Johns, F&S, 7th Massachusetts (1 Letter) Oziel Ames Ramsdell, Co. K, 7th Massachusetts (7 Letters) Rufus Robbins, Co. K, 7th Massachusetts (2 Letters)
[Transcribed by Jeannette Ann Vannan; edited & researched by Griff.]
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. William H. Ford, Fairmount, Massachusetts
Camp Warrenton August 3, 1863
Brother W. H.,
Taking it for granted that ‘ere this you have received the letters which I wrote you while laying on the banks of the Potomac, I will now proceed to answer your kind letter which was received in due season, giving me a list of the drafted in Marshfield. I had a day or two before seen a list of the drafted. It was taken from a paper and sent out in a letter.
I had no sooner finished that letter than we had orders to fall in. We did and marched along in rear of the teams. We marched about 9 hours and got into camp about 9 o’clock in the evening. We had some pretty tough marching in getting where we now lay. In two days we made 60 miles—pretty tall marching that. We have now been laying in this camp 8 days. The first four my time was wholly taken up in hunting sheep and hogs on the mountain.
The third day, myself with 4 others went out (with guns & ammunition) for a grand excursion. On reaching the mountain, we deployed out as skirmishers. On reaching the summit of the mountain, I emerged into a densely wooded part of the mountain [and] had not proceeded far before to my utter astonishment, what should greet my ear but the whickering of horses. As you may suppose I made immediate tracks for the horses. On arriving on the spot, I ascertained that there were 6 horses part with bridles and part with halters. I immediately commenced inspecting the animals and used the best of my judgement in picking out the best one. My choice was a beautiful iron-grey horse of certainly not more that five years of age. I led him from his concealment, and getting into the lane, I hopped upon his back and to my great surprise he struck off into a rapid pace. I soon found the others and we succeeded in securing 5 sheep. I informed the gang of the concealed horses, and we concluded to go back and select the best ones out and take them to camp. We took 3 more of them, slung our mutton to them and started for camp.
On passing a negro house we were saluted by a wench, “Where de get them horses? On de mountain?” We informed them that we did. “Them am secesh horses. There be gariless in de mountain.” I asked her if she ever saw the horses before. She informed me that she had. Well I guess she had the right of it, for we were about 5 miles out from camp and some of our fellows have been fired on out there. Capt. Young on Col. [Henry L.] Eustis’s staff (the colonel commanding our brigade), was fired on. He being a brave and desperate fellow (and as fine a little fellow as ever stood) came into camp, got a squad, and went out (armed squad) but no guerrillas were to be found.
Well on getting into camp I sold my horse (worth $150) for $3. This I did to prevent him from being taken away from me and then I should have derived no advantage from him. He was the prettiest riding horse I ever saw and a handsome one too. If I had him at home, I would have sold him for any price. I should have liked to come across Crossley with his spirited nag. I should not be much afraid of his getting the best of me. These posers will go terribly as Chas. Eustis would say.
Well, I suppose you will expect me to say something in regard to the war question and what I think of Meade’s late movements at the Battle of Gettysburg. Gen. Meade showed himself to be a competent general—qualified in every respect to command the Grand Army of the Potomac. And when the Rebs left on the night of the 4th of July, he immediately pursued them, thus showing further his good generalship. On coming up in front of Funkstown, we found that the Rebs had made a stand here. We were brought into line of battle but did not advance far—only driving in their advance guard. The Rebs were forced to make a stand here in order to save their artillery and trains. Every soldier and line office was willing and anxious to attack the Rebs. It might applicably been said of the Army of the Potomac that it was anxious for a fight but it could never have been said before and I think never again.
But Meade allowed them to run on unharmed to our great consternation. No, they did not want to smash up Old Lee’s army. The war would be settled too quick. These suckers have not made money enough yet. Before that I would given 12 ½ cents for Meade, but now I would not give half price.
I wrote an order this morning and got 4 lbs. sugar at the commissary. Yesterday we drew clothing. I drew a shirt and haversack. I also charged them on the books. There is many boys in our company who are well acquainted with the man you work for. The most of our company came from Dorchester. I tell you Henry, the heat is very intense out here now. On our late marches, a great many have fell down in the ranks sun struck. I had my nose burst out bleeding once or twice.
Rather a hard thing on the drafted fellows. Think the most of them will come? George B.—how will it be with him? Amos I guess will come. Rather tough on the boarders. Dorchester is rather a tough place if all reports are true. I received a letter from mother the other day. She is well. The prospects are favorable for the stopping here some time. I now close hoping I may hear from you soon. I am sir, your affectionate brother, — J. M. Ford
This letter was written by Lyman Adams (1815-1859), the son of Dr. Charles Adams and Sarah McAllister (17901868) of Oakham, Massachusetts. The letter was datelined from New Orleans in late December 1839, less than two weeks after his arrival in the Crescent City and captures his first impressions of the city and its inhabitants.
From the content of the letter we can deduce that he traveled to New Orleans to enter into employment with the firm Layton & Co. I cannot find that firm listed in New Orleans; it may have been a firm based in New England and Lyman was merely their New Orleans agent. Later he would establish his own business, partnering with Frederick Brand in the firm, Brand, Adams & Co., their ship chandlery and hardware store located at 53 Old Levee and No. 16 and 18 Conti Street. The partnership was dissolved in 1852 and Lyman died at the age of 1843 on 19 March 1849 in New Orleans but not before he married Sarah Brown and had a child named Urgust Lee Adams.
Lyman wrote the letter to his younger brother, Austin Adams (b. 1811).
New Orleans in the mid 1840s.
Transcription
Addressed to Austin Adams, Esq., Oakham, Massachusetts
New Orleans [Louisiana] December 21, 1839
Mr. Austin Adams, the Mason Oakham, Massachusetts
Dear Brother,
I take it upon me at this time to make up a short epistle to the family through you. In the first place I will say a few words about my passage out here, in the words following, to wit: I sailed from Boston in the Packet Ship Kentucky on the 17th ult. and for the final week out, we had pretty considerable rough weather, inasmuch as it set us all (27 in number) throwing & puking pretty extensively. However, after a few days, we had fine weather and fine times. When we were off Old Hatteras, we had a devil of a storm. The deep blue was thrown mountains high, to speak in the language of the poet, hail, rain & snow came down as if it cost nothing, but the OldKaintuck rode it out manfully. We saw some sharks & porpoises, flying fish, &c. The first land we saw after leaving Cape Cod was one of the Bahama Islands. The weather in that latitude was quite warm. The sailors went barefoot, When at Boston I have since understood there was snow and cold weather.
After we got into the Gulf of Mexico, we had head winds which prolonged our passage some days but in good time we got to [La] Balize or the mouth of the Mississippi where we laid another 20 hours waiting for a steamboat to take us up to the city. The wild geese and ducks and other quadrupeds at that place were too numerous to mention. In coming up the river, we had a fine chance to view the several plantations upon the banks, fields of sugar cane, rice and cotton, and scores of niggers were to be seen in abundance. We passed by the place where Old Hickory licked the British under Packenham. The spot and the headquarters of the two generals was pointed out to us very particularly by a fellow passenger who has resided in this place some years.
La Belize was a French fort and settlement near the mouth of the Mississippi. This painting is circa 1828.
We arrived in the city in just 3 weeks & 1 say from the time of our embarkation and at this present writing, I have been a resident of this Babel about 2 weeks. However, I like it very well so far, but shall probably come home to Old Mass. in June or July or at any rate shall leave the city for 3 months or so.
Parson Theodore Clapp
This is a devilish, wicked place but no more so nor so bad as I expected to find it. I have been here one Sunday and that is as much a holiday here as the last Wednesday in May used to be in Oakham. Four companies of the military were out parading through the streets, horse racing was going on in abundance, the stores [were] all open (the retailing ones), &c. &c. but I went to meeting to Mr. [Theodore] Clapp’s 1 who is about as nigh a Universalist as anything, and a very smart man. There is a young man here by the name of Battles who I used to board and room with in Boston and we are together here which makes things very pleasant. There are lots of other Boston people here that I am acquainted with.
Secondly, the inhabitants of this place are made up of people of all Nations, and from all quarters of God’s earth, and of all colours from White to jet black, speaking all languages & tongues, dozens of Indians are daily ramifying the streets from the north with game and skins for sale, dressed in the style of blankets & leggins, thin noses hung full of ear-rings, and packs on their backs as big as old blind Crawford’s Show Box. We have lots of venison, wild ducks &c. every day where I board which are very comfortable to the teeth. The best water there is here is the Mississippi River water which is the best in the world to drink after one gets used to it. The city at this time is quite healthy. The weather like June in Massachusetts and I never was better than at the present date.
Such a bustle of steamboats, piles of cotton and herds of niggers as there is here is a caution. Steamboats are arriving or departing at every hour of the day.
I wrote Charles when I first arrived here and I have also written John Howard which will probably reach them ere you get this. I want you or Clarinda or Horr or John or your father or mother or all of you to write a feller, stating news, &c., and occasionally drop in and Old Spy, Barre Gazette, or Philadelph & direct all communications as follows.
Mr. Lyman Adams, Care of Layton & Co., New Orleans, La.
Omitting the dash line under his honor’s name.
I shall send this by the ship Carolina to Boston, which sails tomorrow, thence to Oakham by mail which is all will cost you for ship 06, mail 10 = 16 which is cheap enough.
I have time and rom for no more but remain truly yours in all cases, — L. Adams
P. S. The above has been written in great haste and you will please excuse the bad chirography of the same.
1 “Unitarianism in antebellum New Orleans was among the most distinctive religious forces in the Old South. The church was founded and shepherded by parson Theodore Clapp, a New England native and former Presbyterian divine who continually challenged the sacred dictums of Christian orthodoxy. As New Orlean’s celebrated iconoclast, Clapp voiced strong opposition to revivalism, as well as theological concepts involving the Trinity, everlasting punishment, and predestination. His only concession to an overarching Southern culture was his quixotic defense of slavery.”[Parson Clapp of new Orleans: Antebellum Social Critic, Religious Radical, and Member of the Establishment, by Timothy F. Reilly]
This letter was written by John Livingston Hathaway (1830-1891), the son of Erastus Hathaway (1796-1854) and Lydia Dunning (1796-1861) of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. John was married to Hannah Moyston Kellogg (1831-1867) in October 1852 and had three children by the time he accepted a commission in September 1861 to serve as a Captain of Commissary on the staff of Brig. Gen. Rufus King.
Union troops occupied Chatham for the first time in April 1862, when General Irvin McDowell set up headquarters at the house. McDowell brought a corps of 30,000 men to Fredericksburg. He halted his command at Fredericksburg for a month in order to bring up supplies, after which he planned to march on Richmond. President Abraham Lincoln journeyed to Fredericksburg to confer with McDowell about the proposed movement and on May 23 dined with him at Chatham. That very day, Stonewall Jackson’s Confederates attacked Union troops in the Shenandoah Valley and briefly threatened Washington, D.C. As a result of Jackson’s success, Lincoln ordered McDowell to forgo his march on Richmond and take a portion of his command to the Valley instead. General Rufus King took over command at Fredericksburg in McDowell’s absence and moved into Chatham.
Prior to his accepting a commission, John was working as a land agent in Milwaukee, having previously worked as a surveying engineer. After the war he returned to Milwaukee and earned a living as an insurance agent.
On the porch at Chatham are from left to right, Capt. John L. Hathaway (Com. of Subsistence), Capt. Robert Chandler (A.A.G.), Brig. Gen. Rufus King, Lieut. Albert A. Pitcher, 35th NYV, and Lt. Col. Kilpatrick. The 2nd & 7th Wisconsin Regiments of the Iron Brigade were encamped in the fields beyond the home.
Transcription
Headquarters King’s Division On Rappahannock River opposite Fredericksburg, [Virginia] Sunday, April 27, 1862
Dear Sister,
I wrote you a long letter on Friday last & enclosed it to Hannah to mail from Washington. I have not much news to communicate, but having time today in fearing that you may feel somewhat anxious about me now that we are in the heart of the enemy’s country. I improve the opportunity to write again. Since my last, nothing of importance has transpired here. A party of about 30 union troops crossed the Rappahannock a few nights since about 25 miles above here & surprised a squad of rebel calvary, killing two & capturing ten others. The prisoners were brought up here night before last, and are a fine looking, intelligent lot of men. They talk well & most of them are still sanguine of the success of their cause. They were surprised at the good treatment they had received at the hands of the Union army officers & men. They had heard a great deal of the barbarous treatment which they were told the rebel prisoners would receive & had received at our hands & were greatly pleased when they found it otherwise. They are now near here in a comfortable prison.
Last night General King thought of sending over a company of men to guard the few union people of Fredericksburg, & prevent the male portion of them from being impressed into the rebel service, &c. & asked me if I would like to command it. Of course I jumped at the chance & got my pistol ready &c., & was disappointed enough when I found that the General had finally concluded not to send them. Squads of rebel calvary still continue to come into Fredericksburg almost nightly & seize & carry off all men who can be made available for service, or are suspected of retaining union sentiments. We have had a good many Unionists over here to see us from there, & they are very anxious to have us occupy the town at once. It would have been a nice adventure if we could have gone over there last night & bagged a few Rebel Cavalry, horses & all, with little or no loss to ourselves, & I ached to go, but of course had to obey orders, but am consoling myself with the idea that there will be plenty more chances.
I shall try & go up to Washington to see Hannah this week. Had a letter from her today. She is very well indeed. Generals McDowell & Wadsworth (the latter is Military Governor of Washington) are downstairs talking with General King. We have not found out as yet how long we will remain here, or where we shall go to. As soon as I do, will advise you at once & will write as often as possible.
Love to all & kisses for the little ones. Hoping to hear from you very soon & very often, will bid you good morning until I write again. Your affectionate brother, — John
I could not find an image of Harrison but here is a cdv of Horatio M. Smith who began also began as a private in Co. K, 105th OVI (Photo Sleuth)
This letter was written by Henry “Harrison” Fobes (1832-1862) who enlisted on 9 August 1862 to serve 3 years in Co. K, 105th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). The letter was written just six weeks after his enlistment and less than two weeks before he was killed in action (8 October) at the Battle of Perryville.
For a large number of the boys in the 105th OVI, the Battle of Perryville was not only their first but their last battle. The regiment lost roughly a third of the 600 men who went into action. In one of my friend Dan Master’s Civil War Chronicles‘ articles published in September 2020, he wrote a piece entitled, “A Sad Commentary Upon Glorious War: The Horrors of Perryville,“ from which I quote the following:
“Identifying the dead proved an awful and sobering experience, and for Second Lieutenant John A. Osborne of Co. E of the 105th, one of personal tragedy. ‘We buried 42 men, many of whom I had known,’ he wrote after the battle. ‘I approached one who had been struck in the face by a shell, blowing away his head and right hand. His left arm was mostly blown away and the hand just hanging by one or two tendons. I examined his pockets in order to recognize him and there found some letters whose address told the terrible truth. It was my own brother! David was in my company and had been missing since the fight. Here he lay without any mistake. A terrible sensation passed over me. I clipped a lock of his hair as a parting token then with my own hands helped to dig his grave. I wrapped him in a blanket, carved his name upon an oak board, and holding it up as a tombstone, I saw him buried with a host of the dead.'”
Harrison Fobes was the son of Justus Fobes (1788-1868) and his second wife, Amoret Trunkey (1806-1868) of Plymouth, Ashtabula county, Ohio. He wrote the letter to his younger brother Charles Trunkey Fobes (1834-1902).
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. Charles T. Fobes, Ashtabula, Ashtabula county, Ohio
Louisville [Kentucky] September 26 [1862]
Brother Charley,
It has been two weeks since I have received news from home but I suppose the folks have as much as they can do without writing. But as you have been discharged from the service, you can get time to write.
We have been expecting a battle here for some time but think now we shall be disappointed as Gen. Bragg is retreating towards Frankfort and I suppose we shall follow. If we get there, I hope we shall burn the city. It is the greatest secesh hole I have seen.
Last Monday and Tuesday I was sent to the river to cut away the timber and brush that grows on the bank to give the gunboats a better chance. There was 160 men there on Monday and 100 on Tuesday. On Tuesday night the 105th [Ohio] Regiment was out on picket and there was 17 men from Scotts Louisiana Cavalry made prisoners and one of them is in camp this morning. He has been in the service over one year and says he is as determined as ever. The boys are most of them well and some are playing sick but none from Plymouth. Charles Rasey got a pick stuck in his hand so he is unable for duty. It is reported that Gen. Buell us in the city.
Tell our folks to send some stamps. I have written about it in every letter and every letter from home I want to have one stamp in it as it is the lucky man who can buy one. I found two this morning. You would excuse all mistakes if you could hear the noise in the tent. But enough of this.
— Harrison
Direct your letters to 105th Regt. O. V. I., Louisville, Kentucky, Care of Capt. Bowers [Co. K]
Some also put on “To follow the Regiment” when it is on the march but I think it is unnecessary.
Lt. Peter Marchant. Image taken at Petersburg, Va., after his prisoner exchange in late April 1863
This letter was written by Peter Marchant (1831-1865), a farmer from Gibson County, Tennessee, who mustered into Co. C of the 47th Tennessee (Confederate) Infantry on 16 December 1861 and was immediately elected 2nd Lieutenant. He was with his regiment until 31 December 1862 when he was taken prisoner at the Battle of Stones River at Murfreesboro. Following his capture he was transported to the prison at Camp Chase in Ohio by way of Evansville, Indiana. At that time, his description as a POW stated that he stood 5’5″ tall, had brown eyes, light-colored hair, and that he was 32 years of age. On 10 April 1863, he was transported to the prison at Fort Delaware whereupon he was paroled on 25 April and sent to City Point to be exchanged on 29 April, 1863.
After returning to his regiment, Peter was promoted to Captain of his company on 22 October 1863 and was with them all through the Atlanta Campaign and with Hood’s army on his march back into Tennessee until 16 December 1864 when he was taken prisoner again in the fighting near Nashville. This time Peter was held prisoner at the military prison in Louisville, Kentucky, for several days before being sent again to Fort Delaware where he expired on 25 January 1865—his cause of death attributed to pneumonia.
Peter wrote this letter to his wife, Susan Thompson (1838-1910) with whom he married in 1855 and had three children before enlisting. The letter was written in late February 1862 and remains optimistic in tone despite the rebel army reverses in Tennessee that resulted in the surrender of Forts Henry and Donelson and the surrender of the State Capitol at Nashville.
Some of Marchant’s letters are archived and digitized at Georgia’s Virtual Library in Fulton County, Atlanta, under the heading Peter Marchant Civil War Correspondence, 1863-1864. That collection contains three letters pertaining to the Atlanta Campaign: “The letters in this collection were written to Peter Marchant’s wife Susan and all contain much of the same information due to his fear that the letters were not being received. The letters dated July 15 and 16, 1864, were written from the battle lines at the Chattahoochee River near Atlanta. Peter notes the confidence the soldiers have in Confederate General Johnston despite the harsh conditions of sixty consecutive days spent marching or in battle. The letter dated August 2, 1864, describes the necessity of many Confederate retreats from the Battle of Atlanta under the cover of night due to heavy losses. In this letter he also notes that the Union and Confederate armies were both destroying the land beyond hope of redemption. Each letter contains news about the religious life and newly professed Christians in Marchant’s camp.”
Addressed to Mrs. Susan Marchant, Dyersburg, Tennessee (No postal markings—hand-carried mail)
Camp Trenton [Gibson county, Tennessee] February 26, 1862
Dear companion,
I was glad to receive your letter this evening and to hear that you were all well. I am truly thankful that I can inform you that I am in the enjoyment of good health. This blessing I crave for you and myself for if we can enjoy good health, the time will pass off much more pleasant.
I have nothing of interest to write. The news here is as uncertain as anywhere else. Our loss at Fort Donaldson was great but not to compare with that of our enemy’s. Ours is estimated at twelve thousand but most of them was taken prisoners. I have not seen any account of our loss in killed, but we whipped them four times, killing about four to one. But they reinforced everyday and our men was at last out done with fatigue and had to surrender.
The surrender of Nashville produced great excitement but the Yankees seem to be at a loss to know what to do with it. They had not taken possession of it [yet as of] three days ago. They seem to feel that they are on dangerous ground and move very careful. I am not at all discouraged at the misfortune for I believe it will turn out to our advantage. We are not as well-prepared for a border war as they are but if they come in our country, I believe we will whip them.
When I wrote before I thought that our regiment would be armed in a short time, but from the best information that I can get, it will be four or five weeks. 1 I expect to come home again before we leave here but I have learned that a soldier’s life is a very uncertain one. Therefore, I make but little calculations on anything. I find myself to be a creature of circumstances. I never thought that I could be satisfied away from home, but now my greatest desire is to do my duty as a soldier and at the same time to live a Christian. I have become somewhat familiar with my duties and I feel the same interest in it as I would any other avocation. I was at meeting tonight and heard old Bro. Wagster 2 preach a very good sermon. This is the third night in succession that I have been to preaching and notwithstanding it was out of doors and had to stand up or sit on a chunk, I felt that indeed it was good to be there. I am more and more convinced that religion is adapted to our wants in any and every condition in this world. In Matthew, the 21st chapter and 22d verse, you will find these words, “and all things whatsoever ye shall ask in prayer believing ye shall receive,” then let not fail to ask supporting grace for every trial which we may meet and a heart resigned to His holy will. If we faithfully do this, I believe that all things shall work together for our good.
Give my love especially to papy and mother mother tell them to write to me. It is getting late and I must close give my love to all inquiring friends. Very affectionately yours, — Peter Marchant
1 Peter’s letter informs us that the men recruited into the 47th Tennessee Infantry had not yet been armed. They were still in Camp Trenton (Gibson County) where they were being organized and drilled. Company records later show that many of the men carried 57 caliber Enfield Rifles but some also carried 54 caliber Austrian Rifles.
2 I believe “Bro. Wagster” was William (“Billy”) Culpepper Wagster (1837-1912) of Dyersburg. His name appears from time to time on the rolls of the 47th Tennessee Infantry.
I could not find an image of George but here is an unidentified member from the same unit—Co. K, 44th New York (“People’s Ellsworth Zouaves”). He wears a large 1839-Pattern SNY waist belt plate. (Dan Binder Collection)
This letter was written by George W. Arnold who enlisted at the age of 22 as a private on 8 August 1861 in Co. K, 44th New York Infantry. He was promoted to wagoner shortly after his enlistment and remained with the regiment until 11 October 1864 when he was discharged after three years service. At the time of his enlistment, George was described as standing 5′ 11″ tall, with blue eyes and brown hair. He was a painter when he enlisted.
George was the son of Benjamin Franklin Arnold (1806-1874) and Emma J. Slocum (1807-1908) of Pawling, Dutchess county, New York. After the war, George married Charlotte B. Hubbell (1840-1896).
Headquarters 44th Regiment N. Y. S. V. Virginia March 31, 1862
Friend Jed Dear Sir,
I received yours of the 27th. I was quite pleased to hear from you as you will readily see. I agree with you at once relative to Mc[Clellan] as a general in the field. I received yours this morning. I have entirely forgotten when I last wrote you but I am thinking that I wrote you when at Alexandria bu I will give you a little detail of our march. We with the whole Army of the Potomac left Hall’s Hill March 10th, went to Fairfax, from thence to Centreville, stayed there the night of the 10th. The rebels left 12 hours before our arrival. The had noble works there but no guns mounted.
The 11th we returned to Fairfax where we stayed several days, then went to Alexandria where we stayed several days and embarked on board of boats the 21st. Arrived at Fortress Monroe the 24th all safe and sound. We sailed within 50 feet of the “Monitor.” I had a fair view of her. She looks like a large iron platform with a hogs head at one end. That is the most I or any man can say relative to her. Even when he goes aboard of her. I could see the marks on her quite plainly where the Merrimack hit the cheese box. It looked like the marks on an old piece of iron after being hit with a hammer merely started to rust a little.
“I could see the marks on her quite plainly where the Merrimack hit the cheese box.”
Well the night of the 24th we encamped near Hampton—or where Hampton was. This was quite a pretty little place, originally claimed 25,000 inhabitance. The 26th we came up near “Little Bethel.” We stated quietly here until the 27th. Then we started for “Big Bethel.” I think there were 15,000 troops were out that day. We went on the same road where our forces marched last spring under Gen. [Ebenezer] Pierce. I took a good view of the old battle ground. I could see the marks of the cannon balls against the trees and where they took the limbs off the trees &c.
Well we marched up to the said Bethel and found quite good earthworks there but no enemy. They had a few days before taken their cannon away. Just beyond “Big Bethel” we found a squad of rebel cavalry. One of Berdens’s Sharpshooters fetched one of them. We returned to camp that night fetching plenty of chicken, pigs, &c. with us. That is the simple [ ] of the matter. The papers say the rebels were 1500 strong and that we did not occupy Big Bethel. Neither is true. The troops have nearly all got here now. We expect Mc[Clellan] every day and so soon as he comes, we shall march on Yorktown on the York River. I was in the Fortress yesterday. It is a noble work. The season is quite forward. The peach trees are all in blossom. The woods, flowers in blossom, swallows plenty, warm and dusty.
Give my respects to all. Tell our people that I am in good health. Never better. I feast on sweet potatoes, chickens &c. They cannot beat your pappy at all. I will write you again so soon as convenient and you must write me immediately.
Yours truly, — Geo. W. Arnold, high private in the rear rank.
I could not find an image of William but here is James A. Barton wearing the uniform of a Third Assistant Engineer (January 1863)
These letters were written by William Duffield McIlvaine (1838-1916), the son of George Duffield McIlvaine (1805-1849) and Sarah Stauffer (1810-1901) of Salisbury township, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania. In the 1860 US Census, William was enumerated in his widowed mother’s household near the Gap Post Office, making his living as a machinist.
I have not yet learned the date of William’s enlistment in the U. S. Navy but suspect it was very early in 1862. The first letter in the collection was written from onboard the US Sloop Oneida in late March 1862 just a month before the Battle of New Orleans in which Admiral David Farragut captures the city. William was identified as the Third Assistant Engineer on the vessel at that time.
[Note: There are more letters in this collection that I will add as I get time. It appears that after the war, McIlvane relocated to Chicago where he went into a partnership with S. L. Hart in a firm at No. 10 South Clinton Street manufacturing light machinery. The firm was known as “Hart & McIlvaine.”]
Letter 1
Addressed to Miss Sallie McIlvaine, Gap P. O., Lancaster county, Penna.
Southwest Pass, Mississippi Sloop Oneida March 31, 1862
Dear Sister,
I have just learned that vessel leaves this tomorrow for the north and as I have a little leisure tonight, although I am “on watch,” I’ll write to you also, having written Robert by the same mail. It is eight or nine o’clock p.m. My watch is from 8 to 12 tonight and as we are lying still with heavy banked fires in our furnaces (that is, fires that make but little steam but can soon be made very good, if required), it requires only an occasional walk around to keep things in order. I have it very easy now about four hours on & 12 off as it only requires one Engineer on watch at a time. But you may want to know what we are doing here and as I promised to give a truthful account of affairs, I’ll tell you. But lest I might write something which would be contraband, you must not tell everyone what we are doing or expect to do.
We are lying here with about 40 other vessels of all character waiting until things are perfected for the expedition which may not sail yet for a month almost. Vessels are coming in daily to join the fleet and soon it will be as a larger, or a larger fleet than was ever afloat.
The weather is very mild and at midday, quite war, but since here I have not suffered any from the heat, being dressed as cool as I can with straw hat and no underclothing. I wish all the underclothes were at home. It is continually misty here while the wind is south as the cold water of the Mississippi meet the warm waters of the ocean two miles below this and the wind blows back the fog so caused so that we can see only about a hundred yards from us. Sometimes the fog rises and we see all the neighboring vessels, several of which are “aground”—a situation which we enjoyed for 24 hours but by good luck got off before the mud had accumulated much around us. The current is very swift just here on the bar and large vessels drawing 16 or 18 feet of water have much difficulty getting over. We draw 12 & 13 feet of water. While getting off the mud yesterday, we lost an anchor and all the cable in the mud and today a lighter draught vessel has been picking it up and returning it to us.
Tomorrow if clear enough, we go up the river four miles to place called Pilotstown where the Porter mortar schooners are lying. Also several large sloops of war. I hope we will have some nearer neighbors there. There is no mist there they say.
Yesterday (Sunday) a row boat came down the river with a load of oysters and two men—very ignorant looking fellows. They are poor fishermen from the neighboring shores who know but little and care less about the war so long as they can sell their oysters. We bought a good many and paid for them in silver which was very acceptable indeed. Of course we thought of poisoned oysters but there was but little danger of it being so. They are very large but not so good as northern oysters.
Lieut. [William B.] Renshaw, commanding the Westfield is alongside of the Oneida and has gone up the river today to reconnoitre. I think he is a relation of Mr. Renshaw of Philadelphia. I wish you could see Key West, Sallie. It’s a very pretty place, so different from anything north and such a delight climate. I trolled around over the town one day and had a fine time eating oranges and drinking cool drinks.
I spend my leisure time on deck and reading or writing. Do not study much yet as it is too soon. I have one or two congenial friends among the officers who think about as I do on matters and things. One of my best friends is the Paymaster Mr. [C. W.] Hassler—a nice young man just a week older than myself. I don’t care much for the Third Asst. Engineers as they are envious of my superior position. The junior third is a regular prick. The oters are smart and have good (school) educations but their moral training was not a religious one, I suspect. Mr. [Horace] McMurtrie is pleasant and naturally smart. Can do almost anything. Is very lively and carries on high sometimes. Mr. [R. H.] Fitch, junior second asst. is rather a sedate little fellow, very precise, and a disciplinarian (that is), goes in for strict discipline, but when we stir him and tease him, he can fight his way. He is a Nantucket boy & has been to sea most of his life.
I can hardly realize that I am a hundred & twenty-five miles below New Orleans. Wonder what kind of a reception J. H. L. would give should I ever get to the city. I suspect a good one providing the Stars & Stripes were flying over the city. Otherwise, not so cordial. Well, I’ve been standing here at the “Log” desk in the engine room two hours. The Firemen at the furnaces have been sitting, talking, until now when I have made them clean the fires and renew them, and as the steam keeps down pretty well, I’ll keep scribbling away and thus wile away the silent hours of the night.
We don’t much fear any battering ram down here as there are too many vessels above us. I see no fish here. The current is very rapid and the water looks very muddy. But it is very good to drink and we use it altogether.
You may want to know how I like the Navy by this time. Some things I like very much & some things not so well. I am becoming used to the discipline and do not make any mistakes now. I miss the church and other religious privileges much and this is a serious objection to the service. We have prayers and a chapter read on Sunday but it don’t suit me very well. I take it for granted that you have returned from Philadelphia. Well, stay at home and take good care of your mother. You must write me often and then when a mail reaches us, I shan’t be disappointed by not receiving a letter. I wonder when you’ll get this—not for two weeks, if then—about the time you begin to make garden. Letters and papers will be very welcome as we get no news here. The last had was up to the 12th of March at which time the enemy had evacuated Manassas and committed some depredations in Hampton Roads, &c.
I suppose Dollie will soon be home. I have never given her my note for the $150 I owe her, but will try and do so yet. I owe Thacker & Co. some money which can be paid out of what I sent home. I will speak of this in Robert’s letter unless i forget it. Well, my watch is nearly up and my paper about full. I hope you will know by this letter that I have a comfortable time and that it may allay any uneasiness about me. I enjoy good health and spirits, have plenty to eat and drink. I do not trouble myself any about the future as far as this world is concerned. As the Lord hath ordained, so all things shall be & that is enough. Give my love to all the folks at home. I hope to be with you all in a few months again. I must now stop and prepare for the relief watch. Good night. Appreciate your quiet peaceful home. Be as good as you always have been and write often to your affectionate brother, — W. D. McIlvaine
P. S. I’ll write to Mollie & Josie next time.
Letter 2
Addressed to Miss Sallie J. McIlvaine, Gap P. O., Lancaster County, Penna.
Pensacola [Florida] January 8, 1863
My dear sister,
Your welcome letter came duly to hand and I will endeavor to write you a few lines this eve as there is a prospect of a mail north soon as well a a probability of our going to Mobile Bay soon. I have a little more bad news to communicate in addition to what you have from the battlefields of Fredericksburg. The rebels have retaken Galveston and captured the Harriet Lane and blown up the Westfield, two of our side-wheel gunboats, and have gone to sea with the former of them as a privateer. So you see troubles are thickening around us. I must say I am very much disquieted with our commanders in the Northern Army and am much discouraged with the state of affairs. Some of our late moves are decidedly stupid and I despair of the success of our arms in this contest. Whenever the Government stop fighting about the nigger and over their generals, there may be hopes of success but I don’t look for any now.
“Some of our late moves are decidedly stupid and I despair of the success of our arms in this contest. Whenever the Government stop fighting about the nigger and over their generals, there may be hopes of success but I don’t look for any now.”
—W. D. McIlvaine, US Sloop Oneida, 8 January 1863
We felt very badly over Burnside’s reverses and think it a very bad move to attempt what he did. I fear to hear of our losses for I expect some of our friends fell there. I despair of the Union very much indeed and will never feel like going away from home again if we are whipped. But I say if we are going to make such poor miserable fighting as we have made of late, we’d better stop and save the lives of our noble young men who are being sacrificed to the ambition of politicians and money worshippers who are growing rich upon the very vitals of our beloved land.
Perhaps some government official may get hold of this and read it and have me jerked up but I have seen so much to make me vexed and so many inconsistencies that I cannot help express it to some one.
Well!! I wonder how our turn will come. The Almighty who reigns over the destinies of Nations has ours in His hands and to Him I confide our good ship and crew. May brighter days dawn on us soon.
Well, we’ve missed another prize by being here. A large steamer was taken at Mobile the other day and another one got in. The rebels made a big show of Forts Morgan & Gaines. They had about six gunboats out to help their steamers in but they don’t come out very far.
Well, tis Saturday morning & we are about starting off for Mobile. They want us there. Our Jun. Third Asst. [Engineer] is just leaving the ship to remain here and go home on the Circassian when she returns from New Orleans, so I’ll send this by him, I think. I alone am left of all our Thirds. I’m so unfortunate as to be very healthy now. Never was fatter.
We get a great many reports here. I have heard that the Harriet Lane did not get out but is blockaded and one of our sloops (the Brooklyn) has gone down there to attend to her case. They had a desperate fight on her and killed everybody but an Acting Master. The rebels ran two steamers alongside of her and boarded her but they fought bravely until the last, the commander [Jonathan Mayhew Wainwright] being almost cut in two, and then his brains blown out. The Westield got aground while coming to her relief and when the rebs got possession of the Harriet Lane, they were going to take the Westfield, so the captain got ready to blow her up but she went off too soon and killed nearly all of her crew. The commander of the Westfield is named Renshaw and may be some relation to those in Philadelphia. 1
Line engraving from “Harper’s Weekly.” The USS Harriet Lane is shown in the left distance, under attack by the Confederate gunboats Neptune and Bayou City. The grounded USS Westfield is at right, being blown up to prevent capture. USS Owasco is in the center of the view.
We have another month’s blockading to do, I suppose, unless something turns up. You must write soon to me and often. I enclose a X for you and Dollie and don’t say anything about it in your next. I had hoped to be able to send some money home but our mess bill has been so enormous that I can’t well just now, bu I am most happy to give you a small lift and when ou need more and can find any belonging to me, just help yourself. All I wish is enough to eat and wear and to bring me home, if tis God’s will that I shall ever get there. It makes me feel sad to see anyone leave for the North but we’ll endure hoping that peace may dawn on us soon and then I can come home in better shape.
Give my love to all at home & all enquiring friends. I was very sorry to hear of your sickness and hope you are fully restored. You must be very careful this winter & receive the Presbyterian generally. I must close now as we are about ready to start. Goodbye. May the Lord provide for and protect you all is the prayer of your affectionate brother, — W. D. McIlvaine
U. S. Sloop Oneida Blockading Mobile Bay (via New Orleans)
1 Actually some of the crew of the Westfield survived. The crew was transferred to transports and Renshaw, fearing she would fall into the hands of the rebels, blew her up. By some mismanagement or accident, the explosion occurred before the boat containing Com. Renshaw, Lieut. Zimmerman, and the boat’s crew, got away, and they were consequently blown up with the ship. The crew of the Westfield arrived at New Orleans on transports.
Letter 3
Addressed to Miss Sallie McIlvaine, Gap Post Office, Lancaster county, Penna.
U. S. S. Oneida Off Mobile Bay March 6, 1863
My dear sister,
your kind letter of February 13th was received yesterday. I had made up my mind not to write any more until I heard from someone at home, but guess I may as well overlook the resolution now and send you a note—this week some day. Glad to hear you are all getting on so well & passing the winter pleasantly away. Tis quite a comfort to know that you are all comfortable and to tell you of my similar condition. This with one other little item constitutes about all I have to say at present. The other item is that I have at length had my examination and passed very creditably. The “Board” said, for all of which I am feeling quite lightened in mind, as I have been studying pretty hard for two weeks, and felt rather uneasy at being taken up so suddenly, but our Chief [F. C. Dade] who was President of the “Board of Examiners” told our Captain that he was “never more surprised than he was at my examination,” as I had seemed so fearful of not going through, but that I had “passed an excellent examination.” But it did not suit me so well as that. It may be satisfactory, however, for you at home to know these things. So I suppose I am no longer a Third Asst., but a 2nd. However, I do not expect to get my “warrant” for a mont or so, and of course keep the (3rd) before my name until after that time.
You cannot imagine how much anxiety I felt for a week previous—more by far than at entering the service for the disgrace of a failure would have been very severe on me. I am open for the congratulations of my friends.
I am very glad to hear of John’s success in getting into a good situation and hope nothing will now disturb him soon for he has had enough of trouble for two or three years past. Twas very kind in those gentlemen to assist him in getting the place.
7th March. I would not mind having a good position in Philadelphia myself but I don’t think anyone would value my services enough on shore to give me $1100.00 but maybe in a few years I’ll be able to get along ashore.
They are drilling with small arms today & firing at target on deck. It don’t appear just so pleasant to me for its nothing but bang, bang, bang all morning over my head but that’s the way on a man-of-war—always some kind of drilling going on.
The Admiral attacked a rebel battery at the entrance of Grant’s Pass two weeks ago but did not take it. The probable design was to make the enemy show all their gunboats. They brought down two ironclad rams and three gunboats which is about all they have here I guess.
I haven’t heard nothing from T. H. S. since returning from New Orleans. He promised to give me pictures of the children but has never done so. I don’t believe he will soon either unless I go after them. The mail leaves in the morning so I will not be able to write very much of a letter. If you can get any photographs (cards) of friends, I wish you would do so to fill up my album. I have about 25 now—some very handsome officers too. I’m badly off for ladies though. Try and assist me in that line, can’t you? Good-looking ones, you know. I’m always ready for an exchange. I’m thinking now of advertising for a situation as son-in-law in some highly respectable family. Negotiations to be opened any time and the situation accepted on returning home. Terms—good looking, good health, good disposition, intelligence & piety. Anyone possessing these qualifications will please address at this station. Good disposition not absolutely requisite as when she gets ill-tempered, I’ll go to sea.
I did not expect to continue on another sheet but couldn’t quite get through on one. I am very sorry to hear what you said of my former associate, but tis not at all unexpected as that trait of character always would show itself in him and sometimes gave me much trouble. I mean the want of due self respect. I do not believe it would ever have been so if I could have been with him but hope he will see his danger and retrace his steps soon. You must not allow this to be seen away from the family.
I think when I get home, we’ll have to make a short trip either to Pittsburg or on east, what do you think? I don’t know how soon we shall attack this place but probably inside of two months or at least three months. I think the Admiral is waiting for some ironclads as these rams would be rather too much for wooden vessels. I’ll try to get leave of absence late in the spring. Whether I shall succeed or not remains to be seen, when one is not his own “boss,” his movements are somewhat doubtful.
Well I’ve got the middle watch and am getting rather dull so I guess I’ll close. I’m very glad to hear of George’s strict adherence to the good principles taught him at home, if he only sticks to them wherever he goes, he will have no trouble. They allow no card playing on board ship. With much love to all & hoping to hear from you soon, I am as ever your affectionate brother, – W. D. McIlvaine, 3rd Asst. Engineer, USN
If you can exchange one of my pictures for one of the young ladies who asked for one, do so.
Letter 4
Addressed to Miss Sallie J. McIlvaine, Gap P. O. , Lancaster county, Penna.
Off Mobile Bay U. S. S. Oneida October 18, [1863]
My dear sister,
Your letter of the 26th September was received last evening. Also one from Robert of earlier date. The only two received for a month, nearly. Very glad therefore to get them and thankful to hear of the good health of the family in general. Of trouble and hard times we all expect to hear while we have health & protection let us be content with little until peace smiles on the land. I don’t see much prospect of that soon though for Charleston remains almost as strong as ever and the rebel army is becoming accustomed to being “annihilated” and don’t appear to mind it any more. I think it about time for the Pet Army of the Potomac to make another “move” and thus help the brave Rosecrans and his active army who seldom rest. However, I presume that will suffice on that topic. I often wish I didn’t know so much of the blunder and inactivity of the army and navy.
I am very well and growing fatter. We have two new thirds now and I am much relieved having much easier times. They appear to make engineers out of some rather poor specimens now-a-days. I wonder whether I was ever so green as some of them appear, Maybe I was. We are having comfortable tines now. Do not get underway often or run far. Our captain [Samuel F. Hazard] does not believe in running up to the flagship every day or two so we lay day after day at our station. We still like our Captain very much. He is very fond of having some of the officers dine with him. I expect to be asked in one of these days.
The [Yellow] fever at Pensacola is much abated and will soon disappear, I think. The quarantine rules are so strict at New Orleans that we have difficulty getting even our mails. No fever of any great account there and none on this station. Not much prospect of the Oneida coming home. What repairs she requires can easily be done in New Orleans & nothing else would be likely to take her north. I hope and expect to be home before the vessel is though. Being entitled to examination, I may be ordered home anytime during the next two months and if not, I may suggest the propriety of such a course to the department. I want to try and make some preparation for it first though for a good many are failing to pass who I think better prepared than myself. I should not fret much over the result, however, decide it as they might.
Mr. McMurtrie, you know, didn’t get his examination. Was badly fooled. He is at New Orleans on a used up gunboat. I never expect to get the $10 he owes me. He spends all he can get or make by boarding at big hotels and paying for smashed up buggies. I never saw one who could tell you all he knows to a better advantage than McM.
I’m glad to hear of Mollie’s return and will write to her now soon. I would love to step in and complete the family circle some evening. You must remember that this is one of the many privileges I do not enjoy which some of you perhaps without my comforts do, and I hope you can appreciate them. You have home society, friends, religious influence in all its forms, security, peace, and a good share of comforts. You have also a beautiful country to look upon and enjoy whilst I have but the unbroken sea spread out before me except a long low sand bar on which stands the enemy’s fortifications. How one learns to appreciate blessings he never knew he enjoyed by being deprived of them. But I have health, strength, ease, and enough to eat and wear and am therefore willing to be content, trusting to God for protection and a safe return.
The winter is fully as comfortable down here as at the North and to come home in cold weather would set rather hard on me, I suspect, and thus prevent me from going out much.
The other morning after a very dark night, the dawn of light revealed a steamer ashore near Ft. Morgan and a rebel steamer pulling her off. She probably tried to run in and got aground but it was too far for us and at noon they succeeded in getting her off and took her inside the fort while our gunboat was beginning to drop shells very close to her, But we lost her and can only wait until she tries to run out. We hear that the prize money for the steamers &c. that our flat captured at New Orleans is ready for distribution, being something over half a million. It won’t amount to anything among so many and two hundred dollars would be as much as I should expect if I ever get any. They also talk of awarding the prize money for the gunboats sunk and captured above Ft. Jackson on the morning of the battle but when twill be, I do not know.
I’m completely astonished at the rush of beaux to our house—not but what there is attraction enough, but I thought they were all afraid to come. I know they used to be when your brothers were to home, but I presume our absence and their being soldiers has made them bold. Tis about time for me to come home and disperse them. Well, tis evident that I’m about out of writing topics so I’ll close hoping soon to have later dates from you as you must have from me by this time. Hope Mollie will write without waiting for me. With much love, as ever, your affectionate brother, — W. D. McIlvaine
Letter 5
U. S. S. Oneida Off Mobile Bay May 5, 1864
My Dear Sister,
I think I owe you a letter though not quite certain but I’ll just scribble a little tonight even though I don’t feel in any too good a humor at present. We have just returned from Pensacola after a ten days stay there, painting ship and doing a little repairing. The stormy spring weather appears to be all over and summer almost upon us so we have got our straw hats and got our white clothes starched up ready for a warm spell. Things are quiet as usual here except that blockade running has been on the increase of late, but it’s a matter of o great interest to us as we do not expect to catch any. Indeed, our captain seems to care very little about taking any for he is tired of his ship and thinks he has a poor crew & inefficient officers, The fact is, he thinks he ought to have a larger vessel. Well i wish he had and we had some young captain with enterprise who would help us take a prize to cheer us up.
i had a letter from John Bitzer last week & have written him; was very much pleased to hear from him. He seems to take times very easy. I don’t see how he can but it won’t pay very well. I think, however, so long as he is happy & contented, it don’t matter much about the money part. The enjoyment of one’s youth without money is better than old age with it. That is, I think it is better to enjoy our youth than to weal it away in hard work laying by money for old age.
I must now speak a little about the coming home business. I’m sorry not to be able to say when I can come and almost wish I had not spoken so confidently to you at home of coming, for I now believe that it all rests with the Admiral who is not good at granting leave of absence and if he says I can’t come, why I can’t come and that is all. He is “the Admiral,” you know and if he sees fit to retain me here, he can do so, and I must submit for although this is a Republican Government, yet in war times we can’t do as we please. I had thought of asking Himes P. to assist me in getting home but have almost come to the conclusion not to for an instance has just occurred where an Engineer got ordered home without making application through the Admiral and the Admiral would not give him his orders when they came, saying that “when an officer left the fleet, he wanted to know of it first.” So I conclude that it is policy to apply direct to him & run the risk of being refused which I think is a pretty great one. But I will try him at any rate. So you see just how the matter stands. There is no use in my turning aside from the case but better to look the matter straight in the face and do the best I can. Our chief is willing I should go & said he thought I would be ordered home before long, but I “can’t see it.”
I hope you will not feel badly about it at least until I find out for sure. I’m going to “turn in” now. Good night.
I wish I had something interesting to write you but how can I have here. All the news we get from our forces in Louisiana [on the Red River Campaign] is unfavorable. Banks seems to have had bad luck. I begin to lose faith in him as a general. I hope Grant may be successful but the North is expecting too much of him I fear.
I have not received my promotion yet—about time I think. I don’t believe J. H. S. will send me pictures of the children. I think you ought to get some good “vignettes” taken. I have run out of copies of mine almost. Send on any you can collect of Lady friends. I have received Josie’s picture which is a very excellent one I think.
I see but little signs of attacking this place for a couple of months, till the ironclads arrive, after which the “Admiral” will not delay long, probably. I would like to get away from here during the warm weather of July and August. I don’t know whether Himes P. has influence such as could get me relieved or not but i think probably in I were relieved, without being instrumental in procuring that relief, I would not be detained then; for the admiral could not suspect that I had been trying to get home and at the same time my place would be taken by my relief and therefore the number of officers not diminished which is the great question with him. I’m sure I have no objections to any of my friends getting me relieved if they can; on the contrary I should be very much obliged to them. I believe the matter rests about as much with them or more than it does with me. So if H. P. can get me relieved, I only wish he would, though I will not request it of him myself for that would spoil the matter. These discussions on coming home are not for any one out of the family.
We are senior officer now and all mails and everything else comes through us which makes it a little more lively, and gives us the news often. I wish George would write me. He ought to begin to correspond regularly with someone. It will help him when he comes to write to his “jularky.” I’ll close now with much love to all and hoping to hear from you soon. Also from Mother who I hope is well. I am in very good health, as ever your affectionate brother, — Wm. McIlvaine
Please send me $1 worth of postage stamps & oblige. Rather a small amount to send so far but there are so many thieves on the way.
