My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
The following letter was written by Marshall McMurran (1842-1910) of Centre, Vanderburgh county, Indiana, who first enrolled in Co. H, 65th Indiana Infantry. He was later transferred to Co. H, 120th Indiana Infantry.
Transcription
Camp of the 129th [120th] Indiana Raleigh, North Carolina August 26th 1865
Dear Father and Mother.
After the lapse of several days, I sit down to answer you letter of August 9th which I received August 16th. I delayed in answering it immediately for several reasons. We had just been paid off and I wished to write you in this letter that I would send you some money and I also wished to wait till we arrived at this place. We left Greensboro August 19th arriving here the same night. Today just makes one week that we have been here and I have concluded not to send money home by express because there are so many risks that the company will not be liable for it. Most of our company sent their money by express the first part of this week, the captain tending to the business. When the captain brought down the receipts to the boys, I saw some of them and they were not liable for a great many risks that might occur. So as there is a talk that the regiment will not have to stay much longer, I thought I would keep it with me. I do not know why it is that we have been brought here, for we have not yet been detailed out through the city. While at Greensboro orders came from the Headquarters of Gen. Ruger for each of the six Indiana regiments to send on the date of their muster as a regiment, as three regiments were to be sent home. The three were to be those whose organization was the oldest. The adjutant of our regiment whose business it was to forward the date, sent on our date as being the 15th of March 1864 when it was the 2nd of March 1864. So instead of our regiment being one of the three, we have o remain although our regiment was the first one that was mustered in. Our Colonel did not learn of the mistake till four hours after the dispatch had been sent in by telegraph. He immediately telegraphed to Headquarters to have the mistake rectified, but it was too late for the dispatch had been sent pn to Washington. The 23rd, 124th, and 129th are thus the regiments that are to go. So you see what a mistake causes. This is the story of it in camp. I know that there are a good many officers in the service who wish to keep their regiments in as long as they can in order that they may be promoted still higher. The Colonels as also Captains and Lieutenants look for still higher promotion which brings still higher pay. Men that here receive between 100 and 200 dollars a month will on returning home sink into their former trades of farming and even working by the day.
I am with my company again, my duties having ceased on leaving Greensboro. There is talk now that all the white troops in this Department are to be mustered out as soon as possible. I am well at present and hope this will find you the same. All is business and a activity at this place. The streets are crowded every morning with market wagons and we can have the chance of buying right from the citizens. Splendid potatoes, both Irosh and sweet, are abundant and sell from 80 cents to $1 per bushel. Butter is plenty and cheap. In fact, the citizens are so destitute of money that they are obliged to sell cheap in order that Greenbacks may be realtered through the state.
Our regiment is camped on the very same camp that the 65th was while here and I cannot refrain from thinking of my old messmates every time I pass over the ground. It was while the 65th lay here that Johnston surrendered and Sherman’s army started on its march for Washington. It was three months and a half from the time we left here till we came back. I wrote to you last on the 30th of July which I expect you have long ere this received. I also sent word by William A. Holcomb, a mess mate of mine, of how I was getting along. He started for home on furlough on August 4th and he knew you, as you worked on a mill in his neighborhood. I am looking for him to come back soon as his furlough expires on the 3rd of September. I though that he would be as good a letter as I could send to you and I think that he will be a good envelope for you to send your letter to me in—at least I am looking for him to tell me all about you as he promised to go and see you.
John Marshall Neely (1836-1897)
The weather here begins to be cooler. The nights are quite cool and the mornings also. I, by an accident, became acquainted with a son of Doctor [Joseph] Neely who is no other than the surgeon of our regiment, and I never heard his name till a few days ago, although he has been with the regiment ever since I came into it. He happened to be in the office of the Provost Marshal one day as he came up every day to chat with the officers, and after observing me closely he asked me if I was not your grandson and I told him yes. He then went on to tell me all about you and having seen you on the wharf at Evansville while the boats were passing which contained the troops of the 23rd Army Corps. I never knew him personally but well remember Old Doctor Neely as he used to stop with you often. Of course there was a regular scraping up of old recollections of old times in which he asked me what John Stanfield and a good many others. So you may judge of how little trouble I give the doctor. If he had never spoken to me, I would never have known him for after all our conversation was over. I had to ask him what hi name was.
We are getting along fine, having plenty to eat and wear. I drew $94.45 which with some little coming to me amounted to 112 dollars. If I find out that we are to be here till winter and that there will be a safer way to send the money, I will try and send it, but the state is not yet perfectly quiet nor civil law established so there are bands of lawless men roaming around in different parts of the state robbing and making their living by stealing and various outrages. The express companies will not be liable for what these roaming bands of Confederate soldiers may do.
Hoping his will find you and mother all well, I will close. I have had no letter from Henry as yet. Hoping to hear from you all soon, I will close for the present. I remain your affectionate grandson, — Marshall McMurran
Almon Joel Pierce’s Diaries. His Civil War diaries alone are nearly 200,000 words! For comparison, if we were to add Almon’s missing diary of 5.5 months duration, the amount of material describing his Civil War experience would be equal to the size of Gen. Grant’s 2-Volume Memoirs (whichwere not confined to the Civil War alone).
What follows is an astonishing collection of diaries that has captivated me like no other in my journey through primary source materials. These diaries, the gripping tales of Almon Joel Pierce (1842-1900), son of Clark Pierce (1814-1900) and Mary Serepta Royce (1822-1888) from South Haven, Van Buren County, Michigan, beckon with their incredible detail. Almon wasn’t just a writer; he was a relentless chronicler of life. For nearly the entire second half of the 19th Century, he penned daily entries that reveal his deepest thoughts and experiences. I have poured over ten of these diaries, starting in April 1861 and wrapping up in March 1865—a staggering four-year chronicle. Yet, I have chosen to transcribe and unveil only those written during his time in the 19th Michigan Infantry and the Mississippi Marine Brigade, totaling seven diaries. Devoting my spare moments to this labor, I have poured almost seven months into transcribing these seven diaries, which amount to a formidable 190,215 words—an achievement that would demand nearly 17 hours of an average reader’s time to absorb. I hate to think how many hours it took me to transcribe them.
I wish to acknowledge the Michigan’s Military Heritage Museum, and Scott Gerych in particular, for bringing these diaries to my attention and offering me the opportunity to transcribe and publish them on Spared & Shared. They were donated to the museum in December 2022.
Apparently Almon was often asked about his interest in keeping a journal, which prompted him to record the following:
“It might be asked by some whether I ever get tired or feel an inclination to abandon or discontinue this habit which I had begun? I answer that I have not yet, but, on the contrary feel more obliged than ever to continue the practice as long as I can hold the pen. It seems absolutely necessary & unavoidable. I first began the practice on a smaller scale on the first day when we started for Illinois in the spring of 1855…”
The three sons of Clark and Serepta Pierce; Almon (b. 1842), Irving (b. 1844), and Quincy b. 1846). This image would have been taken in the latter half of the 1850s.
In his diary of 1861 we learn that Almon’s younger brother, 15 year-old Quincy, had his leg amputated by Dr. Bolivar Barnum in Schoolcraft, Michigan on June 4th, 1861. He does not reveal how it was that Quincy had injured his leg. An earlier diary would surely contain the answer to this question. It apparently shortened his life, however. Quincy died in 1872.
Almon’s first mention of the war in his diary was on 26 April 1861: “Great war news. Fort Sumpter is in the hands of the South. It was taken 12th and 13th of April. The President of the U. S. has called for 75,000 men to protect the city of Washington.”
Almon reveals his first thoughts of military service in an entry on Sunday, September 22, 1861: “I don’t think there will be much danger of drafting, but if they do, I believe I shall volunteer my precious self. I don’t think that I am qualified for such a glorious duty but I can do something. Oh, if I was only a full grown man.”
Finally, on 14 August 1862, Almon recorded the following: “This day! What shall I say of it? I am on the eve of an epoch, a turning point in my life & which way the scales will turn, the morrow will decide. What stirring, thrilling scenes are just now transpiring throughout the land! how many family ties are and are about to be severed! I introduced the subject of enlisting to Pa for the first time. I wanted to know what his individual opinion was, if he had any. He has been mum, formant, or non curative concerning my liability of having to go. When I introduced the subject & he asked me if I wanted to go, I said yes. He then said that if I want to go that he shouldn’t hinder e, but thought if I wasn’t fit to go, could not stand it, &c. We did not come to any definite conclusion but I took that I shall perform something of the sort in the morn if nothing happens…Mother gives me all the encouragement possible. It’s a holy cause & I should bear my share. Perhaps after I get a thousand miles from home, Father will come to his senses.“
The following day he records:
Almon J. Pierce and his wife Annie in 1888
August 15th 1862. Well the fearful ordeal is past. The first step is taken!! I am now a U. S. man of war! We got underway for South Haven about half past 12 o’clock. Pa and Ma, Al. and Q. in company. Got there just before noon. I went directly to the tavern at the headquarters of the War Department & had not been there two minutes before the two chief officers, Captain [Charles W.] Bigelow and Mr. [Archibald] McLachlin attacked me with a broadside & in about two minutes more, they had me encaptured. They didn’t ask me half a dozen questions. First my age & if I was round, then if I could stand it to travel to which I replied that I once walked 110 miles in one day and went to work again the next. That was enough. Then followed the usual preliminaries of enlistment. I am obliged to sign my name twice. Father stood nearby but did not say a word. He was also required to sign his name. He had some talk with the captain then. Pa had Al. go along to see if he get in as cook but they would not take him. He is bound to go anyhow. He is going to quit work and get ready to go to Rhode Island. I wish that he would go along with us as he would be so much company. I couldn’t get lonesome then. He don’t fancy going as cook anyway… The captain appears a smart energetic man & guess pretty well qualified for the responsible office. I like his appearance. They say that he has served five years in the standing army. I took dinner with the rest at the tavern on Uncle Sam’s expense. The news spread like wild fire about the town that I had enlisted….”
ABOUT THE MISSISSIPPI MARINE BRIGADE
“The concept of a mobile force of mixed combat arms troops borne by modified river boats belonged to BG Alfred W. Ellet Jr. The commander of the Union’s brown water ram fleet had grown disenchanted with the routine duties that were assigned to the surviving rams by the end of 1862 and wanted to move on.
Brig. Gen. Alfred W. Ellet (Dennis Hood Collection)
Wanting to be more actively engaged in the war effort along the river Ellet proposed the formation of the Mississippi Marine Brigade as a means to subdue guerrilla activity along the inland waterways. The idea was accepted by Admiral David Porter and forwarded to Washington for consideration. Desperate for a means to secure extended lines of communication the idea found favor at the War Department. When personal recruiting efforts for his new force lagged Ellet petitioned his old ram fleet benefactor, Secretary of War Stanton, for authority to recruit convalescents from the Union hospitals around St. Louis. As before, Ellet’s radical proposal appealed to Stanton and in December of 1862 he granted the requested permission. Ellet immediately sent two recruiters, CPT James Crandall and CPT William Wright, to scour military hospitals in hopes of filling the unit with recovering soldiers announcing in a recruiting poster that recruits could “become famous in the annals of the Mississippi River warfare.” Pvt. Allan McNeal, writing to his father from the hospital in St. Louis on 15 January 1863, noted the excitement caused by these recruiting efforts. He explained that there was “some excitement about volunteering on board of a fleet” and describing that “they got about 50 out of this hospital.” McNeal, himself, was unconvinced and told his father that “I have no notion of going in to it.” Many others remained unconvinced as well. Despite promises of “no hard marching” and “no carrying knapsacks” and a $100 recruitment bonus the two men failed to attract the necessary manpower to establish the unit. With the idea of the innovative new unit threatened by lack of personnel Stanton again came to the rescue. Responding to a request from Ellet that active duty soldiers be assigned, Stanton used his authority to transfer the 59th Illinois, 63rd Illinois, and Company K 18th Illinois (previously on ram boat duty) to service in the brigade. The recruited men and transfers gathered at Benton Barracks in St Louis to begin their training as “horse marines” under the tutelage of LTC George Currie.
One of the modified steamers used by the Mississippi Marine Brigade, the USS Baltic (Paul Russinoff Collection)
Ellet, meanwhile, concentrated on the other necessary component of his plan; the boats needed to transport the unit. CPT James Brooks, with financing made available through the War Department, was able to purchase seven large steam packets at Louisville and New Albany for a total of $350,000. Five of the new craft, Autocrat, B. J. Adams, Baltic, Diana, and John Raine, were significantly modified for the expected duty. The boats were stripped down to carry 125 cavalry and 250 infantry each. They were given expanded fuel capacity by enlarging the coal bunkers, the boilers were encased in heavy timbers, the pilot houses were clad in boiler plate, and a crane operated gangway capable of disgorging the mounted troops two abreast was fitted out. Of the two remaining boats, the E. H. Fairchild was to serve as a supply vessel and the Woodford as a hospital ship.
On 21 February 1863 all arrangements, except the retrofitting of the Woodford, were complete. The Brigade was mustered for review by Ellet at the Fairgrounds. A total of 527 infantrymen, 368 cavalrymen, and 140 artillerymen stood inspection in standard army uniforms with a distinctive hat complete with a wide green band trimmed with gold lace signifying the special service on which they were about to embark. While still considerably short of the recruiting goal the Mississippi Marine Brigade was declared ready to begin operations.” — Dan O’Connell [Mississippi Marine Brigade]
In this tintype Josiah Goodwin (l) sits with a companion wearing the distinctive headgear of the Mississippi Marine Brigade. This consisted of a cap made with full round top, broad straight visor, and a broad green band trimmed with gold lace. The rest of the brigade member’s attire consisted of various army uniforms – reflecting their recruitment from a number of different units. Goodwin served as a musician on the flagship USS Autocrat which was the headquarters for the Mississippi Marine Brigade. The brigade was a U.S. Army unit created to serve the needs of the Ram Fleet. They became controversial due to their seizures of property along the river and were disbanded in August of 1864. (Al Luckenbach Collection)
There are relatively few books on the Mississippi Marine Brigade (MMB). Official records for their activities seem to be lacking and this may be because they were a new branch of service—neither Navy nor Army—and were not compelled at all times to file the same kinds of traditional reports. Lieut. Colonel George E. Curie of the MMB summed it up best when he wrote, “This you see makes us in the military parlance neither Army or Navy, the one or the other, and yet both.”
Readers looking for more material on the MMB may find information from the following published sources:
Ellet’s Brigade. The Strangest Outfit of All, by Chester G. Hearn, 2000. An excellent relatively recent book describing both the Ram Fleet and the MMB.
Warfare Along the Mississippi, The Letters of Lieutenant Colonel George E. Currie, by George E. Currie; edited by Norman E. Clarke, Sr. 1961. Curie was the first officer selected by Capt. Alfred W. Ellet to join the MMB.
Life in the Mississippi Marine Brigade, the Civil War Diary of George Painter, Edited by Beverly Kerr, 2021 Painter was a private in the cavalry aboard one of the MMB’s vessels. Unfortunately his diary entries are cryptic and do not reveal the details of operations that Almon’s diaries do.
MMB: A concise history of the unconventional, untethered and unruly warriors of the Mississippi Marine Brigade, by Paul Rusinoff, Military Images, June 2021. A great recent article summarizing the activities of the Brigade and highlighting a chapter of their history from the one piece of Almon’s diaries that is missing (the diary from mid-April through September 1863).
History of the Ram Fleet and the Mississippi Marine Brigade in the war for the Union on the Mississippi and its tributaries, by Warren D. Crandall and Isaac D. Newell, 1907. In writing his book, Capt. Crandall quoted Almon’s diaries and from one diary in particular which I think Almon may have sent to him which was never returned. In the description of Warren Daniel Crandall’s papers at the Illinois State Historical Library in Springfield are the letters and diaries of several members of the MMB, including the “Letters and Diary” of Almon J. Pierce. It may be that the missing diary is housed in Springfield.
During the fall of 2024, I reached out to Christopher Schnell at the Lincoln Library (repository for the former collections held at the Illinois Historical Library in Springfield). Christopher informed me that there were no diaries of Almon J. Pierce’s within the Crandall collection; however, the log book of the Diana contained handwritten extracts from Pierce’s diary which he agreed to send to me and I intend to transcribe these as I have time. I also enquired about a letter in the Crandall Collection that was supposed to have been written by Pierce, entitled “The Raid Upon Port Gibson and What Caused It.” This three and a half page typed “story” was attached to a cover letter written by Pierce dated 8 December 1899 in which he makes it quite clear he was not author of this story and yet sometime since it has been repeated and attributed. He, in fact, denies any truthfulness in the story. The story claims that the MMB was ordered to “capture and carry back to Vicksburg as prisoners fifty of the most aristocratic Confederate young ladies” of Port Gibson to be held as hostages until they could be exchanged for Northern women school teachers taken prisoners by Confederates. The story was retold recently in the June 2021 issue of the Military Images magazine (see The Mississippi Marine Brigade was a novel Civil War force) and after transcribing Pierce’s diaries, I was left wondering why the episode was not even mentioned, let alone described in great detail as was his custom. To read Pierce’s letter (and scans of it), go to “The Raid Upon Port Gibson.” Since Pierce clearly informed Warren Crandall of the “hostage story” prior to the publication the publication of his book on the Mississippi Marine Brigade in 1907, either Crandall agreed with Pierce that that the story was a wild fabrication or he chose not to include it. I’m inclined to agree with Pierce, “that it’s a huge fake.”
See also previously published letters on Spared & Shared:
Diaries Transcribed & Published on Spared & Shared
(Click on the active link for each diary to go to the transcriptions)
14 September 1862 to 13 October 1862“This book contains just one month of time….There isn’t another one in the company nor the regiment as I can learn that is keeping so extensive & complete an account of daily transactions as myself. There are a few who occasionally make short notes of the most important events only. I don’t think after this that I shall have so much opportunity for writing as I have had but I shall do the best I can. It’s more important I think, or as much so at least, as letter writing.”
14 October 1862 to 26 November 1862“Containing the accounts of our march from Covington to Lexington, Kentucky, & my entry into the hospital at Lexington. The events recorded in this book were written or sketched down generally under trying circumstances & when laboring under oppressive difficulties. The fore part contains the occurrences attending the march & was for the most part written late at night by the campfire or early in the morn, or sometimes I would snatch a few moments of leisure in the day. Then after the 1st f November, I continued the task under the disadvantage of disability. Here I ran up a big batch of sketching.”
1 February 1863 to 6 March 1863“This book is peculiarly interesting as it contains the account of my exit from the hospital where I had been confined for over three months & my introduction into the “Marine Service,” there to lead an altogether new & different life, form new acquaintances & associations, & behold sights and scenes never before conjectured. I think I may safely say it has proved more advantageous to me in more ways than one.”
Other images of members in The Mississippi Marine Brigade
Two unidentified member of the MMB, believed to be descended from the Brown Family in Missouri. (Dennis Hood Collection)James M. VanCamp of Branch Co., MI. Co. B, 11th Michigan; later in Co. E, 1st Mounted Infantry, MMB.(Dale Niesen Collection)Wellington Peck, Co. E, 1st Mounted Infantry, MMB. (Dennis Hood Collection)Possibly a member of MMB. (Sara Thompson Collection)Possibly a member of the MMB. (Dan Binder Collection)An unidentified member of the Mississippi Marine Brigade(Chris Magewick Collection)Capt. John R. Crandall, Co. A, 1st Battalion Cavalry, MMB. (Dennis Hood Collection)Lt. Perry Gregg, Co. A, 1st Battalion Cavalry, MMB (Dennis Hood Collection)Capt. Oscar F. Brown, Co. E, 1st Mounted Infantry, MMB.William Peters, Co. D, 1st Battalion Cavalry, MMB (Lawrence T. Jones III Collection)Three CDV’s of Hiram G. Parker of Jacksonville, Illinois, who served in Co. B, 10th Illinois Infantry, and then in Co. B, Cavalry, MMB; served on the Baltic & Autocrat. (Cowan’s Auctions)
An unidentified member of the Mississippi Marine Brigade, or Ellet’s Brigade (Paul Russinoff Collection)
The following letter was written by 21 year-old Henry Gray (1844-1900), the son William T. Gray (1814-1856) and Gracy Ann Bates (1815-Aft1865) of Gadsden, South Carolina. He wrote the letter to 18 year-old Unity Anne Gray (1846-1927), one of nine siblings ranging in age from 10 to 32 in 1865.
This unidentified South Carolina corporal has a Palmetto Tree embroidered on the top of his kepi. (Larry Munther Collection)
Not certain which South Carolina regiment Henry served in, I looked for Henry’s obituary, and found it published in a Columbia newspaper in July 1900. It informs us that “Mr. Henry Gray of lower Richland, a prominent citizen and successful planter, after a brief illness, died at his home in Gadsden…aged 56….He was a gallant soldier in the Confederate army…” No specific regiment identified. Since he mentioned a comrade named Frank Joiner in his letter. I searched for him and found Frank Joyner (1842-1910) of Gadsden whose obituary in 1910 claimed he was “a brave Confederate soldier and was wounded once during the war but fought until the surrender,” but again, no regiment was identified. Finally, in Fold3, I found J. F. Joyner, who enlisted on 8 April 1861 at Gadsden, So. Carolina, in Capt. Ray’s Co. H, 6th South Carolina Infantry. I could not find Henry on the roster with Frank so concluded they were not in the same regiment but obviously serving near each other in the Richmond defenses. By process of elimination, I concluded that Henry Gray must have served in Co. I, 1st South Carolina Infantry (Haygood’s) who manned the Confederate lines below Richmond—quartered in their log huts for winter at the time—but who fought to the bitter end at Appomattox. [See—Memoirs of the First South Carolina Regiment of Volunteer Infantry in the Confederate War for Independence from April 12, 1861 to April 10, 1865.]
In his letter, Henry expresses grave concern for his property in Richland county—some twenty miles southeast of Columbia, fearing that Sherman’s army might pass through there and “destroy my home.” While a portion of Sherman’s army marched through Orangeburg, they remained west of the Congaree river as they converged on Columbia. Henry also shares his thoughts on the Confederate Congress’s proposal to add Negroes to the ranks of their regiments and the dilemma it posed.
Transcription
Addressed to Miss Unity Ann Gray, Gadsden (P.O.) Richland District, South Carolina
Richmond, Virginia February 12th 1865
My dear sister,
Received your kind letter some [days] ago and you may be sure I was very glad to hear from you and to hear that you was all well. I received the box that mother sent me some time ago and for which I return my most grateful thanks. Give my love to my mother and to all of the family.
I have no news that would interest you. The Yankees here are lying quiet, but I understand that Sherman is making considerable progress in our beloved old state and I am so afraid they will get my home so l cannot hear from it. I sincerely hope that our men can be enabled to whip and [ ] Sherman’s vagabond horde of vandals before they ever reach and destroy my home.
It is generally talked and is given considerable credence by some that it is the intentions of our authorities to bring in the negroes and I hope they will if by that means we can accomplish anything. But I fear that if they take any more hands from the fields we shall all perish to death in a heap together for I have not drawn but one quarter of a pound of meat in the last six days and the commissary says he does not know when we will get any more. If we cannot get enough to eat now, what will we do if they bring in the negroes? At that rate, it will all be the consumers & no producers. And again, if we do not bring the negroes in, the Yankees will overrun our country and destroy everything so that we would be forced to surrender.
I will let this dark matter rest and bring my short letter to a close by saying write soon while you have the chance to your affectionate brother, — Henry Gray
(P. S.) Frank Joiner is a going to have a box sent him from home and can you send me anything you wish by or in his box. I would be glad for you to send me a chicken or two anyhow. Nothing more. Write soon. — H. G.
The poignant letter was penned by Robert Wilson Sherrod (1827-1887), a native of Virginia, but a physician practicing in Raleigh, Saline county, Illinois prior to the Civil War. As stated by himself in this letter, Robert volunteered and was offered a commission as surgeon on the US Gunboat Tyler—a “timber-clad”—which saw lots of action in the western waters early in the Civil War. By early 1864 he had resigned his commission in the Navy and volunteers as a hospital steward in Co. D, 29th Illinois Infantry. Later that same year he was commissioned a 1st Lieutenant in his company.
The letters bears intelligence of the death of Sherrod’s first-born child, Susan Anneliza Sherrod (1853-1862), who was born in Medora, Macoupin county, Illinois, but died at the age of 9 in Rockbridge county, Virginia in July 1862—two and a half years before this letter was received. Sherrod’s wife—the mother of Anneliza—was the former Susannah P. Hileman, the daughter of Daniel & Clerinda (Trevey) Hileman of Centreville, Rockbridge county. Susannah died in December 1853 when Anneliza was but 9 months old and Sherrod returned her body to Virginia to be buried, at the same time delivering Anneliza to be raised by her grandparents (a customary practice in those days).
The Hileman family were avid supporters of the rebellion and two of Susannah’s brothers—Daniel J. Hileman and Phillip C. Hileman served in the “Bloody” 27th Virginia Infantry of Stonewall Jackson’s Brigade. As might be expected, the stoppage of the mails between family members who were on opposite sides of the war made communication difficult, if not impossible, particularly if one was not inclined to correspond with in-laws who held political views that were diametrically opposed. [See A House Divided: The Civil War Letters of a Virginia Family, by W. G. Bean published in 1951, The Virginia Magazine of History & Biography, pp 397-422]
Sherrod wrote the letter from Kennerville, Louisiana, where the regiment remained a few days before marching off to New Orleans and then on to Mobile Bay.
The timber-clad US Gunboat Tyler
Transcription
Kennerville, Louisiana—18 miles Above New Orleans January 30th 1865
Dear Brother,
I have just received a letter from Mrs. Housh enclosing one from you, in which was the painful and heart-rending intelligence of the death of my child. This blow falls heavily upon me and breaks one of the strongest ties that bound me to this world. But it becomes us as intelligent beings to submit to the Devine will of our Maker without a murmur, however hard it may seem. And I can do so the better feeling confident as I do that she has gone to join her sainted Mother in that abode of peace and happiness prepared for the righteous from the foundation.
I have not heard from any of you before in some three years and upwards. I have been in the U.S. Navy and Army ever since the rebellion began. I was surgeon of the U.S. Gunboat Tyler for a long time. I have been in several hard-fought battles—viz: Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Shiloh, Corinth, Haines Bluff, Vicksburg, & Helena—and so far it has pleased God to let me escape unhurt. At this time I am 1st Lieutenant of Co. D, 29th Reg. Illinois Vols. If I live, I will likely remain in the service until the close of the war.
I am sorry that you and I do not see this wicked rebellion in the same light, but be that as it may, I hope the time is not far distant when the sweet harbinger of Peace will spread his golden wings over our entire country. I want you to remember me kindly to your Father and family. Also to your brother Phillip. Tell him to write to me. And I wish you to write as soon as you receive this, Please let me know what is the date of Anneliza’s death and if she had a protracted illness and all the particulars of the sad occurrence.
Hoping to hear from you soon, I subscribe myself your brother, — R. W. Sherrod
William Henry Straw was a 33 year-old farmer from Hill, Grafton county, New Hampshire when he voluntarily enlisted on 14 August 1862 to serve as a corporal in Co. D, 12th New Hampshire Infantry. His father, Sargent Straw (1783-1871) was still living at the time, but his mother, Priscilla Bennett Sanborn (1794-1858) had already passed on. Staying home to tend the farm and their two young children was William’s wife, Caroline (“Callie”) (Thorne) Straw (1833-1889).
William wrote this letter to his hometown friend, Wilbur Henry Morrill (1836-1908) who was married in 1859 to Ann Woodford in August 1859 and had a young son of 18 months. It was datelined from the regiment’s camp opposite Georgetown in Virginia where they had recently arrived. In less than a week they would receive orders to move to Point of Rocks, Maryland, and then see their first action at the Battle of Fredericksburg.
Sometime during the winter 1862-63, William fell victim to typhoid fever and he died on 20 June 1863 at Alexandria, Virginia—his singing voice silenced forever.
William Henry Straw and Caroline Leighton (Thorne) Straw of Hill, Grafton Co., N. H.
Transcription
Addressed to W. H. Morrill, Hill, New Hampshire
12th New Hampshire [In camp opposite Georgetown in] Virginia October 12, 1862
Friend Morrill,
I will write you a few lines to let you know how I am prospering. It is Sunday but don’t seem much like Sunday in New Hampshire. We have meeting here, however. One service at 11 o’clock, & prayer meeting in the afternoon, & one every evening through the week.
We have moved three times since we got into Washington. We are in camp now near Georgetown on the opposite side of the Potomac but are under marching orders & expect to move every day but don’t know where. It is quite cool here today—need an overcoat and mittens. I have seen some very warm weather within two weeks. Our boys are quite sick—a number of them. Two have been shot since we went into camp, one by accident, one supposed by a rebel. And another shot one of his hands off himself by accident. He was in our company—Prescott Y. Howland 1 from Sanbornton, a first rate fellow. Had to have his right arm cut off. I saw it done and it looked pretty hard, but nothing to what I expect to see.
I will resume my writing now. I stopped to go to meeting though don’t have to go far—only two or three rods. Elder Dunbar preached—a Methodist preacher, a private soldier, a young man, or rather not very old. I wish you could have heard him though I suppose you are hearing something like it for he is about such a preacher as Burden, only he has a voice like a lion. He is a grand singer. He is the one that composed the sheet music that we have at home—some of it at least.
I should like to be there today but I should hate dreadfully to have to be back here if I was once at home, though I am quite contented & am well & hearty as a bear. Give my respects to all your singers. I should like to see them all. Tell them I have sung so much that my throat is most worn out though I mean to save it to sing with you when I get home—if I should be lucky enough to ever come there.
It is one o’clock & am going to meeting again. Will write a few lines more perhaps. Got home again. We have 4 or 5 ministers in our regiment. One tents with me. Five men tent together. R[obert] Martin tents with me. He has had the shakes but is some better now. It is 2 o’clock and is raining. A cold northeast storm.
I hear you are getting ready to draft in Hill, or rather getting ready not to be drafted. I want you to write me when you can. Don’t know if you can read htis. Give my respects to Mrs. Morrill & all the rest of your folks. Morrill, stay with your wife and child while you can & as long as you can.
I have seen Hattie Knox’s brother twice since we got here. Saw him last Friday in Washington. He was going to his regiment Saturday. He had a slight wound in the finger. Have seen quite a number from our way. Don’t many of them think much of the war. Hope you will excuse this poor writing for haven’t anything to write on or sit on. We live just like pigs and if dirt will make us happy, we shall all enjoy good health. From your friend, — W. H. Straw
[P.S.] Tell Gusta Marshall that [James] Frank [Marshall] is well & hearty now & is growing fat. It is Monday now—cold and stormy. It rained all night. Some of the boys woke up and found themselves swimming around like ducks. Please write all the news about drafting &c. Ed Cilley was here Friday and Saturday. Looks well & hearty. I sent a letter to Cally yesterday. I have sent 4 since I left Concord. I got one from home Wednesday. Some of the boys have a letter from Hill most every day. Direct your letter o Wm. H. Straw, Co. D, 12th Regiment N. H. Vols., Washington D. C.
1 Prescott Young Howland (1828-1876) was 33 years old when he enlisted as a corporal in Co. D, 12th New Hampshire Infantry. We learn from Straw’s letter than Howland accidentally shot his own hand off which necessitated an amputation of his right forearm. As a consequence, he was discharged from the service on 22 November 1862.
A post war cabinet card of Lawrence B. Worth (Ancestry.com)
The following letter was written by Lawrence B. Worth (1834-1891), the son of Alexander Worth (1803-1875) and Adeline B. Vermilya (1811-1842) of Mooresville, Morgan county, Indiana. In 1854, Alexander Worth—an early day merchant in Mooresville, moved with his second wife and family to Indianapolis where he became Secretary of the Indianapolis, Cincinnati, and Lafayette Railroad. At the time or shortly after his father moved to Indianapolis, 21 year-old Lawrence struck out on his own and settled in Indianola, Warren county, Iowa. The 1860 Census enumerates him employed as a carpenter in Oskaloosa, Mahaska county, Iowa, with a wife of two years, Zerilda (Kinsey) Worth (1841-1893) and a one year-old son Frederick (1859-1935).
At the age of 26, Lawrence volunteered in July 1861 and was mustered into Co. C, 7th Iowa Infantry as a private. He was promoted to a corporal in January 1862, and mustered out of the regiment as a sergeant in July 1865 after four years service.
In his letter of 11 April 1862, Lawrence gives a detailed account of the 7th Iowa’s experience at the Battle of Shiloh from the time their encampment was overrun on Sunday morning until their retreat over a mile to the very heart of the Hornet’s Nest where they fought valiantly until after dark when the position could no longer be held. Although Gen. Grant had previously praised the 7th Iowa for its gallant service at Belmont and Donelson, Lawrence was less than impressed with Grant’s leadership. “General Grant should be courtmartialed for allowing himself to be surprised. He was notified time after time that the enemy were near his lines in strong force & intended to attack him. He hooted at the idea of them attacking him & for two days suffered things to go on in this way & his army to be surprised. I have always disliked the man & worse now than ever. He is not fit for a military man,” he wrote his father.
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. A. Worth, Indianapolis, Indiana
Pittsburg Landing April 11th 1862
Dear Father,
I take a few moments to write you to let you know that I am still alive. You will receive word of the tremendous battle fought here on last Sunday & Monday and a great many more minute events than I will be able to write you.
The enemy attacked us on Sunday morning at day [break] & they whipped us badly during the day. Their attack was a complete surprise & they over powered us. Our forces were camped on too much ground & the line of battle was too large for our forces to defend. They attacked the two outer divisions first & early in the morning & before the forces could be brought to their assistance from the other 3 divisions, their lines were cut up & broken—the soldiers flying in consternation by our lines which discouraged many of our men who had yet to come up the work. But our men fought valiantly—stood their ground well for several hours & did not retreat till in the evening when they bore down on the weak & wavering portions of our line, causing them to fall back. And then began a flanking movement on the part of the enemy. We were ordered to retreat which was done in good order for some distance, but the enemy bore down on them so strong that soon all became confusion, & then became a general stampede equal to Bull Run, I suppose.
We retreated back, formed a line running along up & down the river near the landing & out for some distance. There was a howitzer (64 pounder), three or four 24-pound siege pieces placed on the hill near the landing [and] with these & one of the gun boats, they rained such torrents of shot & shell into the enemy that they dare not advance. This was kept [up] for one hour or more when Buell’s forces began to come up over the hill from the landing just in time to save us. Had it not been for the reinforcements of Buell, we would have [been] entirely annihilated, killed, or taken prisoners.
During the night the reinforcements were disposed of in the best manner possible for action in the morning. Our guns kept throwing shell all night every half hour into the lines of the enemy till they had to fall back during the night over a mile. How they did it, I do not know, but some that were taken prisoners & wounded say that every shell was thrown during the night [landed] immediately into their lines.
On Monday morning at daylight, the fight commenced again. This day the battle turned the other way. The enemy were routed entirely & driven back. All the guns they took from us were retaken & a number of theirs were also taken. The loss on both sides was great. They took a great many prisoners the first day & we took some of them prisoners the second day. How many, I do not know. I suppose they took 2,000 of our men on Sunday. On Monday we took, I think, near 1,000 of them prisoners.
The enemy is about seven miles from our lines & the supposition is they intend attacking us again soon. Johnston & Bragg were killed & Beauregard is wounded in the arm. The enemy lost some of their best officers & they had the flower of their army here—most of the Manassas troops.
John Wesley Pierson, 7th Iowa Infantry, ca. 1862; Worth described him as a “man of iron will and determination.”
Two of our Belmont prisoners came to us yesterday—one of our company by the name of John W. Pierson. He is a man of iron will & determination. He escaped from them [for] the second time. He left them the first time at Memphis [but] was retaken at Jackson [and] was on the way to Tuscaloosa, Alabama. When they arrived at Corinth Monday evening in company with other prisoners, they had him in a house where they were to remain for the night. He slipped upstairs unnoticed by the guard, made a rope of carpet, fastening it to a bed rail which reached from one house to the other. Letting themselves down (he & his comrade) made their escape through the guard lines, passed on their way the retreating portion of the secesh army, shunned their camp & came into our lines safe. 1
General Grant should be courtmartialed for allowing himself to be surprised. He was notified time after time that the enemy were near his lines in strong force & intended to attack him. He hooted at the idea of them attacking him & for two days suffered things to go on in this way & his army to be surprised. I have always disliked the man & worse now than ever. He is not fit for a military man.
The 7th Iowa Regiment lost 10 Killed & 12 wounded, the 8th, 12th, and 14 Regiments of Iowa Volunteers were taken prisoners. They were cut off, surrounded, saw there was no chance of escape, laid down their arms & surrendered. I was in the fight, tried to do my duty, did not run like some others, but rallied on our colors with others, obeying the commands of my superior officers. Laid in line Sunday night in a drenching rain & am yet alive & safe for which I thank God for I am nearly sick from the exposure of 3 days but feel better this morning.
I remain as ever, your son, — L. B. Worth
The enemy did not destroy any of our camp more than plunder knapsacks & tents for Beauregard told them they would have all themselves.
1 An excellent article by Ron Coddington entitled, “The Great Escape” chronicles the saga of Pierson’s capture at the Battle of Belmont and weeks of captivity until he made good his escape.
The following letter was written by John Milton Richard (1843-1864), the son of Samuel Richard (1800-1882) and Christiana Denniston (1809-1891) of Buffalo township, Butler county, Pennsylvania. John and his younger brother, Robert Quillan (“Quill”) Richard (1845-1864) both enlisted in August 1862 to serve in Co. H, 139th Pennsylvania Volunteers. Neither survived the war. Robert was killed on 5 May 1864 in the Wilderness, and John was killed at Fort Stevens two months later. The Rolls of the Adjutant General inform us that Orderly Sergeant John M. Richards was killed on the skirmish line before Washington D. C. on 12 July 1864—his loss most assuredly felt deeply not only by grieving parents but by Susan (Schuster) Richard who had married John on 31 July 1862, just before he marched off to serve his country.
This letter was datelined from the encampment of the 139th Pennsylvania near White Oak Church some two weeks after the Battle of Chancellorsville where the regiment suffered heavy casualties—123 men killed and wounded. They went into the fight on the Union left as reserve elements, waiting and watching as other regiments overran the Confederate entrenchment above Fredericksburg, and then were brought into the fierce fight at Salem Church. They were finally forced back across the Rappahanock river at Banks Ford on the night of 4 May 1863. Their failure of success, he wrote his mother, appeared to be leadership. “I’m sorry to say that our leading officers (generals) cannot win laurels of fame and distinction on this so called Grand Army of the Potomac for they have the means & also the men to do it if they only will.” [See also—1863: Jacob W. Strawyick to Andrew Strawyick]
It should be noted that John spelled his surname “Richard” but he was carried on the muster rolls as “Richards.” His headstone in Battleground National Cemetery (stone #40) also bears the name Richards.
A company of the 139th Pennsylvania Infantry (LOC)
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Bryan A. Cheeseboro and was made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Camp near White Oak Church, Virginia Sunday morning, May 17th 1863
Dear Mother,
It has been some time since I wrote to you. But this morning I seat myself in the attitude of a fellow on the ground floor of my tent, to let you know that we are both in excellent health. The weather here is very warm now. Part of our company is out on picket. Quill nor I did not go as it was not my turn, and I do not go now for I have enough to do in camp.
I have been looking for a letter from home for several nights back. The last we received was one that Martin wrote which I answered. I have not had one from Lee for near two weeks but still look earnestly every mail for a letter from someone from home. You cannot imagine how bad we feel without getting any letters from home. I lost all my things over on the other side of the river.
Matthew Greer of the 137th Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers, ate supper with us last night. He is well. They expect to leave for home this week. John Allen—Lizzie Atkinson’s man—has been here several times. William Bickett also. They are all hearty but tired of soldiering. I am not. I never got at anything that I enjoyed so well or rather that enjoyed with my health as the life of a soldier. I do not like the way that some of our leading officers use us and arrange things sometimes, but all in all, I am proud to say I am a soldier of this grand army—the Army of the Potomac. But [I’m] sorry to say that our leading officers (generals) cannot win laurels of fame and distinction on this so called Grand Army of the Potomac for they have the means & also the men to do it if they only will.
I will put a couple of small cards in this for Allie and Mary. You can see how they are directed for each one. I wrote George a letter yesterday. I want him to answer it. I hear that James Sedgwick is dead. Is it true or not? I received a letter from John McClosky a few days ago. I also received one from his sister in Clarion. She sent me John’s address in a letter that Sue Delo wrote for I asked Sue to get it for me and the next day she got a letter from John stating he was in Pittsburgh. So she sent me his address. It was a very nice, polite, as well as an interesting letter and she appeared to think that I had done a great deal for John for he wrote to her to that effect. I will close with my love to Father, Mother, Sisters, Brothers, and all inquiring friends. From your Son, — J. M. Richards
Co. H, 139th Regiment Care of Lieutenant [James J.] Conway 1
Direct the letters in that way, or if the “H” is made plain, you need not put Conway’s name at all. Write soon. — J. M. Richards
1st Sergeant, Co. H, 139th Regiment Penna. Vols. 3rd Brigade, 3rd Division, 6th Army Corps, Grand Army of the Potomac
Write soon. Farewell for this time. Goodbye. Kiss Allie for me.
1 James J. Conway was promoted from Lieutenant to Captain of Co. H, 139th Pennsylvania on 21 July 1863 shortly after the Battle of Gettysburg where the 139th helped turn back the Confederate assault on Little Round Top. He was later wounded in the Battle of Cold Harbor on 2 June 1864—a severe wound of the thigh which kept him out of action for a time.
This incredible letter was written by John Fales (1841-1918), the son of John Smith Fales (1800-1861) and Charlotte Leland (1807-1850) of Sherburn, Middlesex county, Massachusetts—both parents dead by the time this letter was written in September 1861. He wrote the letter to his older sister, Charlotte Adelaide Fales (1832-1908), mentioning too a younger brother, Charles Leland Fales (1843-1902) who was serving in Co. B, 16th Massachusetts Infantry. From enlistment records we know that John stood 5′ 9″ tall, had brown hair, light eyes, and a fair complexion.
John wrote the letter while serving in the 3rd Light Artillery, Battery E, of the US Artillery (Regular Army)—commonly referred to as “Sherman’s Battery.” His enlistment was recorded as 17 April 1861 and his battery was mobilized and placed in a defensive position near Arlington Heights in late May. At least two of the guns were stationed at Pearl’s farm “north of the wagon road, half a mile east of Ball’s Crossroads” by early July. They were attached to William T. Sherman’s Brigade 1 of McDowell’s Army at the time of the Battle of Bull Run—their participation described by Captain Romeyn B. Ayres, who commanded the Battery at Bill Run, in the following after action report:
LIGHT COMPANY E, THIRD ARTILLERY,
Camp Corcoran, Virginia, July 25, 1861.
SIR: I have the honor to report the part taken in the battle of the 21st instant by this battery.
The battery advanced in the morning with the brigade to which it was attached—Col. W. T. Sherman’s—on the center route upon the front of the enemy’s position. The battery operated from this position at times upon the enemy’s batteries and troops as occasion offered. About noon I started with the brigade, as ordered, to cross the open ground, the run, and to rise the bluff, with a portion of the battery, one section being detached at this time, operating upon a battery to the left. On arriving at the run it at once was apparent that it was impossible to rise the bluff opposite with the pieces. I sent an officer immediately to report the fact to Colonel Sherman and ask instructions. I received for reply that I should use my discretion.
I immediately returned to the central position. I remained at this point, operating upon the enemy’s guns and infantry, till ordered by General Tyler to cover the retreat of the division with the battery.A body of cavalry at this time drew up to charge the battery. The whole battery poured canister into and demolished them. The battery moved slowly to the rear to Centreville.
I will add, that the coolness and gallantry of First Lieut. Dunbar R. Ransom on all occasions, and particularly when under fire of three pieces, with his section at short range, when the battery was about to be charged by a large body of cavalry, and also when crossing a broken bridge in a rough gully, and fired upon in rear by the enemy’s infantry, were conspicuous. The good conduct of First Lieut. George W. Dresser, Fourth Artillery, was marked, especially when threatened by cavalry, and at the ravine referred to above. Second Lieut. H. E. Noyes, cavalry, was energetic in the performance of his duties.
I lost four horses killed on 18th; two horses wounded on 18th; seven horses on 21st; three caissons, the forge, and a six-mule team and wagon (excepting one mule), on the 21st. I sent all these caissons, &c., ahead when preparing for the retreat, to get them out of the way. The fleeing volunteers cut the traces and took the horses of the caissons.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, — R. B. AYRES, Captain, Fifth Artillery, Commanding Company E.
Battery E, 3rd US Artillery (“Sherman’s Battery”) as it appeared on its return from the Battle of Bull Run (New York Historical Society Museum)
John datelined his letter from “Arlington Heights” on 5 September 1861. He indicates that the battery was near Fort Corcoran. More precisely the battery was positioned a quarter of a mile soutwest of W. Ross’ farm Rossyln.
Before the Civil War ended, John would enlist twice more in his country’s service. After his three years in Battery E, US Artillery, he reenlisted in Co. E, 60th Massachusetts Infantry on 16 July 1864 and served until 30 November 1864. Following that he reenlisted again in the 3rd Massachusetts Artillery and served until 1868. His military records indicate he was wounded once—at the Battle of Olustee (Florida) on 20 February 1864. In his later years, John worked in Boston as a locomotive fireman—a job that no doubt gave him the cataracts that plagued him in his later years, not to mention his loss of hearing.
[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Megan Lynn and was transcribed and researched by Griff for publication on Spared & Shared with Megan’s consent.]
Transcription
Addressed to Adelaide Fales, South Framingham, Massachusetts
Arlington Heights [Thursday] September 5th 1861
Dear Sister,
As I have a little time today, I thought I would write & let you know that I am safe & well. We are here in the same place but we have just got orders to get ready to move. I do not know where we are going but I expect we are going to advance on to Fairfax.
Mr. Lincoln reviewed us last Monday 2 & after the review he came to our camp & examined our rifle cannons. 3 He thanked us very kindly for our gallant conduct at the battle of Bulls Run & when he went away he went up to where our cook was getting dinner & took a brand of fire & lit his cigar & sit down and had a long talk with our captain. 4 He is a very pleasant talking man. Anyone would not think he was President of the United States if they did not know who he was.
One of the 24-pounder guns in Fort Corcoran (LOC)
The 18th Massachusetts Regiment came over here from the city. 5 The Massachusetts soldiers are the best looking soldiers here. All the regiments here are at work every day. They are throwing up breastworks here in all direction & mounting heavy guns. Fort Corcoran has 8 guns which carry a 68 lb. ball & four 24-pounders. This fort commands the road from Georgetown to Fairfax & the Potomac. You can see all over the city of Washington. Our battery is about a quarter of a mile from this fort. It is large enough to hold 1500 men. I have got a picture of this fort but it does not look exactly as it does now.
I have not heard from [brother] Charlie yet. I do not know whether his regiment is in the city or not. We have got a large balloon here in our camp. He went up yesterday to take a look at the rebels. He could look right down onto them & see what they were doing. After he had been up a little while, the rebels fired a cannon ball at him but they could not reach him. He had ropes fixed to a large tree so that he would not blow away. 6
I have not anymore to write now. Remember me to all the folks. I am your affectionate brother, — John Fales
Footnotes
The Cecil Whig, 17 August 1861
1 The celebrated Battery E of the 3rd US Regulars was led during the War with Mexico by Thomas West Sherman and it was often referred to as “Sherman’s Battery,” even when it was lead, as it was at Bull Run, by Capt. Romeyn B. Ayres. Adding greater confusion, the Battery was assigned to the command of Col. William Tecumseh Sherman just prior to the Battle of Bull Run.Ayres was at Old Point, Virginia, until 7 July 1861 when he was ordered to Washington to take command of “Sherman’s Battery.” His was the only artillery unit to save all of his guns from the battlefield and even brought off two others. Ayres was transferred to Philadelphia to recruit for the 5th US Artillery shortly afterward. [Daily National Democrat, 20 September 1861]
2 “Last Monday” would have been 2 September 1861. According to the Lincoln Log, Lincoln and Secretary Seward reviewed the 2nd & 5th Wisconsin Infantry Regiments of Gen. Rufus King’s Brigade [NY Times, 3 September 1861].
3 Sherman’s Battery went into the fight at Blackburn’s Ford and Bull Run with four smoothbore cannon—two 6-pounders and two 12-pounder field howitzers, as well as two 10-pounder Parrott rifles as a reserve. The Parrott rifle was still somewhat of a novelty in 1861. It was developed in 1860 and were easily recognized by the wrought-iron reinforcing band wrapped around the breech. They were simple for the gun crews to operate and could be mass produced inexpensively.
Capt. John H. Hamilton(1823-1900)
4 Though it was Capt. Romeyn B. Ayres of the 5th US Artillery who temporarily commanded the battery at Bull Run, by early August 1861 the battery was commanded by Capt. John H. Hamilton, West Point Class of 1847. Hamilton had received his promotion to captain in late April but he was in San Francisco at the time and he did not arrive in Washington D. C. until after the Battle of Bull Run. In short, it would have been Capt. Hamilton who enjoyed a cigar with President Lincoln, not Capt. Ayres.
5 The 18th Massachusetts was mustered into federal service on 27 August 1861 with eight companies. They were ordered on the 3rd of September to cross the Potomac and report to Gen. Fitz John Porter. They set up their camp near Fort Corcoran on ground previously occupied by the69th New York. Later in September they were moved to Hall’s Hill, then the outpost of the Union army.
6 Thaddeus Lowe’s newly created Balloon Corps was quite active prior to and after the Battle of Bull Run. On the day of the battle the balloon was accidentally ripped on the way to the battlefield so they were foiled in their ascension that day, but three days later, Lowe made an ascent at Fort Corcoran to look for an indications of a march on Washington by the Rebel army. Later that same day, he ascended again to check the Confederate bivouacs at Manassas and Centreville. To gain higher altitude for a better view, Lowe asked for the tethering cables to be released and the balloon drifted toward Alexandria where he was actually fired upon by Union troops thinking the Rebels were attacking by air. A number of ascents were made near Arlington Heights during August 1861 to keep an eye on the Rebel army’s movements. It was on August 29th at Ball’s Crossroads when Lowe’s balloon “Union” was fired on by a Rebel cannon commanded by Lt. Thomas Rosser of the New Orleans Washington Artillery from their position on Munson Hill. Though Fales could not have known it at the time, the Confederates attempted to send up its own “spy balloon” at Munson’s Hill on September 4th but the bag ripped before it could get off the ground. On September 5th, the date of Fale’s letter, it was reported that Union generals Irvin McDowell and Fitz-John Porter went up in Lowe’s balloon, and McClellan did likewise on September 7th. [See Arlington and Fairfax Counties: Land of Many Reconnaissance Firsts, by Dino A. Brugioni, published in Northern Virginia Heritage]
A map of the area and localities mentioned in the letter and footnotes.
The following letters were written by Perrin Veber Fox (1821-1910) while serving as Captain of Co. D, 1st Michigan Engineers and Mechanics. This regiment was one of three engineering regiments raised in 1861, the other two being Missouri (August 1861) and New York (September 1861). Engineering regiments are often left off of many Order of Battles, but their contribution to campaigns were vital from a logistics point of view; repairing/building railroads, bridges and blockhouses; and destroying enemy communication lines, railroads and bridges. Engineering units like the First Michigan were often caught up in attacks from enemy guerrillas and cavalry skirmishes.
Perrin was the son of Bryan Benjamin Fox (1787-1865) and Hannah Shepherd (1796-1885) of Antwerp, Jefferson county, New York. At the time of the 150 US Census, Perrin was married to Louisa Maria Newton (1823-1901) and working as a construction carpenter in Ridgeway, New York. Without his family, he was in California for four years attempting to make his fortune but returned to take his family to Grand Rapids, Kent county, Michigan, where the 1860 US Census found him resuming his trade as a master carpenter.
The Bancroft Library at U.C. Berkeley holds three original letters to his wife written during his time in the California goldfields. Other letters written by Fox are held at private and university libraries. Several, including “P. V. Fox to wife, April 13, 1862” are held by the private collection of John Gelderloos, Grand Rapids, Michigan. The Bentley Library at the University of Michigan holds three 1863 letters to his wife. The Stevenson Railroad Museum Depot, Stevenson, Alabama, holds “Letter P. V. Fox to wife, May 29, 1894.” Finally, the “Diary of Captain Perrin V. Fox, original volume dating 1 January 1862 to 10 January 1863” is held by the Ray Smith Manuscript Collection, Special Collections and Archives, Seymour Library, Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois.
Letter 1
Addressed to Mrs. P. V. Fox, Grand Rapids, Michigan
Lebanon, Kentucky December 28th 1861
My Dear Ida,
I have not heard from you since I last wrote, nor even since we left Marshall, [Michigan]. I wrote you that our regiment was divided into four detachments. Ours is the 2nd Division and was the first to leave camp. We struck our tents at 5 o’clock a.m. on Christmas & were at the depot with all our effects before seven. The train was not made up & we were delayed in starting but got off between 8 & 9 o’clock. We passed through some very good country & some poor enough. The people look & dress very differently from those of our own state. The conversation is quite as dissimilar. But their buildings are poorest of all—chimneys outside, and no paint on a very large majority of the buildings. The contrabands amuse the boys in various ways & are the subjects of many quaint remarks as they pass on their way to market with ox teams which they ride bare back, & guide with a single rope fastened to the horns. Some drive mule teams from four to six in number, riding the rear wheel mule & guide the whole with a single line on the near leader. Many are on foot & present an interesting picture for those who descant so largely upon the happy condition of the slave.
Lebanon is sixty seven miles from Louisville at the terminus of the railroad and is an important point to guard. There are about ten regiments encamped within a circuit of three miles, & are kept in readiness to march at an hour’s notice. There is a fine battery of six brass pieces within half a mile of us. They are well equipped. Zollicoffer is supposed to be about thirty miles distant. If he tries to pass here, he will meet with a warm reception.
It is claimed that the people here are mostly loyal—the vote in this county being 1700 union to 200 secesh. The policy adopted by our Government does not drive secessionists into their holes, but where there are no union troops to protect loyal citizens, it is safer to be a rebel. They know that their persons & property will be protected though they be the rankest kind of secessionists. But if they are Union men, and fall into the power of the confederates, neither life or property will be spared. So you see it is for the interest of all—especially in the vicinity of the rebel army—to be disloyal. It is not uncommon to find a house divided against itself as if to claim a double protection. Most of the more intelligent, though they are strong state rights men, have sense enough to see that their only salvation depends on the maintenance of the Union.
There is a pretty sensitive question to touch with nearly all—viz: the confiscation of slaves. And it is really a delicate one. The laws of Kentucky provide that no slave shall be manumitted on her soil. Now I believe it is desired by the slave owners to have the slaves of secessionists confiscated by governmental authority. What will it then do with them? Give them their liberty here regardless of the laws of this state & the rights of loyal citizens? And would it not materially affect their interest to give a portion their liberty? Then comes the nicest point. If the government interferes with the local interest of a state by depriving some of its citizens of their property even if they are disloyal, is it not bound to protect its loyal subjects in the possession of the same kind of property? And will it not thereby commit itself on the very question so long and so strongly urged by the politicians of the South, that the General Government ought to recognize & protect property in slaves? When this is done let the rebels throw down their arms & claim for the states that have not seceded their rights under the constitution & the great point is gained. The point settled that the government recognizes & protects slave property of course they can take it when they choose.
I hope Congress will not undertake to settle the question but will give the commanders of the several departments liberty to use some discretion & whenever they find disloyal subjects or out & out rebels, make them bear a large proportion of the expenses by calling on them for forages, provisions, stock, &c. to the full amount of their ability, & if necessary for the public good, secure their persons. It is rather hard for the defenders of one country to submit to insults from those they protect without the power to make an example of them.
You perceive I have written at random, giving a hit here, another there, & not much anywhere—which will probably be the case until I get more accustomed to being interrupted every five words more or less. My health is good & the men are generally well. I await with anxiety a letter from you, hope it will come today. We are making out our muster rolls for pay & expect to get some “rino” very soon.
Direct to Louisville, Co. D, 1st Michigan Engineers & Mechanics.
Much love to yourself & the children. Ever yours — P. V. Fox
Letter 2
Murfreesboro, Tennessee May 20, 1863
Dear Ida,
Yours of the 10th inst. duly came. You fear being disappointed about my getting home since the unfavorable result of the Battle of Fredericksburg. That with the peculiar condition of things, the uncertainty of the position, strength and designs of the evening, together with the large number of our line officers disabled and off duty, make it very certain that if I make an application for leave of absence now, it will be rejected. As soon as Capt. Crittenden returns, I shall try it unless there shall be strong reasons why I had better wait a little longer.
Captain Sligh’s company will probably be without an officer tomorrow. Both lieutenants have been sick—are better now. Lt. White left yesterday for home & Lt. Nevin’s papers went in today. Capt. Grant has been sick and leaves today for home. My health begins to fail and no doubt the warmer weather will so affect it as to make a change of climate necessary to my recovery. The strawberry season would be exceedingly beneficial to me.
Will Tryon tried to get a furlough but with other applications were returned not granted. It is said that the Governor is daily expected, but he has not got here yet.
The work on the fortifications progresses steadily but it will require several weeks to complete them. I will send this by Capt. Grant who will leave in a few minutes. He lives at Sandstone, Jackson county, and is acquainted with Henry’s people. Lt. Herkner sends his love to you but says I won’t write it. Ever yours, — P. V. Fox
Letter 3
Chattanooga, Tennessee October 2nd 1863
My dear Ida,
Yours of the 20th ult. came to me last night. I read it three times and came to the conclusion that you are growing more sentimental or are improving in the faculty to express happily the emotions of your heart or hearts. It has done me so much good to be reassured that I am all in all to you. It hardly seems possible that I can be so affected by hearing repeated what I so well know. But so it is & I can appreciate your yearning for expressions of love & sympathy.
I do not feel very well today having for the first time since we have been out, a recurrence of pain in my chest with spasmodic action internally. You know Dr. Botsford thought it rheumatic & I think it quite probable for I was out in the rain yesterday considerable getting siege guns across the river and got quite wet. I feel pretty comfortable this p.m. & will probably be all right tomorrow.
I have never been so pleasantly situated as now. Having command of two companies (I expect two more), I am often called to headquarters & consulted in reference to the work. Gen. [William] Rosecrans paid me a very nice compliment by putting me in charge of getting up 100 pontoon boats, giving me a “carte blanch” to take all I could find of material & to call for men and teams on Pioneers or others & they should report to me. There are two sawmills not in good repair to make the lumber [and] the nails, oakum, and pitch to come from Nashville. I have labored faithfully & I believe my efforts are appreciated. I am in a position to be trusted with more consideration than ever before.
Gen. Wagner commanding the Post seems very kind as are all the officers. If strict attention to business will preserve their good opinion, I mean to retain it.
Gen. Rosecrans often summons me to headquarters and has acted upon my suggestions in preference to Gen. Morton and others of higher pretensions than I dare assume. I have a nice little camp convenient to headquarters, work, and water. My tent is in the yard of Mrs. Major Bolling, Quartermaster on Gov. Harris’ staff. She wished me to put it there as a protection to the premises. She has only three children (expects another in a few days) & two servants. She has been with her husband during the war until the evacuation. Her home is in Nashville where she has maintained a high social position, being very wealthy. She is a very pleasant lady and careful not to say anything to wound the feelings of anyone. Gens. [James] Negley & [George D.] Wagner and other officers call on her. I go in and sit awhile occasionally & find it quite pleasant.
In my next, I will try to give you some idea of the scenery and surrounding country. Perhaps you have heard that Capt. Charles Newberry [Co. E, 11th Michigan Infantry] was killed at the Battle of Chickamauga. It was one of the hardest struggles of the war. They had been reinforcing several days & were determined to overpower by weight of numbers. What the next movement will be we may soon know. They cannot attack us successfully in front and it may be dangerous to try flanking. Love to the boys as well as yourself. — P. V. Fox
I could not find an image of Austin but here is another member of the 75th New York named George F. Smith who was KIA at the 3rd Battle of Winchester. He was born in 1846 too and would have been about the same age as Austin when these letters were written.
The following letters were written by Austin Case (1846-1921), the son of Lewis Case (1817-1891) and Mary Jane Terbush (1824-1904) of Navarino, Onondaga county, New York. Austin enlisted in Co. G, 75th New York Infantry in late November 1861, giving his age as 18 when in reality he was only 14 years old! In March 1864 he was transferred to Co. K. He was captured in action on 19 September 1864 at the Third Battle of Winchester, Virginia, and, according to his obituary posted in the Albany Evening Journal on 28 January 1921, he was held in Libby Prison for three months before he was paroled. While this confinement in Libby Prison for three months may have been a good story he told his friends after the war, we learn from the following three letters that he was actually serving as a nurse at the Naval School Hospital at Annapolis, Maryland, during that time.
By the time Austin returned to his regiment in 1864, he had been transferred (on 19 November 1864) as a private from Co. K to Co. C by consolidation of the regiment. He mustered out at Savannah, Georgia, on 31 August 1865.
Letter 1
Annapolis, Maryland October 24, 1864, Midnight
Dear Parents,
I take my pen in hand to write you a few lines to let you know that I am well & to pass away the night. I am on watch tonight. It is about two o’clock now. I hope these few lines will find you all well & enjoying good health.
There is no news of any importance. One thing that makes me write is that I want you to send me a military vest when you send my box. It is middlin’ cold nights here & we hain’t got any stoves yet. Probably we will get them this week. I hope so. We are in tents and have to have them open so as to tend to the whole ward but now there is two of us up at a time—two in the former part of the night and two in the after part of the night. There was one man died in my ward last night about ten o’clock with wounds & there is another one I don’t think will live to morning. There is from fifteen to twenty dies every day now since the last boat load came in from Aiken’s Landing. We have got three in our ward now that the Doctor says they can’t live but a few days.
Gen. Philip H. Sheridan
The news came in day before yesterday of another victory by Sheridan in the Valley. At first it seemed to be a disaster, but proved to bee one of the greatest victories won since the commencement of the rebellion. The enemy at first surprised our men and drove them some four miles when Sheridan arrived from Winchester on his way back from Washington, reformed his lines, and rode along the whole line of his army where in every place he was greeted with cheers, & at three p.m., he made a general attack on the enemy with great vigor and succeeded in capturing some forty-five pieces of cannon and two thousand prisoners besides caissons, ambulances, wagons, &c., and drove the enemy back beyond Fisher’s Hill.
General Grant gives Sheridan great praise and believes him to be one of the ableist of generals. General Wright of the Sixth Corps was wounded. General Grover, our Division Commander, was wounded. The loss in the 19th Army Corps is stated to be heavy and in the other corps also. I must stop writing and go and give a couple of men their medicine.
Well, I have got back to my writing. It has been two hours since I stopped and I have been to work every minute. The bugle has just sounded for five o’clock. I shall haft to close in a few minutes and go to work doing my mornings chores.
Get me a dark blue military vest and send when you do the boots & some needles & thread and a small ball of yarn. And if you can, send me a couple pounds of butter as I would like it first rate. It is getting daylight now and I must close for this time. Answer this the first opportunity. If George Annoble has sent back my pen, I want you to send it right off because I need it right off. I cant get a pen that is worth anything. If the pen is not there, send me a couple of steel pens—those small fine steel pens. Write & let me know all the news and what is going on around there….
From your son—Justin Case
Annapolis M.D.
Letter 2
Annapolis, Maryland November 11th, 1864
Dear Parents,
I take my pen in hand to answer your letter of date November 9th, which I just received not fifteen minutes ago. It found me well & enjoying good health. There is no news of any importance. Everything is quiet here. All the news here is the reelecting of Abraham Lincoln for President of the U.S.A. & I am glad to hear it too. He is the right man & in the right place. He was elected by a large majority. I saw the returns in this morning’s paper Baltimore American & Washington Chronicle. The majority was very large for Lincoln here in the hospital but the town of Annapolis, Maryland, went for McClellan.
You said you had got the boots but thought they were too large. I hope I want large sized eight or middlin’ small sizes nines. The vest wants to be a middlin’ size. Send it as quick as you can, if you hain’t sent it before you get this. Who did Pa vote for? Did Albert vote? If he did, tell me if he voted for Mac or Abe. Did Pa vote for Horatio Seymour for Governor of the state? If he did, I think hanging would be to good for him. If it had not been for him, I should have been home this fall on a twenty day furlough for to vote. I could not vote but could come home to stay for a few days. He would not allow it, nor allow the soldiers to vote in the field & any man that voted for him is not one half as good as a rebel. I don’t care who he is. He was so afraid he would get defeated. I don’t know but I guess he has the way it is with the most of the men that has always voted the democrat ticket would vote for Mac because he seen on that ticket that would make know difference which party I belonged to, it would make know difference, I would vote for the man I thought was most capable & according to the platform he went on. It is not that I think Mac is not smart a’nuff. It is the platform he run on. Look at Vallandigham & [ ] Seymour & others. Did you ever read his platform? He was to have peace at any terms at earliest practical moment & the rebs will not accept any terms unless their independence. I will give ten years longer but what I would whip them back. All the hopes they had was to have Mac elected.
I talked with a rebel colonel & he was a smart fellow. He allowed himself all the hopes they had was to have the North elect Mac. He says the war would not last six months after the Presidential election. You can’t hear a word out of any of the Mac men. A good many wore McClellan’s photograph but I see they have taken them off & hid [them] & I don’t hear nothing out of them. I shall have to close & go to dinner. We expect the truce boat New York today with five or six hundred paroled prisoners. Then we will be busy again for a week or so. Give my best respects to all. Send me some stamps right off. This is the only stamp I have got. This you sent me in this letter.
From your son– Austin Case
I shall try and get a furlough in the course of a couple of months. I am pretty sure I can.
Letter 3
Annapolis, Maryland December 9th, 1864
Dear Parents,
The SS Baltic was a wooden-hulled sidewheel steamer built for transatlantic service. She was leased for use as a transport ship in the Civil War for $1,500/day.
I received your letter of date Navarino, November 30th, this morning December 9th. It found me well & enjoying good health at the present & hope that these few lines will find you the same. We have been receiving a vary large number of sick from Savannah. The Baltic came in day before yesterday with some seven hundred & one boat came in this morning with some five hundred more, & there is still more to come. We are chuck full. We have got one more than we have beds so one of the nurses will have to sleep on the floor or where[ever] he can catch it. But there will be a plenty of beds in a few days because there is a good many that can’t live long. There was 26 deaths on the boat coming from Savannah on the Baltic. The papers state that Sherman is within 40 miles of Savanah making for that point.
I received a letter from Russ the other evening. He was at City Point driving team. I haven’t answered it yet but I shall in a few days as an opportunity presents itself. I received a letter from George G. Annable yesterday. They was in camp six miles south of Winchester, Virginia, on the Winchester & Strasburg Pike & was building winter quarters. The regiment [75th New York] had been consolidated into five companies and the most of the officers had been mustered out with the vets. He says that George Beeks & Ed Earll had to say from the time they was mustered into the U.S. Service which was at Staton Island N. Y. at the same time I was. I feel sorry for them because I think they ought to have their discharge as quick as any of the rest.
I cannot answer any letter because I have not got any stamps nor money. I wish you would send me a dollar or so so I can get me some or send me the stamps. I have not got any to put on this so I shall send it without. Write as quick as you get this. We have to work considerable now. Write often & I will the same. I have got to sit up tonight & take care of 39 patients, most of them bad. I will try and get a furlough after the first of January.
Direct to Austin Case, Naval School Hospital, Annapolis, Maryland, Ward G, Set 5, Div one, or as you have directed, makes no difference, which[ever] comes handiest. Let me know what the folks are doing. — Austin Case
Spared & Shared 23 