My passion is studying American history leading up to & including the Civil War. I particularly enjoy reading, transcribing & researching primary sources such as letters and diaries.
The following letter was written by George Naven, a wagoner in Co. F, 6th Regiment, Missouri State Cavalry. This regiment was organized in the spring of 1862 and saw duty at Cameron and in Central Missouri till June, 1862. They participated on a scout into Pettis county in late July and then were ordered to Sedalia, Missouri, where they remained until late August, 1862. It was while in Sedalia that George wrote this letter to his friend, Francis D. Phillips (1826-1911), an Irish emigrant residing in Plattsburg, Clinton county, Missouri.
Transcription
Sedalia, [Missouri] August 12th 1862
Mr. F. D. Phillips,
Sir, your letter came to hand on the 11th by Mr. Michell. I received two letters. The first I received from you I was going out on a scout and I have had no opportunity to answer it, and when I got back, I received the last letter. The men that came from Plattsburg arrived here safe and well. They would have been here sooner, [but] the Colonel at Lexington called our boys in to reinforce him on the account of the trouble there. That is the cause of our boys being detained.
Mr. Mitch informed me that you have been bitten by a rattlesnake but he tells me you was getting better when he left.
That history that John Barns told about us being abolitionists or not laying down our arms until the negro is free—it is an infamous lie. There is two men in the regiment I believe a little tinged with abolitionism and that is all. It stands to hand for John to tell such a plausible history as that for if I was to desert my country’s flag as he has done, I could scratch up some infamous lie. I would like to see you but when you see me, I will come honorable—not as a deserter. Luis and Rollin is here and held as deserters. I will not mention what their punishment is because I do not think it would be prudent.
You must excuse this letter [that] I commenced on the 12th. We had an alarm and we have all been on duty ever since and reinforcements arriving every hour or so until today, the 15th, and the arlarm is quiet now and I conclude to finish my letter.
As for myself, my health is good. The diarrhea has left me and I seldom do without I should catch a cold and that is seldom. That gun Mr. Shepherd had taken from him, I believe it is his neighbors. I believe that he is no more than a bushwhacker and if you ever see him, shoot him as ew do all bushwhackers. I mean Keiffer.
I expect that this last call sets very hard on McClenick as he has boasted a good deal. I would like what he has done. I wonder if he ain’t called on the mountains to fall upon and him. That history that John Barnes told about us being swindled out of our pay is a lie. The paymaster made a mistake in paying off this regiment but when the mistake was known at headquarters, we had a little sent to us—not a payment. Every man that had a contraband have received 10 dollars—just enough for pocket change—with the assurance that we would receive all of our pay the next pay day.
I close my letter. My best respects to you and your family and Mr. George Shepherd’s and his brother’s families. Yours very respectfully, — George Naven
The following letter was written by Austin Train Wing Blair (1820-1847), the son of William Blair, Sr. (1765-1842) and Sally Train (1772-1864) of Williamstown, Berkshire county, Massachusetts. He wrote the letter to his older brother, Edwin Hugh Blair (1806-1878) who took over the family farm, became melancholic in his old age and committed suicide in 1878.
A notice placed in the Mobile Register & Journal in 1844 informs us that “Blair & Co.” purchased the well known drug establishment of Mr. George F. Marlow located at the southeast corner of Dauphin and Water Streets in Mobile. According to Austin’s headstone, he died of yellow fever in Mobile on 20 October 1847 when he was 28 years old.
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. Edwin Blair, Williamstown, Berkshire county, Massachusetts
Mobile, [Alabama] October 22, 1844
Dear Brother,
You may deem it somewhat strange that I have not written to you before this, but the fact is I have been “upside down” ever since I arrived here, which was on the 19th of November. I had a pleasant trip, meeting with only one accident which occurred in the stage in Georgia. There were only three passengers on board but we had about 25 mail bags all well filled. These were stowed on the two front seats of the coach, leaving just enough for us to get through the window onto the back seat. The roads were very slippery from the effects of the rain. While going down a hill, the coach began to sli, the driver stopped the horses, so that we went over very easy. We would have got out before the coach struck so slowly did it go over, but we were penned in by the mail bags so tightly that we could not help ourselves. No one was hurt. We called some negroes from a cotton field near, unloaded, turned up the coach, and went on our way rejoicing.
We staid one day in Philadelphia, passed through Washington in the night but could see the Capitol very distinctly as the moon shone brightly upon t. Did not have time to see much of the cities through which we passed so rapid was our flight on the rail roads &c. Fredericksburg in Virginia, Wilmington in North Carolina, Charleston, S. Carolina, Augusta in Georgia are very pretty places for the South but they do not compare at all with the northern cities. The section of Virginia through which the rail road runs is very barren in appearance. The land lies very handsomely but appears on the surface just like your fields when the snow goes off—black and dead.
In North Carolina the rail road runs in a straight line nearly 150 miles. On both sides of the road are forests of Pine trees nearly all of which have places about as large as your two hands cut on the from which the gum runs out and is gathered in dishes, put into barrels, and sent to Wilmington to be distilled. Nearly all of the turpentine, resin and pitch comes from North Carolina. This was a long and dreary road. The houses many miles apart and built mostly lof logs. A poor and desolate country. I would rather live on the top of old “Saddle Back” with a privilege to come down but once a year.
From Wilmington to Charleston by sea is pleasant in a smooth time, which was the case when we came over. But it is more dangerous generally than any other route on the salt water. From Charleston to Augusta we had a fine time; the weather was very pleasant and a fine rail road running at the rate of 25 miles an hour on an average. The cars are in the shape of a barrel. When we arrived in Hamburg, South Carolina, we got into an omnibus which looks much like a “Seventy four.” It holds 60 persons inside drawn by six horses. In this we crossed the Savannah river. The way the old bridge cracked was a caution.
A South Carolina Railroad Car (patented in 1841)
We staid 3 days in Augusta and had a very pleasant time. I then found a young man who used to live in Troy with a Weed & Sons. While here, I wrote to Savannah to Martin Yesterday I received a letter from him stating that he is non-commissioned officer, is very happy, situated in a pleasant place, and likes the life he leads very well, but what will surprise you is that he was to be married on the 8th of December. In his letter he says, “Before this reaches you I shall be a married man. You will be surprised but it is no sudden thing. I have been considering on a long time and I hope I shall have your best wishes for my happiness. I shall write to him before long and congratulate him on the occasion to his household, and find out what he intends to do in future—that is, after his term expires. I feel some interest in the boy and hope he may do well.
I found my affairs in very good shape here, though business has been very dull during the summer. It rained just four weeks after our arrival which threw me back some time with making repairs but I worked night and days and have got things in good shape now. The store is the handsomest on the outside of any store in the city and attracts a great deal of attention. Tis two stories high with iron doors and shutters, all opening on the outside. These are painted a bright green on the panels and trimmed with black. The building is pained the color of peach blossom except the caps and sills of the doors & windows which are white. Then the letters of the sign are 3 feet long. One can read it 6 squares off. The [ ] made of tin is 6 feet high and 3 feet in diameter painted blue, with gold bands around. On the whole, it is the handsomest building I ever saw.
But we shall have a hard season for business. There is a heap of competition & cotton is very low. The very highest price paid this season was 7 cents but nearly all of the crop so far has brought but 5 cents on an average. Some has been sold as low as 3 cents—a fair article too. We have had but little business yet and shall not do much before February & March. But enough to pay all expenses which is better than many have done.
The gardeners are now putting in a fresh lot of seed. We received yesterday upwards of 11,000 paper of garden seeds which we sell at $8 per hundred or 10 cents a single paper. I wish you were here to spend the winter with me. Write to me soon and let me know how you get on with your matters. Remember me to all the folks and give my love to our family & believe me your affectionate brother, — A. T. W. Blair
The weather is very pleasant now though we have two or three days cold enough to make a fire quite comfortable. Indeed, it has been colder than any weather we had last winter but notwithstanding this, there has been green corn, snap beans, radishes, and in fact, all kinds of vegetables in market grown this season.
I could not find an image of Frank but here is one of Elijah Roe who served in Co. G, 24th New York Infantry. Liljenquist Family Collection of Civil War Photographs (Library of Congress)
The following letters were written by 29 year-old Francis (“Frank”) Teear (1833-1862) of Pierrepont Manor, Jefferson county, New York, who enlisted in Co. K, 24th New York Infantry and was killed in action at the Second Battle of Bull Run on 31 August 1862. Prior to his death, Frank had been promoted to a sergeant.
He was married to Lestina L. Williams (1833-1908) in April 1860. Their only child, Hattie L. Teear was born at Ellisburg on 27 December 1860.
Letter 1
Addressed to Mrs. Frank Teear, Pierrepont Manor, Jefferson county, New York
Upton’s Hill, Virginia March 5th [1862]
Dear wife,
I thought that the last letter I wrote would be the last from Upton’s Hill, but we are here yet with I think as fairer a prospect of staying as leaving. I do not think that our noble Gen’l McClellan is quite ready. The right wing has crossed the river successfully at Harpers Ferry and have got good foothold. Vienna is in our possession so that we have possession of the Alexandria and Louden Railroad up to there. The cars run up to Vienna yesterday with a load of ties and rails to re-lay the track destroyed by the enemy. About 20 miles has been destroyed by them.
The left wing has also moved forward and I presume that as soon as they get their position, we shall have to move out to Centreville. All sorts of stories are in circulation as to when we shall go, but I think as long as the roads are in as bad condition as they are now, we shall stay where we are. I see that the rebels have finally evacuated Columbus, a pretty good plan if they want to be safe. I presume that when we go from here we shall go rather suddenly. It may be this week and it may be a month hence.
Some say that we shall not get our two months pay, which is now due us, until the 1st of next month. I do not see any cause why we should not get it in a day or two and I think we shall, or at least I hope so, for I am about out. I have bought more nic-nacs this time on account of my sickness. The purchasing of those lithographs did not make any material difference. I am glad that you was pleased with them. I would like to have conformed to your request to have that detested mustache off, but it was such a fine one I hated to cut the poor thing off. Then you know a soldier without a mustache looks like a pig with one ear.
We drill now in the bayonet drill and practice shooting at a target. The distances are 150, 250, 350 and 500 yards. We shoot at off hand and four rounds each at each distance. We do some pretty good shooting, though not more than 1/4 of the shots fired hit the target. Still they are all—or most of them—good line shots and would do execution if fired at a body of infantry. I hit it half the number of times that I fired except the 500 yard distance when I only hit it once in four shots.
I received yours of the 27th of February night before last and was glad to hear of your continued health and that of our little one. Poor little thing—she has to suffer while her teeth are coming through. But I hope she will soon get over that and enjoy good health & it makes me long to be at home and play with her when you tell me about her. I hope the time is not far distant when I shall be there.
I have to chronicle another death in our company—that of Edwin Green. 1 You knew him well as he lived at John Barnes and Mr. Packers. I used to think him a good moral man, but the immoral influence of the camp I fear had got the ascendancy. I did not see him until after his death. I hope he had made his peace with God. He was sent home by express yesterday. Almost everyday we hear the solemn notes of the band, which tells us that someone is being conveyed to his narrow home. One of Co. D’s boys was buried last Sabbath and also a member of the 12th Regiment, making two last Sabbath. On Monday one died belonging to the 21st. The undertaker at Washington says he averages ten a day. Wonder how many out of this vast number go into another world prepared. This is only known to the ruler of all.
Give my love to Joseph and Lucretia and a kiss for Hattie. I received a good long letter from my scholars signed by Mary, Eunice, Betty, Lovica, Celestia, Madora. I shall have to answer it tomorrow. I will send it to you in this. Well, I must bid you goodbye, remembering you always in my prayers. Yours forever. — Frank
I sent home all my old letters and a photograph by Myron Whitney who started last Monday. I told him if he did not get a chance to drop it in the office, to hand it to Mr. Hatch, so if you do not get them by the time you get this, ask Hatch if it was left with him. We do not have very settled weather yet. It rains or hails about every other day. I am feeling first rate again, thank God for it. Our mail does not go very regular now, sometimes every other day and sometimes not so often. We have three books of the Old Testament read. An order was read on parade tonight forbidding women to accompany the army in its advance.
1 Edwin Green—Age , 23 years. Enlisted, September 21,1861, at Ellisburg, to serve three years; mustered i n as private, Co. K , September 27, 1861; died of disease, March 1, 1862, at Brigade Hospital, Upton’s Hill , Va .
Letter 2
Camp Beardsley March 30th 1862
Dear wife,
I received your letter of the 23rd and was glad to hear of your continued good health and that of Hattie. I was sorry to hear of Joseph’s inability to fix up the old house on account of cold. I hope he will soon recover.
We are still in the same place as when I last wrote with about as good a prospect of leaving as then. About all the divisions of the Potomac Army have gone except McDowell’s Corps to which we belong. Last week we had two reviews—one to gratify the pleasure of certain English officers of the British Coldstream Guards. They expressed their admiration in strong terms to McDowell for our soldierly appearance and good marching, being equal to most European troops. The “puff” was read to the regiments next day.
Most of the boys got tired living in their little tents and for a change put back to the old camp and got the large ones, stoves and all, backing them down about 4 miles. The lieutenant stops with us and as I was not in favor of having one for the lugging, he hired one of the boys to go and get one but the lugging was not the only obstacle. They were guarded by cavalry and to get one, you must have an order from the Colonel and that he would not grant. So the boys had to stretch the truth or else make a forged order, neither of which I left like doing, but we have one and I am now writing under it.
Yesterday we had quite a snow storm. It commenced early in the morning and continued most of the day. It finally turned into rain and rained all night and has continued at intervals all day. Snow at this time of the year in Virginia is something uncommon and what is more so is the heavy thunder which has been rattling over our heads most of the day. Camp life remains about the same, Now and then a fire occurs to break the monotony. Two or three days ago we had one that destroyed 3 overcoats, the tent, guns and knapsacks and their contents, blankets and accoutrements of four men.
O, now I will answer your question as to whether I want any money. As long as I have my health, I shall get along with Uncle Sam’s rations. I have 20 cents yet and they say that we get our pay this week so I think that I shall not want any. But for all that, I am very glad and thankful for your offer. I sometimes think that we shall not go from here but stay and guard the City. Then things look as though we shall act as the reserve of the army which has gone down the river. I do not care much where we go if htis thing is only ended in a short time so that we can come home and enjoy civilized life once more.
Eldridge Green is here with us yet. He and the Captain have been over to the City for two or three days past. I thought he had gone. I had calculated to go down to Alexandria to meeting today but the weather has been so disagreeable that I thought I would not go. I went over to see Harrison a few days ago. He is now at Fort Blenker. He was not very well then but is now better. I had a letter from Arronina a few days ago. She says that Eunice Shepardson is pretty sick and thinks she has the consumption. I hope not. I read a letter from Doctor Bud tonight. He said that he had attended 7 births since he was out here and they were all boys. I think the women are making up for our losses and the men are not idle. It is now late and I think I shall put this off until morning.
Well, wife, I have just been to a breakfast of hard bread softened in grease and washed it down with coffee so I feel that I can finish this before eating again. We live entirely on hard bread. Soft has not been issued since the advance. Our boys have again been victorious at Winchester. The rebels must begin to think that Providence has entirely deserted them. They have met with quite a snag in the Mississippi but when Commodore Foote gets ready to bring down his foot, he will make them scatter. The 94th are doing duty at Alexandria and appear to have a great deal of trouble with drunken soldiers, They have shot three or four and filled the slave pen full. They have more trouble than any regiment that have done duty there. They do not understand the run of things yet but will learn in time.
We have no chaplain yet nor do I think we shall have another but it will make but little difference with me although I should like to hear a good sermon every Sabbath. The old heathen of a Colonel has always opposed the idea of having a chaplain. Harrison told me that your Pa bought the old house and that you and Joseph and Lucretia are going into. I told him he must be mistaken but he said he was not. How is it? Did he buy it? Ashel Dickerson is got a furlough started and will probably be at home before long. Well the boys are going to Alexandria and I shall send this by them.
So I must bid you farewell for a time. Hattie and you are ever with me in thought. Goodbye. Yours as ever, — Frank
Corp. Christopher J. Edenborough of Co. C, 67th New York Infantry (Matthew Fleming Collection)
The following letter was written by William D. Bosenbark (1839-1862) of Co. C, 67th New York Infantry. Their nickname was the 1st Long Island Regiment. He enlisted on 24 June 1861 as a private and was wounded on 31 May 1862 in the Battle of Fair Oaks, Virginia. He died of a gunshot wound at David’s Island N. Y. Hospital on 23 June 1862 after one year’s service.
William was a resident of Ward, Allegany county, New York. His parents were Charles and Susannah (Bowers) Bosenbark.
Transcription
Proctor On Queens Farm First Regiment, Long Island Volunteers, Co. C Washington D. C. February 7, [1862]
M. A. Green,
Dear friend, your long neglected letter I now commence to answer. But there has not ben any change in our program. Only we were paid yesterday & day before and as usual, it makes quite a stir in camp. Along the entrance to our camp may be seen peddlers wagons of every description where sogers can lay out all their money to a disadvantage. Now is the time we bluff it. We go it whole hog to lose or win.
There is a report that we are to be put under marching orders with three days rations cooked in haversacks on hand. It is so every time we are paid. It is done on purpose to keep us from getting passes, furloughs, &c. &c. It seems by the reading of Prof. D. W. Maxous writing in the Wellsville paper (the Free Press) that the 86th Regt. are over the river so the Spencer boys & those of Alfred in that regiment may see some of Jeff’s men in arms before I get a chance to yet.
The 64th Allegheny Regt. are also over the river. The 85th is camped about 2.5 miles from here on Meridian Hill. The weather here has been very wet & rainy for a long time so there is no end to mud in camp and in the roads where the supply trains run. I was down to the City the 5th inst. and coming back I met a train of 60 odd wagons, 6 mules to the wagons.
Well, I cannot write anything to interest you so I will finish. Since I wrote before, we have exchanged arms. We are now armed with Springfield rifles—very nice & good ones too.
Warren H. is still in the Brigade Hospital but is getting so he will be on duty soon now. His brother is on duty here now. Co. C are all on duty now, hearty & tough as bucks. We were on picket duty yesterday. All we had to do was to go to the camp of the 31st Pennsylvania Regt. to mount guard & then we came to quarters to stay unless called upon to support the Grand Guard in case of an attack.
Let me hear from you soon. Tell me the news stirring. Yours with respect & dignity. Direct as before. — Wm. D. Bosenbark, your friend
The following 45 letters are from an incredible collection of nearly 130 letters written by William (“Billy”) Blackshear Moore (b. 1895), a U. S. Marine Officer during World War One. Billy Moore was a 2nd Lieutenant when he wrote the letters presented here but he later rose to Captain in the 97th Company and was the Regimental Liaison to the 6th Marine Regiment Headquarters Company, 4th Marine Brigade, 2nd Division, American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) and Army of Occupation. He hailed from Texas and was a Princeton graduate where he starred in football and track. There are many newspaper articles extolling his athletic accomplishments. While deployed in France, Billy was awarded the French Croix de Guerre with gold star, the Distinguished Service Cross and the Navy Cross. The DSC and NC were awarded for his heroic actions on 6 June 1918 at the historic Battle of Belleau Wood under extraordinary circumstances. I do not know of any other complete archive of letters from such a decorated officer available in private hands. We are indebted to Kevin Thomas for making these letters available from his private collection for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared.
Billy meticulously chronicled his experiences in a series of letters to his parents, demonstrating his unwavering dedication to his duty. From the intense emotions of battle to the heart-wrenching losses, he vividly portrayed his journey from the ship ride to France in late October 1917 to the Occupation duty in Germany in May 1919. His accounts are filled with gripping details of his encounters, the hardships of trench life, and his remarkable acts of heroism, which have been documented in various publications, solidifying his legacy as a true wartime hero.
He describes being cited for “new” awards and great details leading up to and the ceremony where he received the Distinguished Service Cross. He writes on the day of the armistice and what Marines were doing and how France was celebrating. He describes amazing occupation duty details, locations, and shares his thoughts on the Germans. He provides context as to the creation of the 2nd Division Indian head insignia and what the colors on the patches mean—simply amazing stuff for a collector of USMC or historian.
The material presented here offers a fascinating firsthand account of the thoughts and experiences of a young Marine officer during World War I. The letters, often written on YMCA letterhead, Knights of Columbus, Red Cross, 2nd Division Indian Head, Third Army of Occupation, or any available paper, provide a continuous and detailed source for those interested in primary historical documents. The author describes battles as they unfold, or within hours to days after they occur. The abundance of content and letters begs for transcription into a book accompanied by historical commentary or for direct use as a primary historical source documenting the journey of a Marine officer who participated in all USMC campaigns in France, received numerous decorations, and survived to share his story. Interestingly, there was a point when he was mistakenly reported as deceased in newspapers back home. He even got a “Dear John” letter as the girl he was going to ask to marry him married another man.
Billy Moore, Tiger Star, Wins War Cross in France—Brings Honor to Princeton
Though he disliked the duty, Moore was in a unique opportunity to be a censor for the 6th Marine Regiment working in the Headquarters and was able to censor his own mail! As a result, Moore pushed the envelope a bit, revealing a little more detail about things that you would normally not see in WWI letters including what he witnessed of superior officers, some troop movements, and soldier accounts and decisions. He even admitted to his parents that reading everyone’s mail, as a censor, was how he got to know his men!
During occupation duty in Germany after the armistice was signed, he was assigned as billeting officer for the Regiment and was able to go all around Germany in his motorcycle and sidecar that seems to have served him very well “squatting on the Rhine” as he describes it. At one point he was asked to write the Regimental history during the war, but while playing exhibition football in Germany he sustained a leg injury that set him back. Though interesting and worthy of publication, I have only transcribed those letters up to the armistice on 11 November 1918.
Many of these letters are very fragile as they were written on wood-pulp paper supplied by the YMCA to servicemen in Europe and they have become almost too brittle to handle.
Service Timeline:
Entered service July 5 1917 at Brooklyn New York. Marine Barracks Quantico Va July 28 to Oct 25 1917. Sailed for France Oct 25 1917; attached to 97th Company, 6th Marines. Bordeaux, Nov 1917 to Jan 1 1918. Training area Vosges Jan to Mar 1918. Woëvre Sector near Verdun Mar 14-27 1918. 1st Corps School, Gondrecourt Mar 27-Apr 28 1918. Woëvre Sector Apr 28 to May 15 1918. Aisne-Marne Defensive (Château-Thierry) June 1 to July 4, 1918 Aisne-Marne Offensive (Soissons) July 18-22, 1918 Marbache Sector Aug 1-20 1918 St Mihiel Offensive Sept 12-21, 1918 Promoted 1stLt Sep 6 1918 Meuse Argonne Offensive (Champagne) Oct 6-13 1918, (Argonne Forest) Nov 1-11, 1918 Army of Occupation, Germany November 1918 to June 1919 Promoted Captain March 5, 1919 Returned to US June 10, 1919 Marine personnel office NY June 12 1919 until discharged July 9, 1919
Capt. William B. Moore stand in center of back row.
The following letter was written by Brig. General Thomas Howard Ruger (1833-1907). In 1854 he graduated from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, and then embarked on a long and distinguished career in the military. After a brief commission with the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Ruger practiced law in Janesville, Wisconsin. In June 1861, he was assigned as lieutenant colonel of the 3rd Wisconsin Regiment, he rose to the rank of brigadier general, commanded a contingent in the Rappahannock maneuvers, and aided in the containment of the 1863 New York draft uprising. On November 30, 1864, he was promoted to major general for his admirable service in the Battle of Franklin. After serving as colonel of the 33rd Infantry in the U.S. Army, Ruger again was commended for his courageous service in the Battle of Gettysburg and was commissioned a brigadier general. On January 17, 1868, Major General George W. Meade, commander of the 3rd Military District, forced Governor Charles J. Jenkins out of office. Meade then appointed Ruger to serve as Governor of Georgia, a position he held until June 28, 1868. The following year, Ruger was appointed to supervise a board of U.S. officers in Atlanta, examining the qualifications of select members of the Georgia Legislature. From 1871 to 1876, he served as the superindent of the U.S. Military Academy, and was the commander of the Department of the South and West, serving until 1885. Two years after being promoted to major general, Ruger retired from active military duty. Governor Thomas H. Ruger died on June 3, 1907.
This letter to his wife was penned a couple of weeks after the Battle of Antietam and after having been introduced to President Lincoln who visited the battlefield afterward. Ruger’s impression of the President was not exactly favorable though he postulated correctly that history would be a better judge of the man. “Exact justice of opinion will be more surely found among thinking, candid men after the present condition of things has passed away and the results are seen,” he wrote.
Transcription
Camp near Maryland Heights, Maryland October 3d 1862
My darling wife,
I did not get the expected letter from you today but hope for one tomorrow. I have not had one for several days. You know I look for a letter every two or three days. You have so much time that you can write often.
The weather has been very pleasant for the past few days but I expect we shall have rain before long. The fall campaign the papers talk so much about and which I think will be made unless made very soon and quickly ended, will be made during the fall rains, of the beauties of which from what you saw last winter you can form a pretty good opinion. There may and probably will be considerable pleasant weather yet. If we are on active duty during the winter, there will necessarily be much suffering, however successful we may be. I am willing to undergo the privations of a campaign if at last I return safely to my darling little wifey, but it would be very pleasant to pass this fine fall weather with you and little Patey. I hope another fall will find us nicely situated without any war or rumors of war to disturb the quiet enjoyment of our home life.
You little sweetie. I often think of the pleasure of being once more with you for good and all, and hope I shall be before many months. I see no way of ending this war but to fight it out, and for me but to do my duty hoping to be brought safely through it to enjoy the society of my wifey all the more for the long separation.
All is quiet now, but how long the quiet will continue, I cannot even conjecture. The speculation of the papers are of no account. There are but two or three probable courses for us to take but which of them will be chosen, I can’t tell. Of course I have my views on the subject of what is or appears to be the best plan.
How is my wifey this fall? Do you dread the cold weather the coming winter as usual. I would like it very much if you could be with me this winter but that will not be possible if we are actively engaged in campaign. You must pass away the time in writing ever so many letters to me. Since we have been here and I have got pretty well rested, the comparative quiet after so long time of continued activity gives me more time to think or perhaps I should say more thoughts come of things not connected with immediate duties, and you may be sure you are in my thoughts many times a day. Today I have been pretty well engaged writing, getting things in shape after the long time when even necessary writing could not be done. I see that there seems little prospect of the draft being made in Wisconsin to fill up the old regiments. It seems as if we never will learn wisdom. It is of much greater importance to fill up the old regiments than to raise so many new ones. Every officer who has given his opinion, everyone whose opinion is worth much, has decided in favor of the policy of filling up the old regiments, but still it is not done. The new regiments are composed of good material but the officers are for the most part deficient in military knowledge. It would not be a matter of so much importance if there was plenty of time as last year for bringing the new troops into a state of efficiency.
You will find people who say that they don’t need it and a great deal more such twaddle, but it would be a hard matter to convince anyone who had had opportunity for seeing the thing tested, that raw troops are as good as drilled & disciplined troops. No one but an ignorant person on that subject at least would suppose so. There are plenty of men, however, who claim to be intelligent who contend for that and many other about as absurd things in this war.
I sent you two hundred and fifty dollars by Express. You will doubtless have received it before this reaches you. If not, ask your father to enquire at the Express Office. How do matters go on at home? About as usual I suppose. For yourself attending to the usual daily duties and cares, visiting some returning calls, going down to the store, talking over matters with your mother and Hattie, talking a great deal to Patey and watching her girlish pranks, thinking a great deal about Howard, reading the papers for war news, watching for a letter from me and hoping that all this may end and you will soon be in your own house with your husband. The picture makes you a very loving wife and is somewhat flattering to myself, but it is true, is it not wifey, you little sweet. Just imagine a good kissing.
You see I have written quite a letter. I almost forgot to tell you that the President was here yesterday. I had the honor of being introduced and hearing him tell several stories. You have heard of the Presidential inclination for stories. Old Abe is a good man but darling, not a great man for these times, which latter remark may be somewhat objectionable as implying that what is great under some circumstances may not be under others. Perhaps President Lincoln has done as well, all things considered as anyone would. The fact is, Helen, we cannot judge as truly as people will who are not actors in, and witnesses of the present scenes. Exact justice of opinion will be more surely found among thinking, candid men after the present condition of things has passed away and the results are seen.
Give my love to all. Take good care little Patey, three years and a half old by the time this reaches you, which outs me in mind of the day three days from now. Would I not like to drop in for a visit. Write often, very often, darling. With very much love, your affectionate husband, — Howard
The following letters were written by Daniel Curlet Montague Appleby (1840-1905) of Shade Gap, Dublin township, Huntingdon county, Pennsylvania. He was the son of John Appleby (1813-1856) and Priscilla M. Montague (1815-1892). He wrote the letters to his younger brother, Thomas Alexander Appleby (1843-1930).
During the Civil War, Daniel served in Co. I, 149th Pennsylvania Volunteers—a regiment formed in the summer of 1862 and brigaded with the 143rd and 150th Pennsylvania regiments, referred to generally as the “Bucktails” because they put the tails of white tailed deer in their kepis. Both of the letters presented here were written before the regiment came under its first real baptism of fire which was on 1 July 1st at Gettysburg near the McPherson Barn on Seminary Ridge.
Transcripts of these letters without images of the originals were provided to me by my friend Tom Clemens and though I rarely publish any letters on Spared & Shared without the originals, I made an exception on this case. I am not certain of the location of the original letters but I suspect they are part of the Appleby Family Papers, 1862-1902) at the William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan. I could find no evidence that they were published anywhere on line.
Letter 1
Camp Dwight April 2, 1863
Brother Tom,
Dear sir, after returning from General Reynold’s Headquarters where General Hooker reviewed the 1st Army Corp. our whole corps was together, amounting to about twenty thousand infantry and seven batteries—a beautiful procession, marching about fifty me in a breast with the cannon in front. Each cannon was drawn by six splendid horses—a man on every horse. Such a procession in Dublin township on some of them flats (or I don’t know whether we could all get inside the largest field in those parts) would attract considerable attention. Marching in four ranks, artillery and all, the string would reach from Graham’s to Shade Gap.
I would like to see the whole 12th Corps together. There are 12 corps in the Army of the Potomac. We are in the 1st Army Corps, 3rd Division, and 2nd Brigade. Roy Stone would not have any nine-month’s men or militia in his brigade so we have but three regiments in our brigade—149th, 150th Bucktails, and the 143rd Regiment Pennsylvania Reserves.
President Lincoln asked Hooker of the Army of the Potomac was in marching order. Hooker’s reply was, “I can have the who army marching in one hour from the time I give the order,” and said he, “I can march them to New Orleans when they are out too.”
It is reported that the rebels are moving out of Virginia and going to Nashville, Tennessee, their principal place. If so, we will be kept in the vicinity of Washington as a reserve or sent to Tennessee to wait on them at Nashville. If we go, we will pass Mount Union. I suppose we would hardly get stopping though. The Rebels don’t like Old Joe [Hooker]. They don’t fancy his mode of doing things. Six rebels left their posts while on picket adn came over to our lines and joined our army. They say the rebs are in rather bad order. Hooker says he can whip all rebeldom with eighty thousand men. He looks like fighting stock and I guess he can do it too.
Our colonel don’t drill us anymore. We have two hours company drill per day and dress parade pretty nearly every evening. I wish you were here some evening at dress parade. I know you would be pleased with the appearance of the 149th. Every man must be exactly alike in every particular. A man dare not come out without a button not buttoned or his pants turned up at the ankles. And brass must be bright as it can be made.
Pvt. Frank W. Lehman of Co. C, 149th Pennsylvania (“Bucktails”). From the Liljenquist Family Collection , LOC
We are brought in line of two ranks—that is, two men deep. The line is as straight as a die. You can’t see one man out farther than another. We stand at parade rest—that is, when we get the command parade rest, you set your right foot three inches in the rear of the left foot while the butt of the gun is just square with your left toe and [with] your hands you grasp gently the right hand (the army supporting the gun) with the left, body straight to the front, eyes looking straight forward, striking the ground fifteen paces in front. In that position we stand while the music passes twice along the battalion, not moving an eye. The Adjutant brings the battalion to a present arms, then turns to the Colonel who is standing fifteen paces in front of the battalion, and opposite the colors, and says, “Colonel. the parade is formed,” and walks around the Colonel. Then the Colonel puts us through the manual of arms and a few bayonet charges. Then we must stand at attention until the Adjutant reads the orders of the day, if he has any.
The colors are in the center of the battalion. I wish you could see them. We have two flags—the stars and stripes, and the state colors. The stars and stripes is about ten foot square, solid silk with a yellow fringe and tassels made of red, white and blue twine. The state color is the same size but all blue with a golden eagle as large as can be made in it, which is about four times the size of a turkey. It is the prettiest flag I ever saw. I has 149 Regiment Bucktails in gold letters across the top.
Our music corps consists of eight fifers. eight tenors, and one bass drum. They make the hills ring at night. At six o’clock in the morning the reveille is beaten by all the troops. I tell you, they make the plains ring. If there was about two hundred drums started up about daylight all within a mile of each other about Shade Gap, it would make them open their eyes. Well enough of military.
By the way, Dave and Tom [Appleby] are at Harrisburg in the hospital. What do you think of that? They want to play off and get the Governor to do something for that—that is, release them from the government. I think that is their idea. I don’t care what becomes of them. Dave wrote to Captain [Brice] Blair to send them their Descriptive Lists immediately. He swore they might go to hell; he was not going to send a deserter his Descriptive List. If they come to this regiment, salt-petre won’t save them. They have both been reported as deserters, not only to the Colonel but to the General. So if they don’t look sharp, they will get transportation down the Chesapeake apiece to a little place near Fort Calhoun and Old Point Comfort called the Rip Raps. I shall never own them as relations/ They are a disgrace to the name and place a stain on their own character which shall never be removed while the world stands. Dave sent word that he had letters for all the boys. If I thought he had any of any importance for me, I would send for them, but I don’t know whether he has or not.
Well, I am enjoying good health and equally good spirits. I never was better contented in my life. We have been looking for the paymaster for some time but do not see him. He owes us five months wages. I am out of money at last and only got three postage stamps. I wish you would send me a few as the paymaster might not come for awhile and I might have play out, which would never do. I am too much of a business man to be compelled to stop writing. That would never do.
I must close. As the Colonel don’t drill us any, we have nothing to do so I will send you a card or two which I drew altogether by the eye. I expect when you see them, you will think I am not strong. I must close. Yours as ever, &c. — Dan
[To] Thomas A. Appleby
Letter 2
Near Middletown, Maryland Saturday, June 27th 1863
Tom,
Dear sir, as we have been on the move for some time and are coming up to assist you folks in fighting the rebels up in your country—or rather to head them when you drive them back. We are said to have 104,000 up from Pennsylvania. We are only 15 miles from Hagerstown and I have an idea that we will go up into that country before we do much else.
Four hundred of us were on picket on the 23rd and on the 24th we were taken out five miles to bushwhack and we patrolled the woods all night. The next morning we were ordered to report to report to our camp and when we got there, the brigade had gone and we were left as rear guard.
We had a hard march. The wagon train had got started and we had to pass it and the train was twenty miles long and to mend the matter, it rained nearly all the time. But we had a good time though, hard as it was. i only hope we do not have to go back to Virginia for a while. I think I can get to see some of my friends now if we remain in Maryland.
I saw wheat in shock yesterday and all the grain that ever I saw. I never saw anything to compare with Frederick county and the biggest wheat ever I saw.
I think this war is going to play out. If we whip them here, they are played—that is, if Grant whips them too [at Vicksburg]. I can’t hear anything. We can’t get papers when we are moving. I have not say a paper or heard from Vicksburg for ten days.
We heard that the rebels were pitching toward Carlisle pretty fast yesterday and that the boys were preparing to give them a fight. I hope they may be able to whip them. I must close for the present, — Daniel
Sunday morning P.S. I had a letter from J. B. Peterson last night. He writes me there is quite an excitement up about the recent rebel invasion. I think there is but little danger of them doing much harm or remaining long either. I feel soon they will get their fill of it. If the militia can’t whip them, we can, and are only a short distance behind them—only one mountain between us and we are ready for them too. I will answer John Peterson’s letter in a few days. I must close. I just gave you a sketch of our trip again. Yours, — Dan
Headstone of James W. Kenney, “sargeant of artillery” and a “brave soldier, a good citizen, an honest man”
The following memoirs were recorded in 1893 by James Woodell Kenney (1835-1900), the son of Michael Kenney and Jane Woodell (d. 1844) of Arlington, Middlesex county, Massachusetts. Kenney’s memoirs and his military records inform us that he mustered into the 1st Independent Battery, Massachusetts Light Artillery in August 1861, commanded by Josiah Porter. He was wounded in May 1864 during the Wilderness Campaign and mustered out of the battery on 29 August 1864 after three years service. He was married to Lizzie S. Shattuck on 24 December 1868. In 1870, James and Lizzie were enumerated in Charleston, Mass., where he was employed as a clerk in a printing office. Vital records of Massachusetts inform us that he died of a cerebral hemorrhage on 6 April 1900 in Boston.
James’ brother, Andrew J. Kenney (1834-1862) is mentioned several times in the memoirs. He mustered into Co, B. 40th New York Infantry and was killed in action during the Battle of Williamsburg on 5 May 1862. According to Mass. vital records, he was married on 25 November 1860 to Mary Jane Hodge (maiden name Woodell) in Ashburnham, Massachusetts.
The memoirs were addressed to James’ nephew and namesake, James W. Kenney. Family tree records are scanty but my hunch is that this nephew was James W. Kenney (b. 1858), the son of Michael Kenney (b. 1831) and Mary McKenna Sheehan (1828-1882). Michael was a rope maker and later a shoe factory worker in Roxbury, Massachusetts and during the Civil War he served as a private in Co. K, 1st Massachusetts Infantry.
[Note: These memoirs were provided to me for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by Tom Clemens. I could not find them transcribed elsewhere on the internet or in book form though the original might be housed at the U. S. Army Heritage & Education Center at Carlisle Barracks, Pa., as they claim to have a folder marked, “Memoirs of James W. Kenney’s Service.”]
Transcription
Dear Nephew and Namesake,
I greet you in love and kindness. Thinking you might like a short sketch of your Uncle Jim for whom you were named, and as I may have passed beyond “the River” before you grow old enough to remember me, or read these lines. the most of the sketch will be about my military service in the War 1861-5 which I thought might interest you. I kept a journal while in the service of every day—the drills, marches, reviews, battles, &c. After keeping it over two years, and being afraid I might lose it, I sent it home by a comrade going home on a furlough and he lost it, so the journal was gone up. What I write you in this will be taken from letters I wrote home and other memorandums. By reading this you will see what battles I was in any by referring to the History of the War, you can obtain an account of those battles. I was in the Army of the Potomac and served under every General that commanded it from General McClellan to General Grant.
I will commence with my birth, town, name (that is, the J. W. part) and follow with the army life. So many years have passed since that took place I cannot remember many things I would like. — Uncle Jim. January 1893
I was born in the town of West Cambridge, Mass., now called Arlington (name being changed about 1867) on September 26, 1835. I was named James Woodell for my grandfather (Woodell being my mother’s name before marriage). I also had an uncle J. W. who served in a Mass. Regoment and was killed in the Southwestern Army and also other relations who served in the Army or Navy in the war.
The town is between Lexington and Cambridge…The British troops crossed the river and landed in Cambridge, passing through West Cambridge on their way to Lexington and Concord. On the night of April 18th 1775 about midnight. the next morning the Battle of Lexington and Concord was fought and as the “Yankees” were coming in from the other towns making it rather warm for the British, they commenced to fall back to Boston. They were under fire almost all the way and lost many men on their return. There were more British and Americans killed in West Cambridge than at Lexington, and to West Cambridge belongs the honor at making the first capture of stores, provisions, and prisoners in the American Revolution on that day in the center of the town.
Cambridge is the place where General Washington took command of the American Army, its headquarters being there at the time. The old Elm tree under which he stood is still standing. Also the house in which he had his headquarters, bing for years the home of Longfellow—the poet. Here is also Harvard College, founded before that time….I was born on historical ground and grew up with a strong love for my country. My father had also held a commission as ensign in the 1st Regiment Mass. Militia under Gov. Lincoln in 1832.
I will not enter into details of my early life but will say my Mother died when I was quite [page missing]
…as the lawyer had to go out of town to court, he could not attend to the details. I offered my services in any way and it was left in my hands to call a meeting that evening at his office or the Town Hall. I went out and found the others, then got three uniforms—two that had belonged to father, and one that belonged to me as I had been in the militia before father died but gave it up then. Then got a fife and drum to make a noise and went all over town telling every one of the meeting in the Town Hall that evening. The Hall was not large enough to hold the crowd that came—the largest gathering ever held in town. We soon raised a company, the lawyer was chosen Captain and I was chosen First Lieutenant. As the Captain had so much to attend to in court fixing up his cases and turning them over to other lawyers. I had all the charge of the company in drill and I often duties in the daytime. We drilled in forenoon and afternoon on the street in marching and company movements and in the Hall in the manual of arms in the evening. My older brother Andrew came home and enlisted in my company. So we all three were in the service.
We continued drilling until the last of May when we were told of a regiment being raised in Brooklyn, New York, by Henry Ward Beecher that they had seven companies and wanted three more to fill the regiment and start at once for the Seat of War. My company and two others from Mass. took special train for New York on the evening of May 30th, arriving the next morning, and after breakfast, went over to Brooklyn and took quarters in a five story armory large enough for two companies on a floor. In the afternoon I went over to New York and took boat for Governor’s Island to see your father. I found him in “Castle William,” the round fort on the point of the island. He was surprised to see me. On Sunday we all went to hear Beecher preach in the morning and in the afternoon a few of us went to the Catholic Cathedral to hear the singing. It was fine.
We found out that there were not 7 companies—that all there were was about 150 men—the toughest looking you could find and they were not drilled or uniformed. The food they gave us was so bad we could not eat it and we could get no satisfaction from those raising the regiment so we called a meeting of the officers of our three companies and voted to return to Massachusetts. (You will understand we were Mass. troops and not mustered into U. S. service.)
On the evening of June 4th, took boat from New York to Boston, arriving the next morning. After breakfast, the officers went to the State House to see the Quartermaster General of the State and have him put us in camp until he could send us away but at that time the State did not have camps for troops as they did later on. But we were granted leave to go to Fort Warren (Boston Harbor) until we could make arrangements for something else. the companies went down in charge of their 1st Lieutenants and the Captains remained in town to see what they could do. They came down to the fort on June 8th and we went up to the City and were dismissed until the 11th when we all reported and started again for New York, arriving the next morning and taking boat up the river for Yonkers. On the morning of the 13th two of the companies were mustered into the U. S. Service. As each company was a few short, we lent them a few men to be exchanged back into our company later on. My brother Andrew went into one of those companies [Co. B, 40th New York Infantry] and remained in it until he was killed at Williamsburg, Virginia.
As we were going to New York Regiments, we would have to get N. Y. State commissions. The two companies mustered in were mustered as they were, officers and men, but my captain wanted a new election which was held and the same officers reelected although te captain tried to make a change and throw me and another out, and put in two friends used to drink and bum around with him. I heard what was going on and we had a row. He got some plain remarks from me and it ended in my taking all the men but about 12 and marching them out and took cars for New York City. I had two offers while there to take my men, fill up my company, and go as captain in some New York Regiment but I had enough of New York and was going home. I got quarters for my men that night in the Park Barracks near City Hall and started for home the next evening and arrived all right. The citizens were provoked at the action of the captain in breaking up such a fine company. I was offered all the backing with money wanted to raise another company but I was anxious to get away and did not want to wait so long as to raise and drill another company. A captain belonging to the 16th Mass. Regiment Infantry wanted me to take my men and join his company but as I could not get any satisfaction as regarding my being an officer in his company (and the men wanted me as an officer over them), I would not go. So you see I had bad luck all around in getting away. One reason was Mass. was so patriotic. We had about three times as many companies enlisted in the State as was called for.
I remained around home working or attending to some military duties until August 27th when being in Boston I found out the Boston Light Artillery had returned from its three-months service and was reorganizing for three years. I dropped my commission and enlisted in the Battery and was mustered into the U. S. Service for three years on the 28th of August. We went into camp in Cambridge about half a mile from the Arlington line.
Arriving in camp we were formed into Gun Detachments and the Warrant Officers appointed. I was made Gunner with the rank of corporal and took charge of a Gun Detachment. I soon picked up the drill (as artillery was new to me) and soon had the best drilled squad on Sabre and Gun Drill. I was promoted to Sergeant afterward and remained as such during the rest of my service.
Perhaps now would be a good time to give you an account of the organization of a Battery and the duties of the men. This will be on a war footing as all troops are about one-third less in time of peace. Artillery is generally formed for field service, one third short range (smooth bore) 12 lb. Howitzers or Light 12’s called Napoleons, and two-thirds long range, or rifle, generally 10 lb. [ ], although our army had about the same number of each at the last of the war owing to the nature of the ground fought over being woody. Most of the fighting was at short range. There are 14 carriages in a Battery, 6 gun carriages with a gun mounted on the hind wheels, and an ammunition chest on the front wheels. The trail of the gun hooks on the axle of the front wheels when on the move, but rests on the ground when in action. Six caissons which carry ammunition, two chests on the hind wheels, and one on the front wheels, the front and rear parts of the caisson couple together the same as the gun carriage and are alike and can be exchanged when wanted, Thus in action the caissons are left in a sheltered place when convenient and if the ammunition of the gun limber is running low, the limber of the caissons come up and take its place and the gun limber returns to the caisson and refills from the rear chests, ready to exchange again. There is an extra wheel on the rear of the caisson, an extra pole under the carriage, shovel, axe, pick, water buckets, &c. One carriage called Battery Wagon with half round top to carry extra feed bags, parts of harness, halters, saddlers tools, wheelwrights tools, and various stores. One carriage called Forge or traveling Blacksmith Shop for shoeing horses and doing iron work of all kinds.
We have about 140 horses, three pair to each carriage, one for each sergeant, bugler, and artificer, and the rest are extra or spare horses to replace those broken down or lost in action. There are 150 men in a full battery, 5 commissioned officers (1 captain and four lieutenants), 8 sergeants, 12 corporals, 2 buglers, and three artificers. The Battery is divided into sections, two guns and two caissons make a section. Also into Gun Detachments, one to each gun and caisson.
Now I will give you a list of their duties. The captain is in command of all, one lieutenant in command of each section (taking 3) and the rest of the junior 2d in command of the caissons when they are away or separate from the guns. One first sergeant who is over he company next to the lieutenants and receives orders (in camp) to pass down to the other sergeants for details &c. draws rations, clothing &c. One quartermaster sergeant who draws forage or grain for the horses and looks after the baggage wagons. Six other sergeants, one for each gun and caisson, they having charge of the two carriages, horses and men. Twelve corporals, one for each gun and caisson and called 1st and 2nd Corporal (A Gunner and No. 8 man). They are under the sergeants. Buglers who blow camp and drill calls. Three artificers (one blacksmith, one wheelwright, 1 harness maker) to attend to all the work in their line. There is a driver to each pair of horses and he rides the nigh one when on duty. They take care of their horses—cleaning, feeding, and driving. Also take turns standing guard over the horses at night. Others are detailed to clean the extra ones and one man takes care of each sergeant’s horse as he has to look after the others while cleaning and feeding.
I will now give you the duties of the gun squad with the gun unlimbered and in position, the limber in rear of the gun, horses facing the rear of the gun, the drivers dismounted and “standing to horse” holding them by the bridle. The pole driver holds the sergeant’s horse when firing, he being dismounted and in charge of the gun. Standing in the rear, 8 men and the Gunner is a gun squad. the Gunner goves the order to load, cut the fuse, fire &c., he receiving the order from the sergeant, also sights the gun. The men are numbered from 1 to 8. No. 1 is on the right of the muzzle and sponges and rams the gun. No. 2 opposite him and he inserts the cartridge and shot or shell, having one in each hand. No. 3 on the right, he thumbs the vent, then steps to hand spike in end of te trail and moves the gun to right or left for the Gunner, then pricks the cartridge and steps to place. No. 4 is on the left and he fixes a friction primer to the lanyard, inserts it in the vent, stepping back to place, ready to pull at the order to “Fire.” No. 5 is on the left and half way between No. 2 and the limber. He takes the ammunition from his position to No. 2. No. 7 stands on the left of limber and takes it to No. 5. No. 6 stands at the rear of ammunition chest, cuts the fuze and delivers it as ordered to No. 7. No. 8 is the 2nd Corporal of the Gun Squad and in charge of the caisson and remains with it and attends to any order received. If to pack any ammunition from rear chests to limber, he would dismount his drivers and set them to work. The men are drilled at all the duties on guns and horses. Also drilled to work short-handed, one man doing the duty of two, three or more. On drill the sergeant would say, No. so and so knocked out, and sometimes would knock out almost all the squad and then en would go right along with the drill so when it came to active work, the men knew just what to do.
We remained in camp at Cambridge drilling on the guns and in field movements from August 28th until October 3rd. I went home quite often while there as the horse crew passed the camp and our officers let me go out of camp when not required for duty in camp or drill, and then men did not abuse the privilege. On October 3rd we started by railroad for Washington, passing through New York, Philadelphia, & Baltimore, arriving all right and going in camp on Capitol Hill in rear of the capitol.It was quite a different place then from what it is now. The capitol was not finished and on the Hill were log houses with negroes, pigs, and geese around loose (we caught some). The streets were awful from the gun carriages, wagon trains, &c. The mud at times was up to the hubs of the wheels and horses up to the belly.
When we left home we had two six-pound smooth bore guns, two six-pound rifled guns, [and] two twelve-pound Howitzers. While here we received orders to turn in the four six-pound pieces and take four 10-pound Parrott Guns, rifled—a fine gun and extreme range—about 5 miles.
There was a review of 75 horse companies and 22 batteries by General Scott, the President, Members of Congress, and others. We were picked out and received orders to join Gen. Franklin’s Division across the river. On the 14th October, we crossed Long Bridge and went in camp near Fairfax Seminary about three miles from Alexandria. Our camp was named Camp Revere in honor of a friend of the captain—Major Revere of the 20th Massachusetts Infantry. Our division has twelve regiments of infantry, 1 regiment of cavalry, and 4 batteries.
“We had been assigned to Gen. Franklin’s division, which was then lying about four miles northwest of Alexandria, on the borders of Fairfax County, the division headquarters being at Fairfax Seminary, the New Jersey brigade then commanded by Gen. Kearney, and the First New York Cavalry, lying upon the slope of Seminary Hill, south of the Leesburg pike, a brigade commanded by Gen. Newton located along the pike north of the seminary, and a brigade commanded by Gen. Slocum lying northeast of Newton’s brigade, and north of the pike, the camp of its nearest regiment, the Sixteenth New York Volunteers, being perhaps thirty rods from the road. These troops, with four batteries of light artillery, constituted this division in October, 1861.When we arrived, there was a battery of New Jersey volunteers commanded by Capt. Hexamer in the vicinity of division headquarters, a battery in the immediate vicinity of Newton’s brigade, a battery of regulars, D, Second U. S. Artillery, lying near the pike, and opposite, Slocum’s brigade. This battery was located upon a plain, which the road from Alexandria reaches shortly after it crosses the run which makes its way from Arlington Heights southeasterly to Alexandria. The First Massachusetts Battery encamped in a piece of woods on the east side of this run and at the left of Slocum’s brigade. In this camp, which was named Revere, we remained until winter. Our drill-ground was on the plain beyond Newton’s brigade, on the north side of the pike,—of this field we shall have occasion to speak later. The inspection of the artillery by the chief of artillery of the army, and the review of the division, were made upon the high plateau west of the seminary.” — Pvt. A. J. Bennett, First Mass. Light Battery
The execution of William Henry Johnson, 5th New York Cavalry
We remained here all winter with plenty of Division reviews, inspections, and camp duties. While here our Division had the 1st Military Execution for deserting. A man named [William Henry] Johnson, 1st New York Cavalry, was on the outer picket line and he left his post and rode towards the rebel lines. When a long distance out, he met a squad in Rebel uniforms and was halted. He said he had deserted. He had his horse, saddle, and bridle, sabre, carbine, and revolver—government property. The officer in charge asked him all kinds of questions as regarding our line, position of picket posts, &c.. He also asked to see his carbine, looked it over, cocked it, and told the man he was a prisoner. The squad was some of our scouts. He was brought in, courtmartialed and sentenced to be shot on the 13th December. The Division was ordered out to see the execution. We were formed on three sides of a square in double lines with the other side open and the grave dug in about the centre of that line…He was brought on the field in a wagon seated on his coffin and a horse with reversed arms (as at a funeral). They entered on the right of the line and passed through all the line. As they passed along, the band of each regiment played a funeral dirge (going to his own funeral). Passing on the left of the line, they drove to the grave. He and his coffin were taken from the wagon, the Judge Advocate read to him the charges, findings, and sentence of the court martial.He was then blindfolded and seated on his coffin. The firing party then stepped up and shot him. The line was then faced to the right and all were marched by close to where he lay. He was buried there. No one was sorry.
In November we had a Grand Review at Bailey’s Cross Roads. Over 75,000 troops before the President, foreign ministers, Members of Congress, and others. It was fine. Four batteries were picked out to fire the salute and we were one of the four. Instead of firing so many guns for the salute, we fired so many batteries, all the guns in a battery being fired at once, and counting as one gun. Then the next and so on.
On January 20th, we had one of our men thrown from his wagon and killed. While out after wood, his team, ran away and striking a stump, threw him off. This was the first death in our company. We remained in this camp all winter attending to drill and camp duties.
I will give you an account of what some of our camp duties were. 1st call in the morning at 5.30 when we get up, put on our boots, and are dressed. 5.45 fall in for roll call and served with a dipper of coffee. 6.00 fall in again and clean around the horses, also clean and feed them until 7.00 then breakfast. 8.30 guard mounting when the old guard are dismissed and the new guard go on for 24 hours. They are divided into three reliefs and go on for two hours and off in 4 hours. 9.00 water call when the drivers take the horses to water. 9.30 sick call when all the sick go to the doctor’s tent. 12.30 dinner. 3.30 stable call when the stalls are cleaned. Also horses ed and cleaned. 5.30 evening roll call, 8.00 tattoo roll call. 8.30 taps when all lights are put out. No noise or talk after that. Also about five hours drill beside if the weather is good. Every day field drill, gun drill, or sabre.
After remaining in Camp Revere from October 14th until March 10th, the army started on the march for Centreville and Manassas where the Confederate army were in winter quarters. We had large bell tents called Sibley tents that would hold 12 men each while in winter camp but when we received marching orders, we also received orders to turn them in and draw small ones called shelter tents, one half tent to each man. They would button together. The men would cut three small poles, one for each end and one for a ridge pole, put the tent over and pin it down. Two men could crawl under and sleep.
We had orders also to turn in wheelbarrows, shovels, hoes, pitchforks, small camp stoves and a large quantity of other things we could not carry. I was left in charge of all this property with a guard of six men, one sick man, and a prisoner and two teams. I had to take an account of all the property, turn it in at a government store house in Alexandria, and get a receipt for the same. Then take my men and follow on after the company and report. I overtook them at Annandale on the 14th March on their return from Centreville and Manassas where they had been and Lee’s army had fallen back towards Richmond. When this was found out, the plan of operations was changed ad we (the army) were ordered back to our camp. As we had cold rains on the return march and the men slept on the ground, they suffered very much.
At this time the army was formed into corps, three divisions in a corps. I told you before how many were in a division so you will understand the size of a corps. Our division was the 1st Division, 6th Corps—one of the best in the army and called the “Fighting Sixth.” We lay in camp on our old campground about three weeks, having drill, reviews, and inspections. On the 25th March, General McDowell reviewed and inspected about 50,000 troops. On the 27th, Lord Lyons and other foreign ministers with Members of Congress reviewed about 33,000. Also a review by General McClellan and others.
April 4th last night we received orders to be ready to start in the morning. Were up, tents struck and all packed before sunrise but did not start until about 10 o’clock. I was again left in charge of some stores with two men and orders to turn them in to the quartermaster’s department. The next afternoon at 2 o’clock I took the cars (baggage train) and went about three miles and stoped until six, then thirteen miles and lay on a side track until 10 the next morning in an open baggage car. Then we started again and I found my company at Manassas. Owing to rain and snow the roads were so bad we could not move. There were also various steams of water that had becone so deep we could not cross. We lay in a plowed foeld in a sheet of mud until the 11th when the steam Broad Run, having fallen, the cavalry found a place up the stream where we could cross. The water was up to the axle of the carriages. After passing the run, the fields were so soft we would get all ready and put on whip and spur to the horses and start across, sometimes clear up to the axle, and they would become stuck. Then all the men would get hold and help them out. Each carriage would take a different track in crossing. After getting about two miles beyond the river, we received orders (our Corps) to return to Alexandria, turned back and by a forced march reached Manassas on April 12th, marched again to Fairfax, and camped.
On the 13th reached Alexandria and camped outside the town near Fort Ellsworth. On the 14th we shipped our guns, caissons, and horses on stream transports, and men and baggage on schooners. On the 15th, 16thm and 17th the rest of the corps were being shipped to join General McClellan before Yorktown, he having taken the rest of the army some time before down the river. Sailed early on the 18th, the schooners and some transports in tow of the steam vessels, arriving at Ship Point about three o’clock on the afternoon of the 19th. On the 20th and 21st, unloaded the cavalry and artillery on account of the horses and left the infantry on the transports to await orders, it being understood we were to sail up the York River and attack Gloucester Point opposite Yorktown when McClellan attacks Yorktown. My brothers were in camp about three miles from our camp but I could not go to see them. While laying here the Boys killed quite a number of snakes—Blue Racers. Some of them were four or five feet long. They would crawl in along side the men in the night to keep warm and they would find then in their blankets in the morning.
From the 22nd until May 4th we attended to our regular duties with nothing of interest that I can think of. We could hear the firing every day at Yorktown. On the morning of May 4th, we were having our Sunday morning inspection when the officer commanding the artillery of our division informed us that Yorktown was evacuated and gave us orders to reship. We were all board by midnight. Started up the York River the next morning and reported at Yorktown, remained all night and in the morning, May 6th, we started up river again for West Point, reaching there early in the afternoon. Our horses, arriving first, were landed during the night and our carriages the next morning, May 7th. Some of our infantry that were landed the day before were skirmishing all night. We took position with our guns and were in our first battle. We also had General Sedgwick’s Division with us. The Rebs opened on our troops, steamers and transports. We replied to them and advanced a strong line of infantry and won the day. Our gunboats in the river aided us by rapid firing with large guns. There was a French gunboat came up the river with us to look on. Some of the shots struck quite near her and she run up the French flag and beat to quarters. We remained in harness all night and I was sergeant of the guard and had a gun loaded to fire as a signal if needed.
On the 8th [May], General McClellan and staff arrived, the rest of the army having marched from Yorktown up between the James and York rivers, his right joining our two divisions, remained here the 9th and 10th, the gunboats going further up the river and shelling the woods. On the 11th, moved a few miles and camped, remaining the 12th and moving again on the 13th, camping at Cumberland, remaining the 14th. On the 15th, up at four and ready for the march. Went to the White House—a fine estate belong to Lee. It was a beautiful place, a large number of slaves, and they had nice quarters and workshops. The fields of grain and everything looked fine. The 16th, 17th, and 18th were quiet but we moved again on the 19th. On the 20th and 21st we moved along and on the 22nd remained in camp. Also the 23rd and 24th. On the 25th, we marched again and camped on a plantation belonging to Dr. Gaines who raised grain and tobacco. The Rebs threw a number of shells into our camp today.
For the next few days we lay in camp here and could hear firing at different points along the line. I stood on the brow of a hill and looked down on the Battle of Fair Oaks. Could see the lines move up, hear the cannon and musketry, the yell of both armies as they charged. Also the Battle of Seven Pines. While in this camp I received a letter from your father informing me that in the Battle of Williamsburg (May 5th) that our brother Andrew J. was killed and that your father was wounded in the same battle and was then at Annapolis, Maryland in hospital.
On June 11th we started from camp (leaving the camp standing under guard) at 4 o’clock to relieve another Battery on picket at Mechanicsville where there were a few houses and a ford across the creek. Our troops held one bank and the Rebs the other. We could see them working on earthworks on a hill, but they remained quiet until about 6 p.m. when they opened on us. Each section of the Battery lay quite a distance from the other. The short-distance section was in the road leading to the ford. One long-range section to the right and the other to the left of it. So the lieutenant from right and left would go to the centre and eat with the captain and other lieutenants. As the officers were at supper when the firing commenced and only the sergeants in charge when an aide rode up and ordered us to reply to them. To the fort on the hill was about one mile. I from the left and sergeant Lawrence from the right, each dropped a shell in the breastwork. We heard afterwards from some prisoners that came in that we killed quite a number and dismounted a gun. They soon stopped when they found out what was in front of them. The lieutenant came up running and asked who gave the orders. I told him. Soon the aide returned and told us to stop. The lieutenant told me and I replied, I have a shot in the gun.” He said fire it but don’t load again. I asked could I fire where I wished, He said yes. I dropped the breach of the gun all I could (for elevation), pointed it toward Richmond, which was 4.5 miles and let it go. As the gun would carry about 5 miles, I have often wondered where it went.
We remained here a week laying around the guns, day and night, but we were not troubled again while there. On the [ ] we were relieved, returned to and struck camp, leaving Dr. Gaines’ place and crossing the creek at Woodbury bridge and camped in a field near Fair Oaks. On the 19th, moved a short distance and camped. While here I went among regiments of our line and found [ ] regiments and two batteries from Massachusetts. i found some friends in some of them. The sights I see in passing over the fields of Fair Oaks and Seven Pines were hard. Men thrown into [burial] trenches, some having as many as 100 to 150 in a trench. Many had been only covered as they lay on the ground by throwing dirt up from each side and as the rains had washed parts of them out—arms, legs, face, &c. and those parts were one living mass of maggots. The stench was horrible. And the troops were camped among the graves and had to drink the water. The reason they were buried so was after the battle, there was an awful rain storm and the creek was overflowed and the bodies were under the water. When it went down, they were so bad they could not be handled. The dead belonged to both armies.
Captioned “Woodbury’s Bridge—Chickahominy River.” Library of Congress
For the next week things remained about the same, firing along the lines every day and the regular camp duties. On June 26th the Rebs crossed at Mechanicsville and above, turning our right, where there was a terrible fight—the first one of the Seven Days. General Porter commanding the corps on the right was forced to fall back to Gaines Mills. On the 27th was the Battle of Gaines Mills. We crossed over at Woodbury Bridge and were in the battle in the afternoon. It was very fierce and the loss was large on both sides. At night we crossed back over the creek and took position on the front line remaining all night.
On the 28th, moved back to creek and took position to command another bridge. Troops passing all day and fighting at different points on the line. We held the position all day and on picket at night. Moved back before morning passing through lines of battle. I will explain something here something of the way we were falling back. While say one half of the army were fighting today, the other half formed the second line in rear of the first, ready to support them or take part holding the line all day, and at night the first line passed through the second and formed in their rear, being the supporting line that day. And at night change again from first to second.
On the 29th June was the Battle of Savage Station. When I passed here there were piles of rations—beef, pork, rice, hard bread, &c. Tons of musket and artillery ammunition, shot, shell, &c. All the stores of all kinds the teams could not carry were piled up and set on fire. Also hay and grain. The soldiers were taking the fuses out of the shells, pouring out the powder and in fact, destroying thousands of dollars worth of property. This was a railroad station and that is the reason there was so much property there. We had railroad trains moving what they could and kept them at it so long we could not get back. so the bridge over the creek was burned, the train loaded with stores, the engine started and all run into the creek.
You will form some idea of our wagon train when I tell you if it was put in a single ine, it would reach over 50 miles. We also drove a large head of cattle.
On June 30th, Charles City Cross Roads and White Oak Swamp Battles were fought. We were in the Charles City Cross Roads fight and had it hot. We fired so long and rapid our guns’ breach [became] so hot they would go off when the vent was uncovered. Although we wet the sponge in water, the water passed into the vent honeycombed them so bad that they had to be taken out and new ones put in as soon as we had an opportunity, a man coming from the gun foundry. We fired that day from our long-range guns about one ton from each.
I told you I had a good drilled squad ad we use to see who would gwt the first shot when we received orders to commence firing. I got the first shot and I suppose they fired at my smoke for while loading for the second shot, my No. 3 man at the vent, and my head by his side sighting the gun, a shell passed through him and over my shoulder, spattering the flesh and blood in my face and clothing. After dark we lay around the guns with a skirmish line in front. At midnight the lieutenant told me to wake my men and mount the driver and tell them and the other men not to speak a word or strike a horse and if they became stuck on stumps or in a hole, to leave then and save my horses if I could. If not, leave them. We drove off on the grass without a sound being made. One of our officers (said to be Gen. Kearny) rode up to the picket line and asked for the officer in charge, gave him orders to move the line back and uncover a cross road through a wood as he wished to pass some artillery. the officer, thinking it all right, moved the line and we passed through with everything all right. When we came out on a pike road inside our line, an officer sat on his horse and told us to let them go and we went down the road flying, arriving at Malvern Hill at 4 o’clock in the morning of July 1st, took position in line, and was in the battle part of the time. As our corps was out of ammunition, we received orders to go to the rear. Towards evening we took position for the night.
July 2nd left our position at 2 a.m. and marched to Harrison’s Landing, the troops coming in all day. When we arrived here we entered as fine a field of grain as ever you see, but before night, with the rain and the tramp of troops, it was all gone and was our sea of mud. Thus ended the Seven Days Battles before Richmond—one of the grandest movements of the war. When you think of the country we had to fight over, the large force General Lee brought against us, and we saved our trains and cattle, also artillery and troops.
On the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th, we were in different positions in reforming the lines. On the 8th, President Lincoln with a large staff and guard rode around the lines and received the troops, the gunboats and batteries firing salutes. The infantry built long earthworks and the artillery was placed in them all along the line, the guns being about 17 yards apart and the infantry camped in the rear. A strong picket line was out about 3 or 4 miles. We had drills and other camp duties every day. Otherwise it was quiet until the night of July [ ], when at midnight, the Rebs having brought down some batteries on the other side of the [James] River, opened fire on our gunboats, transports and camps. The gunboats and some batteries near the landing replied. The camps all turned out. It looked fine to see the shells going through the air when they didn’t come too near. In about an hour it stopped and all was quiet again and we turned in. The next day several regiments were sent across the river to destroy some buildings used by then=m for observation and a strong guard left to prevent the move again. A large number of men were dying in the camps every day from the hardships they had passed through but only one died in our camp from fever. Sometimes twenty or thirty dead bodies would pass our camp a day and I suppose the same in other parts of the army. It was very hot while here—from 100 to 115 degrees every day.
We received orders to turn in our guns and draw others of a different kind. We received six light 12-pounders or Napoleon guns, short-range (less than a mile) but the most destructible gun in the service for close fighting. Expecting the guns were ready, we took the horses and only 12 men and went to the landing and then found out we had to put the carriages together, mount the guns, and draw the ashore. Also all the ammunition, It took all day and was a hard job. The glass stood 80 degrees in the shade.
On August 6th, some 30 lb. Parrotts took position on our right. On the 7th Battery, B. Md. Artillery took our position and we moved into camp half a mile in the rear. On the 11th, received orders to be ready, packed up and hitched every day but did not start until the afternoon of the 16th when we crossed the Lower Chickahominy on a pontoon bridge which the gunboats were guarding. On July 18th, passed through Williamsburg (the place my brother Andrew was killed). On the 19th, passed through Yorktown and reached Lee’s Mills on the 20th and were ordered to Hampton. On the 23rd, we shipped our carriages on an old ferry boat that used to run from Boston to Chelsea which reminded us of home.
On the 24th shipped our horses and men on schooners. On the 26th went to Aquia Creek and received orders on the 27th to proceed to Alexandria. Arrived there on the 28th and disembarked, went into camp outside the city near Fort Lyons, and quite near the old camp where my brother was last winter.
On the 29th the Battery was ordered out towards Centreville and as our teams had not arrived, I was left in charge of baggage and stores with a guard until they came. The Battery returned to camp on September 2nd in the night and the next day moved to the old campground of last winter. In camp the 4th and 5th. In the 6th we received orders at 5 p.m. and were on the road at 6 passing over Long Bridge, through Washington and Georgetown on the trot and camping beyond on the Poolesville road (as the Rebs had crossed into Maryland). Remained in camp the next day. Troops passing all day. On the 8th passed through Rockville and at 7 went in position for the night. Marched the next day and camped at night at foot of the Sugar Loaf Mountain. Remained in camp the next day and marched on the following one camping near Buckstown. On the move next day and at noon, halted near Jefferson. Started again and halted near South Mountain, then opened the battery on Crampton Pass, South Mountain, where the Rebs were in a strong position on the side of the mountain with both artillery and infantry. Our battery was engaged part of the time, but being short-range, could only reach part of their line, but other batteries could. Part of our infantry moved on the front and another force moved into the woods and up the side of the mountain and flanked the position, driving them up and over the mountain, taking artillery, baggage wagons, and prisoners. We moved up the hill and camped on the field with the dead and wounded.
We were on the move again on the 17th and could hear rapid firing in the direction of Sharpsburg. We arrived at Antietam Creek at noon where we found a fierce battle going on. We was ordered into line on the right of center where the battle had been fierce, the dead of both armies and wounded lay thick as the field had been charged over two or three ties by both armies. In passing through a cornfield to take position, many a poor soldier (wounded), Union & Reb, would raise himself on his elbow and ask us, “For God’s sake” not to run over him. I can say I never run over a wounded man while in service. I rode by the lead driver and looked out for that. We took position within 500 yards and opened fire, remained on the field that day and the next, engaged or under fire.
On the night of the 18th, could hear the Rebs moving artillery or trains the most of the night, not knowing if they were massing troops for a final charge on our right, or a flank movement in the morning. As soon as daylight on the 19th, our skirmish line was advanced with a strong supporting line and forced the Reb skirmish line back. They soon found they had no support as their army had gone and left them. They threw down their guns and came in as prisoners.
We started after them at once, passing over the field of battle and I must say, I see worse sights here than on any other field I was ever on. Thousands of dead and wounded of both armies, killed in all kinds of ways and positions, and those that were killed at the first of the battle were swollen to twice their size and turned black. The stench was awful (when men are killed in health and full blooded, they turn soon) and the sun was very hot. In all the buildings from the field to the river, we found them filled with their wounded whom they had left behind. Lee’s army had crossed at Williamsport.
On the 21st, camped at St. James College. On the 22nd, moved into camp at St. James College. On the 22nd, moved into camp at Bakersville and remained the rest of the month and until October 9th when we went to Hagerstown and washed up the Battery for repairs and painting, and harnesses for oiling. After getting about half done, we were ordered on picket at Williamsport, put our carriages and harness together and went on the 16th finishing while there. We went out three or four times at midnight (with other troops) to command a bridge expecting a cavalry dash. The nights were very frosty and cold standing on watch. On October 31st we were relieved by the Baltimore Light Artillery and marched to the south side of the Blue Ridge, crossing at Crampton Pass and camping for the night. Then crossed the Potomac at Berlin on a pontoon bridge and entered Virginia once more.
During NOvember there was nothing of interest—only marches taking position in various places. Lots of rain and some snow. General Burnside had taken the place of General McClellan at the latter part of the month. Gen. Hooker’s Division was passing our camp and I run out and watched for the battery your father was in, he having returned to duty. I see him for about half an hour—the first time for eleven months.
December 4th, marched to Belle Plain and went in camp, remaining in camp until the 11th. Some rain and snow. On the 11th we started for Fredericksburg and camped near the river. On the 12th, crossed the Rappahannock on a pontoon bridge below the city (called Franklin’s Crossing) and went in position near the Barnard House. The day was foggy but about 3 o’clock it lifted and the Rebs opened on us and there was some brisk fighting. At night it stopped.
Early the next morning, the 13th, the firing was rapid and lively on both sides. At noon we moved and took position on the right of the left wing of our army, when the whole of the infantry line (in that wing) advanced towards the railroad and a fierce infantry fight took place. The Rebs moved a battery to rake the line, when our battery opened on their and blew up a number of heir limbers and the loss of life must have been large. We soon silenced that battery.
Our troops were repulsed with a large loss in killed and wounded and they fell back to their old place in line. Towards evening the opened a cross fire on us from a battery near the town. Their 1st shot smashed a wheel on a gun limber, took off a sergeant’s leg, and a private’s arm. Some horses killed and wounded. On the 14th and 15th lay in position with few shots from either side, both watching for a move from the other.
On the night of the 15th all the army fell back across the river on the pontoon bridges. These were covered with hay to deaden the sound. We were all across and the bridges up before daylight which surprosed the Rebs who expected to see us before them in the morning. Our battery was the last to cross, being with the rear guard. We had a large loss and no gain in this battle. We then returned to the same camp occupied before the movement. Remained here until the 19th when we moved and camped near White Oak Church on the Belle Plain Road. Nothing of interest during the rest of December—only the same as when we are in camp long. On the 28th I got a pass, mounted, and went out to find your father’s company. After riding about all over the army, I found him.
From January 1st to 20th, we were in the same camp building brush stables for the horses and attending to other camp duties. On the 20th, left camp at noon and marched across country striking the Warrenton Pike near Falmouth where we camped for the night. A cold rain all night and for the next three days. In the morning we were soaking and puddles of watrer where we lay. We had hard work to move our carriages, the mud was so deep. We had to take the horses from one carriage and put them on another, then return for the others. Sometimes we had from 8 to 28 horses on one carriage. Pontoon trains, baggage wagons, siege guns, and ambulances were struck fast in the mud. Mules and horses were mired and became so weak as to fall over in the mud and drown. I had to take a mounted detail of 16 men, go back and find the forage train, get a bag of oats, and put it in front…[the remainder is missing]
The following letters were written by Michael Spratt (1834-1888) who served as a private in Co. C (“the Honesdale Guards”), 6th Pennsylvania Reserve Infantry (35th Volunteers). Michael enlisted on 13 May 1861 and mustered out with the company on 11 June 1864 after three years service.
Michael Spratt, 6th Pennsylvania Reserves
Michael’s first letter conveys the details of his experience in fighting with the 6th Pennsylvania Reserves on the battlefields at South Mountain and at Antietam. In both engagements, the 6th Pennsylvania Reserves fought under Brig. Gen. George G. Meade in the famed 1st Brigade composed entirely of Pennsylvania Reserves (1st, 2nd, 5th, 6th, and the 13th). It was the 13th Pennsylvania Reserves who were known as the “Bucktails.”
The second letter was penned after the Battle of Fredericksburg and following Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. It is more philosophical in nature. The third letter (partial) probably dates to March 1863.
Michael was born in Dublin, Ireland, in March 1834, the son of John Spratt and Mary Alice Stapleton. He came to the US with his parents in 1851 and settled in Manchester, Wayne county, Pennsylvania. Prior to his enlistment he earned his living as a farmer and took his mail at Priceville. After the war, he married Celia A. Carey (1844-1914) and resumed farming in Equinunk, Wayne county, Pa.
[Note: These letters are from the private collection of Tom Clemens and were made available for transcription and publication of Spared and Shared by express consent.]
Letter 1
Camp near Sharpsburg, Maryland September 25th 1862
Friend Charles,
It is now some time since I received a letter from you and at that time I thought you had forgotten me but when I read it through I had to laugh at the names you called me. I then thought of the times we used to dispute politics in your store but alas, I am far removed from such scenes now and listening to the loud cannon roar. Yes, Charles, this is war in earnest and you may say “war to the knife.”
I suppose you have heard of G[eorge] Shopp’s fate ere this. He was wounded in Sunday action at South Mountain. His wound is painful but not dangerous. It is in both thighs near the body—only flesh wounds.
Sunday’s action was as spirited an engagement as we had in the war. I will give you as near as I can an account of the affair. We started about daylight on Sunday the 14th inst. from Frederick, Maryland, and took the Hagerstown turnpike and as we arrived at the heights to the back of Frederick, we could see artillery firing across the lovely valley where is Middletown. We pushed on at a vigorous rate (I mean Hooker’s Corps_ towards the scene of action and we filed to the right of the turnpike where we formed in line of battle and sent the far famed Bucktails in advance as skirmishers and in a few moments the whole line was in motion. Soon the Bucktails met & drove in the pickets and we soon found the whole body of the rebel infantry prepared to receive us. They poured a deadly volley into our ranks but it was answered by a still greater one. We stood here a few moments firing at each other when the gallant Meade gave the order to advance with fixed bayonets. Ah, my boy, this moment was the grandest I ever saw and I shall remember it while I live.
The enemy was in a cornfield at a slope in the hill. the sun was setting and the smoke from the firing was raising over our heads and the flash of our rifles rendered the scene sublime. The rebs took to the mountain and we after them. It was at this time that Shopp received his wound. We advanced in a run up the mountain and by the time we got to the top, some of us were mixed in through the rebels, there being such a smoke they succeeded in getting away.
I saw in front of us not farther than from your store to the Deacons the rebel rag a shaking to and fro. This raised my Irish blood higher than it ever was before so I takes deadly aim at the flag bearer. Whether it fetched him or not, I am not able to say. The rebs were concealed behind a breastwork of rocks so I dropped behind a stump and commenced firing away till we again got the order to advance and we drove them down the other side and darkness ended the hotly contested engagement.
Next morning was the most dreaded scene. The stiffened limbs of our poor dead comrades and the dead of the rebels lay thick. Three of our company were shot through the head and of course killed instantly. Well we did not get much time to look at the battlefield. We were ordered to march and that at a rapid rate for Little Mack was determined not to let them rest. So we marched to near Sharpsburg in front of a little stream and lay down on the ground, tired and weary.
We lay till the next day about 3 o’clock tuesday and we were again formed in order to advance on the enemy to find out their position. The Bucktails were as usual sent in advance and we advanced on the foremost daring in the face of three batteries pouring in grape and canister. We also had a sharp brush with the infantry so we lay all night, 1 fighting occasionally, and picketing till the dawn of day when the engagement commenced in earnest. I cannot describe this terrible scene nor is there words in the English language fit to describe the roaring of shell, the screeching of balls, the yells of the wounded, and the roaring of officers.
My dear friend, I never want to see another such affair. Our lines were moved in perfect order and I can assure you the rebels were moved as good. Sometimes we would gain on them, then they would get reinforced so we would be forced to give way till the veteran troops of the grizzley Sumner came up. The day seemed doubtful. Then we kept gaining slowly on them and at night we rested in possession of the battlefield. Thus ended the bloody affair. 2
Well, I almost forgot to tell you that I ran across the 137th Pennsylvania Reserves and saw all the boys. They were burying the dead. I suppose they will send you all particulars. I also saw several of the 45th today. None of the boys from Equinunk got killed. Several got wounded.
I wish to be remembered to all friends and I do often wish the war was ended. I hardly know what to think of it. If any of my friends wants me to write, they had better send me some paper and stamps or money to buy them and I can assure you I have suffered a little. You must not let the recruits know this. I have come through safe so far, thank God, and I hope I will return in safety. Yours as ever, — Michael Spratt
1 According to the regimental history, the regiment (in Seymour’s Brigade of Meade’s Division), bivouacked on either side of the road (now Mansfield Avenue), with pickets thrown forward in the East Woods.
2 The 6th Pennsylvania Reserves (35th Pennsylvania) advanced and became engaged at daybreak on either side of the Smoketown Road in the East Woods. It was checked at the western edge of the East Woods and retired from the field after exhausting their ammunition.
Letter 2
Camp in the pines near Belle Plains Landing, Virginia January 11th 1863
Friend Charley.
I received your letter today dated January 3rd and was surprised to find your words so few. I suppose your attention was drawn in another source and I do not wonder if it is for the rascally way our army affairs are conducted in enough to let any sensible man wild. Burnsides as predicted made a good butcher and the abolition press had something to converse over for a while after the combat which proved so fatal to our cause. And now as Rosecrans in the West has achieved a great victory, we are looking every day to hear of his removal.
Since I last wrote to you, I have talked with a number of the men who have to stand the hard knocks in the field and their feeling towards the administration is not very kindly at the way affairs are enacted. In passing the other night by one of our camps, I heard an aged patriot whose head is silvery with age and who participated in the War with Mexico—said he—there are a number of poor fellows killed for the nigger. Such is the feeling of the army since Old Lincoln proclaimed to set the nigger free and put him on equal footing with the soldier who is trying to battle for your rights.
The message of Gov. Seymour of New York is greeted among the soldiers. It is hailed with delight and calculated to inspire us to fight with more vigor when we know what we are fighting for. The question may be asked what we are battling for and we must say to free the nigger, to enrich contractors, and making generals. While look on the other side. Ask the rebels what they are fighting for. Answer—our homes, our property and our lives. At the beginning of this war, I thought we were fighting for the Union as it was. Not so now. Well, let all that pass.
When I see you which I hope to some day if I don’t be unfortunate like many other comrades who fell on some of the many battlefields which our regiment has been engaged in, I will then talk to you and tell you how I have suffered. Yet I am willing to suffer more in a just cause—to have the Union as it was.
Now Charley, I want to write you a word or two and I don’t wish you to let everyone know it for as I suppose is the case, some of the soldiers, when they get home, tells awful yarns about all they went through. Well, I don’t wish to state anything that is not so. But I believe I have leveled my piece as often at the rebs as any man who left Manchester. I don’t wish to boast but I have never been in a fight yet where the rebs were not as numerous as us. They are determined as men can be and if we have to subjugate them, it will take some time yet. It is very well for people to talk home in a bar room with all the comforts of life to say, “Why don’t they advance now?” If they had to do it themselves, it would be different. To carry a fellow’s grub for three days, sixty rounds of ammunition and sleep out in the cold, dare not light a fire for fear of being shelled, lay there all night, they would not find it very pleasant.
When I enlisted, I expected hardships but the people of the North were ignorant of the character of the people of the South and consequently misled me and if I mistake not, you were the man who told me I dare not enlist. Now I dare do anything that I think is right, but yet I think we are not used right. We have not received any pay in six months and some of our married men are complaining that their families are hungry. How can such men fight? This army has done the biggest thing recorded in history—fought four battles (Bull Run, Chantilly, South Mountain & Antietam) in 19 days and marched a hundred miles and were victorious under the renowned McClellan. I believe I never mentioned in my letters how I talked with General McClellan twice—once in Pierpont & once in Alexandria, both times in the night. When I see you, I will tell you about it. I will also tell you many comic things which happened.
When you receive this, I wish you would write me a long letter and let me know what the people in general thinks of the war. For my part, there is not a man living who would like to whip the rebels better than I would and I am willing to fight anyone of them single handed, but i wouldn’t like it to be a Sam Quick fight—he to have all the arms and I none. I want fair play.
I wish to know what happened [to] John Jones. It was the first I heard of it. I am thankful to you for the good supply of paper you sent me and it still reminds me that I have a friend left in Old Equinunk. I must now conclude by wishing you good luck. — M. Spratt
P. S. I haven’t got the mittens yet as some damned rascal kept them but I have a pair that will do. I am much obliged to you for your trouble. It rains and the clouds look dark. Write soon.
Letter 3 (Partial)
[Probably dates to March 1863 when the Bucktails with the 1st Brigade, encamped at Fairfax Court House. It was in March 1863, too, when Congress passed the Enrollment Act, establishing the draft for the first time.]
….The Bucktails cut up awfully when they arrived here yesterday. They charged on a Vermont Brigade Sutler and run out some whiskey barrels, knocked in the heads, and went a helping themselves. Meantime the Vermonters were called to arms but could not be got to charge on the Bucktails, I was almost ashamed to see how the new officers of the Vermonters were used. They were shoved around as if they were niggers while our old vetran officers looked on and laughed at the sport.
Scudder is in charge of the supplies of our Brigade, the 1st, and I am detained here also to take care of it. The Brigade has went on as far as Court House, I believe. There are some rebel cavalry around somewhere and they need watching.
You must excuse my writing for I have been on a little spree. Besides, there is a band of music playing out there adn it bothers me some also.
Now I can give a bit of advice to some of our fellows in Old Wayne [County] who one of those days will be drafted. It is far better to endure the pain of hearing the cannon rattle, the shells exploding, the little balls whizzing through the air, to face the iron sleet, to stand the dying groans of the bleeding patriots than to hear at home some poor woman weep for the loss of her dear husband, crying all that I depended on to support my family has gone, or some nice young lady weeping over the loss of her lover, and worst of all, she herself will have to die an old maid. Oh how glorious all this seems to the unthinking man seated in his easy chair smoking his cigar and reading the newspaper. It was a brilliant charge of that regiment; its loss was over half. But do they ever remember that those dead had friends to mourn their loss? But that’s not all. The war is not half over yet. Hooker has to take Richmond and yet somebody else Vicksburg and somebody else Charleston. But I think it will have to be left till ’65 for a Little Mac or some other talented man to finish.
As one of the boys says, “We have waded to our ankles in blood, but by God, we;ll have to wade to our knees yet before it is settled.” I cannot say more now—only i will tell the boys to be prepared for the draft and if they don’t come out willingly, we will go back and force them.
You will oblige me by letter. Tell Patrick Spratt that I sent him thirty dollars. He will find it at the depot. I must now conclude by hoping your family will remain in good health as I will expect a letter from you soon. I am also very much obliged to you for the nice presents you send me. Yours as ever, — M. Spratt
If we meet Stuart’s raiders, we’ll give them hell.
The following letters were written by Rollin E. Maranville (1836-1862) who enlisted at the age of 24 on 21 August 1861 at Fairhaven to serve as a private in Co. F, 2nd New York Cavalry, unofficially known as the “Harris Light Cavalry.” He was appointed a corporal sometime prior to his death on 13 September 1862, at the General Hospital in Alexandria, Virginia ofwounds received 29 August 1862 in the Second Battle of Bull Run. His grave marker in East Poultney, Rutland county, Vermont states that he served as “Color Sergeant” of Harris Light Cavalry and “lost leg at Bull Run.” He was the son of Merit Lily DeMaranville and Mary Ann Reed.
After leaving New York during September and October, the regiment served with McDowell’s Division of the Army of the Potomac from the latter month, on duty in the defenses of Washington, D.C. It was transferred to the Third Division of the First Corps of the Army of the Potomac in March 1862, and in May briefly became part of King’s Division of the Department of the Rappahannock. The 2nd New York Volunteer Cavalry formed part of the Cavalry Brigade of the Second Division of the Third Corps of the Army of Virginia (temporarily redesignated from the First Corps) from June.
Letter 1
Camp Palmer Arlington, Virginia February 19, 1862
Dear Emma,
I received your letter in due time. It found me well. I would have answered it before but it is awful muddy and raining like shot. It rains most every day.
I have just come off guard, It is raining pitch forks now. If it keeps on, I don’t know what will become of us. The weather is warm most of the time. Everything is quiet here. We stay in our tents most of the time & read the war news. When we get good news, we fall in the company and try our lungs. Then begin to talk about going home. But we generally wind up with a smoke and retire.
We have been expecting to move south but the roads are so bad it is all a horse can do to walk. When Mr. Inman was here, he thought it was tough. He ought to be here now. He would think it was tougher.
I think the horse that George had is dead. Wescott is alive yet. He is pining away to cart load. He is going to get his discharge. He goes with a big cane. We keep one kitten and two small dogs to draw his breath. Orson & Tip are well. There is one of our company in the hospital that is very sick. I don’t think he can live long.
There, I can’t think of any more—only give my best wishes to all. Please answer and oblige yours, — R. E. Maranville
Letter 2
Camp Palmer Arlington, Virginia April 2, 1862
Cousin Emma,
Your letter arrived in due time. It found me well as usual but I don’t know what to write. I don’t get any news. We have to drill every day without stirrups & swing the saber, horses on the run. I have made up my mind it is a little tough. I guess I shall have to stand on my head & ride yet.
We are expecting every day to move. I think when we do move, we are going down the river. The Vermont Regiments have gone on.
One of my tent mates has just dropped in. He says orders have arrived to pack provisions for a march, Maybe we will move tomorrow and maybe not. The weather has been quite warm lately. Once in a while a thundershower but it is cold enough tonight to suit me. A little fire would not hurt anybody.
Yesterday I went to the city for horses. It made me think of home to see men in citizen’s dress walking around taking their ease, enjoying [?] to be independent. But I have to come down to soldier’s style. I do things by rule, &c. Fred Campbell that worked in Hampton has left. He deserted a week ago, if he gets away all right. If he is found and brought back, he may get a little cold lead to settle his supper.
There, I don’t think of any more to write.
P. S. If you make any sugar from that old saw horse, just send a lump. Please answer when you get time. Next time I hope to get more news to write. Yours &c., — R. E. M.
Letter 3
Addressed to Miss Emma Maranville, Hampton Corners, Washington county, New York
Falmouth, [Virginia] May 2nd 1862
Emma,
I received your letter in due time. I was out on picket guard and it was sent to me. It [found] me well but [soaked] through. It rains every other day and sometimes every day. It has been very warm all day and we are having a thunder shower now. Talk about rain [in the] North. It don’t begin to rain there. It pours down here in small rivers.
I went out on picket the last of April with six men to guard a road. We stayed in a slave hut made of logs and clay mud. The man that lived on the farm left when we first came here & left the negroes to take care of themselves. There was one white man there who pretended to be Union all over. I asked for some corn to feed my horse. He said the rebels had taken it all [but when] I went to looking around, I found upwards of a hundred bushels. I began to help myself. He objected but I could not help it. I sent out a couple of the boys to get a little milk. They found some and a couple of fine turkeys which I have just been picking their bones. We intend to live well if we can. We are so far from Washington that we can’t get everything. We have had to eat fresh beef some of the time without salt but the railroad is [al]most ready.
In the morning there is a large body of men going out on a scout to find some rebels that are lurking around. There is quite an army here now—fifty or sixty thousand from [what] we can learn of the rebels. They intend to dispute our march to Richmond. I don’t think we will [see them] again until McClellan gets them fast at Yorktown there.
I don’t think of anymore now. It is roll call & must close. Direct as before. — R. E. M.
Letter 4
[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Greg Herr and was offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Addressed to Miss Emma Maranville, Hampton, Washington county, New York
Falmouth, [Virginia] June 28, 1862
Emma,
Chancy Warren arrived here today & found [me] well & tough. I saw Orson this morning. He is well. We are on detached service yet. I expect every day that we will have to join the regiment which is encamped nearly a mile from us. I had rather stay where I be but I won’t do to find fault. [We] obey orders if a regiment of rebels are before us.
We are having the best time now that we ever have had since leaving Arlington. We have to stand picket & our horse guard & scouting. This morning a corporal and four men was sent out to scout on the Richmond Road. They came very near staying. They went out ten miles or more and came onto one hundred or more of mounted rebels. They saw them in time to get away. The rebels fired at them but did not do any damage. George Boyce of E. Poultney was one of them. William Dolphin of Castleton run & left the rest of the boys & reported that they had been captured.
I am on guard today & the darned horses are more trouble than they are worth. I have a sick horse to take care of. The poor child can’t eat.
I don’t get any news from Richmond at all. Everything is quiet here. I think that our government is concentrating a large force here to move somewhere but it is all guess work. All that I know is what I can see & hardly that. I am very much obliged to you for the little book that you sent to me. I will try & take good care of it.
It is beginning to rain and I must prepare for fun, It rained so hard here last week that it drove everyone out of their tents but me. I had my roost on high ground. There, I don’t think of any more to write now & I think I had better close & fix my tent. Direct to Harris Light Cavalry, Co. F, Washington D. C.