Category Archives: Battle of Gettysburg

George Ellis, Co. E, 10th Massachusetts Infantry Letters & Diaries

The following letters and diaries were written by George Ellis of Warren, Massachusetts. He was married to Sarah Ann Smith on July 8, 1856. At the age of 25, he enlisted from Monson, Massachusetts, leaving behind his occupation as a fabric dyer in one of the town’s woolen mills. With a heavy heart, he bid farewell to his wife and three children as he took up the musket. Regrettably, the scant information we possess about George is derived from the widow’s pension application submitted by his wife.

George enlisted on 21 June 1861 at Springfield to serve three years in Co. E, 10th Massachusetts Infantry, driven no doubt by a deep sense of duty. He was killed in action on 12 May 1864 at Spottsylvania Court House while courageously carrying the colors, a testament to his bravery and commitment to his fellow soldiers and his country. The last words to his beloved wife, scribbled on a piece of paper ripped from a journal the evening before the fateful battle, were filled with reassurance: “Don’t worry for me for I shall come out all right,” a poignant reminder of his unwavering hope and the profound love he held for her amid the chaos of war.

Spottsylvania Court House, May 12, 1864, where George Ellis lost his life. “The Fourth Brigade, to which the 10th Massachusetts was attached” held the rifle pits captured by Hancock’s men early in the morning and the Rebels were “determined to retake at whatever cost, and for 23 continuous hours they were subjected to the most terrific fire of musketry. The tight of the 10th Massachusetts was close to the Rebel right, both fighting over the same works, only a few feet of space intervening. The Rebels charged repeatedlt on the position held by the 10th. Sometimes the fighting was so close that the muskets of the enemy were knocked aside, and in some instances wrenched from their hands….A heavy rain was falling all the time to add to the discomforts of the position, adn all day and all night the 10th was under a murderous fire. Probably there never was a battle where the bullets flew so thick.”

[Note: These letters and diaries are from the collection of Matt Snihur and were made available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent. It should be noted that some letters have portions missing due to the removal of patriotic images, and attempts were made to reconstruct incomplete sentences, though not always successfully.]

Letter 1

Medford, Massachusetts
July 21, 1861

Dear Wife,

As I am now at leisure, I write you a few lines. We had a good time on the trip from Springfield to Boston. It was 7 o’clock when we arrived in the city & then we had to march 5 or 6 miles to our camp. It was 10 o’clock & very dark when we got in. We had no provision made for us with the exception of our tents. No supper, no straw, no nothing but the bare ground to lay on. About 12 o’clock there came a very heavy shower. We were so tired & sleepy that we lay & took it. You can imagine my feelings but they were no worse than almost all the rest, I assure you.

We got up in the morning & took a view of our situation. All eyes was wandering in all directions. We stayed around on the [camp ground] until 10 o’clock when an enquiry [revealed that] there was no breakfast for [us but] they would give us some [dinner. Not] wishing to wait until noon, [to sit and] suffer, half of the regiment [passed the] guard and scattered in all directions. I went with the rest first to Medford and then to Boston. I saw many sights that I never saw before but what interested me most was Bunker Hill Monument. I went on the top of it.

They sent out officers after them and got most of them back before night. We have now got some wells dug and cooking stand up so we now fare as well as expected. Our situation is a very pleasant one. We are within one mile of Medford in sight of Boston, Charlestown, and many other places. The monument is in plain sight with the Stars and Stripes waving from its top. Our camp is very near the salt water [and it] comes up within 5 rods of our [camp. We] go into it swimming every [ ] day that much. All the fault [I can see] is our tents. They are about large [enough for] 6 men but there are 20 packed in and we have to lay spoon fashion. The Colonel [H. L. Eustis] says if we stay here long he will get some more.

In the tent that I am in, all but five are foreigners—some English, Irish, Scotch, & the rest I know not what they are. I have laughed myself faint to hear them jabber & see them perform. I never knew before what kind of people this world was composed of. We are visited daily by hundreds of spectators. There is another camp about one and a half miles from here. I have not seen it yet but they say it is a pretty hard set. This is said to be the best camp in the State. One thing is certain, we have got the best Colonel [Henry Shaw Briggs]. I have never heard him speak a cross word to a man.

The US Belt buckle worn by George Ellis while serving in Co. E, 10th Massachusetts Infantry. (Matt Snihur Collection)

We are now fully equipped for war. We have got some good [guns] and shall use them when we go [ ]. We are to go just as soon as [they] get a ship to carry us. I should [not] be at all surprised if we [leave in] one week.

I saw a large man of war in Boston that had just come from the South. It looked savage, I tell you. There has two small vessels passed within 100 rods of our camp since we have been here. They are curiosities to us country boys. The band is playing to call us out on drill. What would folks [have] said one year ago to see such a parade of men on Sunday. We know no Sabbath here. I saw Mrs. Green when we came through Palmer.

Ann, rest assured I think of you & children & shall know more fully how to prize a wife and family when I get home.

N. B. Be sure and write as soon as you get this. Direct to Medford, Massachusetts, 10th Mass. Regt., Co. E.

Ever yours, — George Ellis


Letter 2

Washington D. C.
July 29, 1861

Dear wife,

I improve hte first opportunity I have in writing to you. Thursday morning, 25th inst., we pulled down our tents and at [ ] p.m. bid farewell to Old Medford. We went by rail to Boston [and] at 4 o’clock we went aboard the steamers, five companies on each boat, and the third boat took a part of our horses. I went on the Ben Deford and a fine boat it was too.

We let the two boats pass us the first night & then we had a race. We got ahead and took the lead and kept it until we arrived here. The first night out I felt first rate & slept first rate. But the next day I felt as though there was something in my stomach that did not belong there. But I laid on my back most of [the day which] kept me from vomiting [ ] voyage I felt as well [ ] but some of the boys [ ] all the way. I feel that [ ] not. There was many boys [and some] men which I saw looking [at their] girls and wives daguerreotypes & [from their] looks I guess they wished themselves back home. I am glad that I did not bring yours & children with me for it would have made me home sick to have seen them.

We were allowed on deck all the time & we saw many sights to attract our attention after we got out of sight of land, such as whales, swordfish, and porpoise, schools of Mackerel, &c. I had a revolver & enjoyed myself much shooting at them. We were out of sight of land two days and that is longer than I ever wish to be again. I shall never make a sailor, I’ll bet. I think I have seen all the salt water I ever wish to see.

[ ] pleasant voyage with the [ ] Saturday afternoon about 4 o’clock [ ] heavy shower. It rained [ ] wind blew a gale. I heard [someone] ask the Captain if he did not think we were in danger of being [capsized]. He laughed at them and told them [it was] nothing but a gentle breeze. [We saw] many suspicious looking sailing vessels on the way but by putting on a full head of steam, we soon left them far behind. We got stopped by a man-of-war in the Chesapeake Bay but as soon as we told them where we were going, they let us pass. It was a U. S. steamer looking for southern pirates.

In coming up the Potomac river, all the officers of the boat expected to be fired into every minute. We went within quarter of a mile of where the rebels had a battery two weeks ago. They have fired into several boats while coming up the river. The river is about three quarters of a mile wide.

We arrived in Washington Sunday p.m. 1 o’clock. We landed at the arsenal about one mile from the Capitol. I have not been to it yet but it is in plain sight. The City of Washington is not as large as I expected. Neither is Alexandria, All the cities are small and old. Every house on the Virginia side looks as though it had been built 100 years.

I am now writing under a tree close to the Potomac exactly opposite on the Virginia side—our troops are camped there—are one hundred and eighty thousand. As far as I can see up the river and down it is nothing but tents, tents, tents. At the last battle [Bull Run] our troops were driven back. They are now digging trenches so that if they have another engagement, they can have these for protection. The enemy is but 4 miles from their camp and we expect an engagement at any moment. Just below us is the bridge into Virginia which [ ] by the northern troops [ ] the right is the Washington Monument. It is not finished yet.

Ann, I can give you but a faint idea of all these things. Everything is so different from Old Massachusetts. When we arrived here it was the same as when we went to Medford. No preparations for us. We got our breakfast in the boat & had nothing served out to until the next day noon. They gave us $2.50 aboard the boat but it being Sunday, it was almost impossible to buy anything. What we did get, we had to pay ten times what it was worth. For just putting a piece of our own bread on top of their stove, they charge ten cents and for one pint of warm water with a little meal the same. It is now 5 o’clock and we are to march.

Tuesday morning 8 o’clock. We started from the Arsenal just after a heavy shower. The streets were knee deep with mud & it was awful hot. We marched two miles & come to a halt with a knapsack of 40 pounds weight on our backs, our clothing was wet through with sweat; many of them were so faint that they had to be carried. We made another halt in front of the President’s House, remained half an hour, and then marched to our camp. It was dark and oh heavens! how it did rain. But we got up our tents the best we could and some got under them & some did not. Some laid out in the rain but it did not get wet much because they were wet through with sweat.

This morning for breakfast we had a small piece of salt pork apiece. Myself and a half dozen others went out & got some wood, built a fire, took our pork on a stick and held it over the fire. I ate all that was allowed to me with a good stomach. It is not the government that is to blame for this. There is plenty of provisions here for us if our officers would get it for us. But as long as they can get all they want, it is all they care. I have just been down to a brook & washed myself. I shall take just as good care of my health as I can. There are some here that will not [survive] if they do not keep themselves cleaner. There is a slave plantation about 8 rods from where I am not writing.

The orders have now come to pull down our tents and go nearer the City of Washington. It is each man for himself & I guess the Devil will have us all before long. Ann, I am not sorry that I came. It is just what I expected. Write to me soon. Direct to Washington D. C., Massachusetts 10th Regt., Co. E. Give my respects to all, — George Ellis


Captain Frederick Barton and the NCO’s of Co. E, 10th Massachusetts Infantry pose with their Newfoundland mascot. This photo was taken at Camp Brightwood, Washington DC in August, 1861. (MOLLUS Collection – Volume 117, Page 6013)

Letter 3

Washington D. C.
September 16, 1861

Dear wife,

Yours of the 12th inst. has just reached me. I am glad that you have got moved and are right smart. I was surprised to receive any money from you as we have been paid off and I have sent you $20 by Mr. Wilcox to Springfield and he will send it by Express from there to Warren. Write me when you receive it.

It was the happiest day this regiment ever saw when they were paid. Officers as well as privates could not get three cents to mail a letter or get a paper of tobacco. I hardly expected that I should get so hard up as to hunt around for old segar stubs to smoke but I did it two weeks ago. I reckon I shall keep a little money by me now for such necessities. Before the regiment were paid there was not a peddler that dare come on the ground. The boys arms had grown mighty long and their fingers pretty nimble. But now that we have money, they are plenty enough.

I have no news in particular to write. I see a Republican every week and see that you get the news in Massachusetts before we get it here. We have got our three forts nearly finished. 1 This regiment was at work on one of them when the fight was on the other side of the river. I could hear every discharge of cannon and almost see them. The Colonel told us as soon as we got the forts done we would try and give the Old 10th a chance. We work right smart I reckon on them now. I think there is but little prospect of this regiment ever being called into active service. It has the name of being the best regiment about here and in all probability we shall be kept here to guard the Capitol. It is my opinion that in two months from this date, those rebels will surrender. Two or three more good battles will teach them their folly. With the forces that we have and winter coming on, they cannot resist us. Wonder if Father still thinks this war will last three years?

This month is the sickliest in the year in this climate. Co. I (West Springfield) hae lost three. Co. C (Northampton) one four with a very short time. The hospitals are full. It is the Typhus fever that takes them off.

We had a funeral here day before yesterday. Buried him here on the camp ground. It would be odd for you to go to a funeral out in an open field and see each man armed with a rifle or sword with a brass band and a dozen drums. When he was lowered in the ground, the company fired three round of cartridges. You say that you have got dreadfully tanned and look old. If you could see my old face you would think tanned. The skin on it [is] as thick as on a person’s heel and I guess about as dirty.

My health is good. I presume after cool weather comes, the health of the regiment will be better. There is no use thinking of going home before spring so I keep it out of my mind as much as I can. But I would like to see that little devil Walter and hear him talk. I am glad if he is good to mind you and hope he will grow up to honor and respect his parents. It don’t hardly seem as though I were father or husband it has been so long since I have heard the names called.

Capt. Frederick Barton (1841-1908) of Co. E, 10th Mass Infantry

In regard to the time that I was sworn into the service, I have just been to Capt. [Frederick] Barton. He gave me the enclosed which you can show to certify the time. I have heard that you could receive pay from the State from the 21st of June. Father can find out how much you are entitled to draw and you put him up to it and see to it that he gets every cent of it for it won’t be amiss to have a few dollars laid aside to commence housekeeping again. As I said before, get all you can and I will be as saving as possible. And I dare say, we can commence in the spring in good shape.

This is the greatest country for works and bugs that I ever heard of. We have to sleep on the bare ground and the other night after one of the boys had lain down for the night, he felt something under his head. Thinking it was a rat, the boys got up to catch him. They all got around his knapsack to grab it when on raising it, there lay an Ader two and a half feet long. The other night a bug crawled into one of the boys ears while asleep. It set him crazy and took three or four men to hold him while they turned something in to kill it.

There has adozen or more had their fingers shot off. All have been shot in their hands. They are dreadful careless here and it is a wonder that half of us are not shot before this time. One of the boys got a finger shot off this afternoon. We think nothing of having a bullet shot through our tent. We have got so used to guns and firing that I don’t think the rebels would scare us much. I hope this regiment will have a little brush before we get home and see how we shall perform.

I suppose that you begin to have cool weather in Massachusetts by this time but it is hot enough here yet. We have not begun to think of fall yet. When it comes cold, we shall have to build barracks or move farther south. I have had my photograph taken but have not received it yet. I expect it soon and will send it to you. Keep up good cheer and be right smart and I will take care of myself I reckon. Time passes swiftly with me here and it will be but a short time before I shall be at home. Yours ever, — George

1 The 10th Massachusetts spent most of their time constructing Fort Massachusetts (later renamed Fort Stevens) which was near Camp Brightwood where they camped in the summer of 1861.


October 4 [1861]—Friday. I went on picket at the little store this side of Graves. I was sick in the night with the colic.

October 5—Returned from picket & stayed in my tent in the afternoon.

October 6—I did nothing but stay in my tent as it was Sunday.

October 14—Went on Grand Guard Duty near the fort.

October 15—Went to camp and did nothing till dress parade in the forenoon.


Letter 4

Camp Brightwood
Washington D. C.
October 23, 1861

Dear wife,

Yours of the 18th inst. came duly to hand. I sent you a view of this camp but it was disfigured by numbers and folding. I will send you another. Keep this choice and I will get it framed when I get home.

We have been under marching orders the past three days and it has rained all the time. Inside our tents it is all mud and our blankets and clothing are all wet. It makes it very unpleasant and unhealthy to have such weather as this. Every little skirmish over the river and we are put under marching orders for three or four days. We came very near going down the Potomac where the Rebels have attempted to blockade. There was fifteen steamers in readiness for this brigade but the government saw where they could use them to a better advantage. The Rebels have got a good place for miles on the river where they could sink every steamer that comes into Washington but they have not done any great damage as yet. It is my opinion they will get almightily troubled if they don’t keep away from the river. We must and will have that open.

It seems to me that McClellan is rather slow in his movements but there are a great many things to be taken into consideration. When I think it all over, I am forced to the conclusion that he knows better how to manage affairs than myself and I for one am willing to be guided by him. It is quite certain that this brigade will remain this side of the river. We may be called out to be away a few days at a time but this ground will be our home. If there is any hard fighting near by, we may see it. But if not, this regiment will have no great victories to brag over when we get home. I still hold to it that we shall see Massachusetts in the spring for I believe that before long McClellan is going to wade in—and deep too. There must be a great deal of fighting and some dreadful hard struggles next month. But how much better to be careful and thus save many valuable lives and be more sure of victory.

You tell me to keep up good courage. I am bound to do that, and to see it through if my services can render any assistance. I am sick of camp life and its rough usages, but still I feel as I always have felt, that it is my duty to be here. As regards the danger of a battlefield, I have no fear in the least. You may perhaps think that I have got reckless and careless but it is the hard usages, the many careless and dangerous positions we are placed in. But still we cherish the same affection for home and friends that we have always had.

If you can get some pictures taken on paper or leather so you can send in a letter, send them. Don’t try to be saving. Anything that will tend to comfort your wants, get them and make yourself as comfortable as you can under present circumstances. I shall probably get some more money the first of the month when I will send you some more. It is amusing as well as provoking to be cooped up 16 of us in a little tent in such weather as this. Sometimes they are all pleasant and laughing, and sometimes all mad and swearing. For a week past, the boys have been raising the very Devil. We have had several fights in camp and the boys have stole pretty much everything they could get their hands on including a barrel of ale from the sutler. He is a Jew and the boys are learning him Yankee tricks. The next letter I hope to hear that you are comfortable and everything as favorable as circumstances will permit. Yours ever, — George

[Editor’s Note: The following scrap of paper is undated but I’m going to presume that it was written at this time while the 10th Massachusetts was at Camp Brightwood. I will change its location chronologically if I discover later that it was written at a later date.]

Dear wife,

Yours of the 18th inst. has been received (p. m.). Here I sit in an old church eight miles from Washington on picket guard. We came out this morn and shall probably get back into camp sometime tomorrow. This is the farthest…..regular and it has also been used for a school house but the pickets have now taken it for their quarters. Notice was given that there would be a meeting here at 4 o’clock p. m. They had gathered from all quarters (as I supposed) to hear a prayer but they were disappointed for no minister came. The congregation consisted of four women…..them here. I would like to give you a faint idea of this old chapel [and] also an imperfect portrait of myself sitting in the pulpit writing on this sheet but it useless for me to attempt. Therefore I will not try.

Lt. [Wallace A.] Putnam is here with us. We had a chicken pie for dinner. He hired a nigger to make us a right smart one for $1.50. She sent it up this evening……quite a play with them and almost wished that I had one at home to play with. One thing is quite certain—if I were independently able—my business would be to run slaves into Canada. I dislike niggers as bad as anyone, but the more I see of slavery, the more I dislike it.

Monday morning. I have been up to a hotel (about two miles) this morn….


Letter 5

Norway Heights
Camp Brightwood
Washington D. C.
January 13th [1862]

Dear wife,

Yours of the 10th instant came to hand. The pictures are in good shape. I am pleased with them, I assure you, We were paid off today and I will send you some money by express as soon as I get a chance to send it to the city (probably this week). I have got well but cannot having the horrors most of the time to see how this war is managed. I have written you a few of y ideas but cannot give you all until I see you. I do not know what this government is coming to. One thing is certain—something must soon turn the scale or we are ruined.

We were paid off in [ ] but they are at a [ ] per cent and it will [ ] for that has no special [ ] and that cannot [ ] demand notes. The inhabitants here are in worse shape than at the North for you have small Bank Notes and here it is a fine for a person to have a Note of smaller denomination than five dollars. These Treasury Notes are not a lawful tender, only for government trade, so you can see in what shape we are as far as money is concerned.

Again, we are no nearer the end of this trouble (comparatively speaking) than we were two months ago and every day is an unnecessary delay and so long as McClellan is nosed around by military officers, we must expect it.

[ ] a glance how [ ] used first all of our [ ] generals are receiving [ ] and it is not for [ ] to push forward and [ ] for they are getting the [ ] they cannot get elsewhere. Not only this, but half of them are in favor of slavery and will not do anything to injure that institution. Until Congress passes an act to abolish slavery, we might as well stop where we are. Again comes the Division and Brigade Generals who receive large pay. It is not for their interest to push forward for by so doing, they will soon cease drawing their salaries. And next there is 600 Colonels who are getting $218 per month. It is not for their benefit to close this up and throw themselves out of a job. And then the thousands of other officers who are now getting $[ ] month who at home [ ] them would get but [ .] Again there are hundreds [ ] friends hanging around [ ] to get a few more favors [ .]

Many a man is making a great fortune by getting government contracts and again we never can prosper so long as there is so many secession spies in our midst. The Rebels have communication with us every day and know all of our movements just as well as we do. They are caught almost every day at it. Some of them get no punishment whatever. Others get shot up and few days and then by taking an oath are let loose to go at it again. Such is the management of affairs. And who can blame a soldier for having the horrors. The boys swear that if [rest of letter missing]


MARCH 1862

March 7, 1862—Missed roll call & got excused by Lieutenant.

March 10—Left Camp Brightwood at 7 o’clock. It commenced raining. Went over Chain Bridge. Encamped with division on Prospect Hill. Laid on the ground. It rained in evening. Cleared off cold. Suffered some.

March 11—7 o’clock, cool but pleasant.

March 12—Wrote to wife. Received letter from wife. One of the Rhode Island Regiment killed. Our provisions came.

March 13—Wrote to Tom. Commenced raining in p.m.

March 14—Left Prospect Hill in morn and marched to Chain Bridge. Encamped. It rained all night.

March 15—Rained all forenoon. Started back to camp 7 o’clock p.m. Went by way of Georgetown. Rained hard. Mud knee deep. Had an awful time. Got into camp about midnight & soaking wet.

March 16—All the boys lame. Went over to [see] Uncle Ned.

March 17—Pleasant in morning. Went over to [see] Uncle Ned.

March 23—Sick. Green took my place [on Provost duty]. Very sick all night.

March 24—Sick. Excused from duty.

March 25—Wrote to wife. Marched just below toll gate. Was ordered back to camp at night. I went and stayed with Uncle Ned. Was sick.

March 26—Marched in morning. Stopped in street near Navy Yard. Embarked on boat 7 at night. Stayed there all night.

March 27—Started & went to Alexandria. Lots of boats here. Started down river at 11 o’clock. Was some sick but staid up on deck.

March 28—We are in Chesapeake Bay, Hampton Roads. Very pleasant. Arrived at Fortress Monroe 1 o’clock p.m. Run boat up to Hampton. Remained until 4 o’clock. Marched four miles and encamped. It commenced raining at dark & rained all night. I slept down in a swamp. Got wet through—this the 29th.

March 30—Got up in morn, cold & stiff. Some of the boys came down and we built up a hut. I wrote to my wife yesterday.

March 31—Felt better this morn. Sent letter to Harvey.

March 31—Captain Fred [Barton] took command of company.

APRIL 1862

April 1 [1862]—Was sick. Got excused from all duty by the doctor. Weather warm and pleasant.

April 2—Weather cool and cloudy. Felt better but got excused from duty by the doctor. Received a letter from wife and one from [ ]ville. It rained hard in the night.

April 3—Sun shone bright in morn.

April 4—Marched in morning at 8 o’clock. went near Newport News. Marched up the river. Stopped to rest at 1 o’clock. Rebels have been here. I found a secesh letter. John Dunn killed a hog. Marched on near Warwick and encamped in pine woods. I was very tired and sick.

April 5—Weather pleasant. Marched out of woods at 6 o’clock. Commenced raining. We now had a forced march. Stopped at 1 o’clock to rest. Marched on one mile and drew up in line of battle. Deployed two companies as skirmishers. In p.m., marched on again near a battery. They are now shelling it 5 o’clock near by. At dark we were ordered to Warwick Court House. Encamped at 10 o’clock. Our regiment went down into the swamp on picket guard.

“Warwick Court House consists of a small brick school house building, for the Courts, a little jail of less size & one other building, perhaps for a bank. There was one old, dilapidated wooden dwelling house nearby. This is what occupies one clearing. The interval lands in that vicinity are beautiful. The apple trees & peaches are in blossom, and the trees are leaving. As soon as the rains are over the ground gets settled. I expect it will be pleasant here…” — Oliver Otis Howard, April 24, 1862.

April 6—Very pleasant in morn. Our regiment went out to build bridges. Came back to jail at 4 o’clock and encamped all night.

April 7—Weather cool. Wrote to wife. Commenced raining in p.m. Gen. McClellan here this p.m. Very cold & rained like hell all night.

April 8—Very cold. Rained all day. The roads are almost impassable. We have nothing to eat. I hear a great deal of swearing. Cold rain all night.

April 9—Weather cold & rainy. Nothing for us to eat.

April 10—Was out on guard yesterday & today. Sun came out.

April 11—Wrote to Daniel Woodworth.

April 12—Warm & pleasant.

April 13—Warm & pleasant. I went off to a house and got six ears of corn. Boiled it. We had no breakfast or dinner.

April 14—Very warm. I wrote to Harvey. I was sick all day. Did not go on dress parade. Received letter from H.

April 15—Weather hot. Went on inspection at 4 o’clock. No music is allowed in any of the camps.

April 16—arched towards the batteries at 9 o’clock. At noon we hear the cannon nearby. Do not feel very well but am bound to go with regiment. Our company went on picket & I came back to camp sick.

April 17—The regiment left camp at 3 o’clock this morn. I did not go. Felt very faint and weak. Got my knapsack carried & went on and joined the company. Got there just at dark. Received a letter from wife. Was up all night on guard.

April 18—Warm & pleasant. Felt much better.

April 19—Went down and saw batteries. Wrote to wife. Felt well. Commenced raining at 4 o’clock. Were called into line of battle at 8 o’clock & stood all night. It rained all night.

April 20—It rains. Am cold and wet in a.m.

April 21—wrote to wife.

April 22—Wrote to Tom Keith. Skirmished in forenoon. Came back to Warwick in our old camp.

April 23—Received a letter from Mrs. Hen[ry] French died. Provision scarce today.

April 24—Worked on corduroy road. Co. E went out on picket.

April 25—Remained in camp. Wrote to father. Our company came in from picket tonight. Commenced raining tonight.

April 26—Rained all day.

April 27—Cloudy all day. Wrote to Harvey. New recruits came.

April 28—Out all day [working] on corduroy [roads]. Pleasant today. Received a letter from wife. Was called out in night. Stack arms.

April 29—Weather very hot. Co. E building corduroy road.

April 30—Weather cloudy & wet. Was on guard. Rhode Island Regiment broke [illegible].

April 31—Rained all day. Mustered this morning. Came off guard this morn.

MAY 1862

May 1 [1862]—Went out on back road on picket with J[ohn] Squires & [Albert] Witherell. Reported flag-of-truce. No firing this afternoon. Post No. 2.

May 2—I came in from picket, Wrote to wife. Received a paper.

May 3—Went over to river with Scott & Cad. Saw lots of rebels. Heavy firing from 4 o’clock all night. Mortars, I guess.

May 4—Sunday. All quiet this morn. 12 o’clock orders to fall in. We are all packed up. Orders countermanded. Reported evacuation. God damn shuck works. I wish the rebels all in hell. Wrote to Jack Morgan. Marched from 4 o’clock until 9 o’clock the whole line rebel batteries. Encamped in a plowed field. The enemy fled just before us destroying ammunition &c. Commenced raining at midnight. Got pretty thoroughly wet.

May 5—Marched at 7 o’clock. Raining. Mud knee deep all the way. Came near a fort. Line of battle. Got down just after surrendered. Saw 150 prisoners. Lots of wounded. Rained all night. A tough time. Rebs held a fort just ahead of us.

May 6—Sun shone warm. Went skirmishing. Saw lots & lots of dead rebs. Went to a fort evacuated last night. They are burying dead and carrying off the wounded this morning. At noon marched down to Fort Magruder & encamped. Went out on the battlefield in afternoon. Horrid. Terrible. Brought in lots of prisoners.

May 7—Went up to Williamsburg to get some tobacco. Streets full. Saw lots of wounded rebels. Very warm and pleasant today. Went out and saw them bury the 8th New Jersey [soldiers]. More prisoners.

The 8th New Jersey entered the battle with 889 men, and approximately 200 were either killed or wounded during the engagement. In the larger context of the battle, Union casualties were estimated at 2,283 (with 456 killed) and Confederate casualties at 1,560, according to the American Battlefield Trust.

May 8—Warm & pleasant today. Wrote to wife and Harvey. Received letter from Tom. Went around and saw the wounded. Orders to march at 3 o’clock with four days rations, Countermanded.

May 9—Called out at 4 o’clock. Marched at 6.30. Very hot. Where the Devil we are tonight, I don’t know. Encamped in a rye field. The road strewed with wagons and horses. The hardest march I ever had. Sick during the night.

May 10—Warm and pleasant. Marched at 7 o’clock. Encamped at 3 o’clock. Very pretty farms all along. Wrote to wife. [ ] all day.

May 11—Out on patrol all day. Saw the lancers. [Probably the 6th Pennsylvania Cavalry or Rush’s Lancers] Warm and pleasant. Boys remained in camp to rest. A great deal of cheering at night.

May 12—Warm & pleasant. Was out on patrol. Went over to a plantation. Lots of niggers. Very tired at night.

May 13—Warm and pleasant. Marching orders. Marched from 7 o’clock until 12.30 at night. New Kent Court House. Got but one hours sleep.

May 14—Commenced raining 10 o’clock. Our regiment went on outpost picket. Rained all the afternoon. Called in 5.30 a.m.. Now waiting. Went back & stayed with reserve. Rained all night.

May 15—Went out on picket. Rained all day. Went up and saw the enemy pickets. Retreated back midnight. Rained all night.

May 16—Signs of clearing off. Raining on picket at reveille. Rebs evacuated their position. We came back 1.5 miles. The division passed us at 9 o’clock. Got rations & marched on to the brigade.

May 17—Warm and pleasant. Felt rather lame & stiff. Twenty miles now from Richmond/ Received a letter from wife. Marched 6.5 [ ]east of main road. Went out skirmishing forenoon. At noon we went on to right. Encamped on a beautiful place.

May 18—Beautiful morning (Sunday). Wrote to wife. Dress parade.

May 19—Warm & pleasant. Rained from 8 until 12. Came up to the railroad & camped. Now ahead of the division. There is a bridge burned just above here so we stop over night. Signal Corps is here.

May 20—Warm & pleasant. Went out to a house on the main road on picket. Started 7 o’clock at night. Rained while we were out. Got into a house for shelter.

May 21—Rainy in morning. Left knapsacks. Went down near river. Was there when the flag went across. Went over on picket. Keyes came. Gen. McClellan came over. Received a letter from Springfield. Was relieved from guard & came back to regiment at 9 p.m.

May 22—Very hot in forenoon. A very heavy shower & hail in p.m. Wrote to Springfield. Pontoon bridges went along.

May 23—Pleasant this morning. Marched with all the division 2 o’clock. Encamped over night.

May 24—Rained all day. Marched down to support artillery. Drove the rebs. Came back.

May 25—Warm & pleasant. Feel like an old man. Marched at 10 o’clock. Stopped to rest where the fight was yesterday. All divisions here in field, 1.30 o’clock moed off to left. Regiment encamped. I went on picket at 4 o’clock. At dark, went down in swamp. Slept cold. Unwell all night.

May 26—On picket in swamp. Received a letter and paper from wife. Rained all night. Very wet.

May 27—Wet and cold. Sick. Came into camp. Sun came out in afternoon. Heavy firing. Musketry at night. Butcher Smith from Palmer Cavalry [Anderson Troop or 15th Pa. Cavalry].

May 28—Warm and pleasant. Our regiment out scouting. Shelled. Rained in afternoon.

May 29—Warm and pleasant in morn. Marched two miles at 7 o’clock. Co. E on picket. I went out on picket in p.m. Wrote to wife.

May 30—Warm and pleasant in a.m. Rained in p.m. Rebs drove in Casey’s pickets 4 and then tried to flank left. A good deal of firing left of me.

May 31—Very wet all night. Fight commenced just after noon. We pickets retreated back before dark. I did hear rifle all night.

JUNE 1862

June 1 [1862]—Came off pleasant. Our regiment in rifle pits at 7 o’clock. Battle commenced just ahead of us. Pretty hot work up there. 9 o’clock fighting stopped afternoon. Gave [Frank] Cadwell $10 to send home. Laid in the fort at night. Got dreadful [ ] at nothing.

June 2—Heavy firing on the right.

June 3—Moved into new pits. Went upon old camp.

[missing pages]

June 18—Sick. Chills all forenoon. Very lame & stiff. A battle at the right in p.m.

June 19—Firing all night. File firing this morn just through the swamp. Felt old. Weather warm. Another company came and relieved us. We went into camp. My head commenced to ache.

June 20—Sick all day [with] headache. Weather very hot. Bill Butterworth came to see me.

June 21—Sworn into service one year. Very hot. Letter wife. Sick headache all day.

June 22—Picket firing at 4 o’clock. A heavy skirmish before dark. Picket firing all night long. I did not sleep any. Sick. Sent to doctor this morn. Inspection this afternoon.

June 23—Felt a little better today. Had a good wash all over.

June 24—Very heavy rain last night. Marching orders this morn. Our pickets advanced. We expected a fight. All quiet.

June 25—Rained hard last night. Our brigade marched up the road. Musketry for two hours. Afternoon heavy artillery. They are at it hot up in front. Our regiment has been into it.

June 26—Our regiment digging rifle pits all night. Firing all night long. Our regiment came in this morn. Received a letter from wife. Wrote to wife. Afternoon firing on the right.

June 27—Firing all day. Heavy. Our regiment to Savage Station. Ordered back and over the railroad. I followed the regiment down to the station & came back to our old camp & stayed over night. Received a letter Springfield & Cadwell.

June 28—Don’t feel any better. George Porter, Lewis & Harris are here. Stayed here until 5 o’clock, then went to Savage Station. Found some of the boys. At 8 o’clck we were ordered to our regiment. Marched to near where we encamped when we crossed the Chickahominy. Did not sleep one wink all night.

June 29—Before light, marched & found regiment. Cavalry had a skirmish just as we got up. Co. E in front of regiment. I joined the regiment towards night. Ordered to march. Marched all night. Never suffered so much in all my life. Awful horrible time. We camped after light.

June 30—Warm & pleasant. But three-fourths mile of James River. Laid out in an open field all day. It is scorching hot. Just before night, our regiment too off knapsacks & went off, I don’t know where. The Captain left me to guard the knapsacks. Am sick.

JULY 1862

July 1 [1862]—Regiment has not got back 6 o’clock. It did not come back today. I laid on the knapsacks sick. The regiment has been in a fight [at Malvern Hill]. [Sgt.] Charles McFarlane is killed. Everybody is on the move. At night, teams all going down river.

July 2—Feel much better. The regiment came to knapsacks at light. Went down river to [Harrison’s] Landing. It commenced raining 6 o’clock morn. The whole army retreated. Such marching, raining, mud. We are all on one field close to the river. It has rained all day long. Oh! such a looking set of men. Mud and sposh. Mud & sposh.

July 3—Very cloudy but no rain. I have just been to the river. Full of vessels and steamers. General movement in all directions. Saw the 32nd Massachusetts. 4 o’clock we were ordered to move. Marched through oh such mud. Went until 9 o’clock, stopped in an open field. Was routed before daylight by picket [firing].

July 4—Warm & pleasant today. Received a letter and paper from wife. A good deal of firing all around. In the afternoon all brigades moved. Our company [too]. I went forward picket. I got up from midnight until light. Chopping to the left of us all night. Did not sleep scarcely any all night.

July 5—Warm & pleasant. Went over to a house foraging. The owner—a Major with the Rebs. Got some meal [for] hoe cakes. A regiment chopping all day. Got relieved by Co. G at 4 o’clock. Our camp moved into woods. Had a small drink of whiskey.

July 6—Routed up at light. Warm & pleasant. Marched around all days and got about one mile. Encamped in a swamp—a very low, mean place. Chopping all day and night up in front of us.

July 7—Routed up at light. [James L.] Scott & [Edward] Potter on fatigue all night. Wrote to wife. Received and answered a letter from [Frank] Cadwell. Very hot today. Went and worked on fort all night. Had a hard night of it.

July 8—Did not get relieved until 7 o’clock. Very hot today. Moved our tents in different position. Very sleepy all day. Washed in brook. Went over to a spring for water.

July 9—Wrote to Springfield. Very hot. Mustered at 5 o’clock p.m.

July 10—Very hot. Had a good wash. Raised our bed off of the ground. Went in search of Bill Butterworth to Kearney’s Division. Did not find him. Commenced raining at five o’clock. Rained all night. Promotion to corporal.

July 11—Rainy all day. Inspection of arms at 4 o’clock.

July 12—Warm & pleasant. Had the shakes last night. Was very sick all night. Very weak today & headache.

July 13—Received a letter from wife. Hot. Feel better today. Did not sleep but little at night.

July 14—Very hot. Had a good wash. Saw a lot of cavalry go out on advance. Feel much better today.

July 15—The hottest day yet. A very heavy shower at dark. Sent a letter home by Wm. Lewis. Inspection at 10 o’clock by Gen. Keyes.

July 16—Dreadful hot. Out to work on a fort all day. Alvy [Alvah] Phillips went home. Fatigue party got whiskey twice. A very heavy thunder shower 5 o’clock.

July 17—Received a letter from Father. Found water in the well. A heavy shower all night. Had a general cleaning of streets.

July 18—Received a letter from Emma Jones. Rained all day.

July 19—Received a letter from [Frank] Cadwell. Cloudy today. General Inspection by [ ] officer.

July 20—Sunday. Warm & pleasant. Received a paper from Springfield.

July 21—I received two papers. Was out on fatigue all day digging sinks and burying hides, &c. Received a letter from Springfield. A box of hospital supplies came.

July 22—Cloudy all day. Did not feel very well.

July 23—Our company went out with F, G, & H on advance picket. Commenced raining at 5 o’clock. My beat was at midnight. Cleared off.

July 24—All routed up at 4 o’clock. Relieved and went to camp at 10 o’clock. Very hot all day. Saw Austin Sholes.

July 25—Hot. Went to the river & washed. Got some molasses. Had some cakes. Received two letters yesterday. One from [ ] and one from Springfield. Also two papers.

July 26—Rained at 5 o’clock. Did not feel very well today.

July 27—Hot today. Inspection at 7 o’clock in morn. Saw Bryson from 15th Regiment. Our regiment went on picket at 5 o’clock.

July 28—Came into camp this morn. Received a letter from wife. Went on cattle guard near river. Had considerable work to do. Very tired at night.

July 29—Went to Landing three times. Went up to camp and drew rations. Got an order yesterday of 1.00 from Lt. on Bryant.

July 30—Very hot.

July 31—Went down to the river three times. Went up to regiment. All under marching orders.

AUGUST 1862

August 1 [1862]—Rained all night. Artillery firing at midnight. Our gunboats quelled them. Wrote to wife.

August 2—Butchered this morn. Received a letter from [Frank] Cadwell & [Tom] Keith & two papers from wife. Got paid off this morn $26. Wrote to Tom Keith.

August 3—Went to General Hospital to carry letters to Charles Hall. Came up by the side of the river. Was on guard last night. Rained most all day.

August 4—Went after cattle. Saw George Burroughs. Got some potatoes & onions.

August 5—Wrote to [Frank] Cadwell. Cannonading up in front. Our brigade went up there.

August 6—Went up to camp. Was on guard at night.

August 7—Troops came back. Got my pants and short washed.

August 8—Wrote letter to Springfield. Received paper.

August 9—Went up to camp. Scott came to see me.

August 10—Marching orders.

August 11—Killed one beef. Teams carrying knapsacks with teams to Landing all day. Went bathing twice today. Expect to march any moment. Drew two days rations.

August 12—Very hot this morning. Went down to landing with teams after rations.

August 13—Drew 8 days rations. Went up to camp in morn. Went carried knapsacks to landing. Wrote to wife. Received paper. Sent $20 to wife by Express.

August 14—Reported back to my company.

August 15—Cloudy and wet this morn. Orders to march. Great fun putting up in ages. Remained in camp all night.

August 16—Marched at 4 o’clock. Very dusty but cool. Marched until 7 o’clock and encamped. Felt first rate at night.

August 17—Cool last night. Routed at 3 o’clock. Marched at 6. Our division scouted towards the Chickahominy. No teams. Many good looking houses. Crossed river on pontoons just before dark. Very dusty. Have marched 20 miles today. Encamped just across the river. All very tired and dirty.

August 18—Up at light. Halted two hours near where slept. Marched through woods. Very slow in the forenoon. All the afternoon most double quick. Very dusty all the way. Came by Grist Mill and Hill. Encamped at 8 o’clock at night. Passed Williamsburg at 5 o’clock.

August 19—Tuesday. Up at light. Marched three miles. Waiting orders. Remained here all day. Troops passing us all day. A court martial in 36th. Stragglers.

August 20—Up at 3 o’clock. Marched at 4. Marched through Yorktown at 8 o’clock. A small & old place. Well fortified. Halted just through the village. Saw the old Revolutionary earthworks. Went on two miles in peach orchard & encamped all day and night. York River nearby. Went bathing. General muster at 6 o’clock. The boys catch crabs, clams and oysters. A beautiful view here of the bay.

August 21—Fished crabs. The boys brought in lots of hens and geese.

August 22—Detailed by Provost. Rained all the morning. Received a letter from wife and Tom [Keith]. Went out on duty to a house three miles. Arrested two colonels 36th arrested [?]

August 23—Slept under a work bench last night & feel first rate this morn. Wrote to wife and Father. Received a letter from wife. Went into camp for rations.

August 24—Rained all night. Slept under the house. Peck’s Division passed this morn. Cold and wet all day. Went to Provost Marshall with teamsters.

August 25—Cold and cloudy. Provost Marshall here. Slept in the house.

August 26—Warm and pleasant. Wrote to Tom Keith. Went hunting this morn. Killed a turkey buzzard. Went into Provost Marshall with two cavalry.

August 28—Rained all night. Cool and cloudy this morn. Ordered to our companies. Left Nottingham afternoon.

August 29—Marched at 7 o’clock a.m. Provost Marshall got rations at Yorktown. Went bathing in river. Went aboard boat just as dark. Remained out in river all night.

August 30—Have not moved this morn. Waiting orders. I feel a little seasick. Started at just 12 o’clock. Got into the Bay at 5 o’clock.

August 31—Sunday. Sailed all night. Rained all day. Passed Aquia Creek at 1 o’clock. Passed Mount Vernon at 6 o’clock. Also Fort Washington, Arrived at Alexandria at dark. Went past and stopped over night. River is full of boats.

SEPTEMBER 1862

September 1 [1862]—Hauled up to wharf and unloaded in forenoon. Marched almost to Fairfax Court House. Rained very hard all the way. Marched until 11 o’clock at night.

September 2—Came back to near Alexandria in forenoon. Marched upon hill. Waiting orders. went back near Alexandria. Started for Chain Bridge 2 o’clock. I marched to Georgetown [and then] fell out. Stopped overnight near Arlington.

September 3—Went on to Chain Bridge. Found regiment in forenoon. Drew rations from Ft. Ethan Allen. Encamped here over night.

September 4—I received letter from wife. Went bathing in Potomac. Dress parade in evening. The rest of the brigade came here.

September 5—Marched in afternoon. Crossed Chain Bridge and through Tenleytown. Encamped at 9 o’clock. Co. E went on picket. Very tired.

September 6—Marched at light. All very tired and lame. Very hot. Marched 6 miles and encamped over night.

September 7—Inspection at 8 o’clock. Got well rested up.

September 8—Wrote to wife. Received a letter from wife.

September 9—Marched at 8 o’clock. A forced march to Seneca Falls [on Maryland side of Potomac]. Halted near Potomac at 1 o’clock. Remained here all night.

September 10—Marched at 8 o’clock. A forced march to Poolesville [Maryland]. Halted at 3 o’clock p.m. Very tired. Went into village. Bought box mustard. An old dilapidated town. Regiment moved nearer [Monocracy] river at dark. Our company went on picket.

September 11—Stole sole potatoes. Boys killed a hog. Rained in afternoon. Rained all night.

September 12—Orders to join the regiment. Started at 7 o’clock. Went through Barnsville. Caught up with regiment. Was sent down to Provost. Got supper and breakfast at house. Firing all day ahead of us [by Stonewall Jackson attacking Harpers Ferry].

September 13—Saturday, Joined regiment at 7 o’clock and marched. Crossed a river. Halted on a hill at 11 o’clock. The prettiest scenery that I ever saw. Firing of artillery [heard.] Received a letter from Tom [Keith]. Moved into woods and remained all night.

September 14—Sunday. Marched at 6 o’clock. Went through Edwardstown. B&O Railroad here. Pretty town & pretty girls. Halted at Jefferson and got rations after dark. Then marched until 10 o’clock. Heavy firing all day long [at Crampton’s Pass of South Mountain]. Caught six prisoners [in] haystack. Got up with teams and artillery and stopped over night. South Mountain just ahead.

September 15—Artillery firing early. Drew three days rations. Regiment marched at 6 o’clock. Our company on ammunition guard. Went through Burkittsville. Saw prisoners & wounded. Halted on side hill three hours. Here the battle of yesterday. Lots of dead and wounded rebs. Went on over the hill. Halted. The regiments gone on. We halted. Remained under hill all night.

September 16—Remained here all day. Artillery firing all day. Marching orders all night. Remained all night, I on guard.

September 17—Started at 5 o’clock through Brownsville towards Harpers Ferry. Teams all in a move. Halted at 10 o’clock. Five miles from Harpers Ferry. Heavy artillery firing this morning [from Sharpsburg]. Went on to within 1.5 miles of Harpers Ferry. Ordered back same way through Brownsville, Rohrersville. Halted three hours. Brigade went ahead. We went in at 8 o’clock. Very dark. One team ran off a bridge. Halted at midnight. A battle [was] raging all day [at Sharpsburg]. Tired almost to death tonight.

September 18—Ordered on at 7 o’clock. Went near battle ground. Saw great many wounded. Saw McClellan on the road. Halted at 10 o’clock. Couch’s Division gone ahead. Recruits came. Con[stantine] Hebert joined us. Stopped over night at Keedysville. I went through the village. Saw a great many wounded. Heavy shower at 4 o’clock.

Keedysville, Maryland (Civil War Trails)

September 19—Artillery firing this morn. Got to Sharpsburg at 3 o’clock. Went over the battlefield. Dead horses by the hundreds. Terrible sights all along road. Went into the houses at Sharpsburg. Every house struck by shells. Help carry two dead rebs out. Got a razor and other things. Rebs left here last night. Encamped here over night.

“The field was strewn with everything that they needed and all anyone had to do was to walk about and help himself. But what an introduction to the embryo soldier that terrible field of Antietam must have been! Had he cherished any delusive fancy as to the romance of war, the rapidly swelling bodies of lately active, thinking men must have reduced him to the hardpan of solid facts with sickening haste.” [Regimental History, page 137]

September 20—Our brigade off at 1 o’clock. We started at 8 o’clock. Went fast and over the battlefield through Bakersville. Teams went up near reb pickets. Loaded teams with hay. Came back and through Fairplay. Went to cross roads. Saw lots of Penn. State Militia. Citizens have been to battlefield. Wrote to wife this morn. We started for division 9 o’clock p.m. Gave them 20 rounds of ammunition. Did not start back until light. Did not sleep any all night. Got back to cross roads at 8 o’clock.

September 21—Sunday, Smith’s and Slocum gone up to reinforce Couch. Hundreds of Pennsylvania State Militia gone down to battlefield. Went up near division. In p.m., ordered back near cross roads. Encamped over night.

September 22—I went to Hagerstown. Did not get any corn. Came back to cross roads at night. Division teams got up here. Got some preserves from Orderly. A present of a towel. Potter came here. Encamped here overnight.

September 23—Received a letter from wife. Moved about two miles this p. m. We camped near our regiment overnight.

September 24—Raining this morning. Unloaded ammunition into new teams and sent the old ones back to Washington. The regiment moved into the woods. We remained here overnight.

September 25—We moved about quarter mile. Mustered [for pay] by Colonel of 36th.

“The 25th was a significant day since then we mustered for pay, and pay certainly was needed. The men were in a woeful plight in the line of clothing. Many were shoeless and shirtless and the officers not much better.”

September 26—Sent for some new clothing. Troops have gone to drilling. Wrote to wife.

September 27—Saturday. Went with Skid off in country. Went up cutting corn in p.m. Some of the boys got pretty drunk. Received a letter from wife.

September 28—Wrote to Lo. Clark.

September 29—Teams were brigaded off. Boys stole lots of apples tonight.

September 30—On ground this morn. Went over to headquarters guard.

OCTOBER 1862

October 1 [1862]—Nothing of any importance.

October 2—Company returned back to regiment. Burial of one of the Artillery.

October 3—Inspection by President Lincoln. Saw him and Gen. McClellan. Strict orders read to us.

October 4—On division guard. Got 1.00 order on Bryan.

October 5—Came in from guard. 37th Massachusetts [Infantry] joined our Brigade.

October 6—Wrote to wife. Received a letter from her & [erased]

October 7—Wrote to [erased]

October 8—Regimental drill in afternoon.

October 9—Nothing of importance.

October 10—Went on guard. Received letter and paper from wife. Rained all night tonight. I was excused from guard.

October 11—Saturday. Came off guard this morn.

October 12—Sunday. Attended religious services. Saw Dwight Parsons in 37th Mass. Rained all night tonight. Weather very cool.

October 13—Cold and rainy. Gave Bidwell Palmer journal. Scott & Skid on guard todsay. Express boxes came tonight. Niggers had a little fight.

October 14—More Express [boxes] this morn.

October 15—Went on guard.

October 16—Came off guard. Got two dollars of tickets. Had a good time all afternoon. Boys had good time generally. Horrid cold night.

October 17—Felt rather blue all day.

October 18—Warm & pleasant. Marching orders 3 days ration. Marched at 6 o’clock p.m. until 2 o’clock [a.m.]. Encamped near Elias Spring. Went through Williamsport.

This image from Harper’s Weekly, November 8, 1862, shows troops passing under the Canal at Hancock. (Hancock Museum)

October 19—Sunday. Pleasant this morning. Marched at 7 o’clock up the Potomac. Halted at 5 o’clock near Hancock. Beautiful scenery along the river.

October 20—Very cold last night. Like to froze to death. Could not sleep. 36th [New York] boys on a drunk [all] afternoon. Went to the lock. Heavy stonework. Many of the boys went into town. Went on guard to Colonel’s headquarters. Marching orders at midnight.

October 21—Marched 1 o’clock this morn. Team overturned. A man killed. I marched until almost light. Lay down under a haystack. Scott [too]. Slept two hours and went on. Soon caught up with regiment. Halted near Fair View Inn. Those left in the old camp joined us. I feel mighty blue this morn. Rested until noon and moved. Went down the river. Baggage and rations came. Received a letter from wife & Clark. Received two papers from Springfield. Very cold & rained tonight.

October 22—Very cold & windy. Scott & Skid over the river on picket. Cavalry captured Reb picket. Fixed up bunk in good shape.

October 23—Marching orders at midnight. Left camp at light this morn. Went up on turnpike & halted. Headed toward Clear Spring. Went back into camp we left. Gave out four days rations. Expected to march in morn. On guard tonight.

October 24—Came off guard this morn. Wrote a letter to wife. Went over to 37th [Mass.] at night with Scott.

October 25—Done some washing today. Went over canal to the river.

October 26—Sunday. Very lonesome today. Received a letter from wife & [erased]. Rained all day. Very cold & disagreeable.

October 27—Marching orders. Left camp at 7 o’clock morn. Went up on [turn]pike, stacked arms. Marched to Indian Spring. Also to Clear Spring. Beautiful scenery at Fair View inn. Got to Williamsport at 4 o’clock p.m. Saw reb pickets just over river. Went just through town & encamped. Very cold. Came near freezing night.

October 28—Inspection and review. Went on guard at Gen. Deven’s Headquarters. Was sick all night.

October 29—Very pleasant today. Marching orders at noon. I went with brigade wagons. Encamped on old ground Downsville. Put up general’s tents. Got some whiskey.

“Some would have liked to know what the ten days’ trip had amounted to, above an object lesson of Washington county geography, with actual observation of the river fords at Williamsport, Cherry Run and Hancock and the excellent breaking in that the new 37th Massachusetts had. .The boys of the latter organization thought we were pacing them as a trial of their speed, but they found out that it was the regular step of the brigade and that they were coming on finely. Nothing could be more cordial than the relations between the two regiments, and well they might be, since we were from the same section of the state and did not Colonel Edwards get his first lessons among the men of the Tenth?” [Regimental history, page 145]

October 30—Got relieved from guard. Received letter from Tom [Keith]. Wrote to him. Marching orders. Give out rations. Was up almost all night.

October 31—Routed up at 3 o’clock. Marched at light down the river. Went through Bakersville. Also Keedysville & Rohrersville. Encamped just outside town.

NOVEMBER 1862

November 1 [1862]—Marched at light. Came over battlefield at South Mountain. Went through Burkittsville. Arrived at Berlin [6 miles below Harpers Ferry] in afternoon. A pontoon [bridge over the Potomac river] here. Also railroad and canal. Can hear artillery firing. [Probably the Battle of Unison in Louden county, Va.] Halted just below town by side of the river. Our company mustered to night. Received a letter from wife. Encamped on side hill.

November 2—Remained here on hill. Artillery firing most all day.

November 3—Marching orders. Marched at noon. One day’s rations. Went through Berlin. Crossed Potomac on pontoon [bridge]. Went through Lovettsville and several small towns. Halted over night 10 miles from Berlin.

November 4—Up before light. Marching orders. Marched at 8 o’clock, Went 15 miles. Artillery firing all day. A beautiful country all the way. Halted over night near Union. Shenandoah Valley just over mountain.

November 5—A pleasant morning. Marched 6 or 8 miles in round about course. Encamped near brook over night. Wet and rainy all night. Our regiment ordered on picket. Went out a ways and was ordered back.

“Well, we got rid of going on picket and it happened this way. There was a long fence near where we stopped for the night and soldiers always like to find a good dry fence, the rails’make such a beautiful fire to cook coffee by. Well, the Second Rhode Island and the 37th Massachusetts got into trouble over the fence and from words they came to blows and had quite a little time for a while. Our Regiment had just got started for picket when the General sent for us to come back and sent the Second Rhode Island instead to pay for fighting.” [Regimental History, page 147]

November 6—Marched at 7 o’clock. Boys rallied on secesh house and gots lots of hens, turkeys, &c. Encamped at night White Plains Station near the Manassas Gap Railroad. Boys rallied in sheep big time. Cars run for the first time.

Camp was pitched at about 3.00 p. m. and just before dark, in searching for water, these inquisitive Yankees found a large flock of sheep in a cleared field, evidently placed there with the hope that they might escape the eyes of marauding soldiers. It was not to be, for the slaughter began at once. The smell of of blood soon brought other men to the scene and in a very brief time there was nothing of that flock left except their pelts. Though some of the men found a whiskey distillery near and others found certain hogs which were exceedingly tasty, and though the camp may have had some other designation, the prevalence of sheep while here forever fixed it in the memories of the boys themselves as “Camp Mutton.” Perhaps no such general carnival ever was participated in by officers as well as men. Though the irate owners hastened to headquarters to complain and though orders emanated thence to cease the slaughter, it was too late, for the work had been done. It is said that some companies of the Tenth had as many as ten sheep on the coals at one time; the odor thereof filled the air and a man coming over from the camp of the 37th, eating from a full leg of lamb, said that Colonel Edwards had ordered all of his men to grease their guns with mutton tallow. For the first time in three months a train of cars was run up from Alexandria.[Regimental History, page 148]

November 7—Weather very cold. Commenced snowing. Boys got hold of sheep, hogs, &c. Rations mighty short. Wrote to wife. Snowed all day.

November 8—Weather pleasant. Snow melted today. Mighty hard up for rations. Wrote letter to [erased].

November 9—Marched with teams at 7 o’clock. Went to New Baltimore 6 miles. Encamped on Bull Run Mountains. Can see all God’s creation. A beautiful scenery of country.

November 10—Artillery firing below us. McClellan, Burnside and other generals and staff visited all the regiments.

November 11—The boys are very dissatisfied with the removal of Gen. McClellan.

November 12—Went over to [ ] Regt. Missed roll call at noon. Received two papers from wife.

November 13—Appointed as corporal.

November 14—Very pleasant today. Received a letter from Springfield.

November 15—Saturday. Went to Warrenton. Had a pass. Tried to find 34th. Got back at dress parade.

November 16—Sunday. Marched this morn at 9 o’clock. Encamped at Catlett’s Station in the Orange & Alexandria Railroad.

November 17—Marched at 7 o’clock morn. Came cross lots most of way. Marched about 15 miles. Encamped at 5 o’clock.

November 18—Marched before light. Came cross lots all the way. Marched about 12 miles. Encamped two miles from Stafford Court House. Now about 8 or 9 miles from Aquia Creek.

November 19—Rained all day. Went on as Corporal [of the guard] for the first time. Co. E got court martialed.

November 20—Came of guard in morn. Wrote to Tom Keith. Rained all day. Moved camp up on hill.

November 21—Received paper from wife. Drew rations. Half starved.

November 22—Cleared off this morn. All the regiment went on picket. Moved our position near night.

November 23—Wrote to wife. Weather came off pleasant. Relieved from picket at noon.

November 24—Very cold last night. Went on guard this noon on ammunition train.

November 25—Came off guard this noon. Battalion line at 3 o’clock. The Major [Parker] drilled the regiment. He got balked and dismissed the regiment. Called them out the 2nd line. Gave many wrong orders. Sent home some things by Palmer.

For the 25th, there is a record of a battalion drill under Major Parker in the afternoon. For some reason matters became so involved that he was obliged to dismiss the exercise with the command, to the several company officers, to take charge of their respective bodies of men. All this, in sight of visitors from all over the brigade, was quite disheartening to many, but the men went off the field in so hilarious a mood that Colonel Eustis was attracted by the sound and, ascertaining the cause, ordered the companies out again and proceeded to put them through a course of drill in which there were no errors whatever. To the list of officers under arrest was added Lieut. Wallace A. Putnam of Company E, whose offense was in having refused to obey the order of the Colonel in regard to certain barefooted men. It appears that Lieutenant Putnam, then in command of the Company, on account of the lack of shoes had excused some of his men from drill; this coming to the ears of the Colonel, he ordered the Lieutenant to take the men and with them bring wood from a pile left by the Rebels, until he directed him to cease. Considering the command as an unreasonable one, under the circumstances, the officer flatly refused to obey and was at once placed under arrest.” [Regimental History, page 152]

November 26—Received a letter from wife. 1st Mass. Cavalry passed here. [William] Birnie from Springfield came [“with boxes of underclothing, etc. from the friends at home”]. Lt. [Wallace A.] Putnam put under arrest. Clough ordered to be broke by Colonel.

November 27—Thanksgiving. Weather pleasant. Received letter [erased]. Formed square & prayers today.

November 28—Birnie went home this morn.

November 29—[erased]

November 30—Sunday. Paid off $46.

DECEMBER 1862

December 1 [1862]—Started for the 36th <ass. at retreat. Laid in pine woods.

December 2—Saw 16th & 11th Connecticut, 36th & 21st Mass. Saw lots of old acquaintances. Got back to camp at 8 o’clock p.m.

December 3—Wrote to wife. Sent $10.

December 4—Marched at 8 o’clock. Came by Stafford Court House and across railroad. Encamped near Potomac Creek. Marched about 10 or 12 miles today.

December 5—Marched at light. Halted at noon in woods. Commenced raining. Ordered to move to a new camp. Went one mile. Commenced snowing. Snowed all night. Horrible cold.

December 6—Slept very cold last night. Moved my tent in better position. Snow did not go off today. Cold.

December 7—Sunday. Built fence around tents. Received letter and paper from wife.

December 8—Very cold.

December 9—Wrote a letter to wife. Buried one of Co. K.

December 10—Had a lot of rations given out. Orders to be in readiness to march.

December 11—Marched at 5 o’clock a.m. Arrived near Fredericksburg at 9 o’clock. Heard artillery all the way. Halted in bank of [Rappahannock] River below Fredericksburg. [2nd] Rhode Island charged across the [lower pontoon] bridge at 5 [p.m. as the sun was setting]. We followed close behind them. Went out a few rods & [formed] line of battle. 2nd Rhode Island [skirmish] picket, we behind them. I was on guard over houses. Got a belly full of delicacies.

December 12—Wednesday. Lots of other troops came over this morn. Picket firing early. Heavy artillery on right in morn. Rebs shelled us hard in afternoon. We moved up our batteries and silenced them and took position of the heights at dark.

December 13—Thursday. Cool and cloudy this morn. Hot artillery and rifle firing [on the] left. 10 o’clock, still hotter on the right. Lots of reinforcements came to us, Got shelled hard. Killed one [of the] 37th. Toward night went out to the left. Got the [damnation?] of all shelling. One of our boys got hurt. Also 7th. After dark came back to hospital. Very hard fighting both right and left almost all day.

This has been a terrible day to the Army of the Potomac. We (i. e., the army as a whole) have been fighting all day and have accomplished nothing, except to lose thousands of men killed, wounded and prisoners. General Sumner commanded on the right. His troops charged the works on Marye’s Heights four times, only to be driven back each time with fearful slaughter. General Franklin commanded on the left and part of his troops and General Meade’s Division from the center (commanded by Hooker) were fighting on the left. * * * About three o’clock in the afternoon, our brigade was sent down to the left to support some batteries there. The Rebels had a beautiful range on our batteries, both in front and left flank. Their shells burst over us, in front and all around us, and struck in the ground around without bursting. * * * About nine o’clock the firing ceased and our brigade fell back and got a good night’s rest. [Regimental History, page 158]

December 14—Got up at light. Moved down to [pontoon] bridges. Received a letter from Tom [Keith]. Laid here all day. Went to bed.

December 15—Routed up at 2 o’clock a.m. Marched up to front at 4. Took position in the road. All quiet until 3.30 p.m. Our battalion shelled. Small pines. The retreat back across commanded at dark. We marched towards the [pontoon] bridge at 10 o’clock. Went down to river and halted. A cavalry fired into our own regiment. Our regiment was the last across. Felt much better after we got over. Went down river 1 mile and laid down. The rain began to pour in torrents. Remained here half hour & up again, Marched up the hill through mud. Encamped in woods at light. Wet through and most tired to death. Laid down in mud to sleep.

December 16—Got up at noon, wet and cold. Received paper from wife. Felt mighty hard this p.m. Put up a tent. Went to bed early.

December 17—Feel rather blue this morn. Write to wife. Sent $5. Weather cold & snowed some.

December 18—Routed up before light. Charles Roberts here to see me. Packed up at 8 o’clock morn. Laid here until 4 o’clock afternoon. Marched two miles. Went on picket. Laid in pine woods over night.

December 19—Got up early. Weather pleasant. Got relieved at dark. Went out in open field. Halted. Got into camp about 9 o’clock.

December 20—Sunday. Taken sick with piles. Lt. Col. Parsons came back, Inspection and Dress Parade today.

December 22—Sick all day & night. Took a walk out to an old lady’s. Hired Hazelton to do washing.

December 23—Sick last night & all day.

December 24—Sick but felt better p.m. William Nelson here today.

December 25—Christmas. Went on guard. Albert Wheeler & Moore here.

December 26—Received letter from wife containing the news of the death of my much loved and respected friend, Tom Keith.

December 27—Nothing.

December 28—Sunday. Jack to see me.

December 29—On guard. Fatigue.

December 30—Jo Clark here. Sent some things to wife.

December 31—Played all day and half the night. This is the close of the old year. Goodbye. Farewell.

The 1863 Pocket Diary of George Ellis, Co. E. 10th Massachusetts

[In camp near White Oak Church]

January 1, 1863—Feel first rate this morn. Received box from this morn. No drill today. Wrote to wife. Received letter from Springfield. Ed Knight took command of company.

Friday 2—Played all day & half the night. Received paper from wife.

Saturday 3—No drill today,

Sunday, January 4, 1863—On guard but worked hard. Built our bunk over anew. Shub[ael] Winslow in with us. Very pleasant all night.

Monday 5—Came off guard at 10 a.m. Bought picture of Wheeler.

Tuesday 6—Went to the 36th Massachusetts & 11th and 16th Connecticut. Saw lots of old acquaintances. Went on river bank to City. [Corp.] Jesse Pricket went with me. Rained in afternoon.

Wednesday, January 7, 1863—Played with Monk [?]

Thursday 8—Very cold this morn.

Friday 9—Went on guard. The regiment out on picket.

Saturday, January 10, 1863. Came off guard this morn. received letter from wife. Wrote to her. Rained afternoon and night.

Sunday 11—On guard today. Sent paper to father.

Monday 12—Came off guard this morn. Regiment came off picket.

Tuesday, January 13, 1863—Nothing of importance.

Wednesday 14—Sent to New York for Harpers weekly.

Thursday 15—Sent diary home to wife.

Friday, January 16, 1863—Marching orders. Very cold tonight. Expect now to go on Monday.

Saturday 17—No drill today. Wrote to Springfield [erased]. Received letter and paper from wife.

Sunday 18—Jack here to see me. Two Northampton gents here. Very cold tonight.

Monday, January 19, 1863—[no entry]

Tuesday 20—Marched at noon. Crossed railroad above Falmouth. Encamped near dark in piece of woods. Rained all night. Almighty tired.

Wednesday 21—Rained all night. Marched before light. Awful going. Mud and rain. Halted near river 10 o’clock a.m. Moved p.m. new camp.

Thursday, January 22, 1863—Rained all night. Encamped on top hill. Packed up at 9 o’clock. Continued. Went over the river. Saw Rebs. Rain. Mud. Mud. Rained all night.

Friday 23—Routed up at 3 o’clock. Marched into open lot. Halted. Each company on piece of a battery. Started back for camp at 10 o’clock. I went to 36th [Mass] & 11th Conn. Got back 5 o’clock. Almost tired to death.

Saturday 24—Fixed up our bunk today. Feel pretty old and stiff.

Sunday, January 25, 1863—Received letter from wife. Wrote to her. Company inspection in morning.

Monday 26—General inspection of Brigade.

Tuesday 27—Stormed all day.

Wednesday, January 28, 1863—Rained all night. Snowed hard all day. Feel discouraged and homesick.

Thursday 29—Nothing of importance.

Friday 30—Snow went off some. Dreadful muddy.

Saturday, January 31, 1863—Got an axe.

FEBRUARY 1863

Sunday, February 1—Scott’s Father came here. Liked him very much.

Monday 2—[no entry]

Tuesday, February 3, 1863—Near froze. Stormy. Went up to citizen’s house eve. Chimney burnt out this eve.

Wednesday 4—Mr. Scott went home. Coldest night this year. Came near freezing.

Thursday 5—Cold. Snowed all day.

Friday, February 6, 1863—Rained all day.

Saturday 7—Built a new bunk. Worked hard all day.

Sunday 8—Went out on picket 9 o’clock. Left Wing as reserve. Very pleasant today.

Monday, February 9, 1863—Very pleasant. Went down on bank [Rappahannock] river. Rebs would not talk with us. Received paper from wife.

Tuesday 10—Went on the road as guard. Very warm and pleasant. Boys got tobacco & letter from Rebs.

Wednesday 11—Commenced snowing this morn. Came in to camp from picket. Rained all afternoon. Received letter from wife. Also one from Springfield.

Thursday, February 12, 1863—Washed clothes this morn. Wrote towife.

Friday 13—Wrote to Springfield.

Saturday 14—[no entry]

Sunday, February 15, 1863—Co. E on camp guard. Rained all day. Received letter from Cadwell.

Monday 16—Wrote to Mumford.

Tuesday 17—Snowed all day and night. Furloughed men got back.

Wednesday, February 18, 1863—Rained all day.

Thursday 19—Never so homesick as today. Have had the horrors. Stormed all day.

Friday 20—Feel pretty blue.

Saturday, February 21, 1863—Snowed all night.

Sunday 22—Washington’s Birthday. Artillery fired a salute. Snowed hard all day.

Monday 23—Snow 12 inches deep. Weather cold. Feel mighty homesick.

Tuesday, February 24, 1863—Received letter from wife. On detail for Dr. & Lt. Colonel.

Wednesday 25—Co. E on home guard. Received Palmer paper from home. Weather very pleasant. Wrote to wife. Rained some in night.

Thursday 26—Came off guard. Rained hard.

Friday, February 27, 1863—Went to Hooker’s Headquarters. Weather cloudy. Mud three feet deep. The [Observation] Balloon came here and came down near our camp.

Saturday 28—Mustered this morning.

MARCH 1863

Sunday, March 1 [1863]—Rained. Received letter from wife and Mumford.

Monday, March 2, 1863—Very warm and pleasant. Rained some tonight.

Tuesday 3—Showers today. General inspection 3 o’clock p.m.

Wednesday 4–[no entry]

Thursday, March 5, 1863—Received letter from Springfield.

Friday 6—Sent for my watch by Sgt. Kingsley.

Saturday 7—Boys went home on furloughs. Went out on picket. 9 o’clock. Rained most all day. Went on bank of river at dark. Stayed in a barn over night.

Sunday, March 8, 1863—Rained this morn. Talking all morn with rebs. Got relieved at 12 o’clock. went back. Received paper from wife. Stayed in woods over night. Rained hard in night.

Monday 9—Moved down near river 4 p.m. Very pleasant all day. Moved down to barn at dark.

Tuesday 10—Went back to brook before light. Snowed all forenoon. Got relieved at 10 o’clock a.m. Mighty tired.

Wednesday, March 11, 1863—Stragglers went on guard. Received letter from wife.

Thursday 12—Company E on guard.

Friday 13—Brigade drill afternoon. Cold & windy.

Saturday, March 14, 1863—General inspection afternoon. Received paper from wife.

Sunday 15—Inspection at 10 o’clock. Stormed all night.

Monday 16—Cold and snowy this morn. Visited Potter in the eve. Heard the long roll at 12.

Tuesday, March 17, 1863—Received letter from wife. Artillery firing in afternoon.

Wednesday 18—Wrote to wife. Battalion drill in afternoon. Furloughed men got back.

Thursday 19—Battalion drill afternoon. Received two papers. Visited Potter in eve.

Friday, March 20, 1863—Snow storm.

Saturday 21—Wrote to Sergt. Kingsley.

Sunday 22—Stormy. Co. E on guard.

Monday, March 23, 1863—Came off guard this morn.

Tuesday 24—[No entry]

The 7th Louisiana Infantry, part of Hay’s’ Louisiana Brigade, wore this distinctive uniform and were often called the “Louisiana Tigers.”

Wednesday 26—Half of regiment went on picket. I was on the river bank. 7th Louisiana [of Hays’ Brigade] on the other shore. Rained some in night.

Thursday, March 26, 1863—Got relieved at 10 o’clock by Co. F. Went back in hollow as reserve. Very cold. Snowed some.

Friday 27—Cool but pleasant.

Saturday 28—Rained very hard. Got relieved at 10 o’clock a.m. Received letter from Springfield.

Sunday, March 29, 1863—Very cold and windy.

Monday 30—Received letter from wife.

Tuesday 31—Snowed all night. Rained all day. Wrote to wife.

APRIL 1863

Wednesday, April 1, 1863—[no entry]

Thursday 2—Fast day. Inspected by [Major] Gen. [John] Newton.

Friday 3—Inspection by Jo. Hooker. Warm & pleasant.

Saturday, April 4, 1863—Cold & windy. Dress parade.

Sunday 5—Snowed & blew hard all night. Co. E on guard. Stormed.

Monday 6—Came off guard. Played ball afternoon. One of the 2nd Rhode Island buried. Received paper from wife. Received my watch.

Tuesday, April 7, 1863—Battalion drill morn. Ordered review by President countermanded.

Wednesday 8—Review by the President. Received a letter from wife.

Waud’s sketch of President Lincoln and Gen. Joe Hooker reviewing the ARmy of the Potomac at Falmouth on 8 April 1863.

Thursday 9—Inspection by Gen. [John] Newton. A lady visited with the general.

Friday, April 10, 1863—Wrote to wife & Mumford. On fatigue today. General muster by Col. [William H.] Browne.

Saturday 11—Visited Bent Barrett in morn. Scott & Foster on a pass. Received paper from wife. Division review by a Major General.

Sunday 12—Regiment out on picket. Stationed at the old mill. Rained all night.

Monday, April 13, 1863—Pleasant but cold. Pitched quoits all day. On guard tonight.

Tuesday 14—Warmest day this spring. Marching orders in camp. Received letter from wife. My post in cornfield. Night commenced raining 12 o’clock. Marching orders countermanded.

“The Tenth received orders on the 14th to be ready to advance on the following day with eight days’ rations in knapsack and haversack and with twenty extra rounds of cartridges. Up to this time the weather had been fine, the roads seemed settled and the men were pronounced in their admiration for the new Commander. But on the 15th the windows of heaven were opened and the floods descended. Our Regiment was just coming off picket and the men received a wetting, second to none in their lives. From one o’clock in the morning until late at night, the rain continued to fall and the ensuing mud warned Hooker to suspend his movement till dryer times. The late tour of duty on picket was near or on the old Washington farm, then held by the Fitz Hughs, all of whom except the wife, two daughters, and an eighteenyear old son were in the South, two sons in the army. They claimed to have inherited the plantation from General Washington. Our Massachusetts men were interested in learning that the apple orchard on the place was from a Boston nursery and a northern piano was a source of music in the parlor.” [Regimental History, page 176.]

Wednesday 15—Relieved by 1st. L. I. at 10 o’clock. Rained hard all day and night. Slept all afternoon. Got $2 order of sutler.

Thursday, April 16, 1863—Cloudy. Joe Hooker passed here. Col. [Henry L.] Eustis got back.

Friday 17—Visited Frank Winter in a.m.

Saturday 18—Very warm and pleasant. Match game of ball. Co. E beat Co. K & Co. F.

Sunday, April 19, 1863—Company E on guard. Warm & pleasant.

Monday 20—Great game ball. 36th [New York] and 10th [Massachusetts]. Draw game—20 apiece. Rained most all day.

“In the midst of so much warlike preparation it was a relief to find the boys of the Tenth and those of the 36th New York playing a game of baseball and all must have quit good natured, since the game itself was a draw.” [Regimental History, page 177]

Tuesday 21—Address by Gen. [Charles] Devens. Devens took leave of this Brigade. Weather cold and stormy. Received a letter from wife.

Wednesday, April 22, 1863—Wrote to wife. Expect certainly to march at daylight tomorrow morning. Inspection by brigade inspector.

Thursday 23—Rained all last night. Rained all day. Slept most of the day.

Friday 24—Rained all day. Received paper from wife.

Saturday, April 25, 1863—Pleasant. Signed pay rolls. Match game between 7th and 2nd.

Sunday 26—Brigade dress parade.

Monday 27—Got paid this morn $48.

Tuesday, April 28, 1863—Sent $40 to wife by Express. Broke camp and marched at 3 o’clock. Stayed over night near the [Rappahannock] River [“in a sheltered ravine”]. Rained and very foggy day and night.

Wednesday 29—Picket firing 4.30 [a.m.] We were routed up. Moved down in the road 7 o’clock. Stayed here all day. Saw troops [Brooks’s Division of the 6th Corps] cross [the river at Franklin’s Crossing]. Commenced raining at 4:30 p.m.

Thursday 30—Laid side road all day. Saw artillery duel just before dark. Bridges and troops shelled by rebs. A splendid sight from the hill.

MAY 1863

Friday, May 1, 1863—Laid still until 5 o’clock p.m. Formed line of battle on river. Moved to lower bridge after dark. Came back to old camp 9 o’clock p.m. Received letter from wife.

Saturday 2—Packed up at 7 o’clock morning. Commenced shelling on the left. Both sides kept it up for two hours. All [of the 1st Corps] returned back on left across the river. We moved to left early in morning. Crossed over pontoon [bridge] at 9 in the evening.

Sunday 3—In Fredericksburg at light. Moved a mile above. Got shelled. Heights taken before noon [principally by the 7th Massachusetts and the 36th New York]. The 10th [Massachusetts] engaged the enemy at 3 p.m. Relieved before dark by Col. Dare Devil [Henry L. Eustis]. We [were in the] 2nd line all night. All feel good.

Monday, May 4, 1863—Wrote to wife. Occasional artillery all day. Rebs got all of us surrounded and opened on us 2 hours before dark. We all got out at Banks Ford. Got safely over the river at 2 o’clock a.m.

“Casualties in Company E — Wounded, Corp. James Wm. Turner, ankle, slight; Charles M. Hall, breast and side, mortally; Edmond Dunphv, jaw, severe; Dwight E. Bassett, left arm, severe; James Walsh, leg, slight.” [page 188]

Tuesday 5—Routed up before light. Marched down river and rested. Hottest day this year. Drew rations. Heavy rain came on 5 p.m. Rained hard all night.

Wednesday 6—Rained all day and night.

Thursday, May 7, 1863—Rained all day and night.

Friday 8—Orders to pack up at 8 p’clock morn and marched all over God’s creation & encamped back of and half mile from old camp. Feel tired and blue. Bad news from all quarters.

Saturday 9—Received paper from wife. Wrote to wife.

Sunday, May 10, 1863—Inspection at 10 o’clock a.m. Dreadful hot today. Wrote to NY

Monday 11—Dreadful hot.

Tuesday 12—Dreadful hot.

Wednesday, May 13, 1863—Dreadful hot all day.

Thursday 14—Rained most all day. Received letter from wife. Furloughed men went home. Feel blue and homesick.

Friday 15—Inspection and dress parade. Went over to Corps Headquarters.

Saturday, May 16, 1863—Match game ball. 10th [Mass] & 62nd [NY]. Drew 7 days rations.

Sunday 17—Wrote to wife. Received a letter from wife. Very hot today. Inspection at 8 a.m.

Monday 18—[no entry]

Tuesday, May 19, 1863—Went out on picket. I was at Smoke Hill, our old camp. Went to my old bunk.

Wednesday 20—Very hot all day. Went out on post at 4 o’clock p.m.

Thursday 21—Dreadful hot all day. On post at midnight.

Friday, May 22, 1863—On post at 6 o’clock this morn. Came in from picket. Got into camp at noon. Dreadful not. Received letter from wife.

Saturday 23—Moved into a new camp. Hottest day this summer.

Sunday 24—Inspection this morn. Wrote to wife. Received two papers.

Monday, May 25, 1863—Put up a shade for bunks. Cool and cloudy. Worked hard all day.

Tuesday 26—[no entry]

Wednesday 27—Received letter from wife. Took a walk in evening.

Thursday, May 28, 1863—Went to Falmouth on a pass.

Friday 29—Wrote to Miles Miller.

Saturday 30—On guard today. Officers all on a bumb.

Sunday, May 31, 1863—Came off guard this morn. Regimental inspection. Wrote to wife.

JUNE 1863

Monday, June 1 [1863]—[no entry]

Tuesday 2—Brigade drill in afternoon.

Wednesday, June 3, 1863—Brigade drill in afternoon. Played ball in forenoon.

Thursday 4—Marching orders routed. Up at 3 o’clock. Packed up & stood in line 12 hours. Drill in afternoon. Saw the Governor of Indiana [Oliver P. Morton].

Friday 5—Our artillery [opened] on rebs at 4 p.m. Drove the rebs from rifle pits and 2nd Division crossed at 5 o’clock. Wrote to wife. All quiet all night. We kept packed up all night.

Saturday, June 6, 1863—Very hot. Left camp at 9 o’clock this morn & marched down to bank of [Rappahannock] River. But one division across all day & night. Siege guns threw a few shell across. Heavy shower at 5 o’clock in afternoon.

Sunday 7—Remained on flat all night. Cold and chilly all night. Went across the river after dark. Dug rifle pits until day light.

Monday 8—Came back across river at 4 o’clock. Laid on flat all day. Received letter from wife.

Tuesday, June 9, 1863—Wrote to wife. The rebs shelled us at 5 o’clock p.m. One of Co. G hit in breast. Laid quiet all night.

Wednesday 10—Very quiet all day. Went over the river at 5 o’clock p.m. Went to the front as skirmishers. One of Co. G shot through the leg. Rebs shot at us smartly.

Thursday 11—Got relieved from front at 7. Rebs shot while being relieved. Went down by rifle pit and rested. Received letter from wife. Laid on flat all night.

Friday, June 12, 1863—Moved down to the left in morn. Our position behind [a] stone house. Out in rifle pits all night.

Saturday 13—Got relieved at daylight. Went behind stone house. Wrote to Father. Crossed back over river at midnight. Rested up on the hill. Rained in torrents all the evening. 10th [Massachusetts] last regiment to cross. Not a shot fired.

Sunday 14—All troops got back safely. Marched up near old camp & from there to Stafford Court House. Marched again at 10 o’clock at night. Went all night long. Tired almost to death.

Monday, June 15, 1863—On the march at light this morn. Tremendous hot all day. arrived at Dumfries at noon. Encamped on a hill close to town.

“The day was terribly hot and the long stay in camp had unfitted the men for long and hurried marching, hence the amount of straggling was unusual and the footsore victims, when they did come up were pitiable objects. The hardships of that day are yet discussed by the survivors. Some have said that it was the most trying march of the Army of the Potomac. The ambulances were soon filled with men who were sunstruck or near it ; every available bit of shade was seized upon; nor wras the falling out confined to men from the ranks, since the fierce rays of the sun beat right through shoulder straps that, in some cases,, bore eagles upon them. The sight was appalling, but still the march was onward.” [Regimental history, page 201]

Tuesday 16—Routed up and marched at midnight. Halted at 7:30 in the morning. Halted at Wolf Run Ford [on the Occoquan] at 12 p.m. Arrived near Fairfax Station [18 miles from Alexandria at] 6 o’clock. Suffered much by heat & dust. Laid here all night.

Wednesday 17—Remained here all day. All the 36th New York arrested [claiming their 2-year enlistment period had expired]. Tremendous hot. I am sick.

Thursday, June 18, 1863—Up at 4 o’clock. Marched to Fairfax Court House. Arrived at Fairfax C. H. at 9 o’clock. Hottest day this year. Saw reb wounded & prisoners. Remained here all day and night. Rained most all night.

Friday 19—Received letter from wife.

Saturday 20—Laid quiet all day. Saw a lot of prisoners. Rained all day.

Sunday, June 21, 1863—Sworn into service two years [ago] today. Wrote to wife. Rained all day. Heavy artillery firing.


Letter 6

Fairfax Court House, Virginia
June 21st 1863

Dear Wife,

I should have written to you several days ago but we have been on the skedaddle all the time and I have been quite unwell. We left our position on the Rappahannock one week ago last night and all of [us] got across the river safe and sound but it was by the providence of God as he caused it to be very dark and the rain to pour in torrents at the time. I think had it not been so, our loss would have been heavy. I felt greatly relieved when we left that slaughter pen, I assure you, and I hope & pray that we may never see those heights again. Were I at home with a map, I would show to you our zigzag rout that brought us here but I cannot tell you by writing.

I thought that I had seen hard and dusty marching before but I can say with truth that the past week has been the most tedious of my life. But I feel better now and we are having a rain which is doing much good.

As regards the rebs, their movements or ours, you know just as much about it as I do. I wish all the rebs would go into Maryland and Pennsylvania, yes, and into New York and then it would wake the North up to their duty. We (the 6th Corps) are now on the ground where the First Bull Run battle commenced. Two years of hardships and hard fighting and here we are, driven back to the very spot where we commenced. Ann, we are all discouraged out. Who can blame us? No other army but this would ever [have] borne up under repeated failures as we have. Gen. Hooker’s Headquarters are close to our camp. No one cheers him or care to see him around. Everyone speaks very disrespectful of him. How can we fight with any spirit much more to ever gain any victory with an incompetent General at our head. Were it not for you and my children, so help me God, I would desert this service even at the risk of my life. But the thoughts of the little ones at home and their dependence on me is all that restrains me.

Two years ago today this regiment was sworn into service and just one year from today, we are free. But it is a long time ahead. Very many will never see it and those that do will in all probability undergo everything but death. It makes me so mad to see how all the old troops are banged and jammed around while most of the new ones are laying in forts or doing Provost Duty in cities. Lots of regiments are going home now everyday who got $200 for coming out here who have never seen a rebel.

We are now 20 miles from Washington. Why don’t they send out the 34th Massachusetts and all the rest of those $200 men (who never saw a reb) into the field and let some of the old troops rest up? I saw George Burroughs day before yesterday but he had a lady with him so I dar not speak to him. If he had been alone, I should. I have not heard from Miles yet. Your letter of the 14th I have received. I send you back Mrs. Keith’s letter. Glad you sent it me. I supposed she had paid you that money. Please send me in a few dollars as soon as you receive this. Those stamps which you sent I got wet and they are spoiled. I hear sharp cannonading today. There is a battle raging and I am flad I am not there. I expect we shall catch it in a few days. Tell Flora and Walter that I think of them most of the time. Write often, Yours ever, — George


Monday 22—Moved our camp 10 rods. Received a letter from wife.

Tuesday 23—100 of us went to Fairfax Station. Went as guard for railroad trains. Arrived at Gainesville at noon. Enjoyed the ride much. Got back to camp at 7 o’clock. Have rode and traveled 60 miles.

Wednesday, June 24, 1863—Marched at 2 o’clock in afternoon. Arrived at Centerville at 5 o’clock. Encamped very near the town. Pleasant and healthy place here.

Thursday 25—The troops [Hays’s brigade of the 22nd Corps] that have been here all winter are going off this morn. We took one of their old camps. Got fixed up in good shape. Heavy cannonading at dark. Went to bed early. Rained.

Friday 26—Routed up & packed at 3 o’clock. Marched at 7 o’clock in the morn. Crossed the railroad at Herndon’s Station [on the Alexandria & Leesburg railroad]. Arrived at Dranesville 7 o’clock. We have been 20 or 25 miles.

Saturday, June 27, 1863—Routed and marched before light. Crossed Broad Run at 10 o’clock. Crossed the Potomac [on pontoon bridges] at 3 o’clock p.m. at or near Edward’s Ferry. Halted two miles from Poolesville.

Sunday 28—Packed up and marched at 3 o’clock. Went on the old rout through Poolesville. Arrived at Barnestown at 9 o’clock. Halted close to Sugar Loaf Mountain. Passed through Hyattsville 4 o’clock. Halted two miles beyond all night.

Monday 29—Routed up at 3 o’clock. Marched at 10 o’clock as rear guard [for the 6th Corps]. Crossed the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad twice. New Market and half dozen towns. Left the regiment—fell out at midnight. Marched 24 miles.

Tuesday, June 30, 1863—The 36th New York left us at Westminster. Caught up with the regiment at 6 o’clock. Got rations and marched at 7 o’clock. arrived at Westminster 1 o’clock. Pretty towns and country and girls. Reb cavalry here last night. Camp two miles from Manchester and one and a half from Germantown.

JULY 1863

Wednesday, July 1 [1863]—Wrote to wife. Rained most all night. Camped in the woods. Marched at 8:30 evening on the Baltimore & Gettysburg road. Marched all night long.

Thursday 2—Fell out at 3 o’clock this morn. With Provost Marshall guard all day. Got away and found regiment at dark. Laid in line of battle all night. Hard fighting most all afternoon.

Friday, July 3, 1863—Routed up at light. Marched all around 500 times. Acted as a reserve. Terrible artillery & musketry. I saw 5 flags & hundreds of prisoners.

Saturday 4—Routed up before light. Went out on front line battle. Skirmishing but just in front. At night our regiment on skirmish line. Rained hard all night.

Sunday 5—Got relieved at 7:30 o’clock. Rained. Rebs have evacuated. We start on in pursuit at 8 or 9. Came across the battlefield. Horrible. Came past reb hospitals. 6,000. Caught up to rebs. Halted all night. Rained.

Monday, July 6, 1863—Routed up at 3.30 o’clock. Marched half mile. Rested all day. Marched at 6 o’clock through Fairfield. Rested. Marched at 8 o’clock. Passed Emmittsburg [Maryland] at midnight. Halted one and a half mile beyond. Rained all night.

Tuesday 7—Up at light. Drew rations. Passed Stockton Furnace & other towns & went up mountain. Terrible hard march. Rested all night. Top [ ]. Rained all night.

Wednesday 8—Up at light. Wrote to wife. Marched to Middletown. Halted at 1.30 o’clock for rations. Cannonading in mountains. Remained at Middletown all night. Near starved.

Thursday, July 9, 1863—Marched at 7 o’clock this morn. Arrived at Boonsboro 11.30. Halted on top of hill near town. Received letter from Father. Laid here on hill all night.

Friday 10—Up at light. Marched through Boonsboro & five miles on pike to Hagerstown. Halted near Funkstown. Cavalry skirmish all day. Remained in clover all night.

Saturday 11—Received letter & paper from wife. Remained here in lit all day. Packed up to go on picket 6 p.m. Did not go. Remained here all night.

Sunday, July 12, 1863—Marched early in morning. Went through Funkstown. Halted just across river. Hottest day this year. Went on two miles. Joined 5th Corps. Rained. Senator Wilson here. Very sharp skirmish.

Monday 13—37th dug rifle pits all last night. Rains all night & now. Received letter from wife. Wrote to wife. Rained all day. Went on picket at 4 p.m. 46th Mass. came near here.


Letter 7

[Near Williamsport, Maryland]
Monday morning, July 13th 1863

Dear wife,

Your letter of July 7th was received this morning. I was not surprised at all to hear of Augusta’s death for I have expected it for some time. I would like to write much concerning her death and give consolation to you and Father and Mother, but the firing of musketry is quite sharp—not more than a quarter of a mile in front of me ad I being in the 2nd line of battle, I know not how soon I shall be called upon. You know where she died and how she was buried, but thousands of soldiers have fallen that their parents know not of their last hours or their resting place. But I must write fast.

I was greatly surprised to hear from Lo[well] among the thousands of dead, wounded and prisoners of rebs I have expected to hear from or see Lowell. I know not why it was but I firmly believed that he was with them. You tell him for me now that he has got home if he don’t stay there, he is a damn fool. And if I ever see him or hear of him out of Massachusetts, I never will own him. Why has he never written home? Is he crazy? He is an odd chap to make the best of him.

But to my whereabouts and situation. I will send you a map I have marked with an “x” a few of the places that we have been at and near Williamsport “xxxxx” are where our corps now are. There are corps to the right and left of us and I have all reason to believe that all the rebs this side of the [Potomac] river are completely surrounded and a more demoralized set of beings never lived that the rebs are—hid in the woods, barns, and every place they could. And we have picked up hundreds and I think thousands. And when we catch up with them, they throw down their guns and run to us by the dozens.

The map that George enclosed with an “x” marking key points along the regiment’s route into Maryland and Pennsylvania to Gettysburg and then back to the Potomac River near Williamsport marked with “xxxxx” (their present location, under the orange diamond).

Yesterday I was on the advance. We drove them out of Funkstown and took our position where we now are. At noon yesterday a part of our troop left us at Funkstown and went up towards Hagerstown. I heard smart fighting but I guess with nothing but reb cavalry. After we got here yesterday afternoon, a part of my brigade went out on picket. They were going through a wheat field when up jumped a lot of rebs and gave them a volley, wounding nine. Our boys charged on them and 42 rebs and two or three officers threw down their guns and gave themselves up. This is about the way they have done all along their retreat. You have no idea of the prisoners and wagons we have taken. All of them this side of the river are in close quarters and I believe would gladly give themselves up if they dared. But a soldier cannot do as he pleases. It is just as their officers say and they may give us a desperate fight yet. If they do, we will give them Gettysburg No. 2 and cause them to cry as they there, “The old Army of the Potomac is after us, run boys run!”

We are all tired out and poor as sharks but we have good news to cheer us up. We have whipped them once and if it is a possible thing, we will annihilate Lee’s army before we get through with them. Vicksburg has fallen and if we are successful here, this rebellion is closed. We have suffered everything mortal man could for a month past but Old Lee must surrender or we will follow him and fight him so long as there is a dozen of us left.

Many of us have not seen our new commander (Meade) yet but all are satisfied with him. I have got so used to the boom of cannon and the bursting of shells and the buzz of bullets that I don’t care anything about them. I had just as leave be to the front as the rear, Occasionally there is a bullet comes buzzing near me as I am now writing, but I have no fear for no man dies until his time comes and mine is not coming yet for many years. Yours, &c. &c. — George


Tuesday 14 [1863]—Acted as a reserve all night. Rebs all gone this morn. All of us gone after them. Arrived at Williamsport 3 o’clock. Rebs have all got across the river. Remained here all night.

Wednesday, July 15, 1863—Up at light. Marched to Boonsboro. Camped just beyond town. It has been tremendous hot.

Thursday 16—Up at 3 o’clock. Took lead of corps. Arrived near Berlin 1 o’clock. Visited the 46th Massachusetts. Remained here all night. Rained all night.

Friday 17—Rained hard. Wrote to Father.

Saturday, July 18, 1863—Remained here all day and night.

Sunday 19—Marched at 7 o’clock morning. Went to Berlin & crossed on pontoons. On same road we ent before. Went 8 miles. Halted for night. Large barn burnt last night. It has been terrible hot today.

Monday 20—Wrote to wife. Marched this morn at 10 o’clock. Co. E rear guard for Brigade. Marched 8 or 9 miles. Halted over night. Boys rallied on sheep. Remained here all night.

Tuesday, July 21, 1863—Rested here all day & night. Officers went home after company inspection. Washed shirts &c. Very nice & cool day.

Wednesday 22—Marched at 1 o’clock afternoon. Went through Union. Halted near stone bridge and the gap in the mountains where we did last year.

Thursday 23—Marched early in the morn. Halted 2 hours at Rectortown. Stayed over night at Barber’s Crossroads. Got in at 10.30 o’clock night. Went 18 or 20 miles today.

Friday, July 24, 1863___Up at light. Marched without breakfast. went to Manassas Gap. Meade’s Headquarters & railroad. Rested here three hours. Hot, hot. Went back to Barbers Crossroads. Halted 9 o’clock on road too Warrenton. Been 18 or 20 miles.

Saturday 25—Up at light. Marched at 7 o’clock. Went through Orleans. Arrived 1 mile from Warrenton at 2 o’clock. Camped over night. It has been tremendous hot.

Sunday 26—Washed clothes & body. Went up on hill and took a view of Warrenton. Boys rallied on beef. Remained here all day and night. Inspection at 6 o’clock.

Warrenton, Virginia, during the Civil War.

Monday, July 27, 1863—On guard today on spring. Received two papers from wife. Rained some—day and night.

Tuesday 28—Relieved from guard this morn. Wrote to wife. Drew pants. Boys brought in lots of beef.

Wednesday 29—Letter from wife.

Thursday, July 30, 1863—Sick. Went to Dr. Excused.

Friday 31—Sick. Went to Doctor. Excused.

AUGUST 1863

Saturday, August 1 [1863]—Feel better today. Wrote to wife for a box. Went to large brook washing.

Sunday, August 2, 1863—It is tremendous hot. Moved camp quarter mile.

Monday 3—Fixed bunk up from ground.

Tuesday 4—A terrible rain in afternoon. Blew all tents flat to ground. Everything sopping wet.

Wednesday, August 5, 1863—Part of our regiment on patrol.

Thursday 6—Received a letter and paper from wife.

Friday 7—Wrote to wife. A detail out on patrol.

Saturday, August 8, 1863—Nothing.

Sunday 9—Nothing

Monday 10—Nothing

Tuesday, August 11, 1863—Nothing

Wednesday 12—Nothing

Thursday 13—Dress parade tonight.

Warrenton, Virginia

Friday, August 14, 1863—Wrote to wife. Went with Gid to Warrenton. Saw soldier in 6th Maine shot. [Probably Thomas Jewett, 5th Maine] Reported capture of Signal Corps. Got back to camp at 4 o’clock.

Saturday 15—Some of the brigades moved. Part of our regiment on patrol.

Sunday 16—[no entry]

Monday, August 17, 1863—Wrote to Father. Received letter from wife. God paid off $69.73. I [was] on guard for paymaster.

Tuesday 18—Went on picket, Signal Corps.

Wednesday 19—Went off in mountains scouting. Went on post at sundown. Took dinner at Gaskins.

Thursday, August 20, 1863—On post all day and night. Went down and washed.

Friday 21—Got relieved at 6 o’clock. Received letter from wife. Received paper from Springfield. Walter is badly hurt.

Saturday 22—Wrote to wife.

Sunday, August 23, 1863—Preaching this afternoon.

Monday 24—Sold pipe to Chase.

Tuesday 25—Very cold & rainy all night.

Wednesday, August 26, 1863—Gt my watch cleaned. Received two papers from wife.

Thursday 27—Went out on patrol. Took dinner at Mrs. Couches.

Friday 28—[no entry]

Saturday 29, 1863—Wrote to Father. Sent $20. Received letter from wife. Stofford.

Sunday 30—Brigade inspection at 10 o’clock. Brigade dress parade.

Monday 31—Wrote to Father. Sent $20. Mustered this morn.


Letter 8

Camp of 10th Massachusetts Vols.
August 31, 1863

Dear Father,

Enclosed is $20. I also sent you 20 last Saturday and will send you 10 more in a few days. We have just received marching orders. Don’t know where to go. The guerrillas are among us here all the time and capture some of the boys every day. After taking all things valuable, they release them.

We have not received any conscripts yet. All that come to this army go to the other corps. I have received my box. Everything was good. Hoping you will receive this. I remain your son, — George Ellis

10th Reg. Mass. Vol. Co. E


SEPTEMBER 1863

Tuesday, September 1, 1863—[no entry]

Wednesday 2—Went out beyond picket. Got milk.

Thursday 3—Wrote to father & wife. Sent $10. Received letter from father, $5 and paper from Springfield.

Friday, September 4, 1863—Received a letter from Clark.

Saturday 5—[no entry]

Sunday 6—Reg’t inspection this morn. Received a letter from wife. Wrote to Clark.

Monday, September 7, 1863—Went outside picket for milk. Sent paper to Matilda.

Tuesday 8—[No entry]

Wednesday 9—[no entry]

Thursday, September 10, 1863—Went up to Warrenton.

Friday 11—[no entry]

Saturday 12—Foot race. Hazelton won. Heavy blow and rain in p.m.

Sunday, September 13, 1863—Inspection this morn. Sent a paper to father.

Monday 14—[no entry]

Tuesday 15—Wrote to A. J. Morgan. Broke camp and marched in p.m. Marched to near Sulphur Springs. Camped at 8 o’clock at night.

Wednesday, September 16, 1863—Marched at light. Went past the Springs. Nothing left there but a few houses. The large hotel was burnt. Waded the Rappahannock at noon. Camped on Stone House Mountain at 8 o’clock at night.

Thursday 17—Under arms before light. Received letter & photograph of wife. Commenced in afternoon and rained all night.

Friday 18—Heavy rain storm.

Saturday, September 19, 1863—Went out on picket. Sent $25 to father. My post near Nigger’s house. Had a chicken supper.

Sunday 20—Remained on picket. Went around lots some. Lived high. Plenty potatoes.

Monday 21—Remained on picket. Chased sheep all forenoon. Received letter from Clark.

Tuesday, September22, 1863—Went to citizens with coffee. got relieved from picket in p.m. Feel mighty lonesome in camp.

Wednesday 23—Very cold last night.

Thursday 24—[no entry]

Friday, September 25, 1863—Received letter from wife.

Saturday 26—Wrote to wife.

Sunday 27—[no entry]

Monday, September 28, 1863—Very pleasant today.

Tuesday 29—Went to Culpeper with Gid. Rode back with Bent.

Wednesday 30—[no entry]

OCTOBER 1863

Thursday, October 1, 1863—Had marching orders at dark. Packed up. Left camp at 11 at night. went direct to Culpeper. Marched all night. Took railroad towards Washington.

Friday 2—Arrived at Rappahannock Station at 9 o’clock today. Got breakfast & off at 11. Rained in torrents. Camped below Bealton Station at 3 o’clock. Rained in torrents. Left Wheaton’s Brigade at R [ ].

Saturday 3—Marched at 8 o’clock. Pleasant. Arrived at Catlett’s Station at noon. Left Shaler’s Brigade at Catlett’s. Arrived Bristoe Station at 5 o’clock. Went into camp here.

Sunday, October 4, 1863—Put me up a shanty. The cavalry all left. Went out on picket at noon.

Monday 5—Cold last night. Received a letter from wife.

Tuesday 6—Wrote to wife.

Wednesday, October 7, 1863—Come in from picket at 12. Received a letter from wife.

Thursday 8—Rained today.

Friday 9—[no entry]

Saturday, October 10, 1863—[no entry]

Sunday 11—Sent relics and papers to wife.

Monday 12—Had marching in evening. Have worked on tent all day. Had the toothache all night. Sent paper to Springfield. Sharp artillery near night.

Tuesday, October 13, 1863—Marched at 3 o’clock this ornate. Halted at Catlett’s Station 9 o’clock. Arrived at Warrenton Station noon. Laid here in lines of battle. Commenced to retreat at 3 o’clock p.m. Marched all night.

Wednesday 14—Regiment rested till 3:30 this morn. Got breakfast near Kettle Run. Arrived at Maassas a 10 o’clock. Arrived at Centreville at 4 o’clock. Camped here over night. Sharp artillery firing [ ].

Thursday 15—Marched at 9.30 o’clock. Camped near Chantilly. Hard fighting to left of us. Old man Barton came to see us. On guard tonight. Wet, rainy. Rations came up.

Friday, October 16, 1863—Boys are digging rifle pits.

Saturday 17—Received a letter from wife. Wrote to wife. Pleasant all day. Packed up at dark. Stood in line of battle 2 hours. 38th Massachusetts came to us today.

Sunday 18—Stood in line [of battle] two hours morn.

Monday, October 19, 1863—Tremendous shower at light. Marched at 7 o’clock morning. Arrived at Gainesville at 6 o’clock. Rebs dashed on our cavalry. Good deal of excitement at 8 o’clock. Rested quiet all night.

Tuesday 20—Left Gainesville at 8 o’clock. Passed through Buckland. Arrived at New Baltimore at 3. Went to my old bunk on hill. Left there at dark. Camped near Warrenton at 10.

Wednesday 21—Moved camp this morning. Laid here all night.

Thursday, October 22, 1863—Fixed my tent in good shape. Marched at noon all the Division. Camped on the 7th Mass. old ground. Went out on picket at dark. Post on the Salem Turnpike.

Friday 23—Received letter from wife. Commenced raining near night. Passed a most miserable night.

Saturday 24—Rained all day. Came in from picket at noon. had the toothache all night.

Sunday, October 25, 1863—Inspection this morn. 18 of Co. E went up in the woods at night. Had a big fire.

Monday 26—Put me up a stone chimney. Read two papers from wife. Wrote to wife.

Tuesday 27—[no entry]

Wednesday, October 28, 1863—[no entry]

Thursday 29—[no entry]

Friday 30—Received letter from wife.

Saturday, October 31, 1863—Rained today. Very cold & windy tonight.

NOVEMBER 1863

Sunday, November 1—Birthday today. 28 years old. Brigade inspection. Wrote to Jo Clark.

Monday 2—[no entry]

Tuesday, November 8, 1863—Wrote to wife.

Wednesday 4—Sick today.

Thursday 5—Received letter and paper from wife. Sick all night.

Friday, November 6, 1863—Very windy today. Two of the 4th Vermont here.

Saturday 7—Marched this morn at light. Arrived at near Rappahannock Station 3 o’clock. Formed in 2nd line of battle. Supported two or three batteries. Moved to the right 4.30 o’clock. Had a good view of the charge. [See Second Battle of Rappahannock Station] Laid here all night. Lame and sick.

Sunday 8—Moved to left before light. Halted and got breakfast. Very lame and sore this morn. Troops crossed the river. Went up to railroad bridge and crossed at 2 p.m. Camped in the forts commanding road. Laid here all night.

Monday, November 9, 1863—Co. E on picket at 11 o’clock. Packed up things in afternoon. Went back across the river. Went up to fort & rifle pits today. Went down to Kellys Ford. Laid here all night.

Tuesday 10—Laid here all day. Got some rations here. Feel pretty sick today.

Wednesday 11—Received letter from Jack Morgan.

Thursday, November 12, 1863—Left Kelly’s Ford. Went up to Rappahannock Station. Crossed over the river. Went down four or five miles. Camped near the 3rd Corps.

Friday 13—Wrote to wife. Went over to Corps Headquarters.

Saturday 14—Heavy rain this eve.

Sunday, November 15, 1863—Our troops crossed the Rapidan. Rained hard all night. Cleared off at 10 o’clock.

Monday 16—Brigade inspection 10 o’clock.

Tuesday 17—[no entry]

Wednesday, November 18, 1863—Received letter from wife & Clark.

Thursday 19—[no entry]

Friday 20—Inspection by Russian officers.

Saturday, November 21, 1863—[no entry]

Sunday 22—[no entry]

Monday 23—Got paid off in morning. Wrote & sent $5 to wife. All the regiment drunk all last night and today. Express came today.

Tuesday, November 24, 1863—[no entry]

Wednesday 25—[no entry]

Thursday 26—Marched early morning. Sinner of two hard tack. Teams troubled us. Hitch hike all the evening. Crossed Rapidan at 10 o’clock. Camped near river bank.

Friday, November 27, 1863—Routed up at light. Cold. Guarded the [Germanna] ford all day. Moved in woods near night. Heavy battle two miles from us. [See Battle of Mine Run] Artillery firing until late eve. Camped in woods all night.

Saturday 28—Marched at 2 o’clock this morn. All the corps went down river. Halted for breakfast 8 o’clock. Skirmishing in front of us. Rebs took a position ona bluff. Enemy held us here all day.

Sunday 29—Mount Hope Church. Marched to rear at light. Went clear round on the left flank. Halted at a church near railroad. Cavalry skirmishing front of us. Rebs in our rear shelling train. Firing all around us. Camped 7 o’clock.

Monday, November 30, 1863—Got up before light. Rebs have made a stand in front. Sharp artillery right at 10. Our boys skirmishing. Relieved by 2nd Corps after dark. Rebs shelled us before dark. Never came nearer a fight than today.

DECEMBER 1863

Tuesday, December 1, 1863—Got up this morn near Gov. Warren’s Headquarters. Laid here all day. Very cold. Went out on picket at dark/ 2nd Corps commenced retreating. I was on post from 9 to 12.

Wednesday 2—Left the picket line at 2 o’clock in the morn. Came as rear guard to Rapidan. Crossed at 10 o’clock at Ely Ford. Halted near river for dinner. Marched again at noon. Halted at 7 o’clock. 27 miles today.

Thursday, December 3, 1863—Marched this morn to old camp. All of [us] very still and tired. Bunked on the ground we left.

Friday 4—Received a letter from wife. On guard tonight.

Saturday 5—Wrote to wife. Sent $5. Received letter and two papers from wife. Very cold at night.

Sunday, December 6, 1863—Dreadful cold today.

Monday 7—Wrote to Jo. Clark.

Tuesday 8—Brought logs for a house.

Wednesday, December 9, 1863—[no entry]

Thursday 10—[no entry]

Friday 11—Commenced building a bunk.

Saturday, December 12, 1863—Worked in bunk all day.

Sunday 13—Finished up the bunk. Rained very hard last night.

Monday 14—Received letter from wife.

Tuesday, December 15, 1863—Wrote to wife. Corps review by Russian officers.

Wednesday 16—[no entry]

Thursday 17—Rained all day.

Friday, December 18, 1863—Two soldiers executed. I went and saw them. One of them was not shot dead. Belonged to 2nd and 5th Vermont.


Letter 9

[Partial letter describing the military execution by firing squad of two Union soldiers in the VI Corps. This execution took place on 18 December 1863. The soldiers executed were George E. Blowers of the 2nd Vermont and John Tague of the 5th Vermont. Both of them had been found guilty of desertion.]

…and all of them belonged to the 6th Corps. It is rather tough to dig a man’s grave, sit his coffin near it, and then sit him on it and march a squad of soldiers up to within 10 yards and fire a volley of bullets. I will tell you how this was conducted.

It was out in an open field. They rode on their coffins to the grave, got out and stood erect until their sentences were read. One of them took off his hat, threw it upon the ground very spiteful acted mad. They then knelt upon their coffins. One [George Blowers] appeared much affected and cried but the other [John Tague] was firm and unmoved. A sergeant went up and pinned a badge over the heart of the one that was crying as a mark to shoot at but when he stepped [up] to pin it on the other, he took it and dine it himself. 24 men were then marched in front. Ready! Aim! Fire! The one that was crying fell of his coffin after being shot and cried out so he could be heard by all present, “Oh dear me!” He then put up his hand motioning for them not to shoot him again.

The other one patted his hand on his heart when ready to be shot, the same as to say shoot me, God damn you, and I believe he thought it [but] he did not say it. He was spunky and gritty, I tell you, but he died quick. The other one, I don’t know whether he died of the effects of the bullets or whether the Dr. bled him to death. I saw enough of such shameful actions and went away utterly disgusted. They were not blindfolded nor neither were their hands tied. It is not right to shoot men but I say shoot them in a proper way and not murder them. I long to get home so I can tell you all about such things which I have seen. 1 Yours ever, — George

1 Here’s another description of the execution: “Meanwhile, over in the camp of the 2nd Division, 6th Corps, a dual execution occurred, this one for Private John Tague and Private George Blowers. As always, the division assigned to carry out the killings formed up in a three-sided box facing the graves. The soldiers who observed the execution stood at “order arms” for about one hour until two ambulances drove onto the site, bearing the condemned men and their coffins. One of the soldiers in line, Private Wilbur Fisk, wrote, “It seemed as if some horrible tragedy in a theater were about to be enacted, rather than a real preparation for an execution.” The most alarming thing about it was the behavior of John Tague, who, as the orders of execution were being read, threw his hat onto the ground in bold defiance. Two chaplains stepped to the sides of Tague and Blowers, bade them kneel, and delivered a prayer. After that, the sergeant of the guard conducted them to their coffins and made them kneel again. He put two massive rings around their necks which suspended targets on their chests. (By now, authorities had realized that the firing squads needed to be coaxed into taking a kill shot.) Strangely, this execution contained no reserve. That is, no one expected the prisoners to live beyond the first volley. Two platoons of men faced each prisoner, and the prisoners were not blindfolded. Private Fisk recorded the final moments:

Blowers had been sick, his head slightly drooped as if oppressed with a terrible sense of the fate he was about to meet. He had requested that he might see his brother in Co. A, but his brother was not there. He had no heart to see the execution, and had been excused from coming. Tague was firm and erect till the last moment, and when the order was given to fire, he fell like dead weight, his face resting on the ground, and his feet still remaining on the coffin. Blowers fell at the same time. He exclaimed, “O dear me!” struggled for a moment, and was dead. Immediately our attention was called away by the loud orders of our commanding officers, and we marched in columns around the spot where the bodies of the two men were lying just as they fell. God grant that another such punishment may never be needed in the Potomac Army.

This was Private Fisk’s first execution. Like many who witnessed such tragic scenes, he never forgot what he saw:

I never was obliged to witness a sight like that before, and I sincerely hope a long time may intervene before I am thus called upon again. . . . These men were made examples, and executed in the presence of the Division, to deter others from the same crime. Alas, that it should be necessary! Such terrible scenes can only blunt men’s finer sensibilities and burden them the more; and Heaven knows that the influences of a soldier’s life are hardening enough already. . . . I have seen men shot down by scores and hundreds in the field of battle, and have stood within arm’s reach of comrades that were shot dead; but I believe I never have witnessed that from which any soul shrunk with such horror, as to see those two soldiers shot dead in cold blood at the iron decree of military law.” [Tales from the army of the Potomac (Blog).


Saturday 19—Received letter from Jo. Clark. Received two papers from wife. Bought picture of Hazelton. Done washing. Very cold.

Sunday 20—Inspection in morn. Wrote to wife.

Monday, December 21, 1863—Fixed the chimney. Very cold.

Tuesday 22—[no entry]

Wednesday 23—Very cold all day. Snowed last night.

Thursday, December 24, 1863—Very cold.

Friday 25—Sent paper to wife.

Saturday 26—Monk got canteen. W. went to Corps Headquarters in eve.

Sunday, December 27, 1863—5th Vermont went home. On fatigue duty. Cold and stormy. Received letter from wife. Wrote letter to Jo Clark

Monday 28—Rained hard all night. Wrote to wife. Sent paper to Tilly.

Tuesday 29—Wrote to A. J. Morgan. Received diary from wife. Old Veterans sworn in.

Wednesday, December 30, 1863—Very pleasant today.

Thursday 31—Rained hard all day. Mud, mud 3 feet deep. Officers and men all drunk this eve. A perfect hell here. Resolved this night that whiskey shall never make a fool of me and that I will be temperate and steady in all time to come as I have been the past 14 months. I am utterly disgusted. If whiskey is allowed in this army one year longer, it will be ruined.


Letter 10

Camp 10th Regt. Mass. Vols.
April 18, 1864

Dear Wife,

Yours of the 13th inst. was received this evening. I will answer on receipt of all your letters as I have of late. We are having a few days of fine weather but the mountains are covered with snow yet. You have no idea what a beautiful scenery it is. I have looked at them so much that they appear as natural to me as the mountains at home. Every day that is pleasant I wander off in some high piece of ground and gaze all around the country. It makes me feel sad many times but it is the best way that I can pass off the time. I feel very uneasy much of the time. Two months appears a much longer time to me now than eight did last year. I thought when I got to be a 9-month’s man, my time was almost [gone], but it looks long to [me] now, I assure you.

We had a review today by Gen. Grant. It was the first time that I have ever seen him and I like his looks much better than I expected. He rode through our camp this afternoon but no one cheered him. Let Little Mac ride through any camp and the boys would hullo so they could be heard for miles. I have a McClellan Badge which I will send in this. I wish you to keep it as a keep sake. It is my opinion that Grant will find a little smarter general in Lee than he has ever had to deal with before. If the Rebs stand and fight us here, we have got to have twice as many men as they have or it is no use. They have chosen their own positions across the Rapidan and are at work there every day as busy as bees building earth works. They have all the advantage of us. But I hope we shall be successful. But by so being, many a Father and near relative must lay low.

In one week (and perhaps less) you will hear of lively times here. All the surplus baggage has been sent to Washington and everything indicates a movement in a few days. I saw but one lady today—the wife of some big general, I presume. All citizens have been sent off and we are all soldiers here now. Women and citizens have always been a curse to us and I am glad they are gone. I shall carry a pretty light knapsack when we march, I tell you. I don’t intend to worry myself with a big load as I have heretofore. Scott wore my overcoat home on furlough and left it at his Father’s so I can get that when I come home. He showed me a letter that his Father wrote giving his opinion of his marriage. The old man thought the boy little knew of the responsibilities of married life and by what he wrote of war widows, I reckon he has had something to do with them himself. I will tell you the whole story when I get home.

Oh Ann, how I long to tell you of my adventures—where I have been—what I have seen, &c. &c. I know they will interest you. Oh what a comfort we will take together. If some of these Vets who get married don’t wish themselves in hell before three years are out, then I’ll lose my guess. What a fool a man is to leave a wife that he loves. Some of them have told me this already. One of the boys gave me a picture of a wife dreaming of her absent husband. It is a most beautiful representation and never have I seen anything that reminded me of home as that does. Were I not hard-hearted, I know it would bring tears in my eyes. As it is, it makes me feel very sad every time I look at it, so I think that I will send it to you.

In this patriotic print, a northern woman at home dreams of her husband leading a battle charge, waving a large U.S. flag. A companion print to The Soldier’s Dream of Home, the image stresses home front support for the war with a poem at the bottom that reads: “Ever of him who at his country’s call, / Went forth to war in freedom’s sacred name, / She thinks in waking hours: and dreams are all, / Filled with his image, on the field of fame. / She sees her hero foremost in the fight, / Bearing the glorious banner of the free; / Triumphing o’er the traitors boasted might, / Then home returning crowned with victory.”

Here this sheet is written over and I have not answered one word of your letter but I will not write another sheet for the envelope will be too full. Tell Flora that I will answer hers in my next to you. Thank you for the postage stamps. To regards your photograph, I think it a very very poor one. You cannot want anything of it. I can see some of your features in it but your dress looks most miserable. Good night. Yours ever, — George


Letter 11

Near Spottsylvania Court House
Wednesday, 2 o’clock, May 11th 1864 1

Dear wife,

I am all right yet. 124 killed & wounded in this regiment & 16 missing.

Bill Skidmore 2 hit in the head but will not die. Don’t worry for me for I shall come out all right.

Fighting is going on now. Keep up good spirits. I will write again in a few days. — George Ellis

1 The regimental history informs us that May 11th was spent mostly by Grant’s army in preparing for another battle, There was reconnoitering of positions and attendant skirmishing, more or less, along the whole line. The 10th Massachusetts was relieved on the picket, which “was at the same time the skirmish line, early in the morning, moved to the left and took position that had previously been occupied by General Wheaton, and lay in this position all day. The afternoon was rainy, and the night that followed was dark and dismal, the clouds were thick, and the rain still fell. Preparation had been going on all day and into the night for the battle of the morrow.”

2 William J. Skidmore was listed among the casualties of the 10th Massachusetts during the period of May 5th to May 11th, 1864. His wound was “scalp, slight.”



1863: Adalaide Barbara Fair to Matilda Cline

The following letter was written by 18 year-old Adalaide Barbara Fair (1845-1912), the daughter of Charles T. Fair (1810-1888) and Elizabeth (“Eliza”) Slaybaugh (1815-1887) of Taneytown, Carroll county, Maryland. Adalaide was married in 1869 to Thomas Angell (1838-1906). Adalaide’s husband served in Co. G, 3rd Maryland Potomac Home Brigade from April 1862 to April 1865.

Adalaide wrote the letter to Matilda (“Tilly”) Cline (1836-1922), the daughter of John Kline (1800-1882) and Maria Magdalena Slaybaugh (1804-1866) of Menallen township, Adams county, Pennsylvania. Tilly was married in October 1863 to Jacob Crum (1836-1922).

Adalaide’s letter offers a detailed and poignant account of the movement of Union troops through the village of Taneytown, Maryland, located approximately 13 miles south of Gettysburg. Moreover, she recounts her visit to the Gettysburg battlefield, where she observed the hastily dug graves of Confederate soldiers, their remains partially exposed due to the relentless rains of the past few weeks.

“Oh Union boys, ain’t you happy, as you go marching home?”

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Taneytown [Carroll county, Maryland]
July 18, 1863

Dear Cousin,

I take my pen in hand with the greatest of pleasure to drop you a few lines. We are all well at this present time, I hope that these few lines may find you all enjoying the same rich blessings. I received your welcome letter and was glad to hear from you.

Now I must tell you something about the times here. There was about two hundred thousand soldiers went through Taneytown. They destroyed a great deal of things through here but they didn’t destroy nothing for us. They were Union soldiers. I was in town one whole day looking at them a passing through and I didn’t see the quarter of them. Us girls sang and cheered them. They were all in good spirits and they said that Maryland was the pleasantest state that they ever was in. They said that they loved the very smiles of the women. They said if they didn’t get killed, they were a coming to Maryland to hunt their wives. They all acted like gentlemen. They were as decent a people as ever went through town. They encamped about a mile from our house. They had their guards placed out at our big gate looking for the rebels in every direction. They had their cannons planted between our house and town expecting a fight every minute but the rebels didn’t come closer than Bill Gilden till they were driven back.

There were a hundred and fifty died out of one regiment as they were a coming through here. I was on the battleground on the 18th of July. I saw a wonderful sight. I saw the rebs hands sticking out of their graves, some their heads, some their feet. There was as high as fifty in a grave. I saw some wounded. They had their legs and some had their arms amputated. There was one poor creature was taking the lock jaw when I was there. They expected him to die and the rest of them was all lively.

Now I must tell you something about the weather. We had rain for four weeks that we could not get out harvest off. The farmers grain war___, they had eat all sproted [?] people about here. Han’t more than half done a harvesting. They haven’t got a stack of oats cut yet. We have our hay pretty near all to make yet, our oats to cut, our flax to pull, so it keeps us busy.

Our beaus is to be enrolled tomorrow. The draft is to be made the middle of next month. Pap and mother is going to the battle ground soon. They talk of coming over this fall if nothing comes in the way. Tilly, I want you to take a big sheet of paper and write it full. Tell me everything that is a going on. Tell me whether the boys is gone to the army or not. Tell Polly to write in some for me too in the letter you write. I forgot to tell you that John was pressed in the army to haul provision while they were here but he is clear again. Tell Aunt Maria to write if you please if she is close about there. If she and you needn’t bother yourself. Tell Uncle John that Grandpap was as hard a pebble as ever. Not I must bring this long letter to a close. Gove my love to all inquiring friends. Write soon as you can. Come to see us soon. Our Sinod meets on the 15th day of August. There will be a great time then. No more at present. Remember me. — Adalaide B. Fair

To Miss Matilda Cline

Excuse bad writing, My ped is bad. My hand is bad. My paper thin.

Union Song [verses]

1863: Clark Callender to Silas & Mary (Carkuff) Callender

I could not find an image of Thomas Callender but here is one of Franklin W. Lehman of Co. C, 149th Pennsylvania Infantry (2nd Bucktail Regiment)

The following letters, heartfelt and poignant, were penned by Clark Callender (1834-1899), the son of Silas Callender (1805-1880) and Mary Carkuff (1805-1879) from Fairmount, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania. Addressed to his parents, these letters revolve around his younger brother, Thomas Callender (1839-1863), who valiantly served as a private in Co. F. of the 149th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry at Gettysburg. Tragically, he was mortally wounded at the railroad cut in front of McPherson’s Barn. Within these letters, Clark recounts the distressing moment when their neighbor’s son, Pvt. Clark Woodworth, was struck down. As Thomas rushed to assist him, he faced the heartbreaking reality that Woodworth felt he could not endure. Thomas himself was then grievously injured, a bullet piercing his sternum and tragically passing through both his body and bronchial tube before exiting through his clavicle. In a somber twist of fate, he was carried to McPherson’s barn by Confederate soldiers.

Later Thomas was carried to the St. Francis Xavier Catholic Church in Gettysburg where Sister Camilla O’Keefe, a member of the Sisters of Charity, wrote, “The Catholic church in Gettysburg was filled with sick and wounded … The soldiers lay on the pew seats, under them and in every aisle. They were also in the sanctuary and the gallery, so close together that there was scarcely room to move about. Many of them lay in their own blood…but no word of complaint escaped from their lips.” Yet another woman, a Gettysburg resident who volunteered as a nurse named Sallie Myers, wrote: “I knelt beside the first man near the door and asked what I could do. ‘Nothing,’ he replied, ‘I am going to die.’ I went outside the church and cried. I returned and spoke to the man — he was wounded in the lungs and spine, and there was not the slightest hope for him. The man was Sgt. Alexander Stewart of the 149th Pennsylvania Volunteers. I read a chapter of the Bible to him; it was the last chapter his father had read before he left home.”

Clark’s letters provide a daily chronicle of Thomas’s fluctuating condition, reveals the brother’s agonizing search across the battlefield, the tension of doctor visits, and the heartbreaking deception he felt compelled to navigate—informing his father that Thomas held no hope of survival, while quietly offering their mother a glimmer of reassurance that he might yet endure. Thomas died on 23 July 1863, over three weeks after he was wounded. Heartbreakingly, Clark Woodworth’s body was never recovered, leaving him listed among the unknowns—a somber reminder of the war’s toll on families.

[Note: Photocopies made from the originals of these letters were provided to me for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by Wayne Rizor, a descendant of the Callender family.]


Letter 1

Gettysburg [Pennsylvania]
Saturday noon

To Mother,

Thomas is sleeping and so I will write a few lines. When he sleeps, the times so long. Yesterday I moved him on another bed where he has a good place. He is more by himself. I wish I could tell you that I thought Thomas would get well, but I do not. He may live some days yet and he may die any hour. He has lived longer than any of the doctors thought he could. I got the doctor to examine him a little while ago and I asked if since he had lived so much longer than any of them expected if there was no chance for his recovery and he said if he would live one month yet, he would not have any more hopes of him. If we can’t have him anymore with us, we ought to be thankful that we have the privilege of being with him to see to his wants and to know that he is a going to a better world where we meet him again. He does not bleed much anymore. Last night I felt of his hands about eleven o’clock and he was cold up to his elbows and his legs and feet up to his knees. I could hardly feel any pulse. I gave him some wine and then rubbed him and got. the blood to circulating again. He is now about the same as he has been for the last two or three days.

There are a good many dying here for the want of care but you. may rest assured that Thomas gets good care. I say candidly, I believe he is better off here than he would be at home. Here he can have everything he can wish for and doctors here all the time to watch every change. His appetite is middling good. He eats bread, dried peaches, and tea and oranges mostly. He sleeps a good bit now. At first I had to give him morphine to make him sleep.

I have just been out to the battleground where he was shot to see if I could find his knapsack but could not. I have got canteen and haversack, or it is the canteen that he has when the Rebels went into the barn where he lay. They took his canteen and left him have theirs. You can form no idea of what property is destroyed where two such armies meet and fight as they did here.

Mr. Harrison is a little better. His son and daughter is here taking care of him—his daughter in the daytime and his son at night. I lay close by Thomas and some nights I can sleep some and some I do not but watch my chance in the daytime when he is asleep and lay down and take a nap so I can do right well.

The Boys was a dirty-looking set of fellows but it is no wonder. They had marched twenty-one days through the dust and then went right into the fight. I have washed Thomas every day since I have been here but he is not clean yet and now he is so weak I do not wash him more than I can help. If I thought none of my folks cared enough for Thomas or me to write, I would not like it but think they have but they have not come. I have not heard from Elizabeth and Johnny nor any of you. And maybe you do not hear from me but if you do not, it is not my fault for I write every day.

There was a man died here this morning with the yellow jaundice. He was as yellow as saffron. Last evening there was one soldier stabbed another in the neck so that he died this morning here in Gettysburg. There is one man in the hospital with nine ball holes in him and he is getting well.

Sunday, 10 p.m. Thomas is no better. I cannot see that he is much weaker this morning. It is strange how he lives as long as he does. The doctors have all of them been disappointed but you may think as he was a strong man he may stand it yet. But I tell you, if he had not of been, he would not lived as long as he has. The constitution must wear out. He bears it very patient. I don’t think I ever heard him complain of anything. When he talks about dying, he is as calm as if he was at home and going out to the barn for something. He told me last night he wanted to be buried in his black clothes and if you have no shirt for him, you can send and get mine for him. He cannot last but a very few days at most. He says he is a going to meet a brother and sister in a better world. He wants Mr. Montgomery to preach his funeral sermon.

I asked him last night if he wanted any of his folks to come and see him and he said he was not particular for they could do him no good. He suffers no pain. I saw a Rebel man die here this morning and there is one of our wounded in here that is crazy. All. that is in here now are badly wounded. The rest have been sent off to a General Hospital.

You need not be uneasy about me. I am well. If Thomas drops off, I will get him embalmed and then you can keep him a month if you wish. The expense of getting him embalmed and the whole expense of getting him home will not reach thirty dollars, my expenses included. I don’t think but he will want a better coffin when I get him home than I can get for him here.

Sunday night, 10 o’clock. I wish I could say to you that there is a change in Thomas for the better but I can see none. At first when I came here, I thought if he would live a week or two, then he would get well, but the longer he lives, the more certain I am that he can’t get well. Last night the Dr. told me he would not live 24 hours and he is alive yet. This evening I got another doctor to examine him and he said he might live two or three days but thought not.

Thomas has got a higher fever tonight than he has had since I have been here. He is comfortable but very flighty. He sleeps a good bit. Dr. Barrett has just been in to see him. He says he can’t get well. I am glad that it has been my lot to be with him and to know that he is a going to a better world where war shall never come. It is a hard sight to see some of our men after they have gave their blood for us and then pass into another world unprepared for eternity. But such is not the case with your son and my brother. We have very kind doctors to take care of him. They do everything I want them to do.

I don’t [see] as you can read what I write. I am sitting close by Thomas and have a little board on my lap to write on and then to help it, somebody has stole my pen and holder and I have a very poor one—one of the soldiers that lay close by Thomas I have took care of since I have been here. Yesterday he was moved off to some General Hospital. I helped him out into the ambulance and then he told me he had left some things that he could not take with him and said I should get them and keep them. I went and this pen and some tobacco and a gum blanket which I feel proud of. I don’t know as he thought of it. I went out to see him but they was gone so I shall keep it.

I don’t know which way I will come home. I heard this evening that there was a bridge broke down between here and Harrisburg and maybe I will have to go by Philadelphia. I hope not. The State will wend Thomas and me home free. I guess Dr. Barrett will stay until I go home. I hope he will.

Every church and school house and court house and a great many dwellings are filled with suffering humanity in and around Gettysburg—a great many to be crippled as long as they live. Some with legs off and some arms off but the greatest number with legs off. It does not seem much like Sunday here. Tell Elizabeth if you see her I am well.

Monday, 5 a.m. I can see no particular change in Thomas this morning. I think I can see that he is failing. He has had another chill this morning. He is got over it now. I think he cannot last long. They are carrying another man out dead now. It beats all. What a sight of men have died in here since I have been here. As fast as one dies, another is brought in. — C. Callender

Monday afternoon. Now father, I will tell you one thing which I did not want to put in the other paper for fear Tommy might want to see it. I do not want to discourage you but suppose you want to know the truth of Tommy’s case. I will tell. you what the doctor told me today. We have got a new doctor and he said his case would prove fatal but I still think he will get well. He is better than he was when I came here. He said the ball had passed through his lungs but I don’t think it is so because if it had, he could not breathe easy and if it did, we often hear of the lungs being decayed.

It is well I did put this on a separate paper for Thomas did ask to see the letter. He knows nothing of this paper. Should he get much worse so that I think he will not get well, then I will tell him but now he is sure he will get well and I am about as sure. I want nothing from home. I don’t think I will be at home until sometime next month. If you can possibly hire somebody to help H. Wolf do my work, do so. Jesse Harrison is no better. I will write again tomorrow, — C. Collender


Letter 2

Hospital
Monday afternoon

To folks at home,

I will tell you how Thomas is this afternoon and then I will tell you again in the morning so I can keep you posted as to his condition. I cannot see any change in him except his wound has got to bleeding a good bit when I raise him up. I have called all the doctors to see if it cannot be stopped and they say I need not be uneasy about that. It is good for him. It is kind of blood and water. His appetite is good enough. He could not sleep very well [so] I got the doctors to give me some sleeping powders for him and now he sleeps about half of the time and so I can keep him from taking so much that is not good for him as it tends to weaken hum. You may think I will make him sleep too much but I will not tell Mother. She need not fret about him being here in the hospital. I know it would be a satisfaction to have him at home but he is far better off here. We have good doctors and they are right here and can see him all the time. And we have a good house and good beds and everything for him to eat that you can think of. Oranges, lemon, dried peaches, huckleberries, gruel beef, tea, corn starch, wine, tea, coffee and soups of all kinds. He says he is better of here than he could be at home.

When I sleep, I lay right here and have a string fast[ened] to me and then fast to him so he can waken me without speaking. I think a hospital is the most solemn place a man can go. You can see poor Union defenders suffering in every shape possible. That noise I spoke of yesterday they say was cannon down at Frederick City. I could hear it very plain. It is the greatest place I ever saw. You cannot hear any news at all. I have not saw a paper since I have been here nor saw a man that has as I know of.

Gettysburg is a very nice place. There is but a few buildings in this town that was damaged by the fights when rebels went into them with sharpshooters. Then our artillery would knock the house all to pieces. But the battleground is a hard-looking place, I can tell you. It would be impossible to find where anyone was buried unless someone knew where they was buried as the battleground extends over ten or twelve miles and three-fourths of them are not marked.

I change Thomas’ bed clothes every day and put a clean shirt and drawers on him. I do not know as you can get any letters as the Government has possession of all the roads here and the Post Master told me no mails came in but said they went out every day. But I don’t know as they do or whether he wants to get the postage. But, however, you must write. By the time your letters get here, the road will be open. I do want to hear from home and if you have got anybody to help H. Wolf do my work at home. It is impossible for me to tell when I shall be at home. I will not leave Tommy as long as he keeps as he is now. His life depends on the care he gets. You can do as you please about coming down. I can do all that you could and it would be of no use to him nor me.

We have some women here who are called the Sisters of Charity and well they deserve the name. They are the kindest set of women that I ever saw. But there are so many, they can’t wait on all of them. Some of the poor fellows’ wounds are full of worms, but I can tell you that you can find none on Tommy. His wounds are running some but I change cloths ever half hour. We have plenty of cloths and bandages and lint here so you. can see we have everything we need here. So be contented. All that can be done, will be done.

I have a pretty hard way to write as I have to sit on the floor. Tell Elizabeth if you see her to see that my melons and tobacco is hoed. Tell her that if I get sick or anything, I will let her know. Tell her to take good care of Johnny and that I would like to see him.

I cant account for it but he is very comfortable. He has no pain nor has not had since I have been here nor is not very sore to be moved. He takes nothing to numb it either. He is in good spirits and thinks he will get well. I think there is no use of any of you coming here. You can do no more for him than I can. If anything should happen that he should not live, I will get him embalmed here in this place and then when I get to Harrisburg, I will telegraph to you and you can get Jacob S. Carey to make him a coffin as I cannot get one here but a box. Now don’t think he is worse because I have wrote this. He is no worse than he was when I came here but his life hangs on a slender thread and no knowing which way it will turn. But I do think you must send William here to take care of Tommy for so sire as he is left alone, he will never get well and I do not believe William could stand it in here where they are taking off legs and arms, and wounds of all kinds. I have stood it well all the time but once. I went to help dress a wound on a man’s arm the other night that had commenced bleeding and he was all blood and still bleeding and I got sick and left. But now I could see a man’s head taken off. I am well and bored with Uncle Sam. I want you to be sure and see that my work is done.

Tuesday morning. Thomas is better this morning than he has been since he has been hurt. I told you above what the doctor thinks of him but I tell you candidly, I do believe he will get well. You had better not come here as I can do all that can be done. He is not very pale and has no pain. He says he could walk and I guess he could. His breast bleeds a good bit but the doctors thinks that is good for him. They say it is what gathers in the wound and if it did not come out, it would kill him. Be sure and write, — C. Callender


Letter 3

Gettysburg [Pennsylvania]
July 21, 1863

To friends at home,

This evening I will write you a few lines and then in the morning I will tell you how he is then. I don’t wish to encourage you any unless I can see a change for the better this afternoon, but it may be for the worse. I will now tell you the nature of the wound as near as I can, and then you can guess for yourself whether he can live or not.

The ball struck him in the breast in a straight line from one nipple to the other about three fourth of an inch to the right of the center and passed through the breast bone and then through the lungs on the right side, and cutting the bronchial tube which stops the breathing for that long and then came out under his right arm a little back. When his wound is open on his breast, he breathes through it. He is not bothered to breath when we raise him up. The dead blood runs awfully and smells ten times worse than the rotten Rebs that lay on the battlefield. Yesterday I think there was more than two quarts run out so you can judge the state he is in.

Wednesday morning. I was out to the Post Office this morning and they will not mail a letter in time for the Harrisburg mail so you. will not get it tonight. They have been taking letters every morning but I do not know whether they mailed them the same day or not. You can tell by looking at the post mark and the date of the letter. I will tell you what I have wanted ever since I have been here and that is to get a stretcher and cut a hole in it and then sew a bag under the hole with a little cup in the lower end with holes in it large enough to let the blood discharge and not let the flies up and then turn Thomas with his breast over the hole and let him lay on his stomach and then that stuff can discharge as fast as it forms in him. I talked with all the doctors and they all say it is of no use. Barrett said the same. But I believe it is the only thing that can be done to help him and maybe that would not. But I think I will try it this morning. If I thought I could get home, I would start this morning but he is too weak. I do not think he is as low as he was yesterday morning but I do. not think he can get well. But it may be he will, but if he does, it will be the strangest thing I ever saw. He is getting very poor in flesh. His appetite is not very good now. He slept good last night. The doctors are beat out at his living as long as he has but they think he cannot get well. But they may be mistaken. They have said for the last eight days that he could not live 24 hours and have missed it every time.

About ten o’clock a.m. There is a change in Thomas. He has another sinking spell. His hands are cold and his pulse has almost ceased to beat, He may never come to again. I do think it would be a fine thing for him if he did not for death is certain and he is so anxious for it to come. I have just talked with the doctor and he says his time is very short. He says there is not a man in here that could of lived half so long as he has with the same wound. I have just received your letter of the 17th & 6 of 16 and was glad to get them for Thomas wanted to hear from home so bad. You must not expect me to write very good for I have to write with a board on my lap and then fan Thomas with my left hand. You will have to do without my letter today, They have made different arrangements. The letters must be at the Post Office in the evening or else they’re not mailed in time for the Harrisburg train. I did not know it in time but will [ ].


Letter 4

Catholic Church Hospital

Wednesday morning. Tommy is no better. He is failing. His breast continues to bleed so much that he has got very weak. He is very comfortable. He has no pain much. Doctor Barrett & Dr. Erkert from Wilkes Barre was here last evening & they say he is very dangerous. Thomas is sensible of his condition and is calm about it. I asked him if he wanted any of his folks to come and he says he has no choice. They may do as they like. Now you can do as you like, but it is a chance if you can get here in time to see him and if you did, it would do him no good. If it should be that he never gets well, he will add one more to the number of our family circle who have gone to a better world, He is prepared to die. He is very calm and says he is going home.

I do not know which way I will come home if he does not live. If I can’t get anybody to take us to Columbia, I will have to go to Baltimore and them to Philadelphia. I cannot give him up yet but if his lung continues to bleed as it has for a few days, he can’t live. The doctors cannot do anything to stop it. It may be that it will commence healing in time to save him yet. He has everything here to make him comfortable. He could be no better off if he was at home. I do not want anything from home. If I need any more money, Dr. Barrett says I can get it off him. I will write again in the morning. — C. Callender


Letter 5

Gettysburg [Pennsylvania]
Wednesday evening

Dear Father & Mother, Brother & Sister,

This evening I will write a few lines to tell you how Thomas is. He is comfortable. I cannot account for his having as little pain as he has had since I have been here—only that he has lost so much blood. This morning his bleeding ceased and I was in hopes it would not commence again but this afternoon it began again and kept on until this evening. It has stopped but I fear it will commence again. I think it is impossible for him to ever be any better. I thought when I saw him first that he would get well but since that time, his lungs has been bleeding so that he cannot last but a short time. I think we ought to be thankful that he was not among the number that died on the battlefield and his body to be covered without a grave and to be dragged around by the harrows. He is very sensible of his condition and is very willing to die. I have not heard him say once that he would like to get well that I know of.

Ten o’clock. Thomas’ breast has had another bleeding spell but has stopped again and he is asleep. He is very weak. I think he could not live one hour if I did not give him wine. Jesse Harrison is very bad off. You can do as you like about coming to see Tommy. I think it is a great chance if you could get here in time to see him alive and if you did, it would be of little satisfaction to your or him unless he arouses up again which I. think he will not. The railroad communications is open now from here to Carlisle and Harrisburg so that I ought to go home from here in one day if we could connect right.

Eleven o’clock. Thomas is very flighty but has no pain. I wish he would not talk.

Twelve o’clock. He is very flighty but if I speak to him, then he is sensible and says he is going home.

Fifteen minutes after twelve. He has gone to sleep. The blood does not run now.

One o’clock. He is still asleep but is weak.

Three o’clock. He is still a sleeping. He seems a little better.

Four o’clock. He is a good deal better. I don’t know how long it will last. He may get well yet but I guess not. He is flighty some yet. You may look for a letter from here every day as long as Thomas keeps as he is now. Last night I fanned him pretty near all the time. W. Roons & Burnard is here. It does seem as if I see the people in the world is here. Some are hunting friends. Others have come to see the battlefield. I wish that was all that brought me here. You must see that my work is being done if my wheat has to be cut before I get home. I want you to see that the seed is by itself. It is out to the end next to M. Gearheart’s. It runs out toward the turnpike as far as to where there is a stake standing against the fence. You can tell by looking for I have cut the rye out and cockle.

There are about seventy patients in this church. I suppose out on the battle ground in those tents the wounded are not half taken care of like they are here. I do not know where Lee’s army are. We can’t get papers in time. Thomas has aroused up a little but is very weak. William wished me to ask Thomas where C. Wadsworth was wounded. He don’t know. He only saw him fall and ran to him and asked him if he could help him and he said no. He was very near gone and the rebs was so close that he could not stay with him one minute. He thinks he must of died and if he did, his body could not be found as they was buried and not many of them marked. If Thomas drops off, then I will go to all the 1st Corps Hospitals and if he was carried in any of them, the last will tell but I think it doubtless if Mr. Wadsworth ever hears anything from Clark. William asked if I wanted anything from home. I do not. We have everything anybody could think of so do not fret about that and as for me getting sick. If I should, I’ll let you know. I could not stand half what I have if it was a stranger instead of a brother. I don’t suppose I have slept one hour at a time since I have been here yet, for I do not think Thomas can last twenty-four hours. Yet he may. But one comfort we have he is prepared to die. He is willing to go if it be the will of God. He fears not death. He never could of died in a better cause than in defending his native State. He fell with his face to the enemy. His wound shows itself.

There is two more men in here that is wounded in the lungs but not so bad as Thomas and the doctor says they must die. One of them coughs blood and the other one can’t speak hardly. Yesterday I could hardly understand what Thomas said but today his voice is stronger. If he drops off so that I can start on a morning train, I guess I can come home in one day. If I can get from Shock___ in to Uncle Edmunds or home or if it is on the right day to met the stage at Bloomsburg.

Thomas suffers very little and I think when he dies it will be an easy death. He is sleeping now. I cannot hear anything from William Bell and as for the rest of our Boys, they was slightly wounded and have been taken away somewhere so I do not know anything about them. I guess from what I can hear, that there is no danger of Gilbert Callender getting hurt unless he should run against something.

The rebel prisoners appear to be a clever set of fellows. They are ragged, dirty, and I guess lousy—some of them bare headed, and a good many without shirts or shoes. If they could put on a suit of Uncle Sam’s clothes, some of them would be good looking men. Yesterday morning I was down on Diamond Corners and I think I saw nearly one hundred ambulances start out to the different hospitals to carry wounded men to the depot. The Catholic priest is here very busy talking to the soldiers this afternoon. Now I will stop until this evening.

Thomas is sleeping. He does not eat anything much. It will make it a little bad for you that the letters must lay in the post office here over night and that makes about twelve hours later news for you. I do not think Thomas will be living when you get this. I think he will not last until the sun rises again but he may last several days. But he is low enough to die any moment. I tell you, Father, you have no idea of a hospital like this. Many wives hearing their husband, mothers, their sons, sisters, their brothers have come from all over the North to take care of them, and when they arrive in here, you may judge the feeling when they learn that their friend is remembered among the dead. I hope I may never be called to witness another battlefield.

There are five men in here now who are lying very low. I was down to the Government Office today to see if I could get a pass to send up for you to come down and the man said he had no authority to give such a one but if I insisted on it, he would give me one to go home if I wanted it. I thought I would send it and then you could do as you liked about coming. You can do no good here. It would be no satisfaction to you nor Thomas now. If he dies, the state will send his body and I home free.

The streets of old Gettysburg. Baltimore Street looking up from the ‘Diamond’ (town square) near the time of the infamous three day battle in July of 1863

1863: Henry Basye to Annie Ball (Harding) Basye

The following letter was written by Henry Basye (1835-1916), the son of William Falcon Basye (1790-1846) and Harriet Caroline Deshields (1801-1860) of Northumberland county, Virginia. Henry was married in December 1859 to Annie Ball Harding (1840-1915) and the couple were enumerated in the household of Annie’s father, Washington William Harding, who had a farm near Lottsburg, Virginia.

I could not find an image of Henry but here is one of Pvt. William B. Todd of Co. E, 9th Virginia Cavalry (LOC)

Henry enlisted in April 1861 as private in Co. D, 9th Virginia Cavalry. After a year’s service, he accepted a bounty of $50 to reenlist for three more years. Muster rolls suggest he was present for duty most of the time he was in the service except for the spring of 1864 when he was absent on sick leave and without leave. In this letter, dated early September 1863, he writes considerably about his desire to obtain a furlough to return home but informs his wife that his horse is too lame to make the trip. His muster rolls inform us that he was finally detailed to go home “to get a horse” in late October 1863.

Henry’s letter was datelined from Culpeper, Virginia, where the men and horses were recruiting from their long campaign into Pennsylvania and back. Referring to the Gettysburg Campaign, Henry wrote: “Annie, you say if we were not whipped in Pennsylvania, we did not make [achieve] anything by going over there, but we done them so bad that they would not attack us when we waited for them three days at Hagerstown. Meade has tried to get them to come over here, but he can’t get them to come over. They say they won’t come over here to be murdered, so you may know that a burnt child dreads the fire.”

Considerable information may be found on-line about Henry Basye and his farm at Cherry Point near Lottsburg, Virginia, in the publication, “The Confederate Philatelist,” Vol. 65, No. 3. It was written by Patricia A. Kaufmann in 2020. See Jenkins Express—A New Listing.

Transcription

Addressed to Mrs. Annie B. Basye, Lottsburg, Northumberland county, Virginia, Cherry Point

[Culpeper, Virginia]
September 4th [1863]

Dear Annie, I expected to have been home this week but owing to my detail being sent in too late for this time, can’t come. Gus Betts and myself both were to come home together, but our details were disapproved, but we will come the next time I think. I don’t expect to come home before the 15th of October, if then. Our boys ought to have been here last Monday but they are not here yet. That is the reason that we can’t get off no sooner We have got to wait until they come and then wait until the details that were in ahead of us go and come back. They have 20 days so you may judge how long it will be before I can come home. I tell you, I am very sorry that I can’t come home, but [even] if my detail had been in time, I don’t think I could come home now. [My horse] Kate is very lame at this time. I would have to wait until she gets well. She is getting a great deal better than she was a few days ago. We are getting good feed for our horses. We are getting green corn and old corn and hay. Kate is thriving every day. I hope by the time my detail cones in, she will be well, and then I can come home in double quick time.

Everything is quiet up here at this time but I am afraid this is a calm which precedes a great storm. We are in Culpeper yet. Our pickets and the Yankee pickets are in the same field. They talk to each other everyday, exchange papers, trade tobacco for sugar and coffee, and so on.

Annie, I got the letter you sent by Captain Cox. It reads like you would like to see me. I am very sorry that you were disappointed. You must not look for me until you see me. I am looking for our boys to come in every day and I expect to send this letter by one of the detail that is now waiting to go down I am afraid you will not send me a letter by Dick. You say you want my likeness. Well, if the man that takes ambrotypes comes from Orange Court House before we leave here, you shall certainly have it. I have been waiting for him a long time.

Annie, when you write to me, let me know what your Pa has done with his colt and let me know how your colt is coming on. Let me know if Pa has put Isabella to a horse or not. If he has not, he ought to have done so. But he knows best.

Annie, Captain [John F.] Hughlett got a letter from William [J.] Middleton the other day. He was taken prisoner at Hagerstown, Maryland. He said in his letter that he was in Baltimore. He also said that Ben Sanze was there and several others that belonged to the 40th Regiment that was taken the same time that he was. He did not say a word about him. I can’t find out whether be was killed or taken prisoner. He was numbered with the prisoners but I have not heard a word from him. I reckon Missy and Ma are very uneasy about him. 1 Bill says he is doing very well in Baltimore.

Annie, I could have sent & letter to your sister Lucy last week by the Yankees but we don’t talk to them now. The 7th Virginia Regiment went down on picket the other night and took every one of the Yankee pickets [prisoners]. It made General [J. E. B.] Stuart very mad. He won’t let us talk to them now for he wants them to come over the river. If they will come, he is waiting for them.

Annie, you say you have lots of news to tell me when I come home. I want you to write it to me. I am looking every day for Joe and Everett to come up. I would be glad to see them, but I tell you, this is a bad old place to come to. But I hope they may not see as hard a time as we have seen. If they do, they will smart worse than a dog in a mole hole. Annie, some of the 15th have got details and haven’t got but ten days. I don’t expect to get but ten days if I get any but I will come on a 2 days detail.

The Richmond Enquirer states that Thomas Redman died in New York the other day. I am very sorry to hear it. Annie, you say if we were not whipped in Pennsylvania, we did not make anything by going over there, but we done them so bad that they would not attack us when we waited for them three days at Hagerstown. Meade has tried to get them to come over here, but he can’t get them to come over. They say they won’t come over here to be murdered, so you may know that a burnt child dreads the fire.

Annie, when I come home, I will tell you all about the fight over there—[all] that I know about it. Give my love and respects to the rest of the family. Give my love to Ma [ ] and to sister Betsy’s family. Tell me all about everybody and everything else… Annie, you don’t know how glad I would be to see my little children. When you write, you never say a word about them. Who do they look Like? I want you to tell me who Stonewall looks like. I know who Novella looks like. She looks like her father. Joe Moone says Stonewall is a fine looking boy. I would like to see him.

I would like so much to come hone about this time to get some watermelons, peaches, fish, and several other things too numerous to mention. There is no fruit up here nor anything else except (I don’t know that I have a right to partake of the “except”). Annie, our boys details have come. They haven’t got but fifteen days. That is five more than the 15th got. I am going to send in for twenty-five days and maybe I will get twenty, That is little enough for a man to have that has to go from here to the Northern Neck. It will take three days to come home and six to go back. Our boys will start home this morning as their details have come but the others have not come. Goodbye. God bless you. I hope to see you before long. Your affectionate husband, — Henry Basye


1 I believe this is a reference to Henry’s younger brother, Louis Octavous Basye (1838-1895) who served as a private in Co. F, 40th Virginia Infantry and rose to the rank of 3rd Sergeant. He was captured at Falling Waters, Md., July 14, 1863, during the retreat from the Battle of Gettysburg when Lee’s men could not cross the Potomac due to rain-swollen rivers and the loss of a pontoon bridge at nearby Falling Waters to a Union cavalry raid. Octavous was exchanged at Baltimore on March 3, 1864.

1862-63: John Parker to Daniel Wentz

The following letters were written by 18 year-old John Parker to David Wentz (1806-1882) of Parryville, Carbon county, Pennsylvania. In the 1860 US Census, John was enumerated in the Wentz household and employed as a farm hand. In the 1870 US Census, John was enumerated in the household of Harrison Wentz in Franklin, Carbon county, Pa., and employed as a school teacher. John may have been an orphan and the Wentz family may have been relatives.

There were many John Parkers who served in the Union army during the Civil War but he was the one that served in Co. H, 81st Pennsylvania Infantry—a company that was raised in Carbon county, Pennsylvania, in August 1861. The 81st Pennsylvania participated in the Battle of Gettysburg as part of the 1st Brigade, of Caldwell’s First Division, in Hancock’s II Corps. They were engaged in the pursuit of Lee’s army following his defeat at Gettysburg and would have been in the vicinity of Funkstown, Maryland, at that time.

Letter 1

Patriotic header on letter featuring lithograph of McClellan on horseback.

[Harrison’s Landing]
July 5th 1862

Mr. Daniel Wentz,

Dear sir, I let you know by these few lines that I am well at present and hope these few lines will find you all in the same state of health. Your letter dated June 21st came duly to hand yesterday and was very glad for it. I read it with much pleasure but I hope you don’t pity your old sawmill dam and the bumble bees has been flying again and our regiment is cut up very bad. Britten and A[lfred] Overolester, W. Bennet is safe.

Where L. Knous is, no one knows. He is not along with the regiment anymore but he has not been in the battle either at Fair Oaks. He is a great soldier. He ran away every time. Where he is now, we don’t know. He is either lost or taken prisoner. This battle has been on Sunday and Monday our regiment has been in three battles. We retreated onward to James River but we have drove them back again. But I guess McClellan done it to coax them out of Richmond. There is thousands of thousands men fell. You can’t say that I haven’t been in war. If I will ever come home, I hope I will though the Bucktails has got cut up too very bad. But John Vogle and his Father & H. Swartz is safe too. F. Suter is hit from a piece of shell at his head but he is all right too. He won’t mind that. I have seen those men myself but I have seen some other men out of the same regiment and they have told me so.

I have sent $15 to Dennis with the Express to Parryville. If any of you want the money for your own use, why so take it and take that what I owe you for sending home my clothes. I have only got $17.75 for my pay this time. I have two months yet to come now. This is all I have to say for this time. They will put, I guess, three or four regiments together now and you want to know my Captain’s name yet. His name is [Thomas C.] Harkness but he is wounded now and gone home. I have told you in another letter already but perhaps you didn’t get it. Yours truly in hand, — John Parker

Please write soon in care of Col. John Stone, Co. H, 81st Regt. P. V., Howard Brigade, Sumner’s Corps, Washington D. C.

To be forwarded.


Letter 2

Patriotic stationery used by John Parker to write his letter in pencil, dated 11 July 1863

Funkstown, Maryland
July 11th 1863

Mr. Daniel Wentz—dear sir,

I now let you know by these few lines that I received your letter on the 8th which was dated June 22nd and was glad to hear that you are all well as this leaves me. I am also well, hoping these few lines may find you enjoying the same blessing.

You have stated in your letter that Dennis & Harriet would think more of me at present than ever they did which I am glad to hear but the way he wrote in his letter, it did not seem so.

You have also stated about the rebels being in Pennsylvania which was true enough, but they are not in now at present for we have routed them out of it. They are now yet in Maryland but they would not be in here any more if they could cross the Potomac river. We have also had a battle at Gettysburg and are expecting another one here in Maryland.

I am still tending to the mail. We are at present laying at Funkstown in line of battle ready to pull the triggers at any minute and are very anxious to do it for fear the rebels will cross the river and we have to follow them again in Virginia. I have also received a letter from Harrison the same time. He has stated about me lending him some money. I will leave that to Dennis because he’s got it but for my part, he can have it if Dennis don’t use it himself. Dennis can now do as he likes. This is all I have to say for this time. — John Parker

Write soon.

1863-64: Robert Guyton to his Family

This letter was written by Robert Guyton (1838-1915), the son of John Guyton (1810-1886) and Elizabeth Jane Hazlett (1812-1890) of McCandless, Allegheny county, Pennsylvania. Robert enlisted in Co. F, 139th Pennsylvania Infantry on 1 September 1862. He was promoted from corporal to sergeant in June 1864 and mustered out with the company in June 1865. After the war, Robert returned home, married Nancy A. Robinson (1840-1888), and resumed farming.

The Guyton Family Farm in Allegheny county, Pennsylvana

Letter 1

Camp near White Oak Church, Va.
April 5th 1863

Dear Sister,

I received your kind letter of 28th of March an evening or two ago and one from Father this morning dated the 20th. I am very glad to hear that you have all got right well again. I am in very good health now and so is John Wallace and all the rest of the boys from our neighborhood. This is a very rough day here. It commenced to snow last evening about dark and last night was about as stormy a night as ever I saw but I think after this storm is past we will have good weather.

I suppose you are all busy eating eggs today. I would not care if I had a few here today. I think I could eat them without much trouble. Some of the sutlers have them at 50 cents per dozen but that does not suit us so long after the paymaster has been here.

Our Captain William W. Dyer ¹ started to Alleghany City this morning on a furlough of ten days. He will leave the carpet sack that you sent out with Charles Osborn at Sample’s Book Store on Federal Street near the depot and Father can get it someday when he is in town. I would have sent it back with Osborn when he went home but John Wallace ² was talking about getting a furlough and he wanted it to take some things home in but as has not got a furlough yet and will not for a while, I thought I would let the Captain have it as he had nothing of the kind to carry his clothes in.

Price of commodities copied from the Richmond Sentinel, 30 March 1863

Enclosed in this letter I send Father a little bit of Rebel tobacco which the [Rebels] sent across the Rappahannock river the last time our regiment was on picket. They built a kind of boat and rigged it off with sails and would send it over to our side of the river with newspapers, tobacco, and so forth, and our fellows would sed them over coffee, pork, and so on. They were very willing to trade anything they had but when the officers came along, both sides had to stop sending their boats over. Joseph Borland got a piece of tobacco that was sent over in one of their boats and he gave me this piece and I thought I would send Father a chew of the Reb tobacco. I had one of the papers that they sent over and I will give you a list of the prices of some things in Richmond as taken from the Richmond Sentinel of March 30th.

But I must stop. Your brother, — R. Guyton


¹ Capt. William W. Dyer was promoted from 1st Lt. to the command of Co. F, 139th Pennsylvania on14 January 1863. He died on 13 June 1864 from wounds received at Cold Harbor on 2 June. He is buried in Uniondale Cemetery in Allegheny City, Pa.

² John Wallace enlisted as sergeant in Co. F, 139th Pennsylvania in September 1862. He was transferred to the Veteran Reserve Corps on 10 March 1864.


Letter 2

Note: This letter was written by Corp. Guyton as the 139th Pennsylvania force-marched to Gettysburg where they arrived on the evening of the 2nd day’s fighting just as the U.S. Regulars were being driven back from the Wheatfield. After the Regulars withdrew through their line, the 139th Pennsylvania counter-charged and halted the Confederate advance on Cemetery Ridge. On July 3rd, the 139th Pennsylvania advanced after Picket’s Charge and cleared the area along the Wheatfield Road where they recovered a cannon and three caissons of the 9th Massachusetts Battery that had been lost the previous day. [See Lt. Col. William H. Moody’s report]

Camp near Fairfax Court House
Monday, June 22d 1863

Dear Mother,

I received your very welcome letter of June 15th on Saturday. I was very glad to hear that Father’s arm had got well again for I was afraid that it might have been from that old hurt.

We are all right well here — that is, all the boys from our neighborhood that are here. I have not heard from John Wallace ¹ or R[obert C.]. Anderson ² since they went to Washington. Our Captain [William W. Dyer] and 2d Lieutenant [Wilson Stuart] are in the hospital there too but I think likely they will all be up to the regiment again in a few days. We have been lying here since Thursday evening but it is very doubtful how long we may stay here. I thought yesterday that [we] would have had to move as there was heavy cannonading pretty near all day in the direction of the old Bull Run Battlefield [see Battle of Upperville] but I think from the sound of the cannon that the fighting was some distance beyond Bull’s Run. It [think] it is chiefly cavalry fighting yet but it will be very apt to end in a decisive battle without the Rebs fall back. There was several thousand cavalry passed here yesterday on their way to the scene of action but I have not heard any firing this morning yet and that makes me think that our men has driven them back.

You wanted to know whether I was contented out here or not. I came to the conclusion that I might as well be contented as not when I came out here and I believe it is better for the health to be as happy and contented as possible than to be disappointed and homesick half the time. You used to tell me that I could never stay away from home for I would get homesick before a week but I think I have been about as clear of homesickness so far as any person in our company and I believe homesickness is the cause of a great deal of sickness out here. The boys will get to thinking about the good times they used to have at home and they will go on wishing they were at home till they get homesick and then it will end in a fever or some other kind of sickness. I have had very good health since I came out, I think my constitution is much stronger than it was before I came out. I know that I can stand things now without any trouble that would have killed me before I came out. But I must stop for this time.

Camp near Edward’s Ferry, Maryland
June 27th 1863

Dear Mother  — I commenced to write this several days ago but I had not time to finish it. We have been marching pretty near all the time. We have done some of the hardest marching the last few days that ever I saw — sometimes marching day and night. I am right well and so are the rest of the boys. We crossed the [Potomac] river today and here we are in Old Maryland. It is supposed by a great many that we are falling back to draw the Rebs as near Washington as possible. Perhaps we may move in the direction of Pennsylvania. It is hard to tell. Write as often as you can for i can get your letters when I can’t send any. Sometimes there is no mail leaves the regiment for several days but I must close as it is getting dark.

Your son, — R. Guyton

¹ Sergeant John Wallace was transferred to the Veteran Reserve Corps in March 1864.

² Corporal Robert C. Anderson was wounded at Spottsylvania Court House in May 1864.


A company of the 139th Pennsylvania

Letter 3

Note: This letter describes Sheridan’s September 1864 campaign to drive Confederates out of the Shenandoah Valley and render the area useless to the Southern cause by destroying all the crops and supplies. See Confederate General Jubal Early abandons Winchester, Virginia.

Robert’s personalized stationery—quite rare

Harrisonburg, Shenandoah Valley, Va.
Sept. 20th 1864

Dear Mother,

I take this opportunity of writing a few lines to let you know that I am in good health.

I wrote home three days ago telling you of the victory that we had gained over [Jubal A.] Early’s force in the Valley at Winchester and at Strasburg. Since then we have been following them up and driving them back at every place that they attempted to make a stand. If Gen. Sheridan does not capture all of them, it cannot be said that it was because he did not follow them close enough. I never saw a closer pursuit of a retreating army since I joined the service. On Saturday they made a stand at Mount Jackson, but we soon drove them out of that and drove them so close for five or six miles that our advance was skirmishing with them all the time.

I will try and tell you how we followed them so close. First, we had a heavy line of skirmishers or rather two lines, then a line of Battle and just behind the line of Battle, there was several Batteries of Artillery, and whenever the Artillery would come to any high ground they would unlimber and fire a few shots into the Rebs, then limber up and gallop to another piece of high ground and fire a few more, then away again. And behind the first line of Battle there was eight or ten heavy columns of troops reaching as far as you could see, ready to wheel into line of Battle at a moments notice. It was as beautiful a sight as ever I saw. We followed them in that manner till dark when we halted for the night and they made such good use of the darkness that we have not seen them since.

I do not think Early’s force will make a stand in this part of the Valley unless they are reenforced as they are badly demoralized and scattered through the mountains and woods. We halted here last evening and I think from present appearances that we will hardly move from here today.

Harrisonburg is about 90 miles from Harpers Ferry and if we go much farther, I do not know how we will get up supplies. I should like to know how Gen. Grant is getting along at Petersburg but we have not had any news from there since we started from Berryville. If he should whip Gen. Lee as badly there as Early was whipped here, I think the Rebellion would soon be ended. We should be very thankful to God for the victory that he has given us here. Dunlap is not with us as he was not well enough to march when we started but I hope this Rebellion will soon be crushed out and we all can return home Goodby. Your affectionate son, — R. Guyton

Some of Robert Guyton’s personal items on display at the McCandless/Northern Allegheny Heritage & Cultural Center in November 2023.

1863: Joel S. Duffell to Elizabeth D.

The following letter came to me for transcription, author unknown. The sender and receiver appear to be “J. S. D.” and “E. D.” Names of soldiers mentioned in the letter were from Spalding county, Georgia, and regiments raised there included the 51st and 53rd Georgia Infantry. My hunch is the letter was written by Joel S. Duffell (1818-1866) who enlisted as a private on 4 March 1862 in Co. I, 51st Georgia. He was appointed 5th Sergeant in January 1862 and promoted to 2nd Sergeant on 1 June 1864.

Joel was born in 1819 and appears to have had a couple of different wives; he was married to his second wife, Martha Rice in 1855 in Henry county, Alabama. The letter was addressed to Liz who was undoubtedly the Elizabeth D. to whom the letter was addressed but I cannot account for her in census records. She may have been a wife, a sister, or some other relative. He does mention “Mattie” which could be a nickname for Martha. Joel’s father was no longer living in 1863 but the “Pap” might refer to his father-in-law.

At Gettysburg, the 51st and 53rd Georgia Regiments were brigaded together in Brigadier General Paul J. Semmes Brigade of Major General Lafayette McLaws Division of Longstreet’s 1st Corps. They took part in the fight on Rose Hill and on into the wheat field in support of Kershaw and Anderson late in the afternoon of July 2, 1863. On 4 July 1863 the Confederates began their retreat from Gettysburg and made their way to Hagerstown, Maryland, where this letter was scribbled in pencil on 8 July. The Confederates finally crossed the Potomac on the night of 13 July, delayed by high waters.

This illustration depicts the Confederate Retreat from Gettysburg. Image Source: New York Public Library Digital Collections.

Transcription

Camp near Hagerstown
July 8, [1863]

Dear Liz,

I write you a few lines which will inform you that I am well at this time truly hoping these lines may reach & find you all well. Dear Liz, we have come back [with]in 6 miles of Potomac River. It has been raining for 2 or 3 days. I cannot tell whether we will cross back soon or not. We had a terrible fight at Gettysburg. I would be glad if I had time to write more but I have not. I wrote some days ago but have not sent it off yet. Two letters come for me some days past but have not received them yet. I trust God will spare me to see you all again—if not in this life, to meet you all in heaven.

I am sorry that W. J. Clements 1 was killed but he is gone and many other poor fellows. Do the best you can. Kiss mother for me. Give my love to all who may inquire after me.

We have hard times now. I saw B. F. Mottes [?]. He was shocked by a [ ]. Crock Akins wounded in leg. 2 Wiley Childers not hurt. 3 J. Brown 4 not hurt. Liz, I must close. Goodbye for this time. I hope to see you again.

J. S. D. to E. D.

I saw a citizen with this ticket. I copied it and will send it to you.

Peace Ticket for the Next President’s Election

Jeff Davis of Mississippi for President
Vallandingham of Ohio for Vice President
All Negroes to be sent South
Abe Lincoln to be sent to the Devil.

N. B. Liz, I will send you a present though it is a poor one. Yet it is the best I have. I will send it to itself though at the same time I send this letter. Liz, I will tell you something rather funny. Joe Weldon 5 says he is longing for eggs. He says if he was a woman and was in the [family way?] and longed for eggs as he does and was to have a baby, he says it would have a shell on it.

Liz, I want to hear about the draft. I expected to hear all about it in Pap’s letter but not a word. Goodbye dear Lizzy and Mattie

N. B. I started Pap a letter yesterday.


1 William J. Clements enlisted in Co. C, 13th Georgia Infantry in July 1861. He was killed two years later at Gettysburg. He was from Spalding county, Georgia.

2 Possibly Private Elisha Clay Akins (1831-1906) of Griffin, Spalding county, Georgia who enlisted on 28 April 1862 in Co. A, 53rd Georgia Infantry, and was wounded in the right leg at Gettysburg. He was taken prisoner and exchanged in September 1863.

3 Wiley Thomas Childers (1842-1921) served in Co A, 53rd Georgia Infantry. He was taken prisoner at Knoxville, TN, on 29 November 1863 and spent the remainder of the war at the Rock Island Prison in Illinois.

4 The roster of Co. A, 53rd Georgia Infantry includes a “Private J. P. Brown.”

5 Possibly J. S. Weldon (or Welden) who enlisted as a private in April 1862 to serve as a musician in Co. A, 53rd George Infantry.

The Civil War Letters of Joseph Litchfield Locke, 33rd Massachusetts Infantry

The following letters were written by Joseph Litchfield Locke (1841-1899) of Co. I, 33rd Massachusetts Infantry. Joseph was the son of Rev. William Sherburne Locke (1808-1896) and Caroline Dame Tibbets (1809-1893).

Lt. Joseph Litchfield Locke, 33rd Massachusetts Infantry (R. J. Ferry Collection)

According to his obituary, appearing in The Inter Ocean of 17 July 1899, Joseph was born in Canada in 1843 and came to Chicago twenty-five years ago. He was a member of the firm J. L. Locke & Co., cap manufacturers, at No. 254 Monroe Street. During the war, Mr. Locke served as a lieutenant in the 33rd Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry, gaining his promotion from the ranks by gallantry on the field. He was a charter member of the Menoken club. A widow, two brothers, and two sisters survive him. His brothers are Judge James [William] Locke of Jacksonville, Florida, who has been on the U. S. Supreme Court bench for many years, and Eugene O[lin] Locke, clerk of the United States Supreme court [should be the US District Court of the Southern District of Florida] in the same city.”

Joseph’s military record informs us that he mustered in to the regiment as a corporal in early August 1862. He was promoted to sergeant in early March 1863, and commissioned a lieutenant in September 1864. He mustered out of the regiment on 11 June 1865 at Washington D. C.

[Note: These letters are from the private collection of R. J. Ferry and were transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Related Reading:

Civil War Lowell: 33rd Massachusetts infantry. RichardHowe.com Lowell Politics & History, May 30, 2011

Letter 1

Log Houses occupied by the 154th New York near Stafford Court House. Sgt. Marcellus Warner Darling Memoirs. Locke’s description of the winter quarters occupied by the 33rd Massachusetts sound similar.

Camp near Stafford Court House, Va.
February 20th 1862 [should be 1863]

Shoulder Straps Rank

This sheet of paper is rather dirty and soiled but soldier’s things will get so & it must go. We are in our new houses, there being 14 for the company and five in each house. Their dimensions are as follows: 12 feet long, 6 wide, walls 4 feet high. Facing the street the door and fire place occupy the whole end. Our bunks are crossing at the rear, the lower one 6 inches from the ground, upon which 3 lie, the upper one 2.5 feet above that. They are made of small poles laid across larger ones and covered with boughs. Our fireplace is built up of sticks laid up in Virginia mud and lined with ditto two or three inches thick which bakes as hard as a rock—a perfect brick in a short time.

There is one piece of good news to me and will probably interest you. My friend Jacob Aling has received an appointment to the Military Academy at West Point and received his discharge and gone home. I was sorry to have him leave but am glad for his part. He is a young man who will make his mark.

I received a letter yesterday from home saying you would get my box off before long. Yes, I have received my old stocking, a lot of postage stamps, the paper in a paper besides a number of other papers which are very agreeably received in this out of the world place. I haven’t much of anything new to write and have a number of other letters to write. I got Letta’s letter and was glad to hear from her and to see that she can write some if not in writing letters.

I write to Gene and give him a talking to when I get time. Why doesn’t he like Mr. Wheeler? I’m most afraid the fault is a good deal on his own part. Ask any questions about soldier’s life, military affairs, &c. that any of you would like to know & I’ll try to give you what information I am able on any subject.

[Shoulder straps sketch]

We were reviewed a few days ago by General Hooker, Sigel & a number of other Major Generals were present.


Letter 2

The 33rd Massachusetts Infantry, part of the XI Army Corps, arrived on the field at Gettysburg on the first day of battle. Most of the XI Corps was deployed north of Gettysburg in an attempt to hold the Rebel advance in check. However, two brigades of the Corps (von Steinwehr’s Division), which included the 33rd Massachusetts, were ordered to remain on Cemetery Hill as a reserve to support the Federal artillery being placed there. For details of their actions over the course of the battle, see 33rd Massachusetts Infantry at Gettysburg by Patrick Browne posted on Historical Disgression on 11 May 2013.

The 33rd Massachusetts Infantry monument is located at the intersection of Slocum and Wainwright Avenues near Steven’s Knoll. It was placed in 1885.

Battlefield of Gettysburg, Pa.
July 3d 1863

Dear folks at home,

We are into it tough and tight. We arrived here the p.m. of the 1st. Part of our Corps was in. Our Brigade laid on a hill supporting a battery and were only shelled some. There were but two Corps in on the first against the whole number of rebs. Yesterday a.m. was mostly taken up getting positions. We shelled them some but could not draw any fire from them till about 3 p.m. when they opened on us and attacked us on the left with great force, but we held them there, held our position, and repulsed them with greater slaughter.

Just as the hardest fighting on the left, our extreme right held by the 12th Corp & our Brigade of the 11th was attacked by Ewell’s entire force, massed, and they seemed determined to force our position & turn our flank. Had they done it, it would have been all up with us but we held it handsomely & being reenforced by the 6th Corps about 6, kept our position & repulsed them & small [loss] to us as we were in good rifle pits. Our regiment has had quite a number killed and many wounded. ‘Tis uncertain how many.

I have remained with and helped the Surgeon of our regiment. We were (and are) in a stone barn a short [distance] to the rear of the regiment. Shell and shot are falling thick and fast around the barn [and] a number have struck it. 1

July 5th, 10 a.m. Since writing the last, I have been with the regiment & under some hot fire. Have probably had 50 men wounded & killed. I got a bullet through my haversack & blankets yesterday within an inch of my side. It put a hole through my tin plate & broke a “hard bread” (the boys think it must have gone swift to do that). We have whipped the rebs with great slaughter. They made [a] desperate attempt to break our lines but couldn’t do it. Our loss was light compared with them. We think they skedaddled last night. — Jose

These flowers I picked in the cemetery where some of our heaviest batteries were planted & which were used rough by them shells & which was charged by them and defended by our Corps in which was our regiment.

1 The XI Corps Hospital took over the George Spangler farm in the middle of the afternoon on 1 July 1863 and remained there through the next two days of fighting and for several days afterward. “The wounded soon began to pour in, giving us such sufficient occupation that from the 1st of July till the afternoon of the fifth, I was not absent from the hospital more than once and then but for an hour or two,” said 26-year-old Dr. Daniel G. Brinton, surgeon-in-chief, Second Division, XI Corps, U.S. Volunteers. “Very hard work it was, too, & little sleep fell to our share. Four operating tables were going night and day. Many of them were hurt in the most shocking manner by shells. My experience at Chancellorsville was nothing compared to this & and I never wish to see such another sight. For myself, I think I never was more exhausted.” A Spangler surgeon who was approaching total exhaustion called the work “too much for human endurance.”

The hospital would use almost every inch of that Pennsylvania bank barn. Dr. Brinton estimated that 500 wounded and dying men filled it. A hospital worker guessed 400. Men were crammed so closely together that they passed deadly infectious diseases such as typhoid fever to one another. Many men died of these diseases rather than the battle wound that brought them to the hospital. Pvt. Reuben Ruch, age 19 of the Easton area, 153rd Pennsylvania, said: “This barn was full of wounded men from one end to the other. Where there was room for a man you could find one. The hay mows, the feed room, the cow stable, the horse stable and loft.” The hospital grew to about 1,900 wounded on July 4-5 after the Confederates retreated and it was safe for ambulances to search on and around the battlefield for wounded men left behind. Even though the hospital served the XI Corps and its 26 regiments at Gettysburg, it hosted Confederate and Union wounded and men from more than 50 regiments altogether. Many Confederates were placed in the barn’s wagon shed to separate them from the Army of the Potomac wounded. The barn and other outbuildings quickly filled, so men were then placed in the open because not enough tents were provided after the battle.

“At the doorway I saw a huge stack of amputated arms and legs, a stack as high as my head!” said Pvt. William Southerton, age 21, 75th Ohio. “The most horrible thing I ever saw in my life! I wish I had never seen it! I sickened.” Wounded Pvt. Justus Silliman of the 17th Connecticut said, “The barn more resembled a butcher shop than any other institution. One citizen on going near it fainted away and had to be carried off.” [See Restored George Spangler Farm tells grim stories of Gettysburg dead and wounded.”]


Letter 3

Camp near Berlin Station, Virginia
July 12, 1863

Dear folks at home,

We are stopping here for a day. We may stay a little longer before recrossing into Dixie. We have expelled the invader from Loyal soil! Many blame Gen. Meade for not bagging Lee’s force. Such persons are no judges of military forces or movements. Often our best officers are wronged & that shamefully by reporters who can judge nothing of the movements of an army. ‘Tis well enough to talk of cutting off the retreat of the Rebs but ‘twoud have been risking too much to have divided our forces so as to have undertaken it. We only gained the victory at Gettysburg by holding a very short line and making the most of all of our forces and acting on the defensive at that.

We are about 5 miles below Harper’s Ferrry. (I don’t know where I wrote you last but when we left Gettysburg, we marched back through Emmettsburg on over the mountains to Middleton, back to South Mountain, through to Boonsboro, on to Hagerstown, where [we] waited two days and fortified expecting another fight, but the Johnnies ran away. The morning after they retreated, our Corps marched down to Williamsport, saw that they were all well across and returned coming on here through Hagerstown, Middleton & Jefferson.

I am in very good health. Have had a horse since the fight at Gettysburg. I “picked up” a good one there (“picked up” is a very significant word in the army and accounts for the possession of anything a person may have). This one is a very good horse. I was going off to get rations up to the regiment about 3 the morning of the 4th when I came across him loose on a part of the battlefield with a good bridle and saddle on so I mounted it. I picked up a horse at [the] Beverly Ford fight but he had been used hard & gave out at Centreville so I walked to Gettysburg.

This is a splendid country, here and up into Pennsylvania. It is one continuous wheat field. It was the finest view I ever had from the mountains we crossed near Middleton. Hagerstown is the finest place we have been in on the march (I didn’t see much of Frederick) and the men, women, and young ladies & children came out in great numbers to see us pass just as you would at home to see a circus pass, in the porer parts of the city. Many exerted themselves to keep pails and tubs full of water placed where we could snatch a drink as we passed in the more worthy part of the city. The ladies waved their handkerchiefs very gracefully as we passed. The best way to serve the soldiers on a march is to have plenty of fresh cold water where they can snatch a cupful without falling behind.

I suppose you have had good accounts of the battle at Gettysburg but I can give you an idea of where our corps & regiment laid.

Locke’s Sketch of the 33rd Massachusetts’ position in Culp’s Meadow at Gettysburg

Our position, you see, was supporting the batteries near us and Battery 1 & 2 doing considerable damage. A number of Reb batteries from points 3 and 4 opened on them, bringing us under a crossfire which was very severe. The worst of our loss was sustained here.

But the mail goes in a few minutes & I must close. Send me two skeins of black silk & a few needles in your next. Also a silk pocket handkerchief. — Jose


Letter 4

Bristoe Station, Va.
September 20, 1863

Dear folks at home,

We still remain at this place and probably shall for some time to come as our Corps is considerably scattered at present and we are doing duty which some one must do—viz: guard the railroad. Our Corps (what is here) now guards the railroad from Manassas Junction to the Rappahannock. One Division (the 1st) is at the siege of Charleston [and] one Brigade of our Division is in Alexandria.

I have been quite anxious lately for fear you did not receive my letter containing $50 in which I told about my box as I have not heard from you concerning it. We have received no boxes since the 10th inst. and I understand there is a lot of them now at Culpeper which will be sent here soon and probably mine is in it, if everything is right.

I got a letter from Gene a few days ago. He had not been there long but seemed to like.

We get but little news lately from anywhere but think everything is going on right. Our army has been for a long time and is now receiving great reinforcements. A great many conscripts besides over 30,000 men have lately returned from New York City who have been there from this army protecting and enforcing the law during the draft. We have received no conscripts and ’tis doubtful whether we get any for some time at least. Tis strange how a regiment will get reduced. Our regiment numbered (without the two companies which went into the 41st) 1,000 able bodied? men. We have had but few men killed in battle and we now draw rations for 461 men. Hardships pick off men faster than bullets. You may well believe that the most of the men we have now are tough.

Our regiment does a good deal of scouting now-a-days and under the direction of a boy 18 or 19 years old are quite successful. This young fellow (Doughty) came with the family when but five years old from the North somewhere so are good Union people. His father is in Richmond a prisoner. Young Doughty’s mother & sister live about 4 and a half miles from here. 1 He went as guide of a part a few days ago and alone took two cavalry Rebs prisoners and led our men to a house where there were 13 large trunks belonging to Reb officers and packed with their uniforms, &c. All of these our men opened and took everything out they wanted. There was a good deal of valuable property in them and our men came in loaded with booty.

We are having the weather very cool now and have had a long, cold storm for a few days past. Meg, postage stamps have “played out” as you may see by the envelope.

The bushwhackers are very bad and saucy around here. Not long ago they took a captain, five men and four horses—not long before they took Lieut. [Arthur C.] Parker of our regiment (he came out as Orderly Sergt. of Co. I) detailed on Gen. Meade’s staff as aide-de-camp. He visited the regiment, started off, and has not been heard from since. 2 They also took three teams out of a train of sutler’s wagons when the train was guarded by cavalry before & behind. They are very bold.

Write soon & I’ll let you know as soon as I get the box. — Jose.

1 My hunch is that the young man named Doughty was James R. Doughty (1842-1875), the son of Abraham Doughty (b. 1800) and Eunice Reynolds (180801872). This family came from New York to farm in Prince William county, Virginia, prior to 1850. After the war, James worked as a clerk in the Treasury Department for a time but in 1875 he was killed while working as a flagman on the Baltimore & Potomac Railroad when he fell under the wheels of the cars near Bowie Station. [Still need to verify his identity]

2 Arthur C. Parker was a 21 year-old student when he enlisted on 23 July 1862 as a 1st Sergeant in Co. I, 33rd Massachusetts. He was promoted to 2nd Lieutenant on 3 March 1863 and was killed by guerrillas on 16 August 1863 at Catlett’s Station, Virginia.


Letter 5

The following letter provides us with a riveting account of the 33rd Massachusetts’ participation in the Battle of Raccoon Ridge, Lookout Valley, Tennessee on 29 October 1863.

Camp near Lookout Mountain
November 3rd 1863

Dear Folks at home,

Locke’s cryptic note reassuring the folks at home he was yet alive.

I wrote you a few lines the morning after the gallant charge and heavy loss of the 33rd [Massachusetts] on the 29th ult., but you of course would like to hear further particulars. I’ll tell you how we came here from Stevenson.

On October 24th, we marched back to Bridgeport, staid one night, and then marched across the river and went about five miles to Stuart’s Store where we staid till the morning of the 27th when we went on. About noon we stopped two hours at Shell Mound where is a very large cave. A small river runs out of it of splendid cool and clear water. It is as large as the one running from the Massebesic to the Merrimack at Goffs Falls. I went into it most a mile. Boats can go up the stream a good many miles.

We kept on and staid that night among the mountains and the next p.m. came in sight of Lookout Mountain, advanced, drove in the reb pickets & kept on but were soon opened on from the batteries on the mountain & they shelled us pretty sharp before we fell back. We lost Sergt. Adams of Co. F from Lowell here. He was killed on the spot. This was at “4” on the map. From here we fell back round the hills and marched on towards the river & went in camp at “10.” Here we all went to sleep quietly (excepting Companies A, B, & G which went off scouting so were not in the fight).

At 1 o’clock we were all [awakened by] firing about a mile off and soon we were turned [out] by the bugle and the regiment ordered off at double quick. The Chaplain & I followed hard after keeping close up to pick up any wounded. It was very dark—about 1:30 o’clock—and as we advanced up the hill in line of battle, there was some confusion and some of the officers thought the 73rd Ohio was partly ahead of us and when near the top of the hill, the adjutant hallowed and asked if the 73rd was ahead and the rebs cried out, “Yes! 73rd. Don’t shoot your own men!” and then gave us a terrible volley, wounding our Colonel, killing our Color Sergeant, and killing & wounding many more.

We then fell back to the road at the foot of the hill amid the shower of bullets. Here we formed anew, fixed bayonets, and steadily advanced under their heavy fire—reserving our fire till on top of the hill and then giving them the bayonet alone. This the rebs couldn’t stand but scattered like sheep and we went into their pits with such a yell as is only heard where a bayonet charge is made. We had only a part of two regiments in the charge, ours and the 73rd Ohio—not more than 500 men. But the rebs allow that they had five regiments with over 2,000 men. 1

The hill is about 200 feet high and very steep in most every place—45o—with a growth of oak and considerable underbrush. And the men went in with knapsacks & everything on & I didn’t see one thing thrown off. They didn’t know they had them on. The victory was ours but dearly won. I was at work hard all the time helping the wounded off and as it grew lighter, it was a sad sight to come across intimate friends dead and cold as they fell or just breathing their last.

Our adjutant—a young man almost idolized by every man in the regiment, two 2nd Lieutenants, and our Color Bearer all lay dead not far apart. We lost four officers killed and four wounded, 25 men killed, 56 wounded, and two missing—probably killed. None of the Normals were hurt. Our Colonel is very badly wounded but may recover.

I send you a rough map of the country as near as I could make it out. Also a rough sketch of the hill we took & Lookout Mountain beyond. By timing sound, we make it 1.75 miles from the top of Lookout [Mountain] to the top of the hill we are on. Lookout is impregnable from the front, being 1400 feet hight—very steep & a perpendicular wall or ledge all round the top.

Write soon & often. I got the letters but have not got my box but consider it safe and sure sometime. We are shelled every day from Lookout but they don’t do much damage.

1 Locke’s account squares well with Samuel H. Hurst, 73rd Ohio Infantry. “When we had approached within 2 or 3 rods of the enemy’s breastworks there opened upon us a most murderous fire from a force on our right flank, completely enfilading our line. The appearance of this force on our flank seemed to forbid our farther advance. I knew we had no support on our right, and we had not held communication with the 33rd Massachusetts at any time during the engagement. Regarding the Seventy-third as the directing battalion, I had paid no attention to our support on the left, and it was impossible for me to learn whether Col. Underwood was advancing or not, while heavy and irregular firing, with cries of “Don’t fire upon your own men,” coming from the left of our front, only increased the confusion. Under the circumstances I deemed it rash to advance farther until I knew that one, at least, of my flanks was protected. I ordered the regiment to retire a few rods, which they did in perfect order, and lay down again, while I sent Capt. Higgins to ascertain the position and movements of the 33rd Massachusetts. Learning that, though they had fallen back, they were again advancing, I was preparing to go forward also, when information came that the 33rd had turned the enemy’s flank, was gallantly charging him in his breastworks, and driving him from the left crest of the hill.”

Poem composed by S. J. Ewing of Co. F, 33rd Massachusetts. Ewing was later mortally wounded at the Battle of Resaca,. Georgia, on 15 June 1864

Letter 6

This letter describes in detail the action of the 33rd Massachusetts and other regiments in their brigade during the Battle of Peachtree Creek that took place on 20 July 1864. It was a desperate hand-to hand struggle in which both sides incurred heavy losses.

Four miles north of Atlanta, Ga.
July 23rd 1864

We are still with the wagon train and have escaped one hard fight by being on duty at the rear—the first fight we have kept out of on the campaign. On the 20th inst. our Corps and one Division of the 4th Corps had a desperate open field fight. The Rebs under their new commander (Hood) made a charge on our lines intending to break them at all hazards. Our men were just forming after crossing a deep creek (Peachtree Creek). Our men were in one line of battle and had they been broken through they must have nearly all been captured but they rallied for a good position and met the Rebs with a terrible volley mowing them down and then there come a fight where every man fought on his own “hook”—loading and firing—or charging bayonets. Some used the butts of their guns ad others had it hand to hand.

A man in the 136th New York made for a color bearer—he was shot through the hand but kept on—knocked the color bearer down with the butt of his gun and brought the colors off 3 or 4 rods but was shot dead—when one of his comrades brought the colors safely off. 1

The 26th Wisconsin also captured a stand of colors 2 and 7 officers swords (from killed and wounded officers). With such fighting the rebels were repulsed with great slaughter and left their dead, wounded, and many prisoners besides in our hands. 153 dead rebels were buried where our Brigade alone fought and our Brigade only lost 147 men in killed and wounded (one-fifth of killed and wounded are generally killed—sometime more, sometimes less).

Our front lines are now two miles from Atlanta but it is hard telling how long they will hold out. Our left is already on and across the Atlanta & Augusta Railroad and it is reported that the Atlanta & Macon Railroad is cut. Gen. McPherson was killed a few days ago. It was a heavy loss to our [ ] for he was a fine General and has commanded the flanks of the army whenever a flank movement has been made. Sherman put a great deal of confidence in him.

I got my shirt today. It is very nice and suits me to a “T.” Many a thanks to Aunt Mary for making it. How is Aunt’s health now? and is she staying at home? I have received no writing paper yet and can’t think why they don’t come. But someone made a great bull in paying 84 cents on this bundle. A new postal law allows any package less than two pounds to go for 2 cents per ounze. Many shirts come from Massachusetts by mail for 12 to 15 cents apiece. But don’t send letters in it. Send them separate. Don’t put more than that or the post master must be a fool or a knave to charge on that.

1 Locke’s post-battle rendition of this incident corresponds favorably to other post-war accounts, one of which states: “The men of the 136th New York Regiment bore an honorable part in this battle, during which one of their number, Private Dennis Buckley, of Co. G, captured the battle flag of the 31st Mississippi, knocking down the Confederate color bearer with the butt of his musket and wrenching the colors from his grasp. While Buckley was waving the captured flag defiantly at the ranks of the enemy a bullet fired at him struck the flagstaff, glanced, and hit him in the forehead, killing him instantly. A year or more after the war closed the War Department gave a Medal of Honor to be delivered to the mother of Dennis Buckley, in recognition of his heroism at the battle of Peach Tree Creek and the capture by him of one of the enemy’s flags.”

2 The 26th Wisconsin has always laid claim that they captured the colors of the 33rd Mississippi at the Battle of Peachtree Creek. Certainly Locke’s post-battle account confirms that claim though he does not provide any specifics. It has become a matter of dispute through the years as to who actually captured that flag. [See The Capture of the 33rd Mississippi Infantry’s Colors on Civil War Talk, 14 October 2013.]


Letter 7

The following letter was written soon after Sherman’s Army had passed through Milledgeville, Georgia, on its March to the Sea. [See Week 31: The sack of Milledgeville, by Michael K. Shaffer in the Atlanta Journal Constitution.

[Early December 1864]

Dear Mother

A few days ago I sent a small box home by Express. It contained two books which I had on hand and a few other trinkets which I thought would [be] worth what the express would amount to for relief alone. The big knife I took from the State Arsenal at Milledgeville. It is a sample of what Georgia armed her soldiers with in the first of the war. There were hundreds of them in the Arsenal, but this one was of a superior kind—probably for an officer. The others were longer with wooden handle. The powder flask (U.S.) and wad pouch also came from there—plunder Uncle Sam + also the cap pouch, but the cavalry cartridge box (leather) I got at the Beverly Ford fight in Virginia. I took it from a captured rebel. The C.S.A. waist belt plate came from Resaca. The lead fuse of a shell was thrown at us from Atlanta by the Rebs.

The money and other papers came from the State House at Milledgeville. Of the money, keep a sheet of each kind for me and do with the other as you please—only give Fannie some of it. Preserve the Adjt. Gen. Report & the Governor’s Message. To fill up [the box], I put in some specimens of the trees &c. found here and a piece of Spanish moss. I never saw a more splendid sight in nature than a live oak tree hung full of that long trailing moss—the tree a dark green and the moss hanging down from six to ten feet long and proportionally thick and heavy. But the branch with buds on it I marked as Magnolia. It is a ge-pon’ icar (I have spelt it as pronounced) It is a splendid shrub and I have seen several in bloom now in the middle of January. We are having splendid weather, mild and comfortable.

But I must close. Goodbye. — Jose

[to] Mother


1863: Edgar Norvell Wilcox to his Family

Edgar Norvell Wilcox

The following two letters were written by Edgar (“Ned”) Norvell Wilcox, a native of Berkshire, Massachusetts, born in 1837. He was studying civil engineer at the University of Michigan when he enlisted as a private in the 7th OH Infantry at age 23 on June 19, 1861. He was discharged in December of 1861 and then joined the 18th US Regular Infantry on January 14, 1862. He was assigned as a private in Co. B, 3rd Battalion. In May 1862 he was promoted to sergeant of Co. H and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant on June 11, 1863 (retroactive to February 19th). Wilcox was promoted to 1st Lieutenant on September 20, 1863. He was breveted Captain in September 1864 for Murfreesboro, Atlanta, and Jonesboro and after the war was officially promoted to Captain on January 22, 1867. He mustered out January 1, 1871 and lived in Oberlin, OH working in railroad construction.

Ned’s first letter is particularly interesting as it summarizes the casualties of the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 18th USA Infantry at the Battle of Stones River. The 1st Battalion, Major Caldwell, went into action with 16 officers and 273 men, and on the 31st of December sustained a loss of one officer (Captain Kneass) killed; six officers (Captains Douglass, Wood and Hull, and Lieutenants McConnell, Carpenter and Adair) wounded. Twenty-seven enlisted men were killed and 109 wounded. In his official report Major Caldwell says: “All exhibited the same coolness and unflinching devotion to their country and flag that they had shown on the battle-field of Perryville, Ky.” The 2d Battalion, commanded by Major Townsend, went into action with 16 officers and 298 men and sustained a loss of one officer (Lieutenant Hitchcock) killed; five officers (Captains Dennison, Thompson and Haymond, and Lieutenants Ogden and Simons) wounded; 30 enlisted men killed, 98 wounded, 3 captured, 2 missing; aggregate loss, 139. In his official report of the battle, General Rousseau says: “The 18th Infantry were new troops to me, but I am now proud to say we know each other. If I could I would promote every officer and several non-commissioned officers and privates of the brigade of regulars for gallantry and good service in this terrific battle. The brigade was admirably and gallantly handled by Lieut.-Col. Shepherd.” [Source: US Army Center of Military History]

Ned refers to his brother, Arthur (“Art”) Tappan Wilcox (1834-1902) in both letters. Art was serving as 1st Lieutenant of Co. D, 7th Ohio Infantry at the time these letters were penned. Ned wrote the letters to his brother Lucien (“Lute”) Henry Wilcox (1830-1880) and to Charlotte (“Lottie”) Esther Wilcox (1823-1870).

[Note: These letters are from the private collection of Brent Reidenbach and were transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Letter 1

Headquarters 18th Infantry USA
Columbus, Ohio
January 29th 1863

Dear Lute,

I have just taken a notion (not a drink) to write you a few lines before I go to work this morning and enclose to you those two letters of [brother] Art’s you sent me so long ago. I have been pretty busy for the last week making up Regimental Returns & Records after the fight at Murfreesboro. Our losses foot up as follows.

1st Battalion, 28 killed, 115 wounded, 2 prisoners

2nd Battalion, 31 killed, 103 wounded, 5 prisoners, making a total loss of 284 so you may imagine the 18th was under some fire. Since that a good many of the wounded have died. Capt. Dennison [of Co. B] who was struck in the knee with a solid shot died after having his leg amputated. Lt. Simons died with his leg shattered so badly it could not be amputated & a minié ball through his breast. Lt. McConnell—an old school mate of mine at A. A.—with a ball through his lungs. Out of one company, every sergeant (5) was killed, shot through the head, all but one, who was killed by a solid shot passing through his body—pleasant to contemplate sh!

There is no saying when we shall go to the field but most of the companies will probably march within ten days. I was very much surprised to receive a letter from Aunty Shattuc of Ann Arbor whom you probably remember. She enquired after you & wanted to know where you were, &c. and I think the best answer will be for you to enclose to her your “keards”—won’t you? Tel Lottie she also enquires after her “and her dear little ones.”

I spent last Sunday evening with Cousin Ria and had a good laugh with her & Miss Post over some old sketches of yours—“Illustrations of Reveries of a Bachelor.” I did not know you were so much of an artist before, Lute. Ria says you must be “mad” at her as you haven’t answered her last letter. I tell her I guess not—your only ma-rried. I believe I’ve nothing more to offer. Give my love to sister Zilpha & remember me to Mrs. Parish and the Captain. Write to me when you get time, &c. &c. &c. — Yours, — Wilcox, Jr.

P. S. Went down town last night to hear “Patti”—reserved seats “for two”—Oh no! guess I didn’t have a good time. I let the jibs run down & “come to” in camp at 2 o’clock this morning. 1

1 Miss Carlotti Patti gave a concert at Brainard’s Hall in Columbus. She was accompanied by the great pianist Gottscaalk.


Letter 2

Camp of the 18th Infantry USA near Cowan Station
Wednesday, July 14th 1863

Dear Sister Lottie,

I only have time to write you a few lines before the mail leaves as i have but just come in from a twenty-four hours of picket duty, but take advantage of this mail reserving my letter for another time. Indeed, if I should tell you of our marches during never ending rains from the time we left Murfreesboro till we arrived here, of our bivouac’s in the rain, and its accompanying mud, without blankets, tents, or rations, of our fight on the 27th ult., of marching four and five days with nothing but hard bread and water to live on, the roads being sp heavy it was impossible to keep our supply train up, I should fill a volume.

Yours of the 7th inst. I received on the 10th or 11th, it coming through pretty quick. I suppose ere this, you know how Art [Arthur T. Wilcox] fared during the Battle of Gettysburg & wish you would let me know as I have heard nothing without a paragraph in a Pittsburgh paper which I saw this morning. Speaking of the death of Gen. Reynolds, it says “he was urging his men forward when he received his fatal wound and falling over upon Capt. Wilcox—his aide—who was riding beside him, he exclaimed, ‘Good God, Wilcox, I am killed.’ Capt. Wilcox had his horse shot under him about the same time and was severely bruised by the fall.” Was this Art or is there another Capt. Wilcox down there? 1, 2

I am well and hearty. We are camped for the present near Cowan Station on the Nashville & Chattanooga Railroad about 4 miles from Decherd & think we will stay here some time though there is nothing definite.

Write and direct simply 18th US Infantry Regular Brigade, 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland (to be forwarded). Love to all.

Yours in haste, — Ned

1 There are various accounts of the death of Gen. Reynolds on the first day of Gettysburg. One account claims that it was “about ten o’clock a.m. that Gen. Reynolds was shot while cheering on his men. He was on the left wing of his forces, and the ground where he fell lies somewhat to the left of the convent [Lutheran Theological Seminary], near the boundary of the town. The ball (which was from a Minie rifle) struck him in the back part of the neck and passed into the front part of the brain. He fell from his horse, considerably bruising his face. His death was almost instantaneous. He did not speak after being shot. The body was immediately conveyed to the rear, and given in charge of Sergeant Clevenger, who will convey it to the residence of the General’s mother, which is in Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, where he was born.”

2 It was Capt. William H. Willcox (1832-1929) who served as the aide-de-camp on the staff of 1st Corps Commander Major. General John F. Reynolds. A native of England whose family emigrated to the United States in his childhood, Willcox became an architect and surveyor and began his career in Brooklyn and New York. In December 1861 he joined the 95th New York Infantry as a topographical engineer, but must have demonstrated considerable talent, as he was detached to Brig. Abner Doubleday’s staff in July 1862.

1863: Christiana Spangler to Louisa (Spangler) Haar

This letter was written by Christiana Spangler (1828-1918) to her sister, Louisa (Spangler) Harr (1824-1882). In her letter, Christiana explains that she was deterred from coming to visit her sister by soldiers guarding the Wrightsville Bridge that spanned the Susquehanna river. The following vignette explains:

When Confederate Brigadier General John Brown Gordon arrived on June 28 with approximately 1,800 troops, the Federals were waiting in their entrenchments. The Rebels opened up with artillery fire, and the Union position rapidly became untenable. The Federals decided to retreat to Columbia and blow up a section of the over mile-long bridge behind them, denying the Rebels access to Lancaster. The explosion failed to destroy the bridge, so the order to burn it was given. As the Confederates surged forward, the bridge erupted in flames. Gordon’s men worked for hours to extinguish the blaze. They kept Wrightsville from going up in smoke, but the bridge, financed by the First National Bank of Columbia, was destroyed. Gordon’s brigade was recalled to York the next day.

Christiana’s letter was datelined 31st June 1863 which is clearly an error since there are only 30 days in the month. She makes no mention of the bridge having been destroyed yet but it may have been burned without her knowing of it when she wrote.

This letter is from the private collection of Jeff Hilsmeier who sent me photographs of it for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared.

Transcription

June 31st [30th] 1863

Dear Sister,

I take the pleasure this forenoon to write you a few lines to let you know that I am well at present and I hope that these few lines may find you and your family in the same state of good health and further, I will let you know that I was a going to come over home yesterday but I gave it up for this time for the people have a great excitement about the rebels that they are coming in so that they won’t let anybody over the bridge now in Columbia and they building forts above [the] city. But they can get over if they want to go to Lancaster for they are a great many hands are coming over to work in haymaking and harvesting and they never said a word to them that they can’t get over. But if one of our men wants to cross the bridge, they can’t.

And further I will let you know that me and Jacob got a letter from [your husband] Isaac and we were glad to hear of him but I expect till we hear of him again, he [will be] at home for he wrote that he expects to be in York till the 10th of July.

And further I will let you know that Jacob’s family is well and he has work enough. He is planting tobacco and seet potatoes still and I want you to let me know all the news that you know because I can’t get home. But if I live and can come about the rebels, I will come and stay a couple weeks with youans and I wish you all well till I see you again.

And so no more at present but still remain. My best respects to you and all inquiring friends and I want you to answer this letter as soon as it comes to hand. And so no more. Goodbye from me, — Christiana Spangler

To you, Louisa Haar