Fort Gibson, Fort Waynem Indian Territory

1839: The Death of 1st Lieutenant Constant Freeman

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In this letter to the deceased’s brother-in-law, Lieutenant Benjamin Alvord is following up on a previous communication regarding the death of Lieutenant Constant Freeman, 4th Regiment U.S. Infantry. Freeman was a graduate of the West Point Class of 1838 who was commissioned a 2nd Lieutenant and who died on duty at Ft. Wayne in Indian Territory on 17 November 1839.

Constant was the son of Ezekiel Freeman (1762-1825) and Rebecca Price (1761-Aft1839). The letter was addressed to John LeMessueries Smith (1802-1844), the husband of Constant’s older sister, Sophia Price Freeman (1814-1894).

A post Civil War image of Benjamin Alvord

Lieutenant Benjamin Alvord (1813-1884) was an 1833 graduate of West Point (his classmates included future Civil War Union Generals John G. Barnard and Rufus King, as well as future Civil War Confederate Generals Henry C. Wayne and Daniel Ruggles. He was on frontier duty when he wrote this letter, and thereafter engaged in the Florida War with the Seminole Indians, the Mexican War, and the Civil War, being breveted a brigadier general in 1865 for his long and faithful service. His entire service during the Civil War years were in the American Northwest, where he spent much of his time mediating between Indians and White settlers (who for the most part repeatedly broke treaties with the Native Americans). Resigning his Volunteer commission in August 1865, he was sent to the East, where he became Paymaster of New York City, New York. His subsequent military service was in the paymaster department, eventually being promoted to Brigadier General and Chief Paymaster of the United States Army.

Originally called Camp Illinois, what became Fort Wayne was built on the south side of the Illinois River near present-day Watts, Oklahoma; it was named in honor of General Anthony Wayne, commonly referred to as “Mad Anthony,” a notable figure in the Revolutionary War. Construction was begun on October 29, 1838, by Company C of the Seventh Infantry of the U.S. Army, commanded by Captain John Stuart. After the death of Captain Stuart on December 8, 1838, four companies of dragoons were stationed there under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Richard B. Mason in summer 1839 to relieve Stuart’s infantry. By this time, it had supplanted Fort Coffee, which had been constructed farther south in 1834. Lt. Col. Mason and companies E, F, G, and K of the First Dragoons arrived at Fort Wayne on June 16, 1839. Eighty men became ill, including Lt. James M. Bowman. Deemed “unhealthy” by military authorities, the fort was moved north by Mason’s troops to Spavinaw Creek on the southwestern edge of Beaty’s Prairie in the Cherokee Nation, four miles from Maysville, Arkansas.

Though Lt. Alvord asserts that ague was not the cause of Lt. Freeman’s illness, the symptoms described suggest to me that he and many of the other soldiers were probably suffering from malaria. Cases of cerebral malaria can cause paroxyms that were often mistaken for epileptic fits.

Transcription

Fort Wayne, Arkansas
(60 miles N. E. of Ft. Gibson)
December 5, 1839

Dear Sir,

Understanding that you are the brother-in-law of the late 1st Lieutenant Constant Freeman of the 4th Regiment U. S. Infantry, I address this communication to you, with a view to add a little to the information conveyed in my first letter. On the 18th ultimo. I wrote to Mrs. Freeman announcing the very melancholy intelligence of the death of her son who died at this post on the 17th ultimo. That letter I enclosed to Capt. F. A. Smith, Corps Engineers, Washington City. Learning that Mrs. Graham (mother of Lieut. Graham, 4th Infantry) would probably know where to direct it, I requested Capt. Smith to call upon Mrs. Graham and ascertain the residence or address of Mrs. Freeman in Baltimore so as to forward the letter. In that letter, I endeavored to give a long and minute account of his illness and I trust that it has been received.

I think I made one mistake in it. I stated that previous to the epileptic fit which carried him away, he had been 20 days under the effects of an intermittent fever. I should have said a bilious remittent fever. The fever came upon more violently at some times than at others but it was not a fever & ague.

This post is garrisoned by four companies of the 1st Regiment Dragoons under command of Lieut. Col. Mason and also one company of the 4th Regt. Infantry, temporarily stationed here & to which Lieut. Freeman belonged. All deeply, very deeply, deplore the loss we have sustained and sincerely sympathize with the friends of the late deceased. But it is especially felt by his regiment stationed at Fort Gibson from whom I have repeatedly heard since his decease. They heard the news of his death with universal grief and sorrow. That an officer of such promising talents, so you and so cheerful, so much esteemed and beloved, so full of life and happiness, should thus early be cut off, is truly melancholy. We do not pretend to offer his friends consolation; but in justice to ourselves we cannot fail to express these sentiments on this occasion.

A neat, substantial paling, 12 feet by 9, has been erected around his grave. A head board (painted & which will last many years) has been prepared having the following inscription cut upon it. “In memory of Constant Freeman, Lieut. U. S. Infantry, born at Baltimore 8 May 1819, died at Fort Wayne, 17 November 1839.”

I leave here myself very soon but some of his friends here contemplate next spring to plant within the paling some shrubbery or some prairie flowers which they may transplant from the surrounding country.

By the 95th ARticle of War, the duty of taking charge of his effects devolved upon the second in command, Capt. J. H. K. Burgwin of the 1st Regt. of Dragoons. He will (as soon as he is able to do so) foward a list of his effects which are here or at Fort Gibson, and also of all demands against his estate. The delay in the matter is occasioned by his not learning all that was necessary from Fort Gibson. He is now absent and at Fort Gibson & will doubtless attend to the matter. When he writes, I presume he will submit the question as to how his friends wish his effects to be disposed of—whether to have them sold here, reserving such articles his friends would like as mementoes of him, or forward them to the North.

Your communications on all these matters should be addressed to Capt. Burgwin. I do not expect I shall remain in Arkansas two months longer and expect to repair with my company to Fort Gibson in a few days.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
— Benjamin Alvord, Lieut., USA

[to] J. L. M. Smith, Esqr.

P. S. His sword and sash, perhaps his uniform and some of his books, besides of course all his private papers are probably the articles his friends would most value. The claims against his estate I understand are large but I do not know what amount of pay was due him.

30th North Carolina Infantry, Battle of Chancellorsville, Battle of Gettysburg

1863: Weldon Edwards Davis to Rebecca (Pitchford) Davis

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Capt. Weldon E. Davis (1838-1863)

The following letter was written by Weldon Edwards Davis (1838-1863), the son of Edward (“Ned”) Davis (1806-1895) and Rebecca (“Becky”) O. Pitchford (1812-1900). Weldon grew up on his father’s plantation, “Lake O’ the Woods,” some 15 miles south of the city of Warrenton, Warren county, North Carolina. Weldon’s station in life as the son of a wealthy planter family combined with an above average education received at the University of North Carolina (A. B. 1861) no doubt resulted in his election as Third Lieutenant of Co. B (the “Nat Mason Guards”), 30th North Carolina Infantry, when they were organized in August 1861. His rise in rank did not take long. By late September 1861 he was promoted to 2nd Lieutenant and by the first of May 1862 to 1st Lieutenant. When Capt. William C. Drake resigned his commission on 10 December 1862, Weldon was elevated to command of the company, though he would not receive his official commission until 13 June 1863. Company records suggest that Weldon commanded his company as early as the summer of 1862 (at Malvern Hill) in the absence of his captain. He remained the captain of his company until he was cut down in the fighting at Kelly’s Ford on 7 November 1863 with a shattered leg that resulted in his capture, amputation, and death in Douglas Hospital in Washington D. C. on 22 November 1863.

The digitized transcript of the following letter can be found with many others of the Davis family in a collection housed at the Wilson Special Collections Library at UNC entitled, “Rebecca Pitchford Davis Letters, 1855-1899.” The collection does not state where the original letters may be found except to say they were “in private hands in 1955.” The type-written transcripts were donated to the library in 1958 by Blanche Egerton Baker who is credited with having performed them.

Normally I do not post transcripts performed by others, especially when I cannot verify the accuracy of the transcript against the original handwriting, but as a courtesy to a Spared & Shared follower and a descendant of Weldon’s parents named Betsey Brodie Roberts who kindly provided me with a PDF of family letters, I have decided to post three of Weldon’s letters—one of them describing the Battle of Chancellorsville and the other two from before and after the Battle of Gettysburg. Historians will recall that the 30th North Carolina joined the 2nd, 4th, and 14th North Carolina regiments in a brigade led by Stephen D. Ramseur and they had the honor of leading Stonewall Jackson’s flank attack on Hooker’s army at Chancellorsville.

Betsey informs me that the original letters are “still in Chapel Hill” but they do not appear to be digitized. I found a partial transcript of the Chancellorsville letter that was published on page 150 in a book entitled, “Mama, I am yet still alive: A composite Diary of 1863 in the Confederacy” by Jeff Toalson. I could not find evidence that the other two had ever been published. Betsy also informs me that some of the family letters may have been published in 1956 in the book, “Rebel Boast” by Manly Wade Wellman but I could not verify that.

Letter 1

Camp near Fredericksburg, Va.
May 14, 1863

Dear Ma,

I wrote to you the day after I got back to camp from the battlefield and will now write according to promise, fearing that letter may not have reached its destination. We left the battlefield Wednesday the 6th inst., about 3 o’clock in the evening and marched back to our same old camp (about fifteen miles) without ever stopping to rest. For a good part of the way the rain was falling almost as hard as I ever saw it, and the mud was almost half leg deep a great part of the way.

Our regiment had 29 killed and about 125 wounded; don’t know how many of them have since died. Our Brigade carried into the fight a little over 1400 men and nearly 700 of them were killed, wounded and taken prisoners. Fortunately the number of killed was small compared to the number of wounded and most of the wounds were only slight.

From the jacket cover of William Thomas Venner’s book

Our Brigade suffered more than any I have heard of. We were in the hottest of the fight for nearly four hours and twenty minutes. Saturday night the Yankees threw up a breastwork and then cut down the trees for fifty yards all along in front of it. Sunday morning [May 3rd] we had to charge that breastwork over the tops and logs of those trees, and in that charge we suffered heavily. The Yankee flag was flying over the works until we got in about 40 yards of it, and then it got away from us. But I think our regiment killed many a Yankee in their retreat from that place. Their dead lay scattered through the woods for over two hundred yards. At that breastwork I witnessed a circumstance that I had never heard of before. There was a brigade of our men on our left who came to the works just before we did, and when we came up, that brigade was on one side, and a Yankee brigade on the other side of the works, and each man would stoop down to load his gun and then poke it over the top to shoot, then dodge back to load again, nothing between them but the thickness of the works.

Bob and Amos Williams stood up well all through the fight and both came out without a scratch. Ben Davis was taken sick late Saturday evening and did not get in the fight. If I had known the fighting was going to end Sunday evening I could have saved sugar and coffee enough to have lasted me a month or two. We got some of the nicest soap you ever saw and many of the boys supplied themselves with writing paper for some time to come. I didn’t even save a streaked cotton shirt as many as there were and bad as I needed them.

None of the wounded of our company have died since Sunday that I have heard of. All were sent to Richmond the Saturday after the fight. I went nearly all over the battlefield after the fight and I feel confident there were ten Yankees killed to one of our men. Can’t say anything about the proportion of the wounded. Yankee papers and Confederate papers may say what they please, but our army knows we have whipped them this time for they have seen it to their own satisfaction and there can be no doubt of it for we were two days on the field and each and every man could see for himself.

But for the hard rain Tuesday, we could almost have ruined the Yankee army. Our army formed three sides of a square and the river the fourth side. The Yankees were in there and the shot and shell from our artillery could meet in the centre. We had everything ready to begin upon them Tuesday when the rain fell in such torrents as to break it up and that night they skedaddled across the river.

Tell Pat I have safely passed through one more fight and intend to come home before the next one if I possibly can. There doesn’t seem to be much chance for it now though.

As ever, your affectionate son, — Weldon

I will send three Yankee letters I picked up on the field, more because they came from Yankeedom that for their contents, There may be a little extra postage on them. Your son, — Weldon

Letter 2

Carlisle, Pennsylvania
June 28, 1863

Dear Ma,,

Your letter of June 3rd came to hand this morning, being the first mail we have received since leaving Fredericksburg. I was very glad indeed to get it too for it seems to have been so long since I had heard from home. I wrote to you from Hagerstown, Maryland, but don’t know that you will ever get that letter or this one either, for there is no regular mail and I gave it to a citizen who promised to send it to Winchester.

Our progress from Fredericksburg to Carlisle has been a series of complete victories, so easily won that we have not yet fired a gun. It is only 18 miles from here to Harrisburg and I hear that the Pennsylvania militia are preparing to meet us there. I never saw our army in finer condition for fighting in my life. Everybody seems to be in good spirits: there are but few sick ones, though some have sore feet.

The people about here are the most surprised that you ever saw. They say they thought nearly all the southern soldiers were killed long ago and the rebellion about to be crushed. Little did they think three weeks ago that their state would be invaded at this time. We are now quartered (that is, three North Carolina brigades) 1 in the old U. S. Barracks just in the edge of town. They consist of seven or eight buildings, each about one hundred yards long, and each containing about fifty or sixty rooms, besides numerous other smaller buildings. This place reminds me very much of Chapel Hill.

Saw Tom today. He is well. Said he wrote home only two or three days ago. There is so much news to tell that I never can think of writing it all. Hope I may be able to get home after awhile and give it all then. There is no danger of our suffering for anything to eat in this campaign for I have seen more wheat that I ever saw in all my life together before. There is very little woodland about here and the whole face of the earth is almost one big wheat lot with large clover and grass lots scattered here and there.

When I wrote home from Hagerstown, I only found out about fifteen minutes before dark that there would be an opportunity to send a letter next morning so I had to write mostly in the dark, and it was so dark that I could not make out the words after I had written them which will account for the bad writing.

Bob Williams says to tell his folks that he is all right, well and hearty as ever, and so am I with the exception of a cold and slight headache. When you write to any of us, just mention the company, regiment, brigade, division, and corps, Winchester, Virginia. I have a nice little Yankee portfolio with just as much paper as I want but it is all small like this sheet.

Nothing more at present. As ever your son, — Weldon

1 Hokes, Steuart’s, and Ramseur’s Brigades.

Letter 3

Hagerstown, Maryland
July 8th 1863

Dear Ma,

Your letter of the 3rd inst. came to hand while we were in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. It seems that you had no idea at that time that we were going to Maryland so soon. Well we knew nothing of it either. A few days before starting we learned the army was going to start somewhere pretty soon but where to, we could not tell. The Yankee prisoners taken at Gettysburg say that they did not know we had left Fredericksburg until the 12th. We had gotten to Front Royal in the Valley [and] had been on the march eight days. I wrote home from Hagerstown before [but] don’t know though that you ever received my letter. From there we went into Pennsylvania for the purpose of collecting horses and cattle. Our army went to within 18 miles of Harrisburg, [but] hearing that the Yankees were collecting in our rear, we were forced to turn back [and] met them at Gettysburg on Wednesday the 1st of July—the anniversary of the Malvern Hill fight—and whipped them again. Took ten thousand prisoners. Also took their hospitals with all their wounded. The dead Yankees lay over the battlefield almost as thick as they did at Chancellorsville.

The Yanks retreated to the foot of the mountains where they made another stand, and their position was such a strong one that we could do nothing with them. I am afraid rather lost by it. There were two wounded in our company—Bob Williams slightly on top of his head, and Lieut. Loughlin’s brother, slightly through the leg just above the knee. Wharton Green was wounded very badly; also Lt. Mosely of the 12th. All of our neighborhood boys escaped unhurt except Bob Williams. Gus Kearney was killed. The 12th Regiment actually clothed itself in honor this fight. Three regiments of their brigade were taken prisoners, but the 12th kept fighting, would not surrender, and by itself held the line marked but for their whole brigade.

During the fight our wagon train went to the rear for a place of safety but went too far and a few Yankee cavalry made a dash on them, run off the Guard, and destroyed thirty or forty and carried off a few others. Our baggage wagon was among those destroyed so I have lost all my clothes again. They have sent for the mail to go off. I have time to write no more.

As ever, your son, — Weldon

P. S. I wrote a letter while at Carlisle but have had no chance to send but will send it now though it is out of date. — Weldon

Capt. Weldon E. Davis is buried in Arlington Cemetery
8th Michigan Infantry, Fredericksburg, Virginia

1863: Wilson John Baldwin to his Aunt

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I could not find an image of Wilson but here is one of Milton Hart of Co. H, 8th Michigan Infantry, killed in action at Spotsylvania. (Dan Binder Collection)

The following letter was written by Wilson John Baldwin (1845-1881), the orphaned son of John G. Baldwin (1819-1855) and Maria Cronkhite (1820-1857) of Flint, Wayne county, Michigan. Wilson wrote the letter to his aunt who probably raised him after his mother’s death in 1857.

Wilson enlisted at the age of 17 as a private in Co. G, 8th Michigan Infantry on 27 August 1862. This regiment had the distinction of having served in both the Eastern and the Western Theaters of the war, marching and fighting in practically all of the Southern States from the Mississippi river to the Atlantic Ocean. He was with his regiment on 19 August 1864 at the Second Battle of Weldon Railroad (Globe Tavern) when he was severely wounded in the arm which required amputation to save his life. He was discharged for his wounds on 8 June 1865.

After the war he lived in Detroit where he worked as a clerk.

Transcription

Near Fredericksburg, Va.
February 6th 1863

Dear Aunt,

I take this opportunity to answer your letter which I received last night. I expect that we will leave here in a few days. Troops have been a moving today. We are to go to Fortress Monroe and then probably in some southern expedition. Some say to North Carolina and others to Charleston or to Florida or to the Gulf but we do not know. Most of the soldiers wish to go. I think that I had rather go South for it is too cold to soldier it here and we are getting short of wood. We do not get half enough to keep us warm. You had not better send a box for it would be quite uncertain.

William Parker is sick. He has the fever and Warren is driving his team until he gets well. Mark has got a letter from you last night. I also got three papers.

I was out on picket day before yesterday. It was snapping cold when we went out. When we came off, it begun to snow. It snowed all day. It turned to rain then and rained all night.

When we go to Fortress Monroe we shall march to Aquia Landing and then take a boat. Capt. [Horatio] Belcher, our captain, got back from the State of New York where he has been for the last six weeks. Brush Fenton, the Colonel’s son, has got back. He is our First Lieutenant. He was wounded at Bull Run. Our Second Lieutenant is John J. Phillips. Harrison Williams is made Orderly Sergeant of Co. A.

The rebels seem to know our doings about as well as we do. The other day, a few days after Hooker was made commander, they asked who our General was. We told them Burnsides but they said it wasn’t. That it was Joe Hooker.

— Pvt. Wilson Baldin, Co. G, 8th Michigan Infantry, 6 February 1863

The rebels seem to know our doings about as well as we do. The other day, a few days after Hooker was made commander, they asked who our General was. We told them Burnsides but they said it wasn’t. That it was Joe Hooker.

They have been building a bakery for this brigade. It is not quite done yet. I suppose that Darwin is going to school and enjoying himself finely. You must write how Jenny gets along and about James Parsons—in what regiment and company. I shall write as soon as we reach our destination. I shall write for the box as soon as I see fit. It will come quite acceptable—especially butter.

— Willson Baldwin

Iowa Homefont

1864: Henry Gleason Clark to Norman L. Clark

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How Henry might have looked.

The following letter was written by 31 year-old Henry Gleason Clark (1832-1907) to his older brother, Normal L. Clark (1830-1873). The brothers were the oldest sons of Samuel Clark (1799-1840) and Sabrah Cole (1806-1896). After their father died, their mother remarried to Lawrence McNamee (1805-1888) of Coleburg, Delaware county, Iowa.

As a young man, Henry went to California during the gold rush but returned to Clayton county, Iowa in 1853 and settled on a farm in Fayette county in 1860. He was married to Josephine Amelia Otis in 1859 and had at least three children.

Norman also went to California as a young man and never returned to live in Iowa. In 1861 he relocated to Idaho where he worked in the placer mines. He finally settled down and became the sheriff of Alturas county, Idaho. He died at age 43 in Rocky Bar, Elmore county, Idaho.

Transcription

Addressed to Norman L. Clark, Esq., Virginia City, Idaho Territory

Clermont, Fayette county, Iowa
March 27th 1864

N. L. Clark,

Dear brother, I write this with the expectation of sending it through by a couple of Norwegians. I heard through a letter from James M. Potts written from Salt Lake that you were at Virginia City. I do not know that it is necessary to make any excuses for not writing before as I believe you now stand debtor on that score to more than one letter.

I hope I shall find timber enough in the incidents of three or four years life to make at least a presentable sheet. My social correspondence during that time has been very limited & you know one grows dull from want of practice in anything. About 4 years ago I overleaped that terrible Benedictine barrier and became what is generally termed a practical man. The natural cares incumbent upon my present life, such as spanking babies (for I have two of them), keeping up an establishment, and the minor items tend to bring out all the business faculties of a man, and use up the most of those leisure moments which he had formerly dedicated to social intercourse with our friends (as you will become fully convinced should you ever make the same step) though you may claim this is an objection, it has the redeeming trait of fixing our purposes and doing away with that vacillating mind which all Benedicts are cursed with.

But enough of this. I do not propose to try to influence you to enter the matrimonial state, so will change the subject and commence anew upon my own occupation which is simply farming. This I know you do not envy me, but it has its pleasures as well as everything else. But even to wave these one cannot always consistently follow that which suits his own taste the best. I entered here for the purpose of making money on the investment and partly (for I then intended to go to California) vulgarly speaking, for the purpose of laying a nest egg to fall back on provided I failed in that expedition. I came up here for the purpose of improving ,y land so that I could sell it. I have since I came built two houses, broke up 250 acres, and fenced (or will have fenced this spring) about 450 acres. Am beginning to make some money on it. I got off from it last year (rent and all) 1400 bushels of wheat, 450 of oats, and somewhere between 1000 and two thousand bushels of corn & sold $230 worth of pork. But last year was an extra good year. I do not expect the same next.

I have my farm dived by a road running through it into three farms—one of 160 acres, one 295 acres, one 282 acres. I live on the largest, The all have plenty of water (springs) and good meadow and upland. I shall endeavor to sell the two smallest this summer. There is a railroad coming which will get within 7 miles of me this summer & will finally pass within two miles of me. I think under the excitement which generally precedes a road, that I will have no trouble in selling. I shall probably not sell the other farm until the times become more settled.

My oldest little buck (Ewing) has just come in and says tell his uncle to come home next week and bring him some candy and raisons and apples.

Although I have but little doubt about the final political and National result of our present struggle, still it is very difficult forming an opinion as to the financial or commercial result. Thus, had I everything in greenback, I would not known to invest in outside of farming that would not be attended with considerable risk. At farming, we are sure of enough to eat and drink. By the bye, how do you stand upon our present political troubles and if you stand by the old flag, who are your choice for the next standard bearer? Has the daring Path Finder Fremont ot that sturdy unconditional man Butler lost cast in your eyes? Some dislike them because they use too hard a club, but they are favorites here and among the soldiers. We cannot see the necessity of exposing ourselves to the bite of a serpent and using a feather to kill him when there is a good stout club convenient. We believe that the feather and red tape arrangement has cost us more money and men that would quell two rebellions.

Now for local news. I will begin with Uncle Amasa. Poor uncle. He is no better nor do I expect he ever will be. Better death a thousand times than to be in his situation. Mother has very good health. Has just returned from making us a long visit. Uncle Mc. came up after her. His health is also good. Baily and wife and two little girls were out here today. They are all well and prospering. Ben is at Vicksburg. Thinks hard of you because you do not write him. Write him by all means.

Sam is here and at Colesburg off and on. He starts next month to Massachusetts to accept a situation offered him in a factory. Uncle Charles is at Chatfield. I think he has lost much of his tack as a business man. Will trust any damned cuss that will put on a good face and then surse the whole worth as a damned set of thieving Yankees. Lute Glasgow died in Chatfield last summer. Uncle Ephraim and Aunt Mary are now in Colesburg. Uncle E. is so tight, he can’t hardly shut his eyes for fear he will lose a chance to make a penny.

Perry Perkins and wife are now stopping at Uncle Mc.’s. Reny is in very poor health. Jerrymah Page was arried again a few days ago. Potts family were all well the last I heard from them. McKeay is going to Idaho. Jim Simmons is worse off than nothing and don’t try to be any better. Old Dad Mallory & Wiltse have both married new wives. Give love to [ ] and a welcome home to both of you whenever you find time to come.

Truly your brother, — H. G. Clark

55th Illinois Infantry

1864-65: Thomas Goakey to his Family

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The following letters were written by Thomas Goakey (1844-1883) who enlisted in Co. C, 55th Illinois Infantry, on 5 January 1864. According to his military record, Thomas was wounded in the fighting near Atlanta, Georgia, on 3 August 1864 but recovered and joined his regiment at Goldsboro, North Carolina. He mustered out of the regiment at Little Rock, Arkansas, on 14 August 1865.

Thomas was the son of Justin Goakey (1783-1871) and Mary Eliza Hudson (1815-1887) of Harrison, Winnebago county, Illinois.

Letter 1

March 17, 1864

My dear Sister,

I take my pen in hand to let you know that I am well at present and hope these few lines will find you enjoying the same health at present.

Josephine, I will tell you what happened between here and Nashville. The train was captured at Murfreesboro and it was burnt up as we learn here. Gus is well and Henry too and all the other boys.

I received your letter March the 5th. No more at present. From Thomas Goakey

So goodbye. I send my best respects to all enquiring friends.

Letter 2

Dallas, Georgia
May 31, 1864

Dear Brother,

I take the opportunity to write you a few lines today to let you know that I am well at present and hoping these few lines will find you the same as it leaves me at present.

Oh Joe, they have been very heavy fighting here day before yesterday and night before last. The rebels charged on our works and they were nicely piled up here them for they were cut down like grass with a scythe and the soon scaddle [skedaddle] back on double quick times.

Joe, I got your letter May 15th. I was at Snakes Gap near Resaca, Georgia, about four or five miles from the battlefield and I am today about two miles in the rear guarding the Division trains. Oh, Joe, they is heavy skirmishing today.

Joe, tell Mother and Father that I am well and rugged. Never had better health in my life than I have now.

No more at present. From Thomas Goakey

Do goodbye for this time.

Letter 3

Big Shanty, Georgia
June 14, 1864

Dear Mother,

I take my pen in hand to address you a few lines to let you know that I am well and hope these few lines will find you in the same [health] as it leaves me at present time.

Mother, I have got two letters from home since the Seventeen of April and I don’t see what is the matter—the mail, or [un]less there is no one to home to write to us down here, or what is the matter with it. Mother, are you all dead or all alive? I am sure that I don’t know what is the matter with you and the rest of the folks for I am one of the boys.

Mother, how does Joe and Elic get along with the work and how [do] the crops look? And how does Old Irish Settlement get along this season? Are they quiet yet, or not?

So goodbye for this time. No more. From your son, — Thomas Goakey

I send my respects to all enquiring friends. Direct your letters to Thomas Goakey, Co. C, 55th Regt. Illinois Infantry, 2nd Division, 1st Brigade, 15th Army Corps

Letter 4

January 1st 1865

Dear Father,

Sir, it is with pleasure that I take my pen in hand to let you know how I am at present and hope these few lines will find you the same as it leaves me, Father, I have not seen Gus yet but I hope that I will see him before long in nothing happens before long, and I think they won’t for there is a fair prospect to go to the boys before long. And if they is, I think that I will start for them soon as I can get out of this God forsaken hole for this place is th last place that God ever made for it is the crumbs of the leaving of the rest for it is in the valley of the valleys. No more at present.

January 6th, 1865

My dear father, I take my pen in hand to let you know that I am in the hospital at present and I am about as well as I was when I left you the last time at home. Father, I just have signed the pay roll this morning for two months pay and as soon as I get it I will send some of it to you by Express and if you need it, you can use it as soon as you get it for anything.

Father, I have not done a bit of duty since I left home on the 15th day of November. I have fared hard since I left home this last time for the road was cut and we fare slim for awhile. But now we are faring very well at present for we have all that we want to hear here now.

So no more at present. From your son, — Thomas Goakey

So goodbye for this time.

Letter 5

Goldsboro, North Carolina
March 29, 1865

Dear Father,

It is with pleasure that I find myself seated down to write you a few lines. Mother, I am well at present and hope that these few lines will find you the same as it leaves me at this time. I received your kind and welcome letter Sunday the 26th day of March with two dollars in it and was glad to get it. I have received a letter from Josephine and one from Elic and was very glad to hear from them.

Mother, give me the reason why you don’t want me to write to them or less it is on the sly. If that is the matter, I want to know it so that I can write and give them another address so their man won’t find it out for a bit longer who it is.

Mother I have seen Gus and he is well at present and he says that he had a good time on the march through Georgia and South and North Carolina and that is enough. Tell Mary that she can’t expect much of a letter from me at this time so she will not feel bad for I have not got time to write to all of them at once. I send [my] best respects to all inquiring friends. So goodbye.

No more at present. From your son, — Thomas Goakey

To his mother, Eliza Goakey

Direct your letter to the company and regiment.

Letter 6

Camp near Richmond, Va.
May 11, 1865

Dear Mother,

It is with pleasure that I take my pen in hand to write to you once more and to let you know that I am well at present and hope these few lines will find you the same as it leaves me at this time. Gus is well too and we expect to start for Washington City in a day or two and we don’t know how long we will stay there. We are to be reviewed there and then we will muster out of the service in a few weeks and then I think we will be at home by the 4th day of July 1865.

No more at present for this time. From your son, — Thomas Goakey to his mother

So goodbye for this time.

Letter 7

Louisville, Kentucky
June 10, 1865

Dear Mother,

It is with pleasure that I take my pen in hand to inform you how I am at this time. I have a bad cold and that is all. Gus is well too and hope that these few lines will find you the same as it leaves me at this time. Mother, we are to be paid in a few days and then I will send part of it home and keep part of it to but a few postage stamps.

I send to you so you and the rest can write once or twice a week for you must not think that we are going home tight off for we can’t so that little thing when we are a mind to.

I must bring my letter to a close by saying write soon as you get this. From your son, — Thomas Goakey

To his mother, Eliza Goakey. Direct to Louisville, Ky.

55th Illinois Infantry

1862-65: Augustus C. Goakey to Eliza (Hudson) Goakey

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I could not find an image of Gus but here is a CDV of Henry Joslin who also served in Co. C, 55th Illinois Infantry (Austin Sundtrom Collection)

The following letters were written by Augustus (“Gus”) C. Goakey (1838-1911), the son of Justin Goakey (1783-1871) and Mary Eliza Hudson (1815-1887) of Burritt township, Winnebago county, Illinois.

Augustus was mustered into Co. C, 55th Illinois Infantry in October 1861. At the time of his enlistment he was described as a 5′ 8″ tall, black-haired, black-eyed, 23 year-old farmer. He mustered out on 24 August 1865.

Gus’ obituary states that he was in “some of the notable engagement and most hotly contested battles” in the Civil War. “He was for 120 consecutive days under the fire of the enemy, all of which is recorded on his discharge” papers. “He joined Sherman’s ranks at the beginning of the eventful campaign…and remained with him until the army was mustered out at Washington D. C.

[Note: These letters are from the personal collection of Austin Sundstrom are were transcribed and published on Spared & Shred by express consent.]

Letter 1

Memphis, Tennessee
August 5th 1862

Ever remembered Mother,

Once more I take time to write a few lines to you to let you know where I am. Well, I am in the army yet and in Memphis—that stronghold of the rebels. But it did not prove so strong as they thought it would at that time. I am well as can be expected after our long & wearied marches. I got somewhat wore out then but am getting better fast now. It is pretty hot weather here but we do not have much to do here for for the Niggers do all the work on the fort and let the soldiers rest & recruit up. There is no special news to write this time.

Tell Jule that job of Riley’s was to her two hundred dollars.

The fruit down here is ripe and fit to eat so we get all we can eat of the fruit. 

The reason why I did not write any sooner was because we was on the march all the time & could not mail a letter if I did write. The regiment is more healthier than it was two months ago.

Give my best respects to all the folks. Write soon. Direct your letters to Memphis.

— Augustus Goakey

Letter 2

Camp Opposite Vicksburg
February 21, 1863

Dear Mother,

I now take the opportunity of letting you know that I am well and hope that these few lines will find you enjoying the same blessing of life.

I received your kind letter last Tuesday and was very much pleased to hear from you. I was pleased to hear your health was so good. If I was at hom now I would change someway or another so that we could get along better. It comes very hard to me to hear in almost every letter that I get to hear that you have so much fuss with Jule. I may get home some day or another to settle all this trouble.

Tell Thomas to do the best he can. Tell the whole three of the boys to stick together as brothers should so and not be fighting and quarreling all the time. I thought that I had a brother once but now he is worse than a stranger to me. And tell Tom and the rest not to serve one another in this way. Tell them all—Jule with the rest—that they will not get mad over what money I send home hereafter.

If you can get some postage stamps handy, send me some for they are very scarce down here.

It has been very bad weather here for the last two weeks. It rains nearly all the time. No more at present. Write soon. I remain your son, — Augustus

Letter 3

Goldsboro, Ga. [should be North Carolina]
April [?] 1865

My dear beloved Mother,

With pleasure I take this present occasion of addressing you these few lines to inform you that I am well at this present time. Still hoping that these few lines may find you enjoying the same good blessing.

I received a letter from you a few days ago. I was glad to hear from you. I have not had the opportunity to write sooner.

We left Beaufort on the 27th of January. We had quite a difficult march through swamps and [ ]. We had to fight the enemy in a great many places. We are now at Goldsboro, N. C. You will think that the enemy are very strong but they are not. You have a great many conflicting reports from Richmond. I think that when we make two more marches, this war will be over. I don’t think that our troubles will last long. O am in hopes that I will be home in 2 or 3 months. If not in that time, I will in two years.

I got a letter from my brother Joseph. He is at Memphis, Tennessee. He was well at the time.

Jones is now with me. It is a great comfort to me to be with him. He is well and hearty. Charles was here to see me since we was here. He is well. I will write to my sister and I’ll see if she will answer it. You will please send me 50 cents postage stamps. If I don’t write often, I have not forgotten the dear ones I left behind me when I come in the army.

I will close for the present. I still remain your true and affectionate son, — Gust Goakey

[to] Mrs. Elisa Goakey

151st Pennsylvania Infantry

1862: Jonathan S. Ebling to Maria E. Ebling

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I could not find an image of Jonathan but here is a double 6th plate tintype of Pvt. John J. Wisner of Co, K, 151st PA—a Reading, Pennsylvania boatman before the war. After his 9 month term in the 151st expired in July, 1863, he enlisted in the 46th PA and participated in the Atlanta Campaign and Sherman’s March. By the early 20th Century, Wisner was declared by his wife to be “insane” with his “mind such a blank that she [could] not obtain from him the names of his comrades or anything related to his service.” He died in 1919. (Charles T. Joyce Collection)

The following letter was written by 18 year-old Jonathan S. Ebling (1844-1925), the son of Jacob Ebling (1821-1860) and Maria Stamm (1813-1883) of Berks county, Pennsylvania. Jonathan wrote the letter to his sister Mary E. Ebling (1845-1870) not long after his enlistment in Co. G, 151st Pennsylvania Infantry. This regiment was raised in the fall of 1862 and mustered for nine months’ Federal service on 4 November 1862 at Harrisburg.

The regiment did not experience their first engagement with the enemy until the Chancellorsville Campaign while they were attached to Reynold’s 1st Corps. The corps duty during the campaign was to create a diversion near Fredericksburg while the rest of Hooker’s army made a flank move on the rebels. But when rebel batteries opened on the 1st Corps from across the Rappahannock river, some men of the untested 151st to break ranks and run for cover. The 1st Corps later guarded the river crossing at United States Ford while Union troops were withdrawn.

The regiment finally had the opportunity to test its mettle at the Battle of Gettysburg where they were engaged in the first day’s fighting on McPherson Ridge and later, on the third day, in repulsing Pickett’s charge. Days later, they were discharged from duty, their term of service expired. After the war, they were sometimes referred to as the “Schoolteachers’ Regiment” due to its war-time enrollment of at least sixty teachers.

Transcription

Camp Simon
October 13th 1862

Dear Sister,

I thought it proper to set myself and write a few lines to you for I know that you are very anxious to hear from me and I like it pretty well but we ain’t got such a good table as we had in Reading. But we won’t hunger. We get good bread but very hard crackers. But them we soften up in our coffee. We get good coffee and sugar enough to put in. We have got some ham cooked off but for this dinner we have some fresh meat and some potatoes and we get bean soup and rice [ ] and soup.

There was about 7,000 soldiers came in the camp on Sunday that were gone up to Chambersburg on Saturday and night.

I would not take ten dollars for all that I have seen already if I should not see it. We have tents where we live in and each one is got a new good blanket and there is six in each tent. I and George Kershner and Lewis Kershner and Christian Koenig and William Stamm and Jonathan Kreitz. We six are at home in one tent and your cakes we eat on Sunday dinner. They all said they were so good but we can buy cakes and pies and all such kind of things. We have a store in the camp. But our uniforms, we can’t tell when we [will] get them.

On Sunday we had a preacher and we had a kind of a meeting. We have good times here. We did not drill yet. We just loaf about in the camp. Our camp is about one mile on the other side of Harrisburg near the Susquehanna River.

This is all for this time. I will write soon again but don’t forget to write soon back. Directions on the other side.

Jonathan S. Ebling, Camp Simon, Harrisburg, in care of Capt. H. Weand

7th Pennsylvania Cavalry

1862: Waldo Spear to his Parents & Brothers

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The following letter was written by Waldo Spear (1843-1907), the son of Hiram Spear (1810-1872) and Lucy Ripley (1806-1893) of Springfield township, Bradford county, Pennsylvania. Waldo enlisted in Co. C, 7th Pennsylvania Volunteer Cavalry in October 1861 and participated in battles at Lebanon, Murfreesboro, McMinnville, and Gallatin where he was taken prisoner on 25 August 1862. He was paroled because of his injuries and, when exchanged, was detailed as a courier of the 2nd Cavalry Division, Army of the Cumberland, in which capacity he served until 28 December 1864 when he was honorably discharged.

After his discharge, he returned to Pennsylvania for a short time and then moved to Mardin in Tioga county where he farmed for 17 years. In 1883 he purchased a store in East Charleston.

Four hard-riding troopers from Co. F, 7th Pennsylvania Cavalry; from left to right, Richard Fotheringile, John Coughlin, William Smith, and Llewellyn Llewellyn.

Transcription

Camp Parole
September 14, 1862

Dear Parents & Brothers,

I am looking for an answer to my two letters which I wrote to you as soon as I arrived in Annapolis. I don’t think they have been miscarried for other letters have come from Troy and East Troy. I am very anxious to hear from you and William and all of you. I want to hear how William got home and if he got well. Tell me who is enlisting in Springfield. There must be a good many that I know. Tell Ned that if the rebels get up there, he must take the old shot gun and Bushwhack ’em, and if Old Stonewall ever gets into Pennsylvania, I am going home and fight on my own hook.

Our commander said he thought we would get a chance to go home before a great while. I would like to go home or else go to the regiment again for I don’t like to be laying here doing nothing. We fare worse here than we did in Tennessee for we had plenty of melons, peaches, apples, pears, and green corn there and they are not plenty here. But we can get plenty of grapes and they are longer and sweeter than any I ever saw before. We have to go a half mile for water and it is not good then.

We have not heard from our regiment since we were taken prisoners—only that they went to Nashville. Since that, we have heard that Nashville was evacuated by order of Gen. Buell. Tell me how many volunteers Capt. [Benjamin S.] Dartt has got since he has been in Bradford County. If you see him, tell him that Lieut. [Charles L.] Green was one of the coolest and bravest men on the battlefield and General [Richard Woodhouse] Johnson was a traitor and tried to give up the whole command but did not make it out for our Colonel [George C. Wynkoop] told the boys to follow him and he cut his way out, but not until Gen. Johnson had surrendered. 1

I want you to write soon and tell Marcus Gates that I have written to him twice but have not received an answer yet and I have written to Uncle Dwight once.

Direct your letters to Waldo Speer

Camp Parole, Annapolis, Maryland, Co. C, 7th P. V. Cavalry

1 Waldo’s description of the fight at Gallatin against Morgan’s cavalry in August 1862 rings true. Another member of the regiment wrote of it: “General Johnson, steadily repressing the desire of his subordinate officers to charge vigorously, for his men instead, in line, under fore, after the manner of infantry; in a few minutes ordered a retrograde movement over an open field; dismounted the men, and ordered an advance on foot, each man leading his horse; mounted them again to fall back; divided the command and sent each company to a detached and isolated position, all under fire of the entire rebel force, and held them thus until nearly surrounded, when he drew all together and ordered a retreat. At this stage of the battle I was shot and left on the field, but, from reliable sources, I learn that after retreating about two miles, the command was halted, dismounted, formed in line and held in check until the flanks were turned, when another retreat was ordered in which Lieut. Nicholas A. Wynkoop, son of the Colonel, Battalion Adjutant, and at the time, acting Aide-de-Camp to General Johnson, was killed. Arrived near the Cumberland river, another line was formed, dismounted, the flanks being entirely unguarded, Morgan was enabled to throw forces to the rear to cut off retreat, and pressed heavily on all sides, when General Johnson surrendered. When it became manifest that the General purposed to yield to the enemy, Colonel Wynkoop gathered together such of his command as he could mount, and with Colonel [Robert Kline] of the 3rd Indiana, assuming a bold front, succeeded in cutting his way out and reached Nashville. The loss in the brigade was about 40 killed, and 300 wounded and captured. The weather being warm, many of the wounded died in rebel hands…”

Antebellum California, Isthmus of Panama, Kingston, Jamiaica

1857: William Wallace Hanscom to a Friend

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William Wallace Hanscom (ca, 1875)

The following letter was written by William Wallace Hanscom (1839-1888) the son of Isaiah Hanscom (1815-1880) and Sarah Cutts Frost (1812-1865) of Kittery, York county, Maine. The letter was datelined from the Navy Yard at Mare Island, California, where “Wallace” had arrived some six weeks earlier in company with his mother and his younger brother, Weldon LeRoy Hanscom (1843-1919) after a journey of 25 days via two steamships and a train across the Isthmus of Panama.

Researching the Hanscom family, I discovered that the entire family had relocated from Maine to California in July 1854—three years earlier—where Wallace’s father found employment supervising the construction of dry docks and railway at Vallejo for the US Government. Wallace’s older brother, John O. Hanscom also worked on the same project for his father. In 1857, John left for San Francisco to take a job with Goddard and Company in the machinery and foundry business.

So it appears this letter described the return trip to San Francisco from a visit East to visit family and friends, most likely. In the 1880 US Census, Wallace was enumerated in San Francisco employed as an Engineer.

One of the more curious observations made by Wallace during this journey occurred when their steamer stopped in Kingston, Jamaica, to take on a load of coal. “There is one circumstance which to a New Englander seems rather strange [and] that is the manner in which labor is performed. That is [done] altogether by females—even carrying coal on board the vessel is performed by them by carrying it on their heads in half barrel tubs, while the males merely go around selling fruit or baskets or some such light work as that.”

Transcription

Navy Yard Mare Island, California
September 10, 1857

Dear Madam,

Have you ever written the first letter to a stranger. If so, perhaps you can imagine my thoughts just at this moment when you try to think of the most suitable manner in which to commence, when one particular form continually arises before your imagination yet your mind convinces you that it is unfit. Such is my position. Therefore, let not this commencement surprise you as strange for I may write stranger things for I am considered by some as strange—and in fact I know I am in some things, yet there is a certain feeling which controls me and cannot be put aside.

Perhaps some of the incidents of our voyage from New York to San Francisco may be interesting to you, although if you examine the September number of “Putnam’s Monthly,” you may find it more interesting as I understand that is to be published in that magazine. We sailed from New York on the 6th of July with about 50 passengers in the first cabin, 150 in the second, and about 200 in the steerage which all together amounted to about 400 and which was very fortunate and pleasant—they the most quiet set of passengers which was ever on that steamer Illinois.

On the 13th of July we arrived at Kingston, Island of Jamaica, after a pleasant voyage of 7 days, for the purpose of taking on board 400 tons of coal which detained us about 16 hours. In the meantime several of the passengers including myself started from the vessel on a tour through the city as all the passengers went on shore. After traveling about a few minutes—for the sun was so hot that we were glad to get into the shade—we called at the house of an English lady who agreed to get up a dinner for us, or our party which consisted of 18 persons, and after waiting about four hours, we sat down to a fine dinner including almost all the fruits natural to the tropical climate.

After dinner, it then being about 5 o’clock, the male portion of the party took a troll around the city, it then being cool and comfortable walking after which I proceeded on board of the steamer and after a short while the rest came. Immense quantities of fruit were brought on the wharf near the vessel for the passengers to purchase of they chose, and which of course was done.

Kingston women coaling a steamer in Jamaica.

There is one circumstance which to a New Englander seems rather strange [and] that is the manner in which labor is performed. That is [done] altogether by females—even carrying coal on board the vessel is performed by them by carrying it on their heads in half barrel tubs, while the males merely go around selling fruit or baskets or some such light work as that.

On the morning of the 14th of July at 4 o’clock in the morning, a signal gun was fired warning the passengers to be on board and at 5 o’clock the steamer left the wharf of Kingston for Aspinwall which place we reached at about 7:30 o’clock p.m. of July 16th when we immediately went on shore to stop at the hotel. As the only chance which they have of doing business is on the arrival of a steamer, we of course had to go on shore and at our own expense obtain rooms for the night and breakfast in the morning. As the cars started to cross the Isthmus on the next morning at 8 o’clock, I accordingly engaged room for Mother, self, and Weldon at the most moderate price of $3.00 each. But of course we had to stop on shore and whatever was charged, we had to pay.

Next morning at 8 o’clock we left Aspinwall in the cars for Panama where we arrived at 11 o’clock and were immediately taken on board the steamer Golden Age by a small steamboat, as the water was not deep enough to allow the Age to come to the wharf. We sailed from Panama that afternoon at 6 o’clock and at 8 o’clock on the morning of the 24th, we arrived at Acapulco where we stopped about 5 hours for the purpose of taking on board provisions and coal. We sailed from there at 1 o’clock p.m. and the next afternoon at 4 o’clock we arrived at the Port of Manzanillo where we took on board $400,000 in silver bars and coin. 1

We left there in about two hours and arrived safely at the City of San Francisco at 1:30 o’clock Friday morning, July 31st after a most pleasant passage of 25 days.

At the present time we are settled down at the Navy Yard with a prospect of stopping here for some time. Brother John is at present in San Francisco where it was my intention to go had not I been taken sick with Panama fever from the effects of which it will probably take me some six months to recover. But my letter is getting to a most tedious length, therefore I will close.

Truly your humble servant, — W. Wallace Hanscom

P. S. Please accept the kind regard of my Father & Mother for yourself and all who may inquire. — W. W. H.

1 There were silver mines in this region of Mexico.

10th Iowa Infantry, Battle of Mission Ridge

1864: John H. Clark Attestation

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I could not find an image of John Clark or Lewis Wright but here is one of Lt. Col. Paris P. Henderson of the 10th Iowa who also signed the note. (Iowa Civil War Images)

Twenty-two year-old Lewis Wright (1841-1864) was a battle-tested veteran of Co. H, 10th Iowa Infantry when he and others of his regiment stormed up Mission Ridge in November 1863. Earlier that year, on 16 May, he was wounded in the chest during a battle at Champion Hill, Mississippi. In the assault on Mission Ridge, however, his wound was much more severe. His left arm was dangled by his side as he was taken from the battlefield and transported to a field hospital where it was removed later that day.

The following note attesting to Wright’s battle wound while “in the line of duty” was written by 23 year-old John H. Clark of Rippey, Iowa, who served early in the war as 1st Sergeant of Co. H. Like Wright, he was wounded in the fighting at Champion Hill but recovered and was promoted to captain of the company on 11 August 1863, skipping right over the rank of lieutenant. Also signing the note, approving its accuracy, was Paris P. Henderson, formerly the captain of Co. G, and recently appointed to lieutenant-colonel of the regiment.

The reason for the note isn’t clear unless Lewis deemed it prudent to obtain as proof of service for a pension that would be due his family should he die from his wound. Though Lewis mustered out after three years service in September 1864, he died two months later at home and was buried in the Fair Oaks Cemetery next to his parents, Silas Wright (1816-1872) and Mariah Hurley (1816-1883) of Scranton, Greene county, Iowa.

Transcription

Addressed to Mr. Lewis Wright, Cumberland Hospital, 3rd Division, Nashville, Tennessee

I certify on honor that the bearer, Lewis Wright, a private of Co. H, 10th Regiment Iowa Infantry Vols., was on the 25th day of November 1863 at the Battle of Mission Ridge, Tennessee, wounded in the left arm and that his arm was amputated in Field Hospital at that place on 25th day of November 1863 and that said wound was received in line of his duty.

— John H. Clark, Capt, 10th Iowa Infantry, Commanding Co. H

Approved, P. P. Henderson, Lieut. Colonel, Commanding 10th Iowa