This is a wonderful handwritten letter, written on 8 July 1835, by 17 year-old Robert Thomas Corss (1818-1879), who had recently moved to New York to seek his fortune. He wrote the letter to Joseph C. Stone, an acquaintance who lived in Guilford Centre, Vermont. This articulate and tongue-in-cheek letter is of a philsophical nature, regarding how NYC is a place where young, hardworking people can become successful: ” New York is the place…for young men to ruin themselves or to make something out of themselves, just as they choose…” Corss also relates the ongong riots on the (politics, abolition, etc) which raged at the time. He also details what life was like for a young man at the time; long work hours—but still time to have fun. The address leaf has the applicable red postal mark of New York City.
Robert was the son of John and Lucy (Lee) Corss of Leyden, Franklin county, Massachusetts. By the late 1850’s, Robert was working as a broker on Wall Street—a position held until he died single in 1879.
Robert’s letter mentions the riots in New York City that were getting to be commonplace. “There has been so many riots in this place that it is almost impossible for a public day to pass off without some disturbance,” he wrote. The year previous to this letter saw a huge antiabolitionist riot (the Tappan Riot) that lasted nearly a week until it was put down by military force. At times the rioters controlled whole sections of the city while they attacked the homes, businesses, and churches of abolitionist leaders and ransacked Black neighborhoods. But the growing number of Irish immigrants flowing into the city loomed as an even greater threat. By 1835, it was estimated that over 30,000 Irish emigrants were arriving in New York City annually. The conflict between the newly arrived Irish “foreigners” and the so called “native” Americans—those born in the United States—was keenest on the lower east side of Manhattan in the Bowery (Five Points), but fighting occasionally spilled over into other parts of the city.
Scene from “Gangs of New York” (Movie)
[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Richard Weiner and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
New York [City] July 8, 1835
Joseph C. Stone, Esq., Dear sir,
I received a paper from you July 3rd and am happy to hear that you have found business; and to you mind I hope. I have had several letters from Leyden recently, and some of them bring very interesting intelligence in regard to the young people, their present and future prospects, &c. I understand they are as usual, very serious, and meeting with more changes everyday in their temporal, as well as spiritual affairs.
There is one happy result in the experience which they profess to go through; as soon as they are brought to see the error of their ways, they become so attached to one another that an offer of the heart & hand is indispensable. And with these two changes secure their happiness in this world, and the world to come. What lovely times! In fact, some of them hardly live to see the error of their ways before they become so deeply impressed with their situation that an offer from the most respectable citizen would not be respected.
I had rather a serious time in getting into business in this place but at last succeeded to my satisfaction. But had it not been for Cephus Root, I hardly think I should have succeeded at all. I was out of business five weeks doing nothing but viewing the infernal great city which is nine miles in length, buildings as thick as they can stand, six or seven stories high, and generally filled with pretty girls. I am in as good place as I could wish to be. There have about thirty clerks and porters and have as much business as they can attend to in the business seasons four months in the fall and four months in the spring, but the summer and winter, we have nothing to do of any consequence. They give each clerk fifteen days in the summer to go in the country. I shall not probably go home till next summer.
The Fourth of July was celebrated in grand style, and passed off without any rioting or disturbance, which was contrary to the anticipation of a great many if the citizens who went into the country to spend the Fourth. There has been so many riots in this place that it is almost impossible for a public day to pass off without some disturbance.
I am engaged in the store from six o’clock in the morning until six o’clock in the evening, when I go home to tea, and after tea, sit down with the ladies and have a chat, and sometimes walk on the battery with them. I have a very good boarding place for four dollars per week, washing included. They live like “pigs in the clover” and have three pretty girls for associates as any man need boast of, and the way I enjoy myself is the right way.
New York is the place, and I wish you was here for young men to ruin themselves, or to make something out of themselves, just as they choose. I cannot [say how] I shall come out, but I am inclined to think at the little end of the horn. I have but two old acquaintances in the city. They are James W. Newton and his brother Ralph. There is another coming, however, soon from Greenfield to try and get a situation. You must come on after you have been in a store three or four years and by that time perhaps you and I will enter into copartnership in the wholesale business.
Remember me to all who enquire and I should be happy to hear from you always and of your prosperity.
Truly your friend & servant, — R. T. Corss, 122 Pearl Street
Andrew A. Harwood sits with his son, West Point Cadet Frank Harwood (1859)
The following letter was written by Andrew Allen Harwood, the son of John Edmund Harwood and Elizabeth Franklin Bache of Settle Farm, Bucks county, Pennsylvania. His maternal grandparents were Sarah Franklin Bache and Richard Bache. He was a great-grandson of Benjamin Franklin, one of the Founding Fathers of the United States, and Deborah Read. He had his early education in local schools.
At the age of 16, Harwood was appointed a Midshipman in the Navy in 1818. From 1819 till 1821 he served in the West Indies on the sloop-of-war “Hornet” in the suppression of the African slave-trade. He was commissioned lieutenant in 1827 serving in the Mediterranean, and at the Philadelphia Navy Yard before being promoted to lieutenant in 1827 when he was appointed to USS Sea Gull, which was the receiving ship at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He was detached as special messenger to bring home the ratified treaty with Naples, and from 1835 till 1837 served in the Mediterranean squadron. Two decades of further duty afloat and ashore, including a long assignment with the Bureau of Ordnance and Hydrography, were recognized with Commander’s rank in 1848. During 1852-1855 he made a Mediterranean deployment on the frigate Cumberland.
After 1855 Captain Harwood served in shore posts, among them a tour as Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance and Hydrography in 1858-1862. Promoted to Commodore in mid-1862, he was in charge of the Washington Navy Yard and the Potomac Flotilla until December 1863.
Commodore Harwood subsequently was appointed as a member of the Board of Examiners and Secretary of the Light House Board, remaining on the job in retired status from October 1864 onward. Beginning in 1869, when he was promoted to Rear Admiral on the Retired List, he held legal positions, concluding with a year as the Navy’s Judge Advocate in 1870-1871. During retirement he served as secretary of the light house board, and a member of the examining board from 1864 till 1869, when he was made rear-admiral on the retired list. During the civil war he prepared a work on “Summary Courts-Martial,” and published the “Law and Practice of United States Navy Courts-Martial” (1867).
Harwood wrote this 1832 letter to his first wife, Sarah Anne Wood (1801-1843), the mother of his children. Harwood’s children (still living in the 1850s) included Henry Wood Harwood (1829-1879), Elizabeth (“Bessie”) Franklin Harwood (1831-1892), Franklin (“Frank”) Harwood (1838-1883), and Sarah (“Sally”) Anne Harwood (1843-1911).
Painted by G.H. Preble who was midshipman aboard the United States. He wrote the following on the back of this watercolor, ‘U.S. Frigate, United States, in a gale of wind, 1832, called par excellence the Mycona Gale, being the heaviest gale of wind known in the Mediterranean the last 30 years and causing a rise of tide within the straits of several feet. The French line of battle ship Superbe was lost in endeavoring to weather the gale not having room to wear. The United States escaped the same fate by having room to wear and standing out between the islands of Andrea and Tino.’ (Maine Historical Society)
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Stampless Cover bearing address: Mrs. Andrew A. Harwood, Care of Henry Wood, Esqr., Newport, United States of America
Frigate United States Tunis Bay December 14th 1832
My dear Sarah,
I am exceedingly well pleased to have any opportunity, however indirect, to write to you, for we have been so constantly on the go for the last two or three months that the chances of communication with home have indeed been few and far between. At present I am told there is a vessel about to sail for Marseilles and I am in hopes this will reach you in time to receive your answer at Mahon before we sail for the Archipelego in the spring.
After leaving Naples, we sailed for Messina (of which you have heard me say so much) and spent a week there very pleasantly—the inhabitants receiving us with much attention and the Consul and his lady opening their doors to us at all hours. From Messina we went to Syracuse where I had an opportunity of revisiting the antiquities which interested me so much in my former cruise and the pleasure of officiating as guide to my fiend Jones and some others who had not been there before.
After a weeks stay at this place we ran over to Malta where we were received with unbounded hospitality and had invitations to dine and for evening parties almost every evening we were there. It would require a special letter for each post were I to attempt to enter into any particulars so that I shall defer a more minute account of our movements from our sailing from New York until our arrival at winter quarters (which I hope will be in a week or two) until the sailing of one our own ships for home when I can may my budget as large as I please.
From Malta we sailed for Tripoli where the ship stood off and on the land until we could settle the differences between our Consul and the Pasha which occupied several days. The people of the town and its neighborhood are at war & the situation of Mr. [Daniel Smith] McCauley and his family has been very unsafe—several shot having passed directly through his house perforating both parlor and bedrooms and scattering the plaster and brick in every direction. I could hardly realize that he had been the husband of your old Philadelphia acquaintance, had so soon got a new wife [Frances Ann Jones, daughter of Hugh Jones of North Carolina] and strayed away with his little flock to so far a country. They were all sent to Malta in the Brandywine where they will stay until the spring at least or perhaps until the war between the Pasha and his rebellious relatives is concluded. You may expect a long account of the various audiences with the great mussulman [Muslims] when I can find leisure for the task.
From Tripoli we had quite a boisterous passage until our arrival at the island of Sicily under the lee of which we found smooth water and better weather for four or five days, when catching a fair breeze we made all sail again and arrived here on the 10th, glad enough to get clear of the pelting of the elements for a few days at least.
Streets of Tunisia
I have just returned from a visit to Tunis where I had the honor to shake hands with the Bey [of Tunis] & the pleasure of stepping from streets inconceivably filthy, dark, and shabby into the American consulate where we were entertained with a sumptuous dinner and found a delightful evening party of ladies to remind us of home and its much regretted comforts. The transition from the elegances to a wretched Italian inn was somewhat hard to realize. Fortunately we had fed well beforehand since we at least escaped a supper which if we may reason by analogy would have been terrific. Four were put to bed in a billiard table. The remaining seven and youre unfortunate husband among the number laid upon lumpy cotton mattresses and between damp sheets in the attic story. I began to wheeze forthwith and would have given a dollar for a bottle of Coxe’s Hive Syrup [for hives or croup], but fortunately my enemy—the asthma—did not make as heavy an attack upon me as I anticipated.
On my return to the ship, we had to cross the salt lake before we came to the Goletta as the castle is called which is situated at the bottom of the bay. We were overtaken by a sudden squall and although the water is not deep, the mud is and we were much indebted to our Genoese watermen who with considerable vociferation shortened sail and at length brought us safe to the castle but refused to carry us off to the ship for her value in gold & so we were obliged to take up our quarters for the night where we could. I was berthed in an improvised bed in the recess in the side of a room as large as a market, having a door towards the street like that of a barn. Boatmen were drinking & gaming at a small table opposite to where we had stretched our tired limbs and two infamous disciples of Orpheus were making war upon those of Morpheus by some obscene attempts at Hail Columbia & Yankee Doodle. Finding, however, we gave neither money or praise, they desisted and towards 10 o’clock to our great delight, all was quiet.
As usual I have attempted to write you an outline of our proceedings and have been betrayed into detail. I shall take a hint, however, from the smallness of my paper to squeeze as much of my important matter as I can in the remaining space. I employ almost all my intervals of leisure in studying Greek and am in hopes to prepare myself nearly for that change of profession which we have both desired so much by the time we return. At the same time, I leave it to the all wise disposition of Providence which has protected me and mine with continual blessing whether I shall leave my present state of life for one more congenial to my altered feelings and views. Pray with me, beloved Sarah, that all things which concern us may be ordered by His governance and righteous in His sight and that our private wishes may not interfere too much in my decision. Jones is assisting me and does not now oppose my views as at first he seemed inclined to do upon the score of my being of greater use in the Navy.
Remember, dear wife, to keep all my plans between ourselves as in all cases it is better to do when they do not concern others who may think me vacillating. For my own part I never felt half so inclined to be energetic in my life. Write by the Havre packet & direct to us. I told you in my last letter by the Concord, to the care of the American consul at Marseilles. Do not neglect any good opportunities which may offer by the Gibraltar vessels. We shall go, if nothing happens to Smyrna in the spring where you may remember excellent carpets are to be had. Mr. Todd, our purser, who is an old housekeeper tells me they are invaluable in nurseries and sitting rooms and wear better than any others. Shall I buy one large or two small ones? I think we can get one the size of our old carpet for about 30 dollars. Rugs which answer for table or sofa covers are also cheap. Let me know the state of our finances. What will be their probable state as I am too poor to purchase anything out of my economy. I shall not be fairly out of debt with great pain for two years at least. But I really believe a good carpet and a quarter cask of good Madeira wine would prove a profitable investment…Kiss our dear children many many times for me. Do not let them forget their Heavenly Father in your endeavors to remind them of their earthly one. In a few days I expect to hear from you for the first time. I trust God has blessed you and yours with health and you with fortitude. I pray He may ever continue to bless you.
The following letter was written by 27 year old Samuel Merry (1811-1883), the son of Ebenezer Merry (1773-1846) and Charlotte Adams (1780-1879) of Milan, Erie county, Ohio. Adding a second brief letter on the same sheet was James Bradford Pier (1813-1888) who was married to Lucy Merry (1814-1897)—the younger sister of Samuel.
James Bradford Pier was the son of Dr. Ira and Sarah A. (Bradford) Pier of Circleville, Ohio. He came to Texas in 1835 with his wife Lucy (Merry) and settled near the site of the early Texas town of Travis, in Austin County. James B. Pier was a merchant and druggist in Velasco, Texas, prior to moving to Travis. Pier served as a member of the Texas Army during the war for independence. He was detailed as a rear guard at the camp opposite Harrisburg during the Battle of San Jacinto. In later years, he was a farmer, stock raiser, teacher, and merchant. He served as Justice of the Peace of Austin County and was the first postmaster of the Travis community. The State of Texas erected a monument to his memory at the intersection of Travis Street or old SH 36 and Nelsonville Road, in Austin County.
Samuel’s hometown, Milan, Ohio (1846)
Transcription
Caddo Parish, Louisiana January 11, 1839
Dear Parents,
It is little more than a month since I wrote home. That was at this place. We heard such bad news about the Indians we left our wagon here at Old Mr. Blount’s and one horse as we traded horses, as I mentioned in my last letter, and Robert & myself took the two gray horses and rode them into Texas. We stopped to Nacogdoches at Doct. [James Harper] Starr’s 1—a brother of Hiram Starr that went to the Seminary in Milan last winter with R. O. Pier. He invited us to stay with him all night. We accepted of the invitation. We was treated very kindly & we got information of him for the rest of our rout. We had a first rate time in getting there and you must guess at the times we had when we arrived. We stayed there long enough to keep Christmas with them. Then J. B. P[ier] & myself started for our wagons.
We arrived here last Saturday. I had some business up to Cross Lake with our old friend McAlister about 25 miles from here & from there I went to Shreveport. I had some cash to collect from our horse trade & I had the pleasure of staying with our Mr. Poulice—that youngster who kept the Eagle Tavern in Milan. He is at that business in Shreveport. He sent his compliments to you all.
Tomorrow morning we calculate to start again for Travis. I don’t know whether we shall get through or not. We have had very bad news today. I am afraid it is too true. When we left Mr. Blount’s—Robert & myself, Gen. [Thomas Jefferson] Rusk 2 had gone up to fight the Indians & Mexicans up on the three forks of the Trinity or Trinidad River where they expected they had imbedded. That was about 5 weeks ago & the first news we heard from them was 10 or 12 days ago. There was two Negroes & a Mexican & one American came in to Nacogdoches that the Indians had taken prisoner & they stated that there was an Army [with]in about two days march of them. The Mexicans & Indian Chiefs were holding a council when these prisoners got away. I can’t think of much more news to write—only if that is the case, that Rusk is wiped out [and] the [area] about Nacogdoches is gone. They swear they will have Nacogdoches or die in the attempt.
I forgot to mention that I am in good health and all the rest of the friends here. I shall write again when I get to Travis if we have good luck to get there. You must not be any concerned for mails are very uncertain in this country. Give my love to all. Yours for ever, — Samuel Merry
[to] Ebenezer & C. Merry
We shall go the lower rout & I think there won’t be no danger.
[another hand]
James Bradford Pier, ca. 1875
Caddo Parish January 12th 1838 [1839]
Dear Parents & friends,
After so long a time we had the pleasure of seeing Brother Samuel & Robert at my house in [Travis] Texas. We was happy to hear of your good health & doing well & further our pleasure at seeing our long expected friends. The boys Robert & Samuel got this far with their wagon & heard such bad news concerning the Indians, they left the wagon here and rode two of the horses to Texas where I live 300 miles from here. Samuel & me came back after the wagon. We calculate to start in the morning for home.
We have just heard that our Texas Army commanded by General Rusk has been cut off by the Indians. If so, we will see the devil. We have 300 miles of Indian country to go through. I merely write a few lines to get Samuel [free postage. I will give you a full detail when I get home, if we are lucky enough to get there.
My love to you all, my friends that I can spare, from my wife & child who God, I hope, will protect. Yours forever, — J. B. Pier
[to] Alexander & Mary McClure
You are remembered by your friends as well as others.
1 James Harper Starr (1809-1890), physician, Republic of Texas treasurer, land agent, banker, and Confederate official, son of James and Persia (Shaw) Starr, was born at New Hartford, Connecticut, on December 18, 1809. The Starr family originally migrated from England in the early seventeenth century. Starr’s immediate family moved to Franklin County, Ohio, in 1815, and the elder Starr died in 1824. At fifteen, J. H. Starr permanently injured his knee. He attended an academy in Worthington, Ohio, taught school near Columbus, taught himself medicine, and in 1830 became a member of the first class of the Reformed Medical Society of the United States of America, located in Worthington. He moved to Georgia in 1832 and practiced medicine at McDonough and later at Pleasant Grove. He and his wife, the former Harriet J. Johnson (daughter of Samuel Johnson), moved to Nacogdoches, Texas, on January 17, 1837, with other Georgians.
2 Thomas Jefferson Rusk (1803-1857) was an early political and military leader of the Republic of Texas, serving as its first Secretary of War as well as a general at the Battle of San Jacinto. He was later a U. S. Politician and served as a Senator from Texas from 1846 until his suicide in 1857.
This mother-to-daughter letter describes the fear of NYC citizens during the draft riots, which extended from July 12-17, 1863, beginning the day following the NYC draft lottery. The letter itself was written on July 19, and expresses the hope that the riots were indeed over. It also indicates the role of the Catholic clergy in calming the rioters, most of whom were poor Irish who vented their anger at the U.S. government, at people with means, and particularly at Black citizens. They were angry at the government for establishing what they considered to be an unfair draft. They were angry at the middle and upper classes of society for having been given the option of hiring “substitutes.” And they were angry at Blacks who they blamed for being the cause of the war, and, in their view, for taking jobs away from them.
How Joanna might have looked
The letter is only signed “J. Mills” and there is no envelope to aid in the identity of the correspondents but given the names mentioned in the letter, I’ve concluded it was written by 50 year-old Joanna Mills (1813-1902) of 251 Madison Street in Brooklyn, New York. Joanna’s maiden name was Frost and she and her husband, Scottish emigrant George Mills, Sr. (1796-1867), had several other children besides Emma Louisa Mills (1836-1916) to whom she addressed her letter. They included John Mills (1823-1861), Charles Mills (1832-1866), Joanna (“Josey”) Mills (1833-1908), George Mills, Jr. (1838-1887) and Isabelle (“Bell”) Terese Mills (1847-1905). Most of these family members were buried in Greenwood Cemetery in Brooklyn.
For those unfamiliar with the New York City Riots, I’ll state briefly that they were both the most violent and the most publicized. By the time the names of the first draftees were drawn in New York City on July 11, reports about the carnage of Gettysburg had been published in city papers. Lincoln’s call for 300,000 more young men to fight a seemingly endless war frightened even those who supported the Union cause. Moreover, the Enrollment Act contained several exemptions, including the payment of a “commutation fee” that allowed wealthier and more influential citizens to buy their way out of service.
“Perhaps no group was more resentful of these inequities than the Irish immigrants populating the slums of northeastern cities. Poor and more than a little prejudiced against blacks with whom they were both unfamiliar and forced to compete for the lowest paying jobs, the Irish in New York objected to fighting on their behalf.
On Sunday, July 12, the names of the draftees drawn the day before by the Provost Marshall were published in newspapers. Within hours, groups of irate citizens, many of them Irish immigrants, banded together across the city. Eventually numbering some 50,000 people, the mob terrorized neighborhoods on the East Side of New York for three days looting scores of stores. Blacks were the targets of most attacks on citizens; several lynchings and beatings occurred. In addition, a black church and orphanage were burned to the ground.
All in all, the mob caused more than $1.5 million of damage. The number killed or wounded during the riot is unknown, but estimates range from two dozen to nearly 100. Eventually, Lincoln deployed combat troops from the Federal Army of the Potomac to restore order; they remained encamped around the city for several weeks. In the end, the draft raised only about 150,000 troops throughout the North, about three quarters of them substitutes, amounting to just one fifth of the total Union force.”
Source: The Civil War Society’s “Encyclopedia of the Civil War”. See also B. L. Lee, Discontent in New York City, 1861–1865 (1943); I. Werstein, July, 1863 (1957, repr. 1971); J. McCague, Second Rebellion: The Story of the New York City Draft Riots (1968); A. Cook, The Armies of the Streets (1974); I. Bernstein, The New York City Draft Riots (1989).
The burning of the “Colored Orphan Asylum” in NYC during the 1863 Draft Riots
[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Richard Weiner and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
New York [City] July 19, 1863
My very dear Emma,
For fear I should become so wrapped in the arms of Morpheus if I indulged myself in an easy chair, I concluded to write my letter first and take a nap afterwards if necessary. I can’t keep the thought of Edward’s sudden affliction from forming in my own mind words of wonder and regret, that the poor old gentleman should have been taken away, when so nearly having his hopes of seeing his favorite son realized. I sympathize with poor Edward too, it seems so much worse to be so very near home and yet have been deprived the satisfaction of attending his last moments.
I am very sorry Sarah did not send for Elizabeth but perhaps the poor child had no thought for anyone but her suffering patient. I could not understand whether you saw the old gentleman while in health, or did you not call on Sarah until her father died? I do hope you saw him. You should not have waited on ceremony to see him for you could have gone when Sarah was in school if you thought she ought to call on you first. At all events, you must be attentive to her now in her affliction. She may feel kindly disposed towards you but being possessed of a peculiar disposition, may think the overtures of friendship should come from our side. And as Edward has always been so good and kind to you and George as well as highly esteemed by all of us, I hope you and Josey will do all you can to break down the barrier that has separated her from the family the past two or three years. I know Josey will do her duty whatever she may think that includes, and you must not let your pride restrain any good action you otherwise would perform.
Yesterday morning I mailed Bell’s letter to Josey and some papers for Aunt Lizzie, ordered my groceries, went home, read the news, took my dinner at twelve and half o’clock, after which the appearances of the clouds indicating the suns determination to gladded our eyes by its brilliant effulgence. We made immediate preparation to make a search for that wonderful round hat and feather. We rode to Broadway, or rather to Canal Street where you purchased yours and she had one exactly like yours and as it fitted and was very becoming, I took it at the same price, though she wanted more and did not seem much inclined to take my offer. We went in several stores. About the feather hat, the prices ranged from three and a half to six dollars where they were the real quill so we winded our way to Ridley’s where we had seen very handsome sewed feathers for one dollar fifty and there we got it to Bell’s entire satisfaction. I took great notice how they were trimmed in the store where we bought the hat so on my return home, after taking my tea, I sat down and bound it, and trimmed it and I flatter myself, you will have to acknowledge it looks as well as if a milliner had turned it out of her tasty fingers. I think I did a wonderful day’s work. Walked all the way except to ride over there, besides all the way up to Sloane. Bell has had it on her head two or three times to admire it and did not know how to sufficiently express her admiration, being I suppose so surprised to think I could do it so well.
I forget to tell you that Bell and I deposited the materials in the house on our return and went down to call on Cousin Eliza whom we had not seen since you left. We saw Mrs. Condit in the parlor so I talked to her a little before going to Cousin Eliza’s room—the latter having one of her headaches.
Poor Mrs. Condit. She is frightened out of her wits. What do you think she made Mr. Condit do?—take their name off the door because she thought it would correspond, she said, with the appearance of the neighborhood and the rioters would think that was a tenant house too. Quite and original idea and a good one too, I thought. It seems the gentleman, Mr. Condit, let the upper part of the house to do business for the government and was one of the enrolling officers and that is one reason Mrs. Condit stands in fear and trembling. So far we have been the most quiet Ward in the City, but we were enough frightened two nights last week as Bell told Josey.
On Monday night we all went to bed and slept soundly while our neighbors were awake all night watching. So I told Bell those that know nothing fear nothing. We had not heard of any intention to destroy that Station house so we had nothing to keep us awake. Not so on Tuesday night. Kate brought me in the news about ten o’clock. George was asleep and Charley out. I debated in my own mind a few minutes what I should do and went up in the parlor to take a view out of the window when I saw Miss Steckle and her friend running as fast as they could up the street with a large basket between them filled with things. In a few minutes, she was back and opened the door with her night key and took out another large basket which had been ready in the hall. I also saw some of the poor people that lived below the Station house taking out things for safe keeping.
I sat down a minute to think what I should do but could not think at that time of night one place that I could trust anything to be any safer than in my own house for they might be stolen if not burned. I went up and called George and consulted him and we decided to let things remain in the house. Then I got the key of Joseph’s wardrobe as quietly as possible out of my drawer (so as not to disturb Father) and took out the box Josey left in my charge. At first George thought it best to put the contents of the box about his person for the mob of course snatch everything out of a person’s hands, but I told him if he were robbed, then Joe and Tom might think if I had carried the box, it would have been saved. So I decided to put on a large shawl and keep the box out of sight if anything happened. I then took Father’s money and put it in my under skirt pocket and [your brother] John’s watch and things in another under jacket and my own watch on as much out of sight as possible and everything else I should have had to abandon—even my silver I could not have saved. I suppose though we intended to have Charley go in Mrs. Pomroy’s and we were going to break the blind out in your room by your bureau and George was to hand him other valuables.
But nothing happed, thank God. For two night s I had my things placed in my pockets and Josey’s box done up in an old flannel ready for a start and Father knew nothing about it. On Wednesday and Thursday night, I was not alarmed because there were plenty to guard against the invaders but on Monday and Tuesday nights, all the policemen were in other parts of the City.
Last night Kate was out in Avenue B & C and many places up town shopping for clothes for her brother but everything was just as quiet as any night. Mr. Farmer, the gentleman in Charley’s office, went home on Wednesday afternoon and found he had lost every stitch of clothes he owned and one thousand dollars worth of silver that was in his trunk all burned up in the house in which he boarded. Mr. Bull’s brother’s house was sacked and the inmates had to leave. Charley stayed home on Wednesday evening and George has not been out in the evening during the week. I hope everything will remain quiet now as the rioters have been addressed today in the different Catholic churches, I expect. Kate said the priest talked to them in her church this morning and told them if there were any rioters or any who had been engaged in stealing property as he knew there were some present, to return it and desist from such a course of conduct as they nor their children would never prosper. He also read them several parables so I hope Bishop Hughes and the rest of his brethren will have some influence over them.
Tomorrow Cousin Eliza is coming to spend the day as I thought I had better set the time as Bell and I want to go to see Mary Ellen and Mr. Carlisle just as soon as a day offers that the clouds are not just ready to deluge us. I am so sorry you went in July since you are to have nothing but fogs. George says it was just so last year this time. When he was in Poughkeepsie, it rained or looked like it all the time. George has gone to see Lizzie Legget and Miss Everett. This morning he accompanied Bell and me to church. It was as thinly attended as usual. We had a very good sermon on the mediation of Christ. None of the Vauns were there excepting Mr. Vaun and in fact, I think most of the congregation were strangers. 1
I expect Alexander went to Craneville yesterday or he would have been here. I have hard work to get rid of my pies though they are excellent—the paste being rich enough suit even Josey. But you know Bell don’t eat pies and Father hast not tasted them so they are left to George, Kate, and myself. I have one for tomorrow so Cousin Eliza can help me eat it. I tell Bell I have had to eat one piece for her and one for myself sometimes twice a day rather than let them spoil.
Father went down to dinner today the first time in some days. He is so lame he thinks it don’t pay. Two nights we did without gas and I had to burn candles so I would light a whole one when I went to bed and it would last till daylight. Last night we had the gas again but when Father went to bed, he said, “Ma, what made you burn the candle last night the full blaze?” “Why,” said I, “how could you burn a candle any other way?” “Oh, I could show you,” said he. So for the fun of the thing, I got a candle and lighted it and took it to him while he was all undressed sitting on the side of the bed, but the minute he saw it, he shook with laughter and decided it must have been something else he meant. I suppose he had been thinking of lamps.
I did not tell you that I finished my white waist and washed and ironed it thinking I could go last Friday or yesterday to Miss Carlisle’s but the weather prevented. Now, for awhile, I will not be busy. I intend to go out and read some if everything remains quiet. I had nothing in the world in the way of news as Bell told all that happened but I think I kept awake pretty we;; and my hand aches. I am so sorry for poor dear Joe. She is particularly unfortunate with her things but I hope it will be restored to its original whiteness. Father sends his love to each of you. Tell Lib I send her a good hearty kiss and hope her good husband will come home in good health to her and all safe. Tell her not to let you plague her to death. She must call on Josey to take her part which I know she will do.
George [said he] would write to her in a few days….Charley is well and would send his love if he knew I was writing. He has gone out as usual. We have not seen Capt. Livingston since Bell wrote word he was here and I guess nothing will be said about going down the stream. Bell sends her love and kisses to each one and told me to tell you and Josey she has not had to wake up at five or half past and gets up, puts on part of her clothes, and finds I am asleep, lies down again until six o’clock. Give my love and a sweet kiss to dear Joe and tell all the children I remember them with love and hope they re all good children. That will only apply to Harry and Lizzy as Augusta and Eddy are now grown to be young lady and gentleman since I was in Portsmouth. Nevertheless I send my love to them and good wishes for their welfare.
Now with love and kisses to yourself, I must close remaining your affectionate Ma, — J. Mills
1 The Mills family attended the All Saints Church on the corner of Henry and Scammel streets.
The following letters were written by members of the Tew family of Sampson county, North Carolina, during the American Civil War. Both home front letters were addressed to Joel John Tew (1836-1914) who enlisted as a sergeant in Co. K, 51st North Carolina Infantry when he was 25 years old. He was promoted to a 2nd Lieutenant on 17 September 1862 and was wounded in the left arm on 31 May 1864 in the fighting at Cold Harbor. He returned to his regiment in January 1865. [It should be noted that Joel’s first and middle name appear interchangeably in various records and he is often referred to as “J. J.” I have used Joel as his first name as that it is the way it appears on his headstone.]
The first letter was written by Sylvania (Godwin) Tew (1811-1875), the wife of John “Lewis” Tew, Jr. (1807-1882), and the mother of J. J.—the recipient of the letter. The second letter was written by Frances Matilda Elizabeth Tew (1838-1916), the younger sister of J. J.
Lewis and Sylvania Tew sent two other sons to the Confederate service. The eldest son, William Robertson Tew (1833-1862) enlisted as a private in Co. E, 20th North Carolina Infantry in June 1861 and was killed in the fighting at Malvern Hill on 1 July 1862. The other son, Sampson Millard Tew (1841-1864) was a private in Co. H, 20th North Carolina Infantry (Iverson’s Brigade) during the Civil War. Sampson survived the Seven Days Battle and Chancellorsville but was taken prisoner at the Battle of Gettysburg on 1 July 1863 and died of diarrhea and small pox while in captivity at Hammond Hospital at Point Lookout, Maryland on 15 January 1864. From these letters we learn that the Tew family was not yet aware of Sampson’s death two months after he expired.
The letters contain great local history of Sampson county during the war, the hunting down of deserters and of extreme efforts to avoid military service.
Members of the J. J. Tew family in front of the Tew Residence in Sampson county, North Carolina
Transcription
[Sampson county, North Carolina] January 27, 1864
Dear Son,
I once more write you a few lines which will inform you that we are all well, hoping these few lines may reach and find you well and enjoying all the comforts that camp life can afford. We have a sad time here now. We have not heard from Samson yet. There came a letter to the office last mail to Henry Jackson informing him of the death of his son Josiah 1 which we were very much grieved to hear—his mother and sisters in particular. The letter was written by a Mr. Randal. He said he belonged to the Texas Cavalry and fell near Morristown, Tennessee on the 30th of December while gallantly fighting in his country’s defense and survived until the following day, and that his dying request was for Susan and Raiford to have his effects. He said his horse and gun and other equipment had been sold for near $1,000 and that he had a deposit of gold in Houston, Texas. 2
Your sister received a letter from Hezekiah Jackson last mail which informed her that he was in Richmond sick. He was in the Winder Hospital, first division ward D. He says he has been in the State of Virginia 18 months and has never seen one of his old friends yet and I should be glad if you could get two days leave of absence and go and see him. 3
The Cumberland Militia keeps very busy now looking up deserters. They have catched D[avid] J. Godwin 4, Blackmon and Branch. They dug them out of a cave under old Blackmon’s Stable and they are all lodged in Fayetteville jail at this time. They said David come out and told them he was glad to see them and was glad they had found him as he wanted to go to his company. A little while before that, they were out looking [for] deserters and about the time they were going to start home, they saw Harris and Jones. Harris had his gun to his face. One of the militia halted them when Harris shot Daniel Colvin in the face and he fell dead upon the spot. 5 They say they shall hunt continuously now until they find them.
J. W. Godwin came here last Monday after your double barreled gun. We let him have her but he requested we would write to you about it and if you were not willing he should have her, he would bring her back. He said if she was injured, he would be responsible.
They have also catched Willis Lee. They shot him in the hand and back but the doctor says he is not hurt much but he pretends he is about to die.
I can inform you that I have been after your coat and pants. I brought them home last Saturday. The time is too short to get them done by the first of February but you need not let that keep you from coming home as you will not come to stay less than fifteen days. We can make them before you will have to go back.
You spoke of coming home to get married and I think this is a bad time to think about it, let alone talking about, but I do not think you are in earnest or at least I hope you are not. 6 But if you are, you can marry in your long tail blue. You wanted to know if it had any trimming on it. It has got a little bars about as wide as the trimming you sent home to go on the sleeves of your other and none at all on the sleeves. I will now bring my long letter to a close. Come if you can. If not, write soon.
Your affectionate mother, — Sylvania Tew
To J. J. Tew
1 Josiah Jackson served as a private in Co. A, 8th Texas Cavalry (Terry’s Regiment or 8th Texas Rangers). Josiah enlisted in Bosque county, Texas, in September 1861 and was mortally wounded in the Battle of Mossy Creek Station which occurred on 29 December 1873.The letter informing the Jackson family of Josiah’s death was probably written by Sergt. Jack Randall who is the only member of the company by that name.
2 William Henry Jackson (1802-1877) and his wife Anna Godwin (1805-1882) of Mingo, Sampson county, North Carolina, were the parents of Susan Jackson (1845-1916) and Raiford Jackson (1847-1911)—the beneficiaries mentioned in the letter.
3 Hezekiah Jackson served in Co. I, 11th Georgia Infantry and was admitted to Winder Hospital in December 1863. He had been taken a prisoner at Antietam early in the war but exchanged. His descriptive list identifies him as having been born in Sampson county, North Carolina, but was residing in Georgia at the time of his enlistment in July 1862.
4 David J. Godwin served as a private in Co. F, 24th North Carolina Infantry. He enlisted in 1861 but reported as deserted on 31 July 1862 from the encampment near Petersburg, Va. Muster rolls indicate he deserted again on 5 August 1864.
5 Daniel James (“D. J.”) Colvin (1818-1864) was 45 years old when he was killed on 20 January 1864, leaving a wife and two young children. They lived in Linden, Cumberland county, North Carolina.According to this letter, his murderer was Harris of the Cumberland Militia.
6 J. J. did not marry until 19 December 1865. He married Mary Jane Draughton (1843-1915) who bore him at least nine children between 1867 and 1888.
[Sampson county, North Carolina] March the 16th 1864
Dear Brother,
I again take my pen in hand for the purpose of writing you a few lines which will inform you that we are all well, hoping these few lines may early reach and find you in good health and fine spirits. Papa is gone after Wiley. He is very sick if he is not dead. Dawson’s Gabriel sent his master a letter dated the 28th of February stating that Wiley [Dawson] 1 was very sick and had been since the middle of February and his feet and legs was swelled & he had not had on his shoes in a week. We got the news on Sunday at the funeral and he started and he started the same night. I do not know where he is. The letter said they were talking of discharging him and if they did and his master went after him, to stop in Wilmington and look in the hospital for him.
I received a letter from J. R. Godwin last Sunday and he said there had come a letter to the company from Point Lookout dated the 14th of February which said Sampson was still in the hospital and also W. H. Dawson [Co. D, 57th N. C.] but did not say how sick they were nor whether they were mending.
I am very sorry to tell you that he wrote that W. B. Johnson was dead. B was a good soldier and his company all liked him and I was very sorry to hear of his death. Please tell George of it if his people does not write this week. W. W. Hood is also dead. He belonged to the same company but I do not know where he lived nor whose son he was. I am afraid they will keep them there until they kill them all but I suppose they have paroled 800 of them and that they are going to parole the balance as soon as they can. But I am afraid they will stop before Samson is sent over—if he is living.
There has nothing new taken place since you left—only they caught the Wades last Saturday. The militia all went to muster except a detail left for the purpose. They watched the house until Susan went to carry their breakfast and then followed her to them. L. H. Godwin and Levit and S. W. Taylor was the detail. Deal was not with them and so he is out yet.
Last Thursday was the day for the substitute men to be conscripted and they all have to go that had substitutes and the old militia officers has to stay at home. They did not take none of the exempts in this settlement except John W. Smith and there is lots of men about here as well able to go as he is and I wish that everyone had to go for one is no better than another.
Ben Wellons, Esqr. is out with another petition for the doctor. He passed here this morning but did not call. I guess he thought it was not worthwhile. He says the doctor does not wish to get out of service—that he is well satisfied with his station, but the men in the company wanted him to come home and attend to their families.
Ed sent you a letter which come after you left. He did not talk very complimentary about your staying until the funeral. I would tell him if I had 20 days like he had, I should not be behind time. Excuse bad writing for it is very cold. It snowed a little last night. Affectionately, — F. M. E. [Frances Matilda Elizabeth] Tew
To J. J. Tew
1 Possibly Wiley Dawson who served as a private in Co. E, 66th North Carolina Infantry.
How George might have looked in 1873 (W. Griffing Collection)
The following letters were written by 20 year-old George Washington Chatterton, Jr. (1853-1915), the son of George W. Chatterton (1822-1888) and Sarah S. Chatterton (1827-1916) of Springfield, Sangamon county, Illinois. George Jr. eventually became the proprietor of the oldest music house in Illinois, established by his father on the west side of the Springfield public square in 1838. In addition to selling pianos, other musical instruments, and sheet music, he sold jewelry. It was from the Chatterton store that Abraham Lincoln purchased the wedding ring engraved with the words, “Love in Eternal” that he placed on Mary Todd’s finger in November 1842. In April, 1879, George purchased the Opera House in Springfield, and that season rebuilt it in elegant style, making Chatterton’s Opera House the finest in the State outside of Chicago. The Chatterton Home, called “Castle Cottage” was built in 1857 on Sixth Street in Springfield.
Both letters were only signed “George” and there were no accompanying envelopes to aid in the identification of the author. From the letters we learn that the author has traveled to Potter—a station on the Union Pacific Railroad near Lodge Pole Creek in the panhandle of western Nebraska. His letters speak of visiting a cattle ranch, hunting buffalo, and seeing an Indian for the first time. From the content of the two letters, I was finally able to identify him by discovering a long letter published in the Illinois Journal (Springfield, IL) appearing on 31 March 1873 which reads as follows (in part):
Nebraska—Life in a Cattle Ranch—Sketch of the Jouney Thither—Potter Station—Indians—A Buffalo Hunt—The Pest of the Plains
Potter, Nebraska, March 26, 1873 Editor of the Illinois State Journal
Here we are—-Chatterton and myself—comfortably seated in a cattle ranch on the extreme western edge of Nebraska, 430 miles west of Omaha. We have just been perusing the the columns of our Springfield Daily Journal, and the thought has penetrated our wise heads that perhaps the numerous readers of said journal might be interested in a brief description of life in a cattle ranch out on the mighty plains of Nebraska…It was on the 10th of March that George W. C—-, Jr., and myself, remembering the injunction of the old Patriarch: “Go west, young man, go west!”—started from the fair city of Springfield on the Beardstown express, enroute for Beardstown, and the mighty west. We remained but two hours at Beardstown, during which interval “Chat” shot at several celebrated Beardstown mosquitoes, with his newly purchase revolver, to the immense terror of several persons standing behind him, who narrowly escaped with their lives. From the latter vile we journeyed to Monmouth, and there took the cars of the B&MRR for Council Bluffs and Omaha.
We remained one night at the latter city, resting ourselves and examining the advantages and disadvantages of the metropolis of Nebraska…The following day at noon we took our places in the cars of the great Union Pacific RR and proceeded on our journey westward. We passed through a very fine farming country for about two hundred miles west of Omaha…We passed rapidly along, stopping ever and anon at the little towns of the railroad, which places I may say, excel in the number of of their liquor saloons, and lawyer’s signs—not that the two always go together, by no means…At one place where we halted, there were eleven saloons, one lawyer’s office, one drug store, and five residences. I suggested to my friend that nothing was wanting but a first class jewelry store…Through the night we journeyed on, and at nine o’clock the next morning we arrived at our destination—at Potter.
Potter is not a large town—Oh no! In fact I may say it is a small town, there being but two houses in it—one the depot, and the other the station agent’s abode; however, it has a mighty future before—or at any rate behind it. I would not advise any ambitious young man from the east to locate in Potter unless he desires to grow with the town...
From Potter we drove over the prairie three miles and soon found ourselves at the ranch of Duncan, Redington, & Co. These gentlemen—General Duncan, Henry V. Redington of New York State, and General Perry, at present Quarter Master General Department of the Platte—became impressed with the importance and profit of the cattle business two years ago, and at present own a herd of 5,000 cattle. Hon. T. Wilson from New York State, has also 1,000 cattle with these gentlemen. Their range, or grazing ground, is about 40 miles north of Potter, situated in a beautiful valley, undisturbed by everything except the Indians; and right here a word about the latter. Is the opinion of the western men and frontiersmen the correct one, or that of Vincent Colyer, Gen. Howard, and the eastern men generally, who know about as much of the noble red man as they do of the inhabitants of the moon—provided it is inhabited—I am strongly inclined to the opinion of the former. Not that I would deny but that the Indians are frequently and continually abused, defrauded and cheated—especially by the agents of the government in the distribution of their supplies, rations, &c., but I would and do most strongly assert that the red men will lie, steal, murder, and commit the most frightful depredations provided they can commit the same undiscovered by the government…The hersdmen throughout this region are obliged to keep armed from one hour to another with revolvers and rifles…
After remaining for a few days near Potter, we started on horseback with Mr. Redington for his other ranch forty miles north. While on the way we experienced that which men from all parts of the world come here to experience, viz: a buffalo hunt. We had been on the road but an hour, when the buffaloes came in sight. We each singled out a buffalo and “went” for him. After a chase of three miles I, recklessly for a novice, came up alongside within six feet of the huge animal, and, alas, fired. I will not say that I was frightened—oh no!—yet I felt uneasy at the proximity of the huge beast; my digestion was seriously impaired for the time being. I…unluckily hit the animal. At once he turned and charge upon me; and at once my horse turned and ran, thereby partly unseating me in the saddle. At this critical juncture my rifle dropped. Some audacious wretch might say I flung it away—’tis false!—it dropped and I clung to the saddle.”
The letter goes on to describe the Redington cattle ranch. It was signed, L. W. R.
The George W. Chatterton Store (center) in Springfield, Illinois
Letter 1
Potter Station [Union Pacific Railroad] April 21, 1873
Dear Father,
I received your letter on Monday, also the watch though believe I notified you of it in Mother’s letter. Yesterday Wilson & I rode up to the Depot as usual for the mail & there found a small band of Indians which being the first I had seen were quite an object of curiosity to me. After saying “How, How” to them all, they wanted to “swap” for my revolver, but being on their way for buffalo were rather poor, so could not offer me a good trade. Tried to buy Irwin 1 a bow & arrow but asking me $30, gave it up, as they have no idea of money but he either wanted his bow, or something to hunt with, & today the Interpreter stationed at Sidney passed by here on his way to their camp, so Wilson & I went along. After a ride of 12 miles we came up on them as they were all packed up ready to start. After smoking the “Pipe of Peace” with them, Wilson & I came home, leaving the Interpreter to go with them as a warning to all the Whites that they were friendly. It was quite a novel scene to me, the squaws driving the pack horses along & the bucks riding at their leisure.
The pistol I told Mother I traded for was stolen so I am to send it back tomorrow to the owner and get mine with the $5.00. As I think I have an opportunity to sell mine, have written to Schuyler, Hartley & Graham [in NYC] to ascertain the price of one. Will R. told me today that he was to be admitted as an equal partner in the ranch. The others don’t sell but just make the capital so much more & buy cattle.
Am thinking of of buying me a pony. Have seen two that will cost with saddle & bridle near $75 each & after trying the one I like & suits, will buy as Mr. R. is rather short of horses since he lost & has use for them all & can sell a good pony any time.
Am very pleased where I am. Have a good bed, good country table, and feeling very well, while I am getting fleshier slowly, exercise a good deal & do just as I please. You evidently think from the way you write that the cattle business here should be an exception to any other & not have any risk to run, though I am sure there are not as many here as in the store, no busted Insurance to the companies, thieves, old stock, &c, to contend against. Am going to the cattle ranch Friday but back again by Saturday night. Told Mr. R[eddington] 2 that I wanted to stay here as long as I wanted to, would pay a reasonable board, as the house is run by the Company. Did not ask for a salaried place as then I would have to stay at the other ranch & that I would not do. Regards to Commodore & Freeman & love to all at home.
Your Son, — George
1 Robert Irwin Chatterton (1859-1897) was George’s younger brother.
2 Henry Vining Redington (1840-Aft1920), the son of Hon. George Redington (1798-1850) and Amoret Stone (1811-1843) was the first rancher in the panhandle of Nebraska. He located his ranch in 1870 on “Lorren’s Fork” about a mile from its junction with Gonneville or Pumpkin Creek. Stage routes from Sidney and Cheyenne, and the tremendous freight transportation opened up this new country in 1876 and later. In 1874, John M. Adams came to Sydney and formed partnership with Redington. Adams, Redington & Company ran 4,000 to 6,000 cattle and they principal ad best known brand was H-bar.
Letter 2
Potter Station, Union Pacific Railroad Nebraska
Dear Father,
Well, I believe it is said that every man is destined to accomplish something great that will astonish the world, and if so, Reddington and I have certainly astonished ourselves, if not the world—viz: the killing of a large buffalo this evening, and rare sport it was. We left the house after dinner on our ugly little ponies—but must say they are adapted for the purpose for which they are used as they climb a steep bluff on a full gallop very easily—and rode four miles when we saw him grazing on a side of a bluff. [We] went way beyond him to get behind him and drive him into the valley where we could have a good and fair run, but in trying to do so we had to pass so many bluffs that when we got behind him, we lost the bluff where we saw him, so we parted and tried to find him.
Finally I looked around and saw Reddy & the buffalo about half a mile away having a race across the bluffs, and such a race as I had running up and down such steep bluffs as fast as my pony could run and I expecting every moment he would fall and brake my neck, until finally I lost sight of them, when we heard a gun & followed the report, and there was Reddy & the buffalo in a valley having it between them. He had wounded it in the leg when it turned on him and came very near being run over but his horse got away. But when he saw me coming he felt relieved when we put three or four bullets into him and at last he fell on his knees and then over (dead).
Was going to send the head home but we killed it so far away from home and had no way to carry it. Had three hours hard work this morning in grinding cane in a horse machine, but you would have laughed to have seen me a few moments ago. But to commence, we are all going over to the large ranch tomorrow. This morning Mr. Reddington drove the ladies to Sidney to remain while we are gone, so Reddy went to work after we came from our hunt and got us supper for five—beefsteak, coffee, & baked potatoes—and after I went to work and plated Biddy in washing the dishes. Am in hopes that someone else will offer to do it at next meal as I am heartily sick of it.
Mr. Short—the man that I have heard so many comical stories of and is head herder came home this evening and while I am writing, I can hardly keep from laughing as Reddy is telling him his European stories and such comical expressions as he has that no doubt he will prove quite and acquisition.
We start tomorrow for the ranch 30 miles away and shall have a job of a week as they are going to “round” (get them together) the cattle and count them, and as they are running over a section of land 20 miles long that we will have riding enough to last us for some time. Am not homesick as yet as they are all very, very kind to me. Have not said anything as yet about my remaining with them for any length of time but shall do so soon and after I have my plans made for a couple of months, I shall try to make some arrangements about a pony and rifle. They never think of leaving the house without a revolver and knife with them as they are expecting trouble any time now with the Indians as a white man killed a chief and they want vengence.
Tom Short is expounding his opinions on things in general and especially of letter writing as Reddy has spoken to me of getting up a letter for the Journal and think we will send it if they will publish it. You might ask Major Balbach about it though don’t say anything about it to anyone else as we might give it up.
Was sound asleep last night when I heard a gun fired from our window and thought my time had come and as I felt for Reddy and he was not in bed and then I was pretty near dead from fright for a moment when I heard a voice and there they were in the window, shooting at “Kiotes” a species of wolf that were around trying to kill the goats and chickens and felt quite relieved. Write soon. Your Son, — George
The following incredible letter was written by a young man by the name of J. A. (or I. A.) Nichols who we learn was attending the Kingston Academy in Kingston Plains, New Hampshire in 1844. There were several families residing in or about Kingston Plains at the time of this letter but I have not been able to place him in any particular family tree. He frequently mentions Sanborn so much hunch is that he was related to the Jonathan Sanborn Nichols family. Perhaps he died or moved away prior to the 1850 US Census.
The letter is interesting because it demonstrates the fervor in which citizens backed their favorite candidates—particularly in the Election of 1844 which pitted James K. Polk, Democrat (or Loco), against Henry Clay, Whig, whose defenders slugged it out on the campaign trail over the controversial issues of slavery and the annexation of Texas. Hoping to take advantage of the splintered traditional parties was James G. Birney who entered the race as the nominee of the Liberty (or “Abolitionist”) Party. Birney was the editor of a Cincinnati abolitionist newspaper.
As the letter shows, there were a few abolitionists who voted for Birney in Kingston but the Locos carried the majority by a wide margin under the banner of “Polk, Slavery, Free Trade, and Texas!” The ripping down or trampling on the banners of opposing presidential nominee’s banners described in this letter reminds me of the 20th Century citizens removing or destroying campaign signs in each others yards.
Surprisingly the author makes no mention of the “Millerite excitement” that, next to the election, was probably the most frequent topic of debate and laughter at Calef’s general store in Kingston. “The believers of the pernicious doctine” in Kingston and other villages in the lower part of New Hampshire, “have almost entirely neglected to provide for future wants,” reported the Boston Post.
Transcription
1830Kingston Academy in Kingston Plains, New Hampshire, 1857 (Harvard University Map Collection)
Kingston, New Hampshire November 3, 1844
My dear friend,
I am confident that you will not turn a deaf ear towards a recital on my part of the public matters of our old beloved Kingston. For two weeks I have been a constant attendant of the “Old School.” The first day I attended it seemed as if none but strange faces stared me on every side. I recognized but a few indeed who were the life and joy of last winter schooldays. I took my seat in the corner which last winter was occupied by Miss S. W. N. and more recently vacated by S. W. Mason. You may think by this time I have initiated myself in the acquaintance of the ladies. This is true and I find most of them to [be] very fine young ladies! But I can mention no names familiar with you.
I think the school is nearly as full as it was last winter and quite as pleasant to me!! Thus far I have learned as well as you would expect! I board at [the] old building formerly occupied as The Banner Office but those old stairs are nothing in comparison with our here. Do you take the hint? As yet, I am true to the principles of bachelorism—I mean the professed principles. I have waited upon none of the fair sex since I have been here although I have had several opportunities and have received severe reprimands for not so doing. I would just say that Miss E. A. M. is well—I think so—although rather low-spirited. Can you divine the course?
There is to be an examination at the close of this term, or the Tuesday (the 12th inst.) before Thanksgiving in this state. You must come up then certain—do not fail. It commences at 10 o’clock a.m. The larger ladies prepare compositions for the occasion; also Ben Cheerful and myself. Dialogues have been prepared for others.
A Temperance convention was held in this place last Thursday. The exercises were rather interesting. On that morning for the first time was discovered on the cupola of the academy, a banner made of red cambria brick with silver letters upon it forming the following words: “N. Hampshire, the Banner State for Polk and Dallas.” You may well think this exasperated me not a little. I declared to Mr. Dalton that I would not enter that building to attend school under that banner and that if I went in after my books, I would enter the back door. There was no school that day and I bore it patiently.
Evening came and I determined on having it removed. Accordingly, I fastened a large knife to a pole and ascended to the top the building and succeeded in cutting some of the fastenings—but not enough to lose it. I went to the meeting house and with D. Garland, agreed to take it down after meeting at any rate. But after meeting, we went there and found it down! Wm. Hogdon made [it] and put it up and probably took it down. That same day, Moses Sanborn and myself made a flag of cotton cloth 2 yds wide, 3 yds long, with Clay & Frelinghuysen painted and also the stars and stripes, and hung out on Mr. [Samuel] Calef’s [general store] sign post and there it floats to the breeze now.
Yesterday I went home away at night. I came home and found that same Loco banner attached to a line reaching from the cupola of the academy to the elm tree [in] front of Dr. [Levi Stevens] Bartlett’s. It hangs over the road. It looks like one of these “solid” rests in music—just the same proportion. It is red—without stars and stripes—so we call it the Pirate’s Flag!
I get but very little political news up in this region. Mason, Snow, and myself talk of going to Amesbury on Sunday next. Excuse all. Yours, J. A. Nichols
EXTRA!!!!!!!! RIOT &c!
November 3d, Four o’clock P. M.
I have just returned from one of the most heartrending and diabolical scenes ever witnessed on Kingston Plains. The circumstances are as follows. It appears that before sunrise this morning an Abolition Flag was raised on a line leading from Mr. [Benjamin Dodge] Cilley’s chimney to the elm tree near 0[rin P.] Spofford’s. It was made and owned by Mon. [Monroe] & Elihu Colcord, 1 and P. Frost. It was a very handsome flag made of bleached white cloth with stars and stripes of pink. The names of Birney & Morris were painted upon it. It was the size of 15 feet by 9. They had the bells rung on the occasion when [they] raised it and felt rather proud of it. But a short time elapsed before that miserable Webster who carried that rum banner last spring around the streets came along and commenced stoning it and threw one stone through it. This was considered as a gross insult by the owners and at town meeting. Mon[roe] Colcord gave this Jont. Webster a severe drubbing, somewhat exasperated him, and he came down and got his Father onto the building and cut the rope of this flag whilst he and some others took it and dragged it into a mud puddle and stomped the Liberty which was upon it underfoot. This was seen by some friend of TheBanner. The owners were at the Town House at the time but at the time saw it fall! and mistrusting the cause, they set out accompanied by others, and came foaming down like lightening. The rowdies run—some to the tavern and others at Peasley’s. They took the old man and gave him a beating without gloves on! The young Webster was taken by others and pretty essentially mauled, after which he got clear from them and was chased into Mr. Calef’s house. The ladies prevented them taking him at that time.
At the time I arrived at the scene of excitement, anarchy and confusion reigned triumphant. The [town] square [in] front of Peasley’s was crowded and more bloodthirsty fellows I never saw than were the friends of the flag. Such horrid imprecations as were uttered by them, I never before heard, Hogdon took an active part and if he didn’t damn Spofford and some others, I don’t know what damning is. Esq. Wise, Wm. Webster, and many others took an active part. Meanwhile the flag was again raised, securing one of the line to Mr. Calef’s sign post and the other to the elm by Dr. Bartlett’s. It was now reported that Webster was going home. The crowd now rushed down to Mr. Calef’s. The flag party was determined to pound him yet. In vain did Mr. Calef endeavor to pacify them—to persuade them to use no personal violence—to let him go home in peace. But no—they would not. The fugitive’s father got the sheriff to take him home but they suffered him not to go.
From my supper, I returned there. Gen. J[ames] Spofford was sent up to take him home. He went in and coaxed him out on the platform but upon the advance of the leaders, he ran back into the house. General Spofford then threatened them—intimated as though he would shoot them with pistols, &c. He was obliged to clear out to save threshing. He then went to the tavern, raised a gang of about 20 drunken vagabond loafers with Oren and marched down with much dignity as we thought to fight! Dreadful forebodings were pictured on every countenance. That blood would be shed was not doubted. I felt determined to at all hazards! We counted about a dozen. Sanborn was on hand, determined to do his part. The mob approached, broke into our ranks, and endeavored to frighten us by threats. We did not retrograde a hair’s breadth, but only the firmly clenched our fists and strengthened our valor. Failing to drive us by their boasted courage, they did not seem willing to fight. Neither did they dare to take the prisoner out of the house. At every corner and nook of the house we had watchmen placed to prevent his escape undiscovered.
A reporter for the Boston Atlas would give you a description of this affair which would be interesting. He would describe them at this time in great commotion—some urging on fight, some restraining, some screaming, and some talking love, &c. The outskirts were lined with women praying, dancing, renting their clothes, tearing their hair, and agonizing in fearful expectation of the approaching crisis. But our opponents did not dare to fight and so concluded to let him ask their forgiveness for injuring their flag, which they before would not do. Upon his acknowledging his wrong, they forgave him freely and broke up their ranks. Thus we hope ended a scene which might have proved sad and lamenting in its results.
Yours, &c., — J. A. Nichols
P. S. — The vote for this town for Presidential Electors stood
Clay 52 Polk 107 Birney 17
At noon, it was reported that Kingston had given [ ] majority for Polk.
An 1857 Map of Kingston Plains with residences marked, including the Kingston Academy. (Harvard University Map Collection)
1 Monroe Colcord (1824-1887) and Elihu Colcord (1825-1909) were the sons of Daniel and Polly (Woodman) Colcord of Kingston, Rockingham county, New Hampshire.
The following four letters and an 1863 diary were written by Sheldon C. Treat whose biographical sketch was included with a large collection of his letters that sold at Cowan’s Auctions in 2012. It reads:
Lt. Sheldon C. Treat
“Born in West Haven, Connecticut, Sheldon Treat emigrated to Missouri in 1859 to find work as a carpenter. Not the best choice. Although he was fully employed, Treat soon found himself on the frontlines of what would become a Civil War. This fine collection documents the transformation of a young easterner looking for work into a Civil War solder.
In some ways, the three pre-war letters are the most interesting of the lot. Written from Forest City, Missouri, a troubled outpost near the Kansas border, the letters provide a glimpse into the drama as war fever rose in an area already engulfed by violence. On 24 January 1861, Treat described an incident with border ruffians: No law of this state could molest them fellows at all for they had got my on the Kansas side and the only way get it was by force. A fellow from Ohio was with me on the river at the time of the fuss. There was 6 of them they all drawed their knives and one his revolver. We had no arms but one knife to defend ourselves with but we got the boat and got back safe. When we got up town 30 men was ready to go after them. Had we had our revolvers there would have been some shooting done.
By March, the scene grew even darker. The young men of this place are having their hair cut short for the spring fights, Treat reported, They commenced election day to fight and have been at it ever since. Under the circumstances, Treat decided to decamp for the north: I shall leave here next week for some spot unknown. I think of going to Fort Desmoine to work. This state will probably go south soon… this state legislator met the 2 of May and elected all of their officers secession. They have threatened to drive out all the free state…Once there, he wasted little time before enlisting in Co. E,4th Iowa Infantry, where he proved himself a capable soldier, earning promotion to 2nd Lieutenant by October 1862 and to 1st Lieutenant in January 1863.
Serving mostly in the western theatre, Treat saw action in 17 battles and took part in Sherman’s March to the Sea, reenlisting after a furlough for the duration. His letters reveal a strong pro-unionist as he became accustomed to military life in Missouri, culminating in his first major battle—Pea Ridge. On 18 August 1862, he wrote home to describe the devastation he experienced during one of the year’s most decisive battles, and the way in which his commitment to the cause was growing stronger as he grew from new recruit into a veteran.
Martha says it almost makes her sick to see them poor fellows in the hospital at New Haven. She ought to go over one battlefield and see the sights. It would make her sick for certain. I should liked to had you seen the field at Pea Ridge for I know it would not made you sick but you would not have forgotten it very soon. Man is a curious thing in a fight. People will say fight for honor and glory but I tell you that they fight because they are mad and because they love to fight. You put a company into action and watch them. The first 2 or 3 rounds, they take it very cool. But soon they begin to fall and this one looses a brother and that one a messmate, and blood runs freely. Then just listen and hear the deep curses of revenge, and then see if they fight because they love it. Yes, every shot is dearer than life to them. They don’t think of honors then. And how different is it with them the next time they come into action. They go at it like a day’s work…
Interestingly, Treat’s support for the war seems not to have been shared by his father, and he writes a passionate letter complaining that his father seems to offer nothing in his letters but sarcastic and discouraging comments: I have here some 80 men to associate with and all are getting letters from home, cheering them on the good work. And although I have proved myself as brave as the bravest, yet I get no encouragement from father…(28 August 1862).
Posted at Helena in latter half of 1862, the 4th Iowa took part in the early maneuvers of the Vicksburg Campaign, and the collection includes a fine description of the fall of Fort Hindman [Arkansas Post], 18 January 1863. Our loss is 500 killed and wounded. Our Regiment lost but 4 men in all. The battle lasted 3 hours when they surrendered the fort to us. They had 1 gun of 100 lbs. and 3 of 68 lbs. all casemated with railroad iron and 6 feet of oak timber… We got 2 field batteries and 2 splendid Parrott guns and 4000 stand of Enfield Rifles, some muskets, plenty of shot guns, revolvers, and pistols of all sorts…
There are also two excellent letters from later in the Vicksburg Campaign, written after the regiment had been circled behind Vicksburg to cut off any possible escape to the east, though at heavy cost to their own ranks. On 24 May 1863, he wrote: We have taken 8000 prisoners and 75 pieces of artillery. Our loss is heavy. My regiment has lost about 50 men. The 9th Iowa lost all but 130. Some regiments have lost all their field officers and some most all their line officers. Jackson—the capital of this state—is burned down. I am in camp on Walnut Hills two miles back of the town. In front is a big fort still in the hands of the rebels… We have got Warenton and Haines Bluffs both with all their guns and have got the rebels where we can tend to them just when it suits us…
A thread running through Treat’s letters is the squabble with his father, and Treat takes every opportunity to lambaste the Copperheads. After the draft riots of 1863, he taunted his father: How much has the Copperheads made by their riots in New York city? I think they will get their fill before long. I rather guess bullets will stop them. It was a pity they used blank cartridges as they had such a nice range for canister in the streets. I guess that Father Abraham who lives in Washington is able to stop such proceedings and if necessary stop some of their winds…After the election later that fall, he poked his father again: The soldiers of the 2nd Brig., 1st. Division fought a bloodless battle yesterday but very decisive victory was gained. Stone the republican candidate for Governor went up, Tuttle and Copperheadism went down. The 4th gave Stone 292 and Tuttle 13…”
[The letters and diary of Sheldon C. Treat published here are from the personal collection of Greg Herr and appear on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Letter 1
Helena, Arkansas August 15, 1862
Dear Sister,
Your letter of August the 6th has just come to hand and I am glad to hear from home again. I am as well as ever. There is no news of importance here. Our Brigade was reviewed day before yesterday by Gen. Carr. There is some skirmishing around here but it don’t amount to much. The main body of the troops are laying quietly in camp.
You speak of suffering in this army but the worst is for water. On the road from Jacksonport we could not get near water enough to drink and a mud hole where the hogs had wallowed was quite a luxury to all. Provisions is nothing compared to water. You must recollect that we have been in the interior all the while and 200 miles from civilization and could not get provisions. Our suffering are nothing to what we expect to see in times to come if the war lasts.
Drafting is a good thing and I was glad our government has adopted that system. Had they gone at that one year ago, the war would have been at end now and that system brings all on the level as it has no respect for a man’s ricjes. I hope they will fill up the old regiments as it will be a great saving to government both in drill and in officers. Besides, in old regiments they will learn more about camp life in one month than they can in a new one in one year. Tell the boys to go and serve their country and they will never regret it. Now is the time when every loyal man and woman should put the best foot forward. I hope to hear that John Treat is in th ranks before long and prepared to defend his country even to death. Tell him to go and let nothing stop him. Tell Father and Mother to let him go with their consent. Do what you can for them poor fellows in the hospital. Recollect that they have been fighting for the dearest cause that God ever gave to man, recollect that a good many of them are far from home and friends and you have a little brother that may be in want sometime. Do to them as you would to him. He is not better than thousands of others who are in the army and his friends think no more of him than their do of them. And a little kindness often does more for them than all the medicines that doctors can give. I have been on the battlefield and in the hospital and know that a great many suffer for care. If you can’t do nothing else to help them when you pass through their sick wards, speak a kind word to them. They will not forget it and will bless you for it. Just watch the change that comes over their faces. It will light up instantly at kind words and not only make them forget their pains, but will make you feel as if you had done good.
I am glad to hear that Leander has taken a wife and I think he has got a good one and I think she has got a good husband too. So good luck to them both. I would like to have been to the wedding but it came in the wrong time. Just my luck, as always. But I think that Shel will come out alright yet and it is something to have a good opinion of yourself.
Dinner is ready and I must stop. Give my love to all, — S. C. Treat
Letter 2
Helena, [Arkansas] November 7, 1862
Dear Sister,
I received your kind letter this morning and was glad to hear you were all well at home. I am very glad you sent that picture of Jane’s. A thousand thanks to her for it. I am well with the exception of a bad cold which I caught last night on chain guard.
I have been promoted to a Second Lieutenancy from the 16th day of October and shall get my commission before long. Four new regiments have arrived here—3 from Iowa and one from Wisconsin—all full, and our old regiment looks like a Battalion beside of them. One year ago we could muster 1000 men but now we muster but 690 all told and but 450 able to take the field. Our Lieut.-Colonel has gone to Iowa to get 300 recruits and will be back before long.
I don’t know what you can expect of such men as you say broke open the church. They are too great a cowards to fight for their country but are just the men to break up a church. It is a pity that such men can’t get their just dues because of a civil law which they can get out of the scrape by paying 5 or 10 dollars. I hope there is men enough left there yet to tar and feather them and ride them on a rail or else shoot them and let their bodies rot on top of the ground for the buzzards to eat. That is one thing why I like to live in Missouri—shooting and disputing both commence at once and before long somebody gets hurt and it ends. Nobody takes any notice of it further than to laugh about it.
I had to stop a[while] for Sergeant Bramhall brought in a cranberry pie and soon as that was out of the way, Houser got another and as I love pie, I had to stop awhile as you know that I am very fond of it.
There is not much of sickness among troops but the niggers are dying off very fast. They buried 9 yesterday and 8 the day before. They can’t live like a soldier.
I wonder if you think of my coming home. It will be sometime yet before you see me. I think if the war should end soon, I shall go back to Forest City [Mo.] or Kansas to live. I mean to have me a farm before I come home or else die in the undertaking. That is the whole story without any if or ands about it, if I can’t do it at all.
I would like to see all of the family but that is impossible for years. Yet I have learned one thing—that [is] to rely on my own exertions and trust nobody. If I should get a furlough, I should go to Missoury and look round. You need not be afraid of me getting married. I have something else to do and can’t spend time for that.
Give my love to all, — Sheldon C. Treat
[insert transcription of 1863 diary here.]
The shelling of Fort Hindman
January 1—Left the Yazoo River on transport John J. Roe. Anchored in the Mississippi 6 miles from the mouth of Yazoo. Sick all day with the ague and fever.
January 2—Got under way at daylight and steamed up the river. Sick.
January 3—Going up the river. Had the ague.
January 4—Received a mail. Got $40 dollars from home. Going up the river.
January 5—Still going upstream. had the ague.
January 6—Lying still for wood and fresh provisions.
January 7—Started up again. Chills and fever still keeps me down.
January 8—Off the mouth of the Arkansas. Steamed up to the cut off from White river. Found the whole fleet here.
January 9—Ran through the cut off into the Arkansas river and up that to the post.
January 10—Landed on the east side of the river 4 miles below the fort [Fort Hindman]. Tried to out flank it but could not cross the bayou. Traveled all night and drove the rebels from their encampment.
January 11—At sunrise found myself asleep on the roof of a log house. Artillery opened on us at 8 a.m. Battle began at 2 and lasted till 4.30 p.m. Camped on the field.
January 12—Our tents got up at 12 noon and we went into camp. Broke up camp at sundown and marched to the lower landing. Rained hard all night.
January 13—Snowing hard this morning. We had no shelter and are taking it harrd. Stormed all day.
January 14—Ordered on board the steamer Hiawatha with the 9th Iowa. Went on board at 12 noon.
January 15—Went down the river to Napoleon, Stopped for mail and provisions.
[January 16-22—no entries]
January 23—Landed near Vicksburg and marched most all night. Camp below the town on the opposite side of the river.
[January 24-February 13—no entries]
February 14—Detailed in the Pioneer Corps of the 3rd Brigade, 1st Division, 15th Army Corps.
February 15—On duty in my company.
February 16—On duty in my company.
February 17—Received orders to organize my corps immediately.
February 18—Getting in my men all day. The 26th Iowa detail not reported yet.
February 19—My detachment all reported for duty. List of non coms, Sergt. Conrad Ditmore, 9th Iowa Sergt. Joseph McQuiston, 26th Iowa Corp. Benjamin Vanasdoll, 4th Iowa [Co. E]
February 20—Awaiting orders.
February 21—Awaiting orders.
February 22—Ordered to report to Capt. Klosterman of the 3rd Mo. I went did so and got some tools. Ordered to build log houses for my men.
February 23—Began my houses today. 1st Detachment cutting logs and one preparing the ground.
February 24—Working at the houses.
February 25—Still at my houses. Had teams from our regiment and 1 from the 9th Iowa.
February 26—The boys have been bringing in shakes for the roof.
February 27—Got two of my houses done today. A party stayed to watch our rations.
February 28—Rained all day hard. Roads impassable for teams.
March 1—Finished our houses up and moved in to them.
March 2—Working at the canal, building runs for barrows.
March 3—Working at the canal.
March 4—Still at the canal.
March 5—Building a carpenter shop.
March 6—Got it done in good shape.
March 7—1 year ago today. Fight at Pea Ridge.
March 8—Still at the canal. 1 year ago today, Price retreated to Van Buren with his army from the battleground at Pea Ridge.
March 9—The dam at the mouth of the canal gave away and the water overflowed the bottoms.
March 10—We will have to get out of our houses before long if the water continues to rise.
March 11—Had to move camp up the river to keep away from the water.
March 12—Got new tents for the boys and I will tent for myself.
March 13—Began the bridge from the levy to boats. Myself and Corp. McQuiston in charge.
March 14—Working at the bridge from the levy to the boats. Sergt. Auterburn and Corp. McQuiston in charge.
March 15—Working at the bridge from the levy to the banks. Sergt. Auterburn in charge.
March 16—Finished up the bridge from the levy to the boats at noon. In quarters all the afternoon.
March 17—Ordered to the canal to bridge the break in the levy. Sergt. [Conrad] Ditmore does the job.
March 18—Lieut. [Benjamin F] Darling from the 9th Iowa took the 2nd Detachment to day in place of [Edgar] Tisdale. Promoted to a QM of the corps.
March 19—Sergt. [Conrad] Ditmore and Corp. [Sterns D.] Pratt at the canal with 15 men.
March 20—Sergt. Ditmore at the canal with 15 men and Corp. Pratt.
March 21—Had a party on the canal. The enemy shelled them all day but done them no harm.
March 22—Went to the canal myself and finished up the bridge. Brought up a boat and turned them over to Capt. Smith on steamer Decta.
March 23—Send one party to open [illegible] railroad. Sergt. Auterburn in charge.
March 24—[purchases]
March 25—Not well today. Sent a party to the canal to repair bridge. Corp. Pratt in charge. 1 p.m., sent one part to the canal to repair [ ]. Sergt. Auterburn in charge.
March 26—At the canal myself all day. Levy nearly gone. Pulled several drifts to pieces and used them for breakwater.
March 27—Sent out 3 parties, two to canal and one for Capt. Jenney to out up stabling. Sergt. Authern, Corp. Pratt, & McQuiston.
March 28—Two parties at the canal. Sergt. Auterburn finished his job. Stood guard for the whole corps, 11 men and Corp. McQuiston.
March 29—Got up 7 o’clock and eat my breakfast. Going up to my regiment today. Had a dreadful storm last night. Had the day to myself.
March 30—Sent 1 part of 8 men to the cotton gin. Corp. McQuiston in charge. Paid out 250 for the mess.
March 31—Sent a detachment to the canal to work there myself. Ordered to put up a flag staff at Headquarters 15th Army Corps. Settled up my account with the mess due me for the past month. 80 cents. Richard Ballou detailed to take George Black’s place from Co. K, 4th Iowa. Reported April the 1st. Absent now sick. Abijah Lancaster, Co. J, 4th Iowa with his company at Young’s Point.
April 1—All fools day. Sent out two parties—one at the canal with Sergt. Ditmore and one with Sergt. Autburn for a pole to make a glag staff.
April 2—Sent out two parties—one to the canal and one for the flag staff. Corp. McQuuiston and corp. Pratt.
April 3—Two parties out. One at the canal and one brought in the flag pole and topmast. Staid in quarters.
April 4—Sergt. Ditmore and 8 men at the canal. Corp. McQuiston and 4 men on flag staff . In quarters all day.
April 5—Sunday. All my squad off duty today.
April 6—Turned out at 2 o’clock this morning to cut the railroad and let the water off canal. Levee broken at the upper end near the old levy.
April 7—Done but little all day.
April 8—Went to the canal with a party to fix the ferry boat.
April 9—Had the rheumatism.
April 10—Been over to shop. Up to camp.
April 11—Pole already to put up but the irons.
April 12—[no entry]
[The remainder of the diary is filled with post war notes.]
Letter 3
Camp on Black River, Mississippi August 25 [1863]
Dear Sister,
It is a very nice cool morning here. Yesterday it was as hot as thunder and this morning overcoats and gloves are in demand. I have not received a letter from home since the 10th of this month and I shall block on this one till I do hear from there. I am a keeping old Bachelor Hall. All the rest have gone home on furloughs. I am the only officer left in the Brigade Corps. My turn will come sometime. It is dreadful lonesome in camp—not much to do—no books to read—nothing a going on to interest a fellow at all but to eat and sleep.
We are getting better rations than this army ever got before and enough of them. It is getting to be quite sickly here. Most everyone has got or had the ague and fever. But a very few die with it.
I hear that the 1st Brigade is losing men by the dysentery—quite a number having died last week. I should like to know whether Doct. is home yet or not and how he had endured the campaign. I don’t think he is tough enough for a soldier. It takes a good constitution to stand this climate. My head is getting gray in the service but my time is short now. I am mustered till 1866 on my last commission but I shall go out with my regiment next July if I live and nothing happens.
It is most dinner time and I am too lazy to write. Give my love to all.
Sheldon C. Treat, 1st Lieut. 4th Iowa Infantry Commanding 3rd Brigade Pioneer Corps
Letter 4
Camp at Black River Bridge September 8, 1863
Dear Sister,
Your kind letter of August 19 has just arrived and I am glad to hear you are enjoying yourself so well. I sent you my picture some weeks ago and one to Mary too. I put in rather a hard night last night. I worked hard all day and was up all night with the Flux but I feel better this afternoon. I am very glad that Doctor has got home safe and sound. As for friends there, I suppose I have a few but have got friends here too—plenty of them—such as I can depend on in time of need. And a friend in need is a friend indeed.
You may look for me there in September 1864 if I live till that time for I don’t think I shall come on this fall. I am very sorry to hear of Fred Beecher’s bad health and I hope he will get better soon. I used to correspond with him but he never answered my last letter so it stopped. I sing some but not often of late. I can’t get no songs. I still keep the prayer book I got from you. I have carried it all through the campaign and many a poor soldier has had the last service read over his grave out of it by our chaplain, it being the only one in the regiment of the kind.
When my time is out, my duty will be done and not before. My oath says for three years and so let it be. Brave men must die on ever battlefield. They know it and expect it and when I think of my comrades who now sleep on the battlefield, it don’t alter my mind. More must die yet. I don’t think of the dead but of the living. Whose turn will it be next? That nobody knows. It would take longer to come home by the way of New Orleans than by Cairo.
I am very much obliged to you for your song. The words are very good but not very true. I am afraid Little Mac [McClellan] will not save the Union by making Copperhead speeches. It seems to me that Maine comes in for more than her share of the flory. I believe Gen. [Philip] Kearny was the smartest general in that army and I believe Gen. Grant the best in the States. I see that 20,000 of this army has gone to reinforce Meade.
Gen. Grant has thanked the 9th Army Corps for their services here in a General Order but they could not cross Pearl river so Gen. Parkes’ orderly told Gen. Sherman I will send one Division of the 15th Army Corps to cross and hold the ground till the 9th can cross, says Gen. Sherman. In about one hour the orderly came back and told the Gen. that the 9th was crossing. In meantime, the First Division had orders to be ready to move at a moment’s notice and they would have cross if the Devil himself had been there. Gen. Lauman lost most all of one Brigade at Jackson by carelessness. His whole Division was marching by the flank and ,arched right between two rifle pits and then charged one Brigade to save his Division. He had 300 men killed and wounded and lost 700 prisoners. Gen. Grant sent him to the rear and broke him of his command.
I have got my watch and chain. Both are broken and i don’t wear either one. The gold ring which I used to wear I lost in a skirmish in Missouri one year ago last July. I have got to go down to the river and see about getting up the machinery of some steamboats the rebs burned there last spring.
The artillery is just blowing Boots & Saddles for Division drill and I must saddle up and be off. I will write some more tonight.
[Later]
I have been down and looked at the boats. There is 5 all told and it will take two weeks to remove it. Tomorrow is issue day for the month and the clothing has just come into camp. I have not heard a gun in most two months except a musket and I believe the boom of cannon would be quite welcome as it makes a fellow feel young again. 10 boat loads of troops leave Vicksburg today for the South so I am told by the Quartermaster Sergeant who has just come from there and I expect something is up below. I wish it was this Corps a going. Lying still don’t suit me. I want to see the country below here.
We are looking for Capt. Klosterman back this week from St. Louis and then probably some of the rest of us will get to go. I must close as it is getting dark.
Give my love to all. — S. C. Treat, 1st Lieut., 4th Iowa Infantry, 1st Div. Pioneer Corps, 15th AC
Joel John Tew (or John Joel Tew) of Co. K, 51st North Carolina Infantry (Civil War Faces)
The following letters were written by Joel John Tew (1836-1914), the son of John Lewis Tew (1807-1882) and Sylvania Godwin (1811-1875) of Sampson county, North Carolina. He wrote the letter to his sister, Francis Matilda Elizabeth Tew (1838-1916), and refers to a younger brother, Sampson M. Tew (1841-1864) who served as a private in Co. H, 20th North Carolina Infantry (Iverson’s Brigade) during the Civil War. Sampson was taken prisoner at the Battle of Gettysburg on 1 July 1863 and died of diarrhea and small pox while in captivity at Hammond Hospital at Point Lookout, Maryland on 15 January 1864.
Joel was 25 years old when he enlisted in April 1862 as a sergeant in Co. K, 51st North Carolina Infantry. He was promoted to a 2nd Lieutenant on 17 September 1862 and was wounded in the left arm on 31 May 1864 in the fighting at Cold Harbor. He returned to his regiment in January 1865.
The first document is a letter. The second is a copy of an enlistment paper signed by J. J. Tew. The enlistment record was for John Cager Williford though there are several discrepancies such as the spelling of his surname, his age and date of enlistment. Cemetery records indicate John C. Williford was born in 1834 and died in 1910. He was buried at Mingo, Sampson county, North Carolina. Williford was employed in the turpentine business before the war.
Letter 1
Addressed to Miss F. M. E. Tew, Draughon’s Store, Sampson City, N. C.
Camp Florida Near Wilmington May 9th 1863
Dear Sister,
I can inform you that we are back in Old North Carolina again at last & is tolerable well. Hoping these lines may early reach & find you in the best of health. We reached Wilmington on Sunday night at ten & you can not imagine how glad the men was to get back. We are now 25 miles from the City on Topsoil Sound in the nicest camp we have been since we have left old Fort French & the rest of our Brigade is at French now.
I can inform you that I received a letter from you & Father Monday before we left town & I was glad to hear that you were all well but very sorry to hear of the accident that had happened to Mother. I hope that she will soon be well & not happen to such another.
I have not got anything interesting to write to you at this time—only we are highly spoken of by the commanding generals of Charleston & I am glad to think that so worthy a man as General Beauregard thinks something of us. But I fear it will occasion us to go to Virginia soon.
There has been a battle at Fredericksburg but I have not heard from it more than we gained the victory & drove the enemy back across the [Rappahannock] River. I have heard of two Brigades that was in the fight & Iverson’s was not mentioned in it & I hope it was not in the fight at all. I think if it had been & they did not all get killed, they would have written before now. But I shall patiently wait the result of the battle knowing that if Samson is killed or wounded, there is one above to protect him in his troubles.
You can tell Father that I am going to write to Gent. — Strickland this week or this evening about that money & if he does not pay it, proceed as I directed. Give case to Smith & not show my letter to Mr. Strickland any more. I never got the letter that he sent to me in Georgia. You may tell the gent plainly that I will not let him off at what it is now at. He sunk me & blew at least one thousand dollars. The suit will be damage. I am yours as ever, &c. — J. J. Tew
to Lewis Tew
Letter 2
State of North Carolina County of Sampson
I, John C. Willifoot [Williford], born in Sampson County in the State of North Carolina, aged 18 years and by occupation a farmer, do hereby acknowledge to have voluntarily enlisted this the 24th day of July 1863 as a soldier in the State troops of North Carolina for the period of the war unless sooner discharged by proper authority; do also agree to accept such bounty pay, rations, and clothing as also may be established by law, and I, John C. Willifoot [Williford], do swear that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to the State of North Carolina and to the State of North Carolina and to the Constitutional Power and authorities which are or may be established for the government thereof, and maintain and defend the Constitution of the said State; and I do further swear that I will obey the orders of the Governor of the said State and the orders of the officers that are or may be set over me according to the rules and discipline of war, so help me God. — John C. Willifoot [Williford]
Sworn to and subscribed before me. — James C. Dougherty
Enlisted by William S. Blue, 51st Regt. N. C. Troops
J. J. Tew, 2nd Lt., Co. K, 51st Regt. N. C. Troops, November 1st 1863
The following diary was kept by 29 year-old Benjamin Linton (1835-1864) during the opening phase of Grant’s Overland Campaign. Benjamin was a sergeant in Co. F, 4th New Jersey Infantry. He died at the Division Hospital on 14 May 1864 from wounds he received fighting at the Bloody Angle (or “Muleshoe”) on the 12th in the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House. He was buried on the battlefield. His term of service was due to expire on 15 August 1864.
From the inside page of Benjamin’s diary, we learn that he was related to “Mrs. Hannah R. Linton, of Franklin Street in Philadelphia.” Hanna R. Wittshire was married to Dr. James D. Linton (1838-1898), a graduate of Jefferson Medical College, and an Asst. Surgeon in the 2nd Pennsylvania Heavy Artillery and later in Co. D, 124th Pennsylvania Infantry. Benjamin and James were brothers—their parents being Benjamin Linton (1772-1849) and Abigail Ann Wert (1800-1839) of Philadelphia.
The 4th New Jersey Infantry entered the Battle of the Wilderness as part of the Jersey Brigade (1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 10th, and 15th New Jersey Regiments) under the command of Col. Henry W. Brown. The Jersey Boys were the 1st Brigade of Brig. General Horatio Wright’s 1st Division and Major General John Sedgwick’s VI Corps.
The cdv that came with Benjamin’s diary. An annotation on the reverse side claims that Benjamin is on the left though the face has been altered considerably. The image would have had to have been taken before December 1861 when he was still a private. The backmark indicates it was taken at Weitfle’s Photograph Gallery in Newark.
In the battles of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania of the Overland Campaign, the VI Corps encountered the hardest contested fighting of its experience. At the Wilderness, the Vermont Brigade—Getty’s Division—lost 1,232 men out of the 2,800 effectives that crossed the Rapidan River on the previous day. At Spotsylvania, the Jersey Brigade of Wright’s 1st Division was engaged in a deadly struggle, the percentage of killed in the 15th New Jersey being equaled in only one instance during the whole war. General Sedgwick was killed by a sniper’s bullet at Spotsylvania on May 9, which caused great distress to the soldiers of the corps, who loved and admired their “Uncle John.” General Wright succeeded to the command of the corps, Brig. Gen. David A. Russell succeeding Wright in the command of the 1st Division. On May 10, Col. Emory Upton led a storming party of twelve picked regiments selected from the VI Corps; they carried the Confederate works in the “Mule Shoe” after a hand-to-hand fight in which bayonet wounds were freely given and received. On May 12, the entire corps fought at the “Bloody Angle,” where the fighting was among the closest and deadliest of any recorded in the Civil War. The casualties of the corps at the Wilderness were 5,035 (719 killed, 3,660 wounded, 656 missing); and at Spotsylvania, 4,042 (688 killed, 2,820 wounded, 534 missing).
[Note: This diary is from the personal collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Inside Cover of Benjamin’s Pocket Diary
1864
A page from Benjamin’s diary showing his handwriting in pencil. The entries were made without regard to the pre-printed dates in the 1863 pocket Diary.
[Excerpts in parenthesis and italics are quotations from the book, “First New Jersey Brigade,” by Camile Baquet, 1910]
May 4—started at half past 4 to the front. [“It was getting well on towards dusk before the Jersey men arrived at the halting place for the night…The Jersey Brigade camped about a mile from German Ford They had crossed earlier in the day), along the side of the road. Little sleep visited the men who sat around their small campfires in groups, talking in low tones, smoking, some writing letters by the lights of the campfires, and many repacking their knapsacks (lightening their loads).”]
May 5—Went through the Wilderness and there engaged the enemy at 15 minutes past three. Relieved the 6th Maine by a charge on them which was just in time as they were giving away by a half flank movement. This morning started about sunrise. Had a tedious time getting into line as we were going from an early hour in the morning until 3 p.m. , we being then on the road 11 hours. All that night, laid on the skirmish line. At daybreak the ball opened again. Our boys made another charge in the evening and drove them for the 4th time. The morning passed very slowly, being up so early to the work of death. But Lo! William, amid the excitement which always exists more or less human [ ily] in such occasions, one don’t fear or have such a thought to enter his mind hardly although he may think of it when off duty or even on duty but at a different time or in another place. One more charge with the same success driving the Johnnies clean into their rifle pits. [“The regiments of the Brigade had difficulty keeping in touch with each other and the Fourth Regiment was entirely separated from it….Some firing was done by the Brigade but as no enemy could be seen, it died down to now and then a shot, as the men fancied they saw moving objects or caught sight of sharpshooters. The line advanced several times during the day to not only keep the lines intact, but to take advantage of the enemy retiring, to secure the abandoned positions. It was only after advancing several hundred paces that dead Confederates were found, indicating where their line had been….About 5 o’clock (p.m.) a charge was made by the enemy…The Confederates came on with great dash and spirit, charging right up to the low breastworks the Jersey men had thrown up, and which were on fire in several places. The first line held their ground adn pured a hot fire into the rebel ranks, causing great confusion and disabling many of them…The deadly fight lasted twenty minutes or more, when the enemy…retired.”]
May 6th—About 8 o’clock a.m., we were relieved by the 1st [ ] New York when we went back in the 3rd line. Towards noon we were allowed to make small fires to cook coffee. In the afternoon about 4 o’clock the enemy made a flank movement on our right which was a weak point. The enemy found it out and came up close. [“The wierd rebel yell accompanied the discharge (of musketry) and the men of the Jersey Brigade saw a vast crowd of Confederates pouring over the half-built breastworks in front of Seymour’s Brigade on which they were at work when the enemy charged….A wild scramble for the rear ensued, and the rebels, pursuing, kept up a fierce fire on the retreating troops…”] The enemy got in their position very nicely and gave us a severe shelling of balls along the line for 3 or 400 yards, our men giving way slowly. On the right here the enemy got in the rear so we had to vacate our position. [“The right of the Jersey Brigade was broken and forced back by the stampede and the men backed off towards the left and rear so as to present a decent front to the enemy.”] So about 12 o’clock p.m., took up the line of march towards Fredericksburg.
[May 7th]—On the morning of the seventh, got out in the neighborhood of Chancellorsville Heights. The enemy followed us. About daylight we stopped [and] got a little to eat. Capt. [Samuel Mayhew] Gaul is in command of the company. We got a little coffee and fried pork but had to leave to take our position in line. Heretofore we couldn’t use our artillery but they got every grape in this case after which they were a little slow to come so close. In the meantime, we threw up a line of breastworks along the whole line. That night the enemy made another attack on us but received a galling fire and fall back. We intended to evacuate this evening (Sat. 7th) at 8 but did not move until 10 Saturday evening on account of the attack. We set out this evening [and] took up our line of march [on the Germana Plank Road] for this place—Spotsylvania, but the road was so stopped up that we moved very slowly going all night and then again all day nearly. [“The night was very dark and warm and the men, tired out with little sleep and food and much hard work, staggered along the road, some falling asleep while marching, awakened only by the shock of their fall.”] Arrived at this place on the 8th instant late in the afternoon. the sun was very warm, roads dusty.
[May 8th]—The 1st Division of the 5th Corps had drove the enemy a short distance back to a line of rifle pits. We were a little rested by this time, unslung our packs, went forward but this time we were in the 2nd line. The 10th and 15th [New Jersey] regiments were in the 1st. On the right of the 5th Corps men, [were the] Pennsylvania reserves. They fought well, driving the enemy out of the rifle pits. Now it was dark, Sunday evening the 8th. The fighting ceased about half an hour after dark when our men fell back to their original position. Our turn coming to go on picket, [we] went and laid out front all night, sleepy as we were. Were there until 8 this morning.
[May 9th]—Monday. There is some little skirmishing along the line but don’t amount to anything. It is near 9 o’clock, [when we] moved in and to rear to partake of coffee. From that position we moved towards the left in support of [5th United States] Battery M. [“Being about a half a mile from the enemy’s line, the men could see plainly their movements and the disposition of their troops behind the breastworks which appeared very formidable. While resting here, …they were horrified to see (Gen. Sedgwick) straighten up with a jerk and fall backward. He was caught before he struck the ground and was immediately surrounded by his staff and orderlies, who, after some delay, secured a stretcher and had the General carried past the rear of the Jersey Brigade towards the field hospital.”] Laid there the night of the 9th and all day the 10th. Towards night, orders came to be ready to move at a moment’s notice. When there, the centre broke.
May 10th—Afternoon, ready to go forward on the grand charge. Went forward about 3 o’clock. Made a grand rally on the enemy, took the rifle pits, and two pieces of artillery. Held the ground part of the line until about 2,000 prisoners were captured and brought in safe after which the enemy made a flank movement. [“Wright’s 1st Division, including those regiments of the Jersey Brigade not with Colonel Campbell, with the 3rd Division (6th Corps), made a charge as a column of assault under Col. Upton, which, while one of the most gallant of the war, was also at all points successful.”]
Hand to hand fighting in the Muleshoe at Spotsylvania in 1864
Spared & Shared 23 