Charles R. Mosher, 3rd Assistant Engineer (Ronald S. Coddington Collection)
This letter was written by Charles R. Mosher (1842-1867) who served in the U.S. Navy as a Third Assistant Engineer from 20 May 1863 until 3 March 1866. He was the son of John William Mosher (1811-1863) and Eliza Ann Meek (1812-1882). He is buried in Fishkill, Dutchess County, New York.
Mosher wrote the letter to Augustine Sackett (1841-1914), the son of Homer Sackett (1801-1871) and Flora Skiff (1808-1859). Sackett served in the Regular Navy, as an assistant engineer, doing duty on the ships Wissahickon, Chippewa, Ascutney, and Mattabesett. He was with the Gulf Squadron in the blockade of Mobile and capture of New Orleans; was with the North Atlantic Squadron in the sounds of North Carolina; was in the Roanoke River service, and in the conflict with the Confederate ram Albemarle. At the close of the war he resigned from the service and has since resided either at Lee, Massachusetts, or New York City.
TRANSCRIPTION
Addressed to 2nd Asst. Engr. Augustine Sackett, U. S. Gunboat Ascutney, New York City
U. S. S. Chippewa Broad River, South Carolina January 28, 1864
Friend Sackett,
Your kind letter of the 19th and 20th ultimo have arrived today. I am glad to hear you are so well pleased with your ship for I am sure that adds much to the comfort of one in this life. To be pleased with the ship and officers makes the time go smoothly by.
We are still down at Broad River doing our old duty—viz: going up and down the river—though last week we had a little fun shooting at the Rebs up at their picket station. We ran up within about 1,000 yards and anchored. Soon we commenced firing. We fired about an hour and a half. When failing to receive a reply, we ceased firing and started down the river to our anchorage.
Things remain about the same as they did when you was here. Our cabin affair turned out all right. We go up the river a short distance, anchor, go ashore, and dig clams, shoot birds, and yesterday we tried to fish a little but our net is too small so we did not get any fish.
I am still on the Glorious old Mid, but I think I will soon have a Dog watch so that the other Engineers will not think that I wish to do them out of the fun of standing the “Mid.” I saw by the papers that [Henry P.] Gregory was on the “Vicksburg.” [Thomas] Heenan ¹ thinks with you that Greg swore when he found who was in charge—“But such is life.”
Augustine Sackett (1841–1914) (Src: Anne Murray)
Sackett, you must not expect a long letter this time for I have so many letters to write and a very short time to do it as the mail boat is behind time.
You had a good time home and are still having a good time. Well, old boy, I wish you success though I hope they won’t send you off on the Chickopee for I want to see you enjoy yourself in New York as long as you can. Our mail is not all distributed yet. And I want a letter from Myra Burr to find out whether she is home or not. If I find she is home, I will send you a letter of introduction and where she lives so that you can call on her which I wish you to do if you have time for my sake as well as for your own amusement. She will give you some music and sing for you. Besides that, you can give them my history. ²
Oh, I almost forgot. Mr. [Robert B.] Hine who went out with this boat on the first cruise wrote to Heenan to find out where Mr. [William] Musgrave was as he (Hine) says Mr. M. owes him the sum of $50. It seems Mr. M, got in debt with all who knew him and run off without paying them. But you know more about him already than I can tell you, so I may as well stop for I can hear but little good of him.
Last Sunday I went on a visit to the Wabash. Had a good time for almost 2 hours. After leaving the Wabash, we went to a revenue cutter which had just come in on the previous day from New York here. We had a good time. (I say we, for there was four of us here.) Each of us found someone that he knew. The only fault I could find with the officers was that they “drink strong drink” which I don’t like to see.
I must close though. Before this leaves the ship, I will add a P.S. Success and the best wishes of — C. R. Mosher, Chippewa
P. S. Well Sackett, I have had a letter from my cousin. She is still at Washington so I cannot send you to see her. She will not be home for some time yet. We are having splendid weather down here now. In fact, have had all winter.
You spoke about those pictures. Don’t forget to send one. Give my kindest regards to Mr. Nones. The steerage officers all send their respects to you. Sackett, please excuse this for I don’t know when I ever wrote a letter so full of blunders. Yet I must say, I have been in a great hurry. Please write soon again and I will try to give you a better letter the next time. This is my sixth letter by this mail and I have one more to write. So you will see I have been kept quite full of business since the mail arrived. Excuse this for I have not another moment to spare. Write soon and oblige.
Yours truly, — C. R. Mosher, U.S.S. Chippewa
Part Third. Mr. [Robert H.] Thurston has just come down in the Engine Room. I asked him if he has any word to send to you. He says he wishes to be remembered to you and waits patiently to hear from you. He says he thinks the letter must have gone astray. Write to him for he is a good fellow.
— C. R. Mosher, U. S. Navy
¹ Thomas Heenan entered the US Navy as an Acting Third Assistant Engineer from 23 November 1861. He was promoted to Acting Second Assistant Engineer on 17 October 1863 and to Acting First Assistant Engineer on 28 April 1865. He was honorably discharged on 4 February 1866.
² Myra Clarke Gaines Burr (1844-1907) was the daughter of Samuel Jones Burr (1809-1885) and Caroline Chickering Read (1812-1877). They resided in Williamsburgh, Kings County, New York on Long Island. She married Dr. Henry Harrison Lowrie (1841-1916) on 16 November 1864 at Garden City. From the letter, we learn that Mosher was Myra’s cousin.
In this 1847 letter to his agent in NYC, Mr. Durand, William Brown Hodgson (1801-1871), an African ethnologist, who had several years previously married Georgia Telfair, the youngest daughter of Georgia Governor Edward Telfair, flaunts his new wealth and states his disapproval of abolitionist legislation being entertained in Congress: “We are ready for a Southern Confederacy rather than submit to have our property stigmatized.” In doing so, he presages the beginning of the Civil War, not to take place for another 14 years.
William Brown Hodgson
Hodgson, who did not himself come from a wealthy family, displayed an early academic interest in Africa and traveled extensively there in the 1820’s when Secretary of State Henry Clay secured him an assignment to the Barbary States of northern Africa. He published multiple scholarly works, particularly on the history and ethnology of black muslim Africans, as well as developing an interest, mainly after moving to the South with his new bride, Margaret Telfair, in the early 1840’s, where he became quickly involved in the family’s financial dealings (as evidenced by the present letter). Hodgson based much of his ethnological and linguistic scholarship on his contacts with the enslaved people of the Telfair plantations. He found a great deal of ethnic diversity within this population and could distinguish among the Mandingo, Ebo, Gullah, Fula (according to Hodgson, a powerful, warlike nation), and people from Guinea. Through his knowledge of African languages, he was able to converse with the Africans in their native tongues.
Despite his interest, Hodgson was very much a racist, believing the negro to be inferior and unworthy of freedom.
[Note: This letter is from the personal archives of Richard Weiner and is published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Transcription
Savannah, [Georgia] January 22, 1847
My dear Mr. Durand,
This morning I have your esteemed letter & enclosures of the 14th inst. It is the first mail that we have had for 6 days. Between Charleston & Wilmington the boats are hors de combat, unseaworthy, &c., &c.
The ladies send you a thousand thanks for the House notices, and for your orders to Genoa. We adopt at once the offer of Mr. Habricht’s house, if it has water, bathes, &c., as you suggest. We will pay the amount in cash, whatever it may be. You think $10,000 will not purchase it. If you fail to get it at that price, for cash, then, we will take it at any of the hundreds above that mark. Please look at it for us—make the best bargain—and send us the decision. Just let it depend upon the few days that may elapse before you can get a final answer from us. The $10,000 will be remitted to you instanter, or as soon in the Spring as Mr. Habricht may wish to leave the house when the bargain is made. We will ratify it here so as to relieve yourself from all responsibility. The Habricht House is what we want.
Your purchase of N. York T’s is entirely satisfactory. Mr. Habersham will deliver the scrip to me.
At this moment of writing, Mrs. Hunter & Miss Sarah are on a visit to Mrs. Hodgson who is an invalid in bed from muscular rheumatism. She is doing better. Miss Sarah is looking remarkably well. Your daily reports keep you advised of all this. The ides of March will soon be here & we hope again to greet you here.
This day is one of the coldest of the season. You must have had cold to your heart’s content, after leaving the evergreens and the camellias of the South. I have just sold a plantation in Carolina for $30,000, on terms equal to cash. Cotton is uppish and our receipts this year from that quarter will be very favorable.
The Slavery restrictions in Congress are making us haul in our sails for future events. We are ready for a Southern Confederacy rather than submit to have our property stigmatized. The gentlemen of your firm will understand the force of this argument. Our property must not be stigmatized by act of Congress. We can carry on our commerce as heretofore, if we are driven out of the Union, and our property will be as secure as formerly.
Believe me, my dear sir, sincerely, — W. B. Hodgson
An unidentified hospital steward (William T. Campbell Collection)
These two letters were written by a hospital steward in Hospital No. 2 at Bardstown, Kentucky. He only signed his name “J. L. Stewart” and gave no military affiliation so I am not even certain that he was in the military. My hunch is that he was. Many volunteers who became ill and were unable to stand the rigors of camp life were officially detached from their regiments and kept on by surgeons as hospital stewards to assist them as nurses, dispensing medicines, feeding patients, and otherwise caring for their needs. But there were also some civilian volunteers who worked in their local hospitals. (see Seven Hospital Stewards by William T. Campbell)
These two letters highlight one of their other duties which was to assist in the burial of those who died in the hospitals and to inform the next of kin, when possible. In this case, the deceased soldier was Addis E. Smith of Co. A, 38th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI) who died on 9 April 1862. Notice that the author of the letter has drawn a black line around the perimeter of the sheet, indicating the pronouncement of a death. The first letter was written to Addis’s sister, Mary Ellen Smith, because—as he explains—he found a letter from her to Addis among his personal effects. The second letter, addressed to Addis’ mother, appears to be in response to an enquiry asking him to clarify the date of Addis’ death, to provide more details on the progression of his disease, and whether Addis had any money owed to him for his service.
General Hospital No. 2 Bardstown, Kentucky April 10th, 1862
Miss Mary E. Smith,
I am very sorry to be under the necessity of conveying the sad news of the death of your brother [Addis E. Smith] at this place. He died on the 9th inst. of typhoid fever. His illness had been of considerable duration. He was brought here sick. As to how long he had been sick, I know not. After being here a few days he appeared to improve and got able to walk about but took relapse and only lived a few days.
I made his acquaintance when he came here and felt a great interest in him on account of the statement he gave me when in conversation. One day he told me that when he got well, he would like to stay with me in the hospital and assist in anything that I might wish him to as he said he did not think that he would be able to stand camp life for some time and that he could be making [ ] wages here than in camp. He said that he wanted to make as much money as possible to send to his mother. He spoke of his mother and sister very affectionately to me in conversation which assured me that he was a noble boy. This was while he was able to walk about. After he was taken down the second time, he was delirious most of the time and said nothing about home or friends.
He had some property here that is worth something to someone, such as his army shirts, drawers, socks, &c. He was buried in his full dress uniform suit and as decently as possible [with] a good plain coffin and head board having his name, company and regiment inscribed on it so as to designate his grave for the present.
I must close as I am in a great hurry. At any future time, I would with pleasure give you any information that you may request. My only source of information as to his address was through a letter from you. Please answer my note. nothing more at present but remain yours with much sympathy. May God reconcile you to his providence.
— J. L. Stewart, Steward of Hospital No. 2
Letter 2
Hospital No. 2 Bardstown, Kentucky April 27, 1862
Mrs. Smith,
Having written to you concerning the death of your son, I still feel under obligation to give you any information that I may be able to obtain. I received your answer in due time in which you state that you have obtained information from some other source conflicting with my statement as to the date of his death. I have only to say that I know my statement is correct concerning the date of his death as I have it on record taken on the day of his death. As to how long he was ill after his relapse, I am not able to say with certainty but I think it was about six or seven days. His relapse was gradual and at first was thought not to be serious.
As to his effects, he had nothing that was of any value, having been buried in his full uniform suit. As to him not having the means to write home, I think that was not the case as I found one postage stamp in his pocket book. It is true that he had no money but he did not suffer in consequence of that. He had all the care that could be given, both medical aid and nursing.
As I have told you, I became somewhat familiar with his circumstances at home which gave me an interest in him that I might not have felt otherwise. As to when he was paid or how much was due him, I did not learn. As to his pay, his Captain is the proper one to draw that as he has his account on his books.
I can think of nothing else that would be of interest to you except that his grave is marked with a head board, his name, company, regiment on it so that if you wish to have tombstones put up, you can do so with perfect certainty. I will assist you in that as much as can if you send them while I am here.
Praying God to reconcile you to His will, I remain yours with respect.
These letters were written by 19 year Addis E. Smith who enlisted as a private on 26 August 1861 to serve three years in Co. A, 38th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). He died of typhoid fever on 9 April 1862 in the general hospital at Bardstown, Kentucky. His remains now lie buried in the Lebanon (KY) National Cemetery, Grave No. 26.
Two boys from the 38th OVI, one of whom was George Gray of Co. K—not sure which. (LOC)
Addis was the son of Irish emigrant Peter Smith (1816-1861) and his wife, Eleanor Smith (1821-1871), of Salt Creek township, Wayne county, Ohio. It appears the couple were married in Wayne county in 1840 and Addis was their oldest child. The family was enumerated in Wayne county in the 1850 US Census where Peter appears to have been running a boarding house. His children at that time were Addis (age 8) and Mary Ellen. (less than a year old). He had six boarders at the time. Eleanor’s maiden name was also Smith; she was the daughter of Nicholas Smith (1789-1839) and Abigail Teaff (1791-1871) of Wooster, Wayne county, Ohio.
After Addis’ death, Eleanor attempted to obtain a pension for her son’s service but apparently was unsuccessful for some reason. She was still trying in 1866. She died in 1871 while living in Milford township, defiance county, Ohio. She willed the farm they were living on to her three surviving children at that time—Mary Ellen, Elizabeth Emma, and Henry Lee. The farm was identified as eighty acres in the east half of the northwest quarter of section no. 3 in Milford township.
There are seven letters that follow written by Addis after he enlisted in the 38th OVI. His handwriting was much better than your average soldier suggesting he took full advantage of the schools available in Defiance county where he was raised. His letters provide good observations of the movements of his regiment in Kentucky early in the war. The final letter is a “gut-wrencher” penned by Addis’ mother to his captain begging for some news of her son whom she had not heard from in some time. “Oh God, can it be possible that he is dead? If so, let me know the worst,” she pleaded.
To read other letters from member of the 38th OVI that I have transcribed & published on Spared & Shared, see: Eli Crosby, Co. F, 38th Ohio (2 Letters) Andrew S. Williams, Co. H, 38th Ohio (1 Letter) Edward D. A. Williams, Co. I, 38th Ohio (1 Letter) Brice Hilton Jay, Co. K, 38th Ohio (1 Letter)
Letter 1
Milford, Defiance county, Ohio September 10th 1861
Dear Sir,
I take this opportunity of writing you a few lines to inform you that we are all well at present and hope these few lines may find you and family in enjoyment of good health. I wrote to you some time ago but as I have heard nothing from you since, I have concluded to write again.
I have volunteered for three years service in the army and am now at home on parole. I go into Camp Trimble at Defiance again on the 12th. Mother would like to have you all out and stay awhile this winter as she and the children will be alone when I leave. If you wish to move out West, there is a first rate chance of buying land here now. Unimproved land is selling at the rate of about $10 per acre. There is an hundred and sixty acres of first rate timbered land for sale near Edgerton and I think that it can be bought very cheap by taking the whole quarter. It is within a half of a mile of Edgerton—a nice little village situated on the Northern Indiana & Southern Michigan Railroad. It contains [2?] dry goods stores, 1 hard ware store, and 1 tin shop, 3 groceries, 2 steam saw mills, 1 church, and 1 seminary, 2 select schools of very good size, and 1 Sunday School of over 200 scholars, 1 cooper shop, 2 shoe shops, 3 blacksmith ships, 1 cabinet and 1 saddler and harness shop, 1 Asbury Hotel, 1 silver smith shop and a telegraph office. If you should take a notion to come out and buy, you could rent mother’s place until you could get some cleared for yourself. There is plenty chances of buying out here now.
But as it is getting late, I will have to draw my letter to a close. I believe I said we were all well at present. I should have excepted Henry and Elizabeth for they have been quite unwell for a few days. They are getting some better now.
No more at present but remain your friend, — A. E. Smith
P. S. I received orders this evening to be in camp tomorrow. Hence, will leave in the morning.
Letter 2
Camp Calvert Laurel County, [Kentucky] November 7th [1861]
Dear Mother,
It is [with] pleasure that I now seat myself to write you a few lines to inform you that I am well at present and hope these few lines may find you and the children in the enjoyment of life and good health. I received a letter from Dr. Andrews a short time since which I stated that you had the Diphtheria but I hope these few lines may find you entirely recovered.
I believe that the last letter I wrote you was mailed at Dick Robinson. We left that camp on the same morning that I mailed the letter. After a march of about 20 miles, we camped over night on Dick [Dix] River. The next morning after we had been on the road a short time, the word came to us the Rebels under Zollicoffer had made an attack upon the Union boys at Camp Wild Cat about 22 miles ahead. Upon [hearing] this, our regiment was put through on a forced march but arrived about 24 hours too late to take part in the engagement. But we were not badly needed for the Rebels were repulsed three times in succession with great loss.
Their loss in killed at the lowest estimate cannot be less than 150 besides a great number of wounded. They retreated taking the most of their killed and wounded with them. It is reported that Zollicoffer told some of the inhabitants along the road that he had lost about 1,000 men. Our men lost in all 3 killed and between 10 and 20 wounded.
After we had rested awhile, several of us went out to view the battle ground which is on the side of a steep wooded hill. The trees gave every evidence of a pretty sharp fight. We saw several places where the Secesh were buried 3 & 4 in a hole. We stopped at that place several days and then came on to our present camp on what is called Rose Hill near London, the county seat of Laurel county. We are pretty well fortified here and ready to receive any number the Rebels have a mind to bring on. But there is no danger of them attacking us here for the cowardly whelps retreat every time that we are advancing on them.
There are about 7 regiments in camp at this place at present. Last Sunday evening the two flanking companies of each regiment formed together and started off in the direction of Barbourville to meet about 1200 Rebel cavalry who had been prowling about and robbing the Union people of that vicinity. We marched nearly all night and all next day on the muddiest kind of a road expecting to have a little fun as the boys termed it and to come back on horseback. But when we were within 7 miles of Barbourville, we camped over night and some time during the night the word came to our officers….[end of letter missing]
Letter 3
Danville, Kentucky Monday, December 2nd 1861
Dear Mother,
It is [with] pleasure that I now seat myself to write you a few lines to inform you that I am pretty well at present and hope these few lines may find you and the children in good health and comfortable circumstances.
We left London over 2 weeks ago and after marching one night and two days we arrived at Crab orchard where we rested 3 or 4 days and then came on to this place where we pitched our tents to encamp a few days. Here our company was chosen by Gen. Thomas as his body guard so we packed up and left the regiment which was encamped about a mile and a half from town and took up our quarters in town. Here I was taken with the quinsy and had to go to the hospital where I am at present. The sore in my throat broke a few days ago and is nearly well now. I feel pretty well now except that I am very weak but I think that I shall be able to march in about a week. I shall not try it before that at any rate for we have a very comfortable place here and plenty to eat.
The regiment left a few days ago for Lebanon but after they had been on the march about two days, they received orders to march back to Somerset—a distance of 45 miles—to which place they went on a forced march. It is reported here that they arrived there and had a fight yesterday but I could not learn the particulars. Our company went on to Lebanon with the General and did not have a chance to try themselves on the Rebels. I suppose our company with go with the General hereafter.
We were oaid off about a week ago, We got 28 dollars for two months wages. I will send home $15 dollars. I think it would be advisable for me to keep the rest for my boots are giving out and I shall want another pair and as winter is coming on I shall need several little articles which the government does not furnish.
I received your letter from Wooster today and was glad to hear that you was well. Please write as soon as you receive this so I will know whether you are at home or not and I will send you fifteen dollars in my next letter. Also my likeness. If I do not stay here long enough to hear from you again, I will express the money to you. But I must close now. Please answer as soon as you get this for I have only got one letter from you since I left Defiance.
Direct your letters the same as you did the other one. No more at present. From your son, — Addis. E. Smith
Letter 4
Lebanon, Kentucky December 23rd 1861
Mary Ellen, and Elizabeth Smith Dear sisters,
It is with pleasure that I now seat myself to write you a few lines to inform you that I am well at present and hope these few lines may find you the same. I received your letter in due time and was glad to hear that you was well and had a good visit back East.
We are staying at Lebanon, Marion County, Kentucky. When we got to Danville, Boyle county, our company was promoted to the position of body guard for Gen. Thomas. We had to leave the regiment then and have not been with it since. Col. [Edwin D.] Bradley wrote to Capt. [Charles] Greenwood to have us come back to the regiment. He said that he could not get along without us but the General thinks too much of us to let us go back. He seems to be very proud of us and calls us his company of regulars.
We have good times for soldiers and instead of staying out in the tents, we have a nice story and a half house with one room above and three below. I expect we will stay here all winter but there is no telling. We may have to move when we least expect it.
But I must close. Write soon. No more at present but remain your brother, — Addis. E. Smith
Letter 5
Lebanon, Kentucky December 24th 1861
Dear Mother,
It is with pleasure that I now seat myself to write you a few lines to inform you that I am well at present and hope these few lines may find you enjoying the same blessing. I received your letter of the 17th in due time and was glad to hear that you were all well. Also that the money and likeness which I sent from Danville had went through safe. I left Danville the day after I wrote my last letter from that place. There was four of us left the hospital on the same morning. We traveled 14 miles the first day and stopped overnight with a man who was said to be a good Union [man] but when we came to pay our bill in the morning, it was 50 cents apiece for supper and breakfast of the Missouri stripe and the privilege of sleeping on the floor. We made no complaint however but hauled out our pocket books, handed over he tin, and went our way rejoicing. But our rejoicings were doomed to be short duration for we have not traveled more than a mile till our knapsacks began to get heavy and we felt decidedly like taking a rest, which we did. After a short rest, we took up the line of march again but our load kept growing heavier and heavier until finally we resolved unanimously to take the stage at the next town, which was only 4 miles from where we stayed all night.
So when we got to Haysville, which was the next town, we took the stage and rode the remaining ten miles which cost us 50 cents, but we were so tired and sore that we did not begrudge the money. We arrived at this place at about half past one. We were met at the tavern by the first and second lieutenants and some of the boys who took our knapsacks and escorted us to our quarters where we had a general round of shaking hands, &c. &c.
We have comfortable quarters here and pretty good times. We drill 3 times a day when the weather is pleasant. When it is not, we do not drill at all. We have a plenty to eat and wear and but very little duty to do except guarding ammunition and provision stores and patrolling the streets at night to arrest drunken and disorderly soldiers.
I received a letter from Dr. Andrews yesterday. He said he heard that I had the small pox but that is a false report. I have had nothing like it. There is two or three cases of it in town but they [are] kept in a small room in the court house yard and strictly guarded. You spoke of sending me some clothing if I needed it, but I do not need any at present.
[rest of letter missing]
Letter 6
Somerset, Kentucky February 5th 1862
Kind Sir,
It is with pleasure that I now seat myself to write you a few lines to inform you that I am well at present and hope these few lines may find you the same. I received yours of the 29th last evening and was glad to hear that you were well.
I don’t know as I have anything very interesting to write as I wrote to you some days ago concerning the battle fought near this place [see Battle of Mill Springs] in which the enemy were so badly defeated. Their loss is estimated at from three to five hundred killed. I cannot tell how many wounded for I have never found anyone that knew. We have a number of their wounded in the hospitals of this place and between 40 and 50 prisoners that are not wounded.
There are several regiments camped in the vicinity of this place at present. There is a good deal of sickness in the camp and every empty house and church in town have been turned into hospitals for the sick soldiers. There is a scarcely a day that the ground is not opened to receive the lifeless remains of a soldier and sometimes there are three or four funerals in a day.
We have had several days of rainy, disagreeable weather since we came to this place but it has been clear and pleasant today. I hope that it may continue so for it is not a very pleasant chore to stand guard every other night in the rain as we have had to do since we came here.
But I must close for it is getting late and I want to mail this letter this evening. Give my respects to all enquiring friends and answer soon. no more but remain yours truly, — Addis E. Smith
Direct to Somerset, Kentucky, care of Capt. Greenwood, Gen. Thomas’ Headquarters
Letter 7
Somerset, Kentucky February 5, 1862
Dear Mother,
It is with pleasure that I now seat myself to write you a few lines to inform you that I am well at present and hope these few lines may find you the same. I received yours of the 17th a day or two ago and was glad to hear that you were all well.
I don’t know as I have anything interesting to write as I wrote to you several days ago concerning the battle fought within 8 miles of this place on the 19th of last month [see Battle of Mill Springs] in which the enemy were so badly defeated. The loss of the enemy is estimated at from three to five hundred killed. I cannot tell how many wounded for I have saw no one yet that knew. It is supposed that they carried a great number of wounded off with them. There is a number of their wounded in the hospital at this place. There are also between 40 and 50 of their men here as prisoners that are not wounded. Among them is a Lieut.-Colonel and two brigade surgeons.
You said that Mr. Knight wished to know whether I was in the retreat from London to Crab Orchard. You can tell them that I was. It was the hardest marching I ever done and the Boys that were in the three months service said that it was the hardest marching they ever done. But I rather guess from what I can hear that the account in the papers is a little exaggerated for it could hardly be called a retreat for there was nothing to retreat from as there was no force of the enemy within 60 miles of us and if there had been, we would not have retreated for we had a strong and beautiful position ad could easily have defeated three times our number. But as it is near bed time, I will lay the paper aside for tonight. I will commence again in the morning and give you a kind of history of our retreat.
February 6th 1862
I will now endeavor to give you a history of our march from London to Crab Orchard. I have forgotten the date but we started at 8 o’clock in the evening and marched all night through the mud and water and at about an hour before day, we arrived at the Wild Cat Battle Ground and halted on account of some teams having stalled on the hill ahead of us. A great many were so tired that they flung themselves on the ground where they first stopped and were soon asleep. I wrapped myself in my blanket and laid down beside the road and was soon asleep with the rest of them.
In about a half an hour we were ordered to build fires and make ourselves as comfortable as possible for we would move no farther until daylight. We soon had the woods alive with fires and began to broil meat over the coals until daybreak when it began to rain and we huddled closer to the fires. As soon as it was light enough, we resumed our march again and the rain began coming down in perfect torrents. Our overcoats were soon soaking wet but we trudged on climbing hills and rocks. We crossed the Rock Castle River at about 10 o’clock. I got somewhat behind by stopping to rest and on coming up to the river I found hat if I waited till my turn came I would be the last one over so I edged my way through the other companies and jumped onto the boat just as they were shoving off from shore and hurried on to my company.
At about noon the rain slacked up and we halted to make some coffee for dinner. All that we had to eat from the time we started from London up to this time was two crackers and a small piece of raw pork which we warmed over the coals at Wildcat and a great many had not even that. After we had drank some coffee, we marched on again. That afternoon the road was lined with fatigued and worn-out soldiers of other regiments that had gone on ahead of us. Every fence corner was occupied by them—even a solid rock appeared to be a soft bed for some and some had got some liquor from the citizens as they passed along and were so drunk that they laid right down in the road and were half buried in mud and a great many of our regiment gave out and were left behind.
I got somewhat behind myself but I was determined to go as long as I could get one foot before the other and at about dark I caught up with the regiment again which was camped near a place called Mount Vernon. The next day was pleasant and we got along very well and arrived at Crab Orchard at about 9 o’clock at night. We camped there 3 or 4 days and then went on to Danville where we were promoted to body guard and since then we have had pretty good times.
But I must close for you will get tired of reading this bungled up letter. Give my respects to all enquiring friends and answer as soon as you get this. So no more at present. From your son, — Addis. E. Smith
Letter 8
Edgerton [Defiance county, Ohio] April 5th 1862
Capt. [Charles] Greenwood, Sir,
I take the liberty to write you a few lines in order to find out something about A. E. Smith. I have not had a letter from him since the 24th of February. He then stated that he was at Bardstown, Kentucky, and was not well. I since learned that he was left there in the hospital. We have written a number of letters to you and to Addis but received no answer. I can’t understand why I don’t hear from him. There was a report here that he was dead. I cannot express to you my feelings or what I have suffered in my mind. Not it cannot be possible he has been left without even a friend to write us of his sickness or death. Now if he is living and unfit for duty, I beg of you to send him home until he gets better. Oh God, can it be possible that he is dead? If so, let me know the worst. We have all been sick of diphtheria. We are getting better. Please answer as soon as this comes to hand. Let me know all about my dear son & oblige.
This letter was written on 8 November 1864—Election Day—by 20 year-old Emeline C. Palmer (1844-1895) to one of her brothers. “Em” and her siblings were the orphaned children of William H. Palmer (1815-1863) and Lucinda M. Strong (1819-1861). In the 1860 US Census, the Palmer family (mother and father still living) were enumerated at the Wampsville P. O., town of Lenox, Madison county, New York. Em was married in 1858 to her cousin James Leonard Palmer (1822-1899). She mentions her infant son, Elton Lamont Palmer (1863-1948) in the letter.
I couldn’t find an image of Em but here’s an 1864 CDV of a young woman about her age wearing a style of dress that was popular at the time.
Most likely “Em” wrote the letter to her brother, Orvin M. Palmer (1842-1909), who was serving in the Federal army at the time. Orvin entered the service in August 1862 as a private in Co. B, 157th New York Infantry and rose in rank to 1st Lieutenant of Co. K during the war. He was taken prisoner at Gettysburg in the first day’s fighting but released not long after.
Em’s letter describes a three week trip she took in company with her cousin, Lucretia B. Palmer (1820-1907) and Lucretia’s husband, Leonard (“Len”) Abel Palmer (1817-1899) of Monroe county, New York. They traveled to New York City to do some sightseeing and visit relatives, and then on to Alexandria, Virginia, to visit Lucretia’s sister, Wealthy (Palmer) Gallup and family. While Em and Lucretia remained with the Gallup’s in Alexandria and did some sightseeing, Len made the trip to Fortress Monroe where he made arrangements to have the body of a young soldier who died at the hospital there sent back to his home in Madison county, New York. Em signs off by letting her brother know that her Uncle Elisha Palmer (1786-1867)—Lucretia & Wealthy’s father—cast what would be his last vote for “Uncle Abe.”
Transcription
[Wampsville, Lenox, Madison county, New York] Tuesday eve., November 8, 1864
Dear Brother,
I thought I would write a few lines to let you know we are living. Our folks got your letter while we were gone and Angie sent you paper and envelopes. I was very glad to hear that you had received those socks. I thought you would get them some time if I sent them by him. If you want some wool socks, we can send some but I do not know as it is cold enough to wear wool there.
When we were to Mr. [Asa] Gallup’s, 1 it was quite cold some of the time but most of the time it was warm enough to have the doors open. It was very pleasant while we were gone and here at home it rained almost every day. It rained the day after we left home, when we were in New York some—but not a great deal, and the day we got to Mr. Gallup’s it rained a little. All the rest of the time it was as pleasant as one could wish. We were gone not quite three weeks. We stayed in New York almost a week. We started from home Wednesday afternoon and got to New York the next morning, and went to Mrs. Gates. (Tip Randall). She is quite a grand lady now and her husband is a smart man we thought. Well, we stayed with them two nights and the first night we went to a theatre. The next next morning took a ride in Central Park, and Saturday went to Noyes [G.] Palmer’s. 2 Stayed there until Tuesday morning. Monday went to the ocean; went across the bay in a small sailboat. They call it eight miles across and we came back in little less than an hour—rather quicker than we could have gone with a horse I think.
Wealthy (Palmer) Gallup, ca. 1864, Photographed by E. W. Beckwith, No. 220 King Street, Alexandria, Va.
Tuesday morning we went back to New York and that evening started for Washington [D. C.]. We took the cars at Jersey City and we did not have to change at all. We expected to have to change two or three times at the least calculation. Well we got into the city about eight o’clock, I believe. The thing was to get a pass to go to Alexandria, We went to the Provost Marshal’s and after waiting until I was clear out of patience, we got one and started. We got there to Alexandria and the next thing was to find Gallup. When we talked of going last spring, Wealthy wrote us where to go to find where they lived. It was to Caleb’s brother’s. We went there [and] well, they were gone and the folks that lived in the house did not know where they lived or Gallup either. Well we did not know what to do. Len went out but could not find anyone that knew where they lived and finally he started and said he would see if he could find them.
Well Lucretia and I stayed in a house there and waited. (I had the sick headache. If you ever had it, you know how nice and comfortable it is.) I went to bed and went to sleep and slept until Len came back and I felt much better. by the time he came, it was raining. He told how he found them. He went along and kept enquiring and finally went to the house where they lived, and Asa and W[ealthy] were in Alexandria and he met them as he came back. Asa went and carried W[ealthy] home and then came back after us. Well we got there Wednesday and we did not go out much until Sunday, Then we rode out a little. Sunday afternoon we went over to Distribution Camp. We went through the hospital there. It looked neat and clean. There were quite a good many sick there. Monday, Len went over to Washington and got a pass to go to Fortress Monroe after Anson Cranson’s remains. 3 He got them and got started to come back Tuesday afternoon and got to Asa’s Wednesday about eight o’clock. We were not looking for him until the next day.
Soldier’s Rest in Alexandria, Virginia (ca. 1864). It was located near the Orange & Alexandria Railroad Depot. It was used as a hospital from 28 May to 4 October 1864.
Monday, Asa took Lucretia and I down to Alexandria to see the soldier’s burying ground [now the Alexandria National Cemetery]. It was quite a sight too. There are between two and three thousand graves and they were digging all the time. We went to the [Marshall] house where [Elmer] Ellsworth was killed but did not go in. The Soldier’s Rest is a nice place there but they do not allow anyone to go in there, I believe. We went past the slave pen too. I should not like to be shut up in there, I can tell you.
We started for home Thursday. Went over to Washington in the morning by way of the Long Bridge, stayed there through the day, and took the night train for New York. We went to the White House, Smithsonian and the Capitol. We saw more than I can remember but I suppose that you have seen them all and more.
We got into New York Friday morning and took the boat up the river. Got into Albany at about six o’clock, took the cars for Canastota, and got there between eleven and twelve. Stayed there the rest of the night and the next morning Len came home and sent L. A. down after us and we got home about three in the afternoon. We left Elton at home and our folks said he was good all the time.
Corp. James Roantree, Co. B, 157th New York Infantry. Later a 2nd Lt. of 43rd USCT & KIA at Hatcher’s Run
I think I have given you quite a history of our journey. I do not know whether it will be interesting to you or not. Uncle Elisha has been to election today and put in a vote for Uncle Abe. He wanted me to write. I believe the folks are all well as usual. Henry Fenzek is at home.
You wrote about some shirts. The cloth is $1.50 per yard and if you can get them for $12 dollars, I should think it would be as well as to have them sent. I should like to have some of those papers very well. I think I have written quite a good deal for me. You must excuse the writing. — Em
P. S. James Roantree is dead—killed near Petersburg. 4 It is a hard blow to his folks. He was with a colored regiment and after he went with them, it was quite awhile that they did not hear from him. His mother was almost crazy. They have sent for his body but it has not come yet as I know of. I forgot to say that Caleb lives in the same house with Gallup and his mother and Bettie. — Em
1 Em is referring to Mr. Asa Oran Gallup (1819-1865) of Alexandria, Virginia. He was the husband of Wealthy Philena Palmer (1831-1914) who was raised in Lenox, Madison county, New York, the daughter of Elijah Palmer (1786-1867) and Lovicy Davis (1792-1857). Asa died the following year at the age of 46.I believe he was employed as a teacher.
2 Noyes Grant Palmer (1822-1892) was the son of Stephen W. Pamer (1793-1879) and Huldah Palmer (1797-1882) of Lenox, Madison county, New York. In 1860, Noyes had his residence in Newtown in Queens county on Long Island. In 1866 he moved to Kings county to become the superintendent of the Cypress hills Cemetery.His obituary claims he once devised a method for forcasting weather changes.
3 Anson Booth Cranson (1849-1864) was a private in Co. B, 169th New York Infantry. He was just two weeks beyond his 15th birthday when he died of chronic diarrhea on 13 September 1864 in the general hospital at Hampton, Virginia. (The regimental records have him as being 18 years old when he enlisted at Troy in February 1864. But they also have him as being in Co. A and dying of wounds on 13 September 1864, despite what hospital records show.)
4 James Roantree, Jr. (1842-1864) served initially as a corporal in Co. B, 157th New York Infantry. He was wounded in action at Gettysburg and discharged on 8 September 1864 to accept a commission as a 2nd Lieutenant in Co. A, 43rd US Colored Troops (USCT). He was killed a few weeks later in the fighting at Hatcher’s Run on 27 October 1864. The following summarizes the movements of the 43rd USCT at Harcher’s Run: “With the corps, it marched for the Weldon Railroad, and in the action at that point, on the 19th and 20th of August, and at Poplar Grove Church, on the 29th and 30th of September, it was engaged, but fortunately suffered little loss. In the battle of Hatcher’s Run, on the 27th and 28th of October, it held the position of skirmishers in front of the Ninth Corps, and gallantly assisted in repulsing the repeated charges of the enemy. Two lines of breast-works which served an important purpose in the fight, were constructed in the face of a severe fire, by this regiment, for which it was highly commended. It was the last regiment to leave the field, covering the retiring movement. Its loss in the action was one officer, Lieutenant James Roantree, and seven men killed, four officers and eighteen men wounded, and one taken prisoner.” James has a (fallen) headstone in the Clockville Cemetery in Madison county, New York. Presumably his remains were sent home to his parents, James Roantree, Sr. *1813-1892) and Ann Ellis Pinckney (1816-1884).
These letters were written by Ethan Amos Jenks (1827-1901) of Foster, Rhode Island. Ethan was the son of William A. Jenks (1805-1859) and Hannah Phillips (1805-1888) of Plainfield, Connecticut. He wrote both letters to his wife, Sanondess (Tourtellott) Jenks while serving in the 7th Rhode Island Infantry. A biographical sketch from Find-A-Grave follows:
Capt.Ethan Amos Jenks, 7th Rhode Island
Both his grandfathers Amos Jenks and Col. Israel Phillips, of Foster, R.I., were natives of Rhode Island. When but a year old his parents recrossed the border, and, as soon as he was was of sufficient age, he attended the district school three or four months in each year, until nearly seventeen. He was employed almost wholly upon his father’s farm until that father’s death in 1859, when he assumed its care and continued it until the opening of the war. He at once volunteered in Company K, First Regiment Rhode Island Detached Militia, and was mustered out at the expiration of its term of service in 1862. It was his intention to re-enlist in the Fourth Regiment Rhode Island Volunteers, but he was suffering from a lingering disease that continued until the spring of 1862. His next opportunity was with the Seventh. As second lieutenant of Company H he was less noticeable than some of the other officers, but he was anxious to learn all the practical warfare essential to the proper discharge of duties pertaining to his branch of service. It soon became evident to many that sterling patriotism was the controlling motive of his life. He was quiet, pure, and simple. Little did the men think that the comparatively old and somewhat uncouth subaltern, who had spent almost his entire life upon a farm, would become one of the best, bravest, and most conspicuous of their officers, a firm friend to each man; that his integrity and his keen sense of honor would be so often tested and always unfailingly, even at critical junctures, that he could ever be relied upon under all circumstances, and that his reputation to the close of life would remain in every particular, absolutely untarnished. And yet, such today is the glad testimony of those who had ample opportunity to observe him and to weigh him. In January, 1863, we find him in command of a company, but it was not until March 3d that he received his commission and was mustered as captain of Company I. June 29, 1864, he received a major’s commission and was borne on the rolls as awaiting muster thereon until he was mustered out. Ten days prior to its date he was slightly wounded in the shoulder blade while superintending the digging of rifle pits in a ravine across (west of) the Norfolk and Petersburg Railroad, a little to the left of the place where the regiment was accustomed to cross when it passed to and from the main front line, held near the subsequent mine. The night was very dark, the rebel firing was desultory, the blow was sidewise and very light. He was conversing with Sergt. William H. Johnson at the time; the hour was between ten p.m. and one a.m., on the 20th. He was absent fifteen days with leave from Jan. 27, 1865, and again in March as a member of a general court-martial. He was made brevet major of volunteers to date from April 2, 1865, for gallant and meritorious conduct before Petersburg, Va. June 9th he was mustered out.
At various times Major Jenks was in command of the regiment, and at important and critical periods, but he always enjoyed the full confidence of all. They recognized the fact that unflinching devotion to duty was his prominent characteristic, and yet he was careful and considerate of the interests of others and of the sensibilities of those placed under his command. He was always foremost in the hour of danger and conflict. Indeed, he once remarked to Colonel Bliss that he did not like the dress parade business, but he was just the man for a fight. The survivors have testified to their appreciation of his worth by annually re-electing him president of their veteran association from the death of Major Joyce until Aug. 22, 1893, when he positively refused to served longer. After the war Major Jenks completed a course in law and was admitted to the Rhode Island bar. Later he was made a deputy collector in internal revenue in the Providence office, but the position was discontinued Jan. 1, 1894.
In January, 1901, Major Jenks and William P. Hopkins were appointed by Governor Gregory, pursuant to a resolution of the General Assembly passed in May, 1900, commissioners to fix the position occupied by the Rhode Island troops at the siege of Vicksburg. That very month they visited the scene of their former hardships, only to be royally served, and there promptly discharged the duties assigned them. On the ensuing thirteenth of May Major Jenks passed from earth in a sudden attack of angina pectoris, lacking but seventeen days of completing his seventy-fourth year. His funeral was solemnized at his late home on Central Pike, Johnston, Thursday, May 17th. The bearers were Hon. Henry J. Spooner, Hon. Daniel R. Ballou, Maj. James T. P. Bucklin, and Charles W. Hopkins, all of Rodman Post, No. 12, Grand Army of the Republic, of which he was a member at the time of his decease. Among those in attendance were Post Department Commanders Brevet Brig.-Gen. Charles R. Brayton, Capt. Walter A. Read, Lieut. Charles C. Gray, and Lieut. Charles H. Williams. Floral pieces were sent by Rodman Post, General Brayton, and others. The regimental veteran association acted as guard of honor at the house and at Pocasset Cemetery, where his remains were entombed.
[Note: These letters are from the personal collection of Rob Grandchamp and are transcribed & published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]
Letter 1
Point Burnside, Kentucky Sunday Morning, March 21st 1864
Dear wife,
War with its inevitable results has called from their homes hundreds of thousands of men and are amongst the many is your humble husband. Since I have been engaged as a soldier in this great war, I have learned what a blessing it is to be one of the subjects of a government not engaged in war, thereby giving one the chance if he chose to remain and enjoy the comforts of home. But when the people of a country like this—with the numerical numbers and the resources of which our country is possessed—are engaged in a civil war of the nature and magnitude of the present one, and when both contending powers are sharing by actual deeds a spirit of determination the equal of which cannot be found in the history of war, and with this great truth staring us in the face that the terrible war is to decide whether or no our government shall be compelled to give up a portion of our country and that portion so given up dedicated not to [a] freedom that causes light and literature to shine, but to slavery with all its evil consequences, [I ask you,] does it stop here? My answer is no.
Read the statement of the southern officials in the Richmond Enquirer of last February. Their words are, “We with our armies upon northern or free soil will dictate to the Yankees the terms of peace.” With these facts plainly before us, who can help but discern that the time may not be far in the future when the slave owner driver and trader may exhibit their stock in northern and free states. It is idle to think they won’t do it if they can. They have retaliated against their government in order to have a government of their own based upon the principle of slavery and now who thinks after fighting our government for three years and losing thousands of their best men, their country laid waste, and they with a conquering army in the free states and we a conquered people, that they will not establish in our midst that for which they have ventured to set up a government and that government expressly for the purpose of permanently maintaining slavery on this continent. And now too, who can contentedly stay at home? I have done with the subject at present.
Sanondess, dear, among my papers left with you, you will find and invoice of ordnance drawn of Lieut. James F. Marit. Then them to me [but] copy them first.
— E. A. Jenks to Sanondess
Letter 2
In the field near Petersburg, Va. June 27th, 1864
Dear Wife,
Again I am back to the front. It seems old fashion to hear the shot and shell but how I would like to be with you. My health is better than it was but still my health is poor. As told you in my letter, my wound on the shoulder is most well although a running sore. I was hit one week ago last night about midnight. It was Sunday night. I have been to the hospital a week eight miles from here down on the James river at City Point. Oh! such misery as I see there. I got back last night. The fighting continues yet. No signs of it stopping. Write to me often, dear wife.
This letter was written by Levi Clark (1799-1862) of Newark, New Jersey, who was married to Eliza Crane (1801-1834). Levi wrote the letter to his brother-in-law, Charles M. Heaton (1805-1899), of South Bend, Indiana. Charles was married in 1833 to Ann Crane (1810-1899), a milliner. In politics, Charles threw his support behind fellow South Bend editor, journalist, and politician Schuyler Colfax who rewarded him with a good position in the government land office at Washington in 1860 where he remained for the next twenty years.
Due to his friendship with Colfax and his appointment to the Land Office in Washington D. C., Levi requests a letter of introduction from Charles to enable him to meet with Colfax, attempt to resolve his land title issues in Kansas, and hopefully also land himself an appointment in and Land Office in Kansas or with the Indian Bureau under the new Lincoln Administration. City directories suggest that Levi remained in Newark until his death in January 1862, less than a year after this letter was written.
Though it was no doubt painful to Levi, his tirade against the corruption of the former Buchanan Administration is almost comical to read. The letter was written on 4 March 1861—the very day of Lincoln’s inauguration and day Levi hoped Lincoln would begin to “turn out to the last one the most corrupt set of unmitigated scoundrels there is in this or any other country ever produced.”
“The iconic national bird, representing the Union, is strong and healthy at the beginning of Democrat James Buchanan’s administration, but by the time Republican Abraham Lincoln assumed the Presidency, it is gaunt and emaciated reflecting the secession of 11 southern states from the Union. This political cartoon highlights the rising tensions over states’ rights during the antebellum period and the ultimate dissolution of the Union in 1861. The fact that Buchanan’s administration was riddled with corruption and charges of bribery and graft, only worsened the toll that years fighting over slavery and states’ rights had taken on the nation’s vitality.” Artist: M. A. Woolf
Transcription
Newark, Essex County, New Jersey March 4, 1861
Dear Sir,
I take pen in hand to write to you. I am in very good health. My family are also well and I hope these few lines will find yourself and family well. [My son] Wesley and his wife and his youngest child have been here on a visit today. They are well and also [my son] Ira is well and at work at his trade in New York. Mrs. Stephens was here a few weeks ago and they were all well at Bloomfield.
I returned from that Territory of Kansas (now become a State) the latter part of last September. I had in that Territory made an attempt to preempt me a good farm. I had expended twelve hundred dollars on it expecting to get a title for it under the Preemption Law of September 4th 1841. But under such a government as we have had, it has been no easy matter to get a title out of the hands of the corrupt officials and I have not obtained mine yet although fairly entitled to it.
I shall go to Washington pretty soon to see what the new [Lincoln] Administration will do for us poor fellows—about twenty in the immediate neighborhood where I settled that is in the same fix with me about their titles. Of one thing I am very certain, we cannot have a worse government than we have had for from the time of Adam down in any age or country, a more corrupt and rotten government than Old Buchanan’s there never was. This very day, thank kind Heaven, the old public functionaries actives and I hope President Lincoln will make a thorough cleaning out of the Augean Stable and turn out to the last one the most corrupt set of unmitigated scoundrels there is in this or any other country ever produced.
I had hoped and expected that the Hon. Schuyler Colfax would have a seat in President Lincoln’s Cabinet but I may be disappointed. I will take the liberty to ask the favor of you (as you are personally acquainted with Mr. Colfax) to give me a letter of introduction to him and in it request the favor of him to recommend me for Register or Receiver in anyone of the Land Offices in the State of Kansas, or if they are already filled, to an Indian Agency in Kansas of the Lincoln Administration. You may think strange that I should apply for an office under the government at my time of life, but if I was not out of pocket about $1500 in try to get my farm, I would not. But as it is, I would like to get indemnified for my losses that I have sustained by Buchanan’s government. I can get Speaker Pennington, Chief Justice Hornblower, A. C. M. Pennington and other prominent men here to recommend me and James H. Lane and Marcus J. Parrot of Kansas besides, if you will be so good as to grant my request.
I wish you would write to me immediately. Direct to 465 Washington Street, Newark, Essex County, New Jersey. I would have come by South Bend on my way home to see my brother Stephen in Cincinnati, but alas! when I got there I found him dead. When I come out again, I will come by the way of your house. Give my best respects to Mrs. Heaton and Miss Mary that I saw in Leavenworth, and all the friends and relatives.
I add no more but remain your friend & brother, — Levi Clark
This letter was written by Lewis Conner Tutt, Sr. (1817-18xx), the son of Richard Johnson Tutt (1772-1840) and Mildred Conner (1776-1837) of Culpeper, Virginia. Lewis was married in February 1844 to Matilda Josephine Jones (b. 1826) and together they raised half a dozen children or more—of whom was Lewis (Jr.) who served as a sergeant in Roddy’s Escort, Alabama Cavalry.
From his post war “Amnesty & Pardon” papers we learn that Lewis was “by profession a merchant and since immigrating to [Alabama, was always] engaged in merchandizing and farming.” He claimed to have “never sought or held political office nor in any manner a public man but devoted all his time and energies to his business.” He went on to describe the hardship he now faced having had “the larger portion of his estate swept away by the emancipation of slaves (he had owned 14) and other losses sustained in consequence of the war.” He made it clear that he had supported the Constitutional Union Party and therefore voted for Bell & Everett in 1860 hoping to avoid the “calamities which have befallen our country.” He pointed out that he never was in the Confederate army or service, and only offered aid to ease the helpless and suffering families in his county. Furthermore, he had already begun to hire freedmen “at liberal compensation—those he formerly held as slaves.”
Lewis wrote this letter to his brother-in-law, Dr. John F. Smith who married his sister, Mary “Ellen” Tutt (b. 1813) on 12 October 1841 in Rappahannock, Virginia.
Judson Female Institute, Marion, Alabama
Transcription
Marion, [Perry county, Alabama] July 26, 1850
Dr. John F. Smith, Dear Sir,
You will no doubt think it strange that I have not written to you before this, but after your expressing so much doubt in regard to the time you should leave Pontotoc in Mississippi and your promise to write to me from Memphis, I concluded to wait until I heard from you before I wrote. I received your first letter after leaving Pontotoc about a week since from St. Louis and your last from Boonville day before yesterday. I did not know until I heard from you at St. Louis whether or not you had left Pontotoc, or if you had, what route you had taken—whether by land all the way, or by Memphis. I am sorry now that I did not write for I expect you have been anxious to hear from this place. For the same reason that I did not write, I thought it best not to ship your trunk until I heard from you which I did as soon as I received your letter from St. Louis.
I was very much pleased to learn that notwithstanding your hard and fatiguing trip that you had all arrived safely with the exception of your sickness. I felt very uneasy all the time until I heard from you all and from your symptoms in St. Louis, was not much surprised to learn that you were sick after getting to Boonville. I am very glad to learn that you are improving and hope your health will be entirely restored.
The horse you left in Greensboro died the day after you left. The tavern keeper wrote me he could do nothing with him and could find no one who could. I am satisfied from all I can learn that his disease was not the glanders. Brazelton appeared to be very much astonished—declared he knew that he knew of nothing that was the matter with him and said that he was willing to do anything that it was right and proper that he should do to give you satisfaction. I thought I would not press the matter on him as the note was not due until I heard from you. I think you done well to sell your horse in Memphis, taking everything into consideration.
Your affairs stand pretty much as they did when you left—everything being entirely easy. I shall collect a little money from the Judson [Female Instutute], I think, during the examination which takes place next week. The Howard [College] and the [Marion Female] Seminary examinations are both over. We have had very dull times here since you left and some of the hottest weather I think I ever felt. A part of the time we have had a great deal of rain but for the last week it has been dry.
Toppled & shattered headstone of Elizabeth, consort of Warren Mullikin. He married her sister less than two years later (you could say he “got a mulligan?)
We have at this time a considerable amount of sickness—typhus and billious fever. My girl Elvira has had a very hard spell and is just recovering. Warren Mullikin’s wife 1 was buried today. She died after about three or four days illness. A Miss Johnson, granddaughter of Mrs. Rutledge, died a few days since. Miss Neal is not expected to live and there have been several deaths amongst the negroes. Dr. [Samuel] Johns, James [Anderson] Howze, and Mr. [Hector] McLane are all sick at this time, but I suppose not dangerous. Since the rains ceased, we have had a spell of very hot, dry weather with cool nights and mornings which has produced the sickness.
If the present dry weather should continue for a week or two, with an occasional shower, our crops will be good. I have never seen such an improvement in crops in my life as has taken place since you left.
Matilda has been sick since you left and came very near dying. She was taken suddenly with faintness, swimming in her head and palpitations. It was several hours before she was relieved and her nervous system was so much prostrated that she could not get about the room for more than a week, and can scarcely go from the house to the garden at the present time. Lewis I found quite sick after returning from Greensboro. We have had quite a crowd of persons here during the last ten days attending the examinations and the meeting of the Grand Division of the Sons of Temperance.
Remember me affectionately to Ellen and Edward. Also to Mr. Turner and family and relatives generally. Matilda desires to be kindly remembered to Ellen & yourself, and requests particularly that sister Ellen should write to her. You need not feel any uneasiness about any of your matters here for there is not the least occasion for it. I will write you again in three or four days. Write me as often as you can.
Yours, — L. C. Tutt
Say to sister Ellen that I will write to her in a few days and that she must not wait for my letter to write. Tell her to write and give me all the news in Missouri.
1 Warren Mullkin (1821-1860), a collector in Perry county, was married to Elizabeth A. Patterson (1828-1850). She died on 26 July 1850. “She lived the life of a christian and died in the triumphs of faith” according to her gravestone, which lies broken on the ground in the Marion Cemetery.The couple had been married less than four years.
This letter was written by Coles “Jackson” Brown (1815-1895), the son of Abram Brown (1777-1862) and Mary Purdy (1783-1873) of Putnam county, New York. Coles was married to Sarah Mary Cowl (1811-1894) in January 1836 and worked as a carpenter in Putnam county, New York, until sometime in the 1850s when he became a farmer in Burns township, Henry county, Illinois.
I feel certain that Jackson wrote the letter to his son, James B. Brown (b. 1844) who enlisted on 9 August 1862 as a private in Co. D, 112th Illinois Infantry (though there seems to be some discrepancy between his census record age and his enlistment record age). James served his full three years, mustering out at Greensboro, North Carolina, on 20 June 1865. In his letter, Jackson responds to his son’s complaint about not getting any letters from home by informing him that: “Well, it is not that there has not any been sent for we send one every week. I think you will get a big mail if you ever get the half of what letters that have ben sent to you.” Of course the 112th Illinois was engaged in the Carolina Campaign at that time and mail was slow to catch up with the regiment.
Coles Jackson Brown, ca. 1865
Transcription
[Henry county, Illinois] March 26th 1865
Dear James,
I now take a few moments to write a few lines to you to let you know that we are all well and enjoying good health. You say you get no letters from home. Well it is not that there has not any been sent for we send one every week. I think you will get a big mail if you ever get the half of what letters that have ben sent to you. Well this will do for this time.
Vails folks have broken up. The old man 1 is going East. Sarah teaches in Kewanee this summer. Mrs. Vail is a going to live in Kewanee. Ed Furst 2 sold the place a few days before he was to make the dead out. The chap backed out. They had a sale which amount to about $1500.
Benjamin has got home from court. That woman Mrs. [Mary] Ferris who shot William Pike had her trial. 3 It occupied nine days. She was cleared. I suppose you heard of the prisoners breaking jail about four weeks before court time. They had caught two but the two that was in for murder, they have not yet been found. There were Irishmen. They killed a man in Annawan.
Samuel and Artemas, ca. 1865
Smith has moved. Parker is a going to build this side of the first holler south of ours. This will get to be a nice street if we ever should build a house and Jonathan should build too. Oh, I must tell you before I forget it, Sam[uel J.] Murphy is married to a Miss [Artemas] Welland 4—a renter on Feslar’s place. Murphy bought a half section of land up of Suthard—paid six thousand dollars. I think he must be some in debt. Also one of 120 acres in Iowa.
Emmaline starts for this place one week from tomorrow. She may be here before this reaches you. It is reported that George is to be married. We do not know how true it is nor to who. Jim don’t come nigh us at all. He has rented Bill Henry Conner’s farm. Bill went away to avoid the draft but has since got back.
This town has been trying to fill her quota by buying men and having them credited to the town. They raised eleven thousand dollars. Because they lacked about $1300, they came home and paid about all of the money back. They have made about four or five efforts to raise men and failed each time. Now I believe they are a going to show bonds on the town and raise the men. This town had 36 men to raise. Burns [township] has put in nine which she thought would be more than her quota but Cambridge got the credit for the men that we had ought to have had credit for. Cambridge had 9 men to furnish. It comes hard on Burns. It takes about one in every three. I think it will take more for there will be a great many that will go away and stay till the draft is passed. Then will return.
George Hamilton 5 has been gone for two or three weeks. I believe he is in Indiana. There has been five left they say last week so you see how patriotic folks are. Rosco is doing first rate. Grows some. Fly and Daisy make a nice little team but I think it best to sell them if they will fetch anything nigh what they are worth. They are small and always will be small. As they are matched, they will I think fetch all they are worth.
Write whenever you can. We have had awful wet and cold weather. We have done nothing yet this spring. I believe I have give you all the news. I remain as ever yours &c., — Coles J. Brown
1 I believe Jackson is referring to Alexander Vail (1804-1894) who lived for a time in Burns township, Henry county, Illinois, with his wife, Sarah Marie Sebring (1805-1867). When Alexander went back to his home state of New Jersey, Sarah remained in Kewanee and taught school to earn income. She died two years later in 1867, her youngest child then 20 years old.
2 Edward Furst (1834-1905) was a German emigrant, his surname actually spelled Fuerst. He was married to Louise Krouse.
3 Information about the trial can be found in the following Evening Argus newspaper article (interesting). Click to enlarge.
4 Samuel J. Murphy (1843-1902) grew up in Washington county, Pennsylvania. He married forst Julia Artemus Welland (1843-1874). After her death he married Julia Florence Hill (1848-1884).
5 George W. Hamilton (b. 1843) was the son of William Hamilton, a farmer in Burns township, Henry county, Illinois. George was one of the local boys identified by name that Jackson claimed had left the state in order to avoid the military draft. He was enumerated back in Burns township at the time of the 1865 State Census in July.
This letter was written by Capt. Charles Wesley Peden (1834-1889) who began his service in the Confederate army as a 1st Lt. of the Rock City Volunteers, but beginning in April 1862 he became a Provost Marshal and filled posts for various lengths of time in Corinth (MS), Tullahoma (TN), Shelbyville (TN), Chattanooga (TN), and Atlanta (Ga). With the fall of Atlanta in September 1864, Capt. Peden’s Provost Marshal’s office was relocated to the Macon Arsenal in Macon, Georgia, where he wrote this letter. Macon was a center of textile manufacturing and supplied cloth for officer’s uniforms and other needs of the Confederate army.
Charles grew up in Campbellsville, Giles county, Tennessee, the son of Elisha and Frances (Chenault) Peden. He became a dry good merchant in Nashville after the war and was married to Sarah Luella Tenison (1852-1925) in the 1870s.
Charles wrote the letter to General Benjamin Jefferson Hill (1825-1880), a native of McMinnville, Tennessee, who was a merchant politician prior to the Civil War. He began his service as Colonel of the 5th Tennessee Volunteers (Prov. Army of Tennessee) and then in the Confederate Service as Colonel of the 35th Tennessee, organized in time to participate in the Battle of Shiloh and at Corinth. Later in the war he served as Provost Marshal of the Army of Tennessee (Feb thru Aug 64), and then was promoted a Brigadier General of cavalry in November 1864 under Lt. Gen. Bedford Forrest.
Transcription
Macon, Georgia February 27, 1865
General B. J. Hill Dear Sir,
I send you by Capt. Reynolds your uniform. I trust he will get it through to you unsoiled and that you will get a good fit in it and be well pleased with it.
I am indeed glad to hear your prospects are so flattering to raise a good Brigade. If in raising your command you have any place you think you could make me more useful to the cause, than in the present position, I will be pleased to service you.
I see there has been a resolution offered in Congress to abolish all Provost Marshals only in the immediate vicinity of the Army. If I am thrown out, I am coming to you whether I get a position or not. I suppose you will always have a musket in reserve for me if nothing else. Is not a Brigadier General of Cavalry entitled to two Adjutant Generals? As I said before, if you have no position reserved for me—if I am left out, you will have a musket and I am coming to join you in some capacity.
I am, General, with much respect, your friend truly, and obedient servant.
Spared & Shared 23 