1861: William Henry Koch to Howard Battin

The following letter was written by William Henry Koch (1836-1915) of Millersburg, Holmes county, Ohio, while serving in Co. G, 16th Regiment Ohio (3 months, 1861). He served as a corporal in the company from 22 April 1861 to 18 August 1861.

William wrote the letter to Howard Battin (1826-1882), a railroad conductor, who also kept a boarding house in Millersburg, Holmes county, Ohio. William was the son of John E. Koch (1801-1881) and Maria S. Neely (1807-1896).

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Philippi [Virginia]
2nd July 1861

Mr. H. Battin,

Dear Sir, I have thought for some time of writing you but have failed to do it until now and shall try and let you know about how we look and feel. We are, as you will see, still at Philipi. Have been here almost four weeks. We look rather rough for Boys not being used to this kind of life, and fare about the same—not so well as at home. But this we cannot expect in the life we are now leading. Our commissary department being rather badly conducted, we very often fall short of provisions. Then you may see the Boys making for the country on the hunt of something to eat pretty generally returning loaded. If you had seen Chapman Wiggins and myself coming into camp last Saturday with chickens, milk, pies and a little of everthing good to eat, I think you would have smiled.

We are camped with Co. E of Springfield and K of Dresden as guard over the bridge crossing Valley RIver. The balance of the force here, amounting to about six thousand strong, are camped on the hill above the town on the road leading from Grafton to this place and are well fixed for the enemy but we have no fear of the enemy disturbing us until we do them—and then but little, as they have proven themselves to be better trained to fast running than we are—at least do so at the time of the attack here. 1

We were ordered to prepare to march over a eek ago but the order being countermanded did not get to move. The Boys felt as though they were going to have some fun, all thinking we were going to attack a party of secessionists located at or near Laurel Hill about twelve miles from this place.

The balance of our regiment are at Cheat River on the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad about 22 miles from Grafton and about 15 from this place. We have been in hopes we would soon be united but have now given up all hopes of seeing the other until we get ready to leave for home which we think will be about four weeks if not sooner.

As this is one of the days we are short provision, I with some others are going to the country to lay in some provision for our mess and expect rather a rough time as we were last night blessed with quite a heavy rain which will leave the road in rather bad condition for walking. I shall have to close with regards to Mrs. Battin. Hoping to hear from you soon, I remain, yours obediently, — W. H. Koch


1 William refers to the battle (skirmish) that took place in and around Philippi, Virginia (now West Virginia) on June 3, 1861, which resulted in a Union victory and marked a significant moment in the early stages of McClellan’s military career. The largely untrained Confederate forces skedaddled from the battlefield with minimal opposition, and the Union forces mockingly dubbed the conflict the “Philippi Races.

This illustration depicts the Battle of Philippi. Image Source: The Memorial War Book, 1894.

1861: Eliza (Atkinson) Battin to Howard Battin

This letter was written by Eliza (Atkinson) Battin (1834-1871), the 1st wife of Asa Howard Battin (1829-1896) of Wellsville, Ohio. She wrote the letter to her brother-in-law, Howard Battin (1826-1882), a railroad conductor, who also kept a boarding house in Millersburg, Holmes county, Ohio.

According to an obituary, Eliza’s husband was born on a farm one mile west of Hanover, Columbiana County, Ohio, March 16, 1829. His boyhood and youth were spent upon a farm in the vicinity of his birthplace, and his early education was obtained in the district school. Later he attended a private school under the auspices of the Quaker church, of which both his parents and grandparents were members. He was studious and ambitious, and, at the age of eighteen years, he became employed as a teacher. The next five years he taught in the district schools of Columbiana County, and during that time he took up and pursued the study of law. He was admitted to the bar at New Lisbon in May, 1853, and in April, 1854, he began the practice of his chosen profession at Salem, Columbiana County. In December, 1858, he removed to Wellsville, where he opened an office and practiced law for ten years, with the exception of the time he spent in the army during the Civil War. He enlisted April 19, 1861, shortly after the rebellion began, as Captain of Company K, Third Regiment, Ohio Volunteers. He returned home from the field about May 1, 1862, broken in health. His one year’s service was chiefly performed in West Virginia and Kentucky.

Most of Eliza’s letter was devoted to copying one from her husband who wrote her from Clarksburg, Virginia, in early July 1861 where the 3rd Ohio Volunteers were encamped. She rewrote portions of her husband’s letter because his duties as captain left him little time to write to anyone other than his wife.

See also—1861: Asa Howard Battin to John & Sarah (Howard) Battin.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Wellsville, Ohio
July 7, 1861

Brother Howard,

Your letter received in due time & kindly welcomed. I always enjoy getting letters from my friends very much but I cannot say I like to write letters though since Battin has been away, I write one most every day & this is the third one for today. He does not have time to write to his friends now so I try to do so for him. I do not hear from him often now. They have to send their letters about 28 miles to mail them. I received a letter from him yesterday that I will copy for you. It was written July 2nd and mailed July 4th.

He says, “After leaving the camp at which I last wrote you, we proceeded a distance of five miles upon Sunday last, and encamped in a meadow on a hill where we remained until 10 a.m. this morning when we started for this place. My company was detailed as a rear guard for the baggage wagons, and of course we jogged along as the wagons did—sometimes fast and sometimes slow, but most of the way slow.

We arrived here at six p.m. having traveled a distance of 14 miles, & again encamped in a meadow on a hillside. It is rather a pleasant place & the water is better than we have had for some time. About half the Boys were sick yesterday from eating too much fresh beef, but since this tramp today they seem lively & feel pretty well. I came in for a share of it & could eat no breakfast but after going about 4 miles, Adam went out on a scouting expedition and returned with two tins of buttermilk & a piece of pone which eat better than anything I have had lately. I feel quite well this evening and can stand another day’s tramp tomorrow if called on, and I suppose we will go on toward south.

As I wrote you before, the secessionists have gone on ahead of us. We now hear of them 30 miles from here. There are but few secessionists around where we have been. All along the road we have met with enthusiastic receptions, and the people wish us God speed.

We have no idea where we are going to but our course thus far has been almost southeast. Get a large map of Virginia and find Barbour county & you will find where we are now. Give my love to all my friends and tell them that I have not time to write to them & attend to my Boys here, and they require my attention first. Address me at Clarksburg, Virginia, Co. K, 2rd Regt. Ohio Volunteers.”

I am tired writing & have scratched this down in a hurry. Do not know whether you can read it or not. We are well. Gertie looks better than she did when you saw her last. I think we will go to Hanover next Tuesday and stay a few days. I do not expect to go to Millersburg until winter. I shall be more lonely then & I will wait until then to do my visiting.

My love to Hellen. Tell her not to work herself sick fixing up. If you had lived near, I would have gone and helped her. I know it will be hard work to get everything straightened after being packed away for so long. Write soon. Yours &c. — Eliza

1863: John H. Miller to Lavina Jennett Miller

An unidentified Yank (Will Griffing Collection)

The following letters were written by John H. Miller (1827-Aft1900), a 36 year-old farmer/blacksmith from East Hamburg, Erie county, New York, while serving in Co. D, 67th New York National Guard. In 1863, the 67th New York National Guard was a regiment of Union Army infantry that served for 30 days during the summer in response to Lee’s anticipated invasion into Pennsylvania. They served from late June to early August. The 68th New York National Guard, mentioned by John in the second letter, left the State with the 67th NY National Guard on June 24, 1863, en route to Harrisburg, Pa., for a service of thirty days. It served in the 5th Brigade, 1st Division, Department Susquehanna, and was mustered out of the United States service July 29, 1863, at Elmira, N. Y.

John emigrated from Germany in the mid 1850s and his writing skills were somewhat limited. He wrote the letters to his wife, Lavina Jennett Miller (1831-1895).

John’s letter includes a description of medical ailments experienced by himself and others and some treatments that sound barbaric, leaving me baffled as to their actual efficacy.

Letter 1

Harrisburg, Pennsylvania
June 26, 1863

Dear Wife,

As we arrived here all safe and sound, I think it is well to let you know about it. We arrived last night about nine o’clock and camped in the car house except a few who were not well. Alber [Oaks], Darius [Munger], Isaac Chandler and others did not feel in the best of spirits. Isaac was so bad off that two men had to assist him to the Hotel. Diarrhea was the complaint. Alber says he feels pretty well this morning. He vomited on the way. The doctor attends to them, myself the same. He stuck in his lance, Charley Smith said, about two inches but I should think about one and a half. It hurt like hell but I feel like a new being ever since yesterday.

We arrived at Elmira in the night, night before last, and left at six in the morning. The country looking first best, nothing in winter and spring crop. Old Genesee is of the old stamp. This side of Elmira I see mountain after mountain, looking like hay stacks from two up to one thousand feet in height covered mostly with white oak and hemlock timer, stone and rocks. The creek from Elmira as big as Nathan’s following down the flats from 6 rods to half mile in width until it forms the Susquehanna river. The poorest looking land you ever saw. I should think it would require one hundred acres for one sheep.

The men that are all able bodied have left their homes from Elmira to Harrisburg. An immense amount of women and children which came out to wave handkerchiefs, hats, rags, hands, or anything that was handy all along the entire line. I thought I see Bob down on the Susquehanna river waving a rag of some kind but it could not have been. When we stopped at Sunbury, the women brought us what I called the best bread and butter together with coffee the city could afford. It’s within 45 miles of Harrisburg.

The war news is all sorts. They say the Rebels fell back 8 miles last night that was within 18 miles of this place. Hooker is in the rear. Our forces are in front. The Rebels [will] never live to see Virginia again if reports are true. The Governor of this State has called out in a Proclamation of this morning 60,000 additional troops to serve for ninety days.

This is a fine country. Genesee no comparison. I hope this will find you well and reconciled. Only think of the condition of families left in this portion of the State compared with our own. I hope the children feel well and mind what you tell them. Johnny, be a good boy and see all is right. Tell mother not to worry herself. All is right. My love to you all. If you wish to send me any answer, please direct to Harrisburg, Pa.

Goodbye until I find things in different shape. — John H. Miller


Letter 2

Addressed to Mrs. John H. Miller, East Hamburgh. Erie county, New York

Camp Curtin [near Harrisburg, Pennsylvania]
July 18, 1863

Dear Wife,

I take this, probably my last opportunity, to write you these few lines while we remain in Pennsylvania. I was taken with the shits—plain speaking—a night before last worse that I ever had them in all my life. I took my old medicine in cold water which probably relieved the pain during the night. In the morning I took two and a half tablespoon full of salt and hot water—as hot as I could drink it. No more of it ever since, all right.

This morning the 68th New York Regiment returned in camp after marching towards the Army of the Potomac. They came with us from Elmira and they think they will be mustered out of the service and start for home in course of the afternoon, but I guess they will stay here until sometime of next week when we probably all will be mustered out. They look as though they had been in the service for the last two years. They drew their rations just now and they declared that they would have enough to last them two weeks if they did not [get] any more than when they marched. They had a barrel of pork, 2 and a half barrel hard tack, a lot of beans, coffee, rice, sugar, candles, soap and fresh beef. They said they had not washed their shirts but once since they left from here. They said they made long marches, small rations, and all the fatigues imaginable. They look as though they went through one corner of hell. They told our boys they might think themselves well off for the fare that they had. They said that they see and passed along where the dead horses and soldiers lay [with] enough stench to knock a man down. They said the men would lay down at night, their heads resting on dead soldiers.

I wrote a letter to George day before yesterday. Alber [Oaks] & George received a letter from Elias Hoag and a paper from William. Elias Hoag wanted them to bring home a contraband for Samuel S. Real. Good for Elias. Benjamin Baker had a consultation with a darkey yesterday morning to take home with him. I wish he would, We would have a time going home. No more at present. My love to you all and remain your soldier, — John H. Miller


1862: John L. Dippy to Henry Vanfleet

The following letter was written by John L. Dippy (1843-1864) of Co. H, 23rd Michigan Infantry. John enlisted at Antrim, Michigan, on 12 August 1862. He was killed in the fighting near Stone Mountain, Georgia, on 25 September 1864.

John was the son of John and Louisa (Pitts) Dippy of Bennington, Shiawassee, Michigan.

Bowling Green, Kentucky. Adolph Metzner drawings, Library of Congress

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Mrs. Henry Vanfleet, Pinckney, Livingston county, Michigan

Bowling Green, Kentucky
December 21, 1862

Friend Henry,

Once more I take my pen in hand to pen a few lines to you. I am not very well today but am on guard. We have to stand guard very often as our company is a good many of them sick and we have a large guard. We are guarding the railroad bridge and expect an attack from Old Morgan. He is said to be close here. We have been digging entrenchments and building breastworks around the bridge for about two weeks.

The news came in yesterday that Richmond was taken. This morning it was confirmed by telegraph. It is hopeful that this is true but I am afraid not.

We got some new guns yesterday. They are Springfield [Model 42] muskets. [They] carry an ounce ball and three buck shot. I think we can slay the Rebels with these if we get a chance. 1

The Model 1842 Springfield smoothbore musket...very effective at short range.

I haven’t heard from you in over three weeks. Neither have we heard from home. Tell Aunt Angeline that I shall have to quit writing if I don’t get any letters but I expect there is a good many letters delayed that we don’t get. We haven’t got our pay yet though we are not suffering for money as we have plenty to eat. We have a sutler so that we can draw tickets and pay him when we get our pay. He charges very high for things. I haven’t run in debt any yet and don’t intend to.

George and me together kept ten dollars of our first pay and lent eight of that and used the rest to get some gloves for winter. This I think is doing very well. It doesn’t do a man any good to spend money in the army as things are very high and the doctors say the cakes and candy do the men more hurt than good.

I hope that I will see you all before long again but maybe not if we have an attack here. I will stand my chance to never see you although my health has been very good since I enlisted.

If McClellan has got Richmond, I think the fighting is about done. If Morgan makes an attack here, we will have lots of news to write for I think we will whip him. When you get these few lines of scribbling, please write me a good long letter. This from your friend, — J. L. Dippy

To H. Vanfleet


1 The regiment initially carried “Austrian” or Prussian Model 1809 muskets which had been converted to percussion firing. Since Dippy claims the new weapons fired a buck and ball, they must have been the Model 1842 smoothbore Springfield musket.

1863: George Earl Judson to his Sister

Sgt. George Earl Judson, 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery

The following letter was written by George Earl Judson (1843-1864) who enlisted on 15 August 1862 in Co. I (“Woodbury Company”) of the 19th Connecticut Volunteer Infantry Regiment. The regiment was organized and mustered at Camp Dutton, outside of Litchfield, departing by train for Washington, DC on September 5th and assigned to the defenses of Alexandria, Virginia after their arrival. They spent the fall of 1862 on picket and patrol duty in the city until January 1863, when the 19th was reassigned to the outer ring of forts and redoubts defending Alexandria. Judson was promoted to corporal on July 16th and in November, the regiment was redesignated as the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery. Judson was made acting sergeant in Co. I in January 1864 and was officially promoted to that rank on February 15th. In May, the regiment was called into the field to serve again as infantry in the 6th Army Corps during Grant’s Virginia Campaign. It fought with valor at Cold Harbor, Petersburg, and Winchester and suffered heavy casualties. On 19 October 1864 at Cedar Creek the regiment suffered a loss of 38 killed in 96 wounded; among the latter was Sergeant Judson, who received a gunshot wound in the left hip. He was eventually sent to the General Hospital at Patterson Hill in Baltimore, Maryland, where he died in late October from his wound.

George was the son of Capt. Ransom Judson (1797-1854) and Lucy Tuttle (1801-1885) of Southbury, New Haven county, Connecticut.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Redoubt D near Fort Lyon, Va.
July 12, 1863

Dear Sister,

It is Sunday and another inspection is through with. While I am down here sitting in my cloth house writing to you, I suppose you will be at church sitting up there in the gallery listening to a sermon from Parson Smith, or perhaps singing some of the good old tunes that I used to know, and which I have not forgotten. I should like to sing a few of them with you this evening after tea, but it is so far up there, I fear I should not get bak in time for dress parade so I think it will not be best for me to come. Our chaplain preached to us last Sunday in the bomb proof but today we have had no preaching.

Some of the boys come off guard this morning & are trying to enjoy a little repose but its precious little a fellow can get unless he rolls himself up in the blankets for just as one gets his eyes closed, the flies begin to swarm around his face and alight on his nasal protuberance which is very apt to wake him up.

I celebrated the fourth of July by going to Mount Vernon with three or four comrades. We visited the tomb of Washington and paid a quarter of a dollar each to go into the house & garden. In the house we saw the key of the French Bastille enclosed in a glass case appended to the wall. It was sent to Gen. Washington by Lafayette after the destruction of that fortress in 1789. In the garden were several objects of interest, among which was the Sago Palm which Washington used to take care of, & the Petanary [?] plant. I send some leaves that I picked in the garden. The smooth edged one is a leaf of the Magnolia tree. The other is a fig leaf.

I sent another paper to you this morning. I hope to hear Mother is better next time you write. Do not let her get sick if you can help it. Have you made arrangements with anybody for getting the hay yet? or shall you have to let it stand over? With much love to all. Your affectionate brother, — George E. Judson

1864: Cornelius Cheeseman to Margaret (Jenkins) Cheeseman

Cheeseman’ headstone in Arlington Cemetery

The following letter was written by Cornelius Cheeseman (1836-1864) of West Rushville, Fairfield county, Ohio. He wrote the letter while serving in Co. A, 83rd Pennsylvania Infantry. He mustered into the regiment on 15 January 1864 and he died of chromic diarrhea in Lincoln Hospital, Washington D. C. on 29 September 1864.

Cornelis wrote the letter to his wife, Margaret (Jenkins) Cheeseman, whom he wed in April 1857. In his correspondence, Cornelius expresses his intention to “come home this fall,” despite being in the midst of a three-year enlistment; notably, he does not mention pursuing a medical discharge. Furthermore, he urges her to “say nothing” about this matter, implying a potential intention to desert. This raises the possibility that such a plan may have been his objective from the outset, as he resided in Ohio while enlisting in a Pennsylvania regiment, possibly as a substitute or to secure a bounty.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Camp Distribution, Va.
July 23rd 1864

Dearest one,

Once more I will try to write but it will only be a few lines as my time is short. You will be disappointed in not getting any money [but] I have not got my money yet as the raid in Maryland took us away from the hospital. Just as soon as I get it, I will send you come. I am going to come home this fall—that is certain. But I don’t know what time yet. Keep still. Say nothing. Then I will be safe. Don’t write till I write again for I expect to leave here soon and then I would not get it.

I came from Philadelphia to Washington by water. I was on water four days and three nights. We came around by Cape May and Cape Charles and Cape Henry and Fortress Monroe and Point Lookout. When we got out on sea, it was very rough and the boat came near sinking with us. There was 2500 men on board. About two o’clock at night, sometimes the boat was standing up on end or lying on her side. Three or four of the Boys rolled off into the sea in their sleep and sank to rise no more. I laid on the very top of the boat without anything over me. Goodbye, C. C. [to] M. C.

1843: Nehemiah Nelson to Richard Fletcher Dunn

The author of this letter is believed to have been Nehemiah Nelson (b. 1806-1861) who kept a grocery store at 41 Commercial Street in Boston. He wrote the letter to Richard Fletcher Dunn (1788-1863), a native of Northumberland, England, who came to the United States in 1807 and worked as a copper-plate printer in Philadelphia until joining the merchant service in 1809 (with a fraudulent certificate of citizenship).

One of the artifacts proudly displayed by the Portsmouth Historical Society’s museum is Richard Fletcher Dunn’s artificial leg. Nelson’s letter informs us the leg was made by Southworth Howland.

He then signed up for the US Navy and participated in the War of 1812, serving aboard the USS Constitution under the command of Capt. Isaac Hull. He was on board during the engagement with the British frigate HMS Guerriere on the 19th of August 1812—an engagement that last more than half an hour resulting in the sinking of the HMS Guerriere and the loss of 39 crew members killed and 61 wounded. The USS Constitution, on the other hand, suffered little damage, thus earning her the nickname “Old Ironsides.” She suffered the loss of only 6 crew members and 7 wounded. Among the latter was Dunn who lost his left leg, blown off by a cannon ball.

Though lesser injuries might have warranted retirement from the service of his adopted country, Dunn remained steadfast in his commitment to the Navy, ultimately serving at the Kittery Navy Yard. He continued to serve under Capt. Hull (later Commodore Hull) at the Navy Yard, performing his duties on a wooden leg “as efficiently as many seamen with sound legs.” According to the 1860 US Census, he was still listed at Kittery, York County, Maine, with his occupation recorded as “Gunner, USN.” When inquired that year about his ongoing connection with the Navy, he replied, “Yes, I am gunner still, not now on duty, but awaiting orders.” He passed away on 1 February 1863, and his widow, Mary F. (Dixon) Dunn, died in 1872. They are buried in Eliot, Maine.

The USS Constitution battles the HMS Guerriere on 19 August 1812.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Boston [Massachusetts]
June 29, 1843

Friend Dunn,

Yours of the 7th inst. was duly received and I was very glad to know that you took the remarks which I made in my last in the spirit in which they were made (viz) in all kindness. You said a letter from on the 22nd inst. but I had nothing worth relating. But this morning I am big with an important subject (viz) wooden legs.

A person came into my store this morning and asked if I knew Mr. Jones who was once in the Custom House. I told him I was well acquainted with him. Said he, I made his wooden leg. That led to a conversation about you and Mr. Bardine, and from what this man said, I should think Mr. Bardine was anything but a gentleman. You will understand me, this person did not talk harsh of him, but gave me a history of him for a number of years back.

In the first place, he remarked that Bardine was very poor, so much so that he got people to subscribe various sums and got this man (whose name is Southworth Howland 1 ) to make him a leg which he did and charged him $25 for it. Well, when he came for the leg, he brought only $20 and said he had collected only that sum, but would get the balance since Bardine told him to sue for the balance. But Howland thought it would cost more than it would come to so he let him run. And many other things he told me which makes me think that he—Bardine—would take the advantage of anyone that he could. Therefore, if you have not paid him the full amount, I would advise you not to until he can show you that your leg is worth the money which I very much doubt.

You know it is an old saying that two of a trade can never agree but this Mr. Howland did not talk to me as though he meant to say anything but what was strictly truth, and I thought him to be strictly a gentleman. He left his card with me and I should enclose it in this sheet, but knowing you would not be likely to want another leg at present and knowing also it would make heavy postage, I concluded not to do so, Wish I could give you on paper the ideas which I got from this man, but I am not good at description—therefore, I cannot. All I can say in conclusion on the subject is this. Don’t pay Bardine at present.

Suppose you know by the public journals that it is very sickly in our City at present. But thanks to my Heavenly Father, myself and family are in perfect health, and would hope this will find you and yours the same.

Am sorry you did not have a peek at the President [John Tyler] and am sorry also that the whole people here do not feel towards him as I do. Perhaps I am very much prejudiced in his favor. But this I can say, I think him to be the President of the United States and not the President of the Whig or Democratic party. Think I can give one very good reason why he was not received with so many huzzah’s as former Presidents have had and that is this—the people had not so much artificial patriotism in them as they had ten or twelve years ago, or before Washingtonianism had made the stride that it now has. Think if the people had had as much whiskey in them as they had in days gone by, the cheers would have been as hearty on the 15th and 17th as they were then. What think you of the subject? 2

Cannot fill up my sheet better than to give you an extract from Secretary [Abel C.] Upshur’s [Secy. of Navy] speech at the Faneuil Hall dinner on the 17th inst.

“And Sir, though it was Virginia’s fortune to furnish to the American army a leader whose peer the world never saw, though in all creation there has been but one Washington, and never will be another, and though he was wholly of Virginia, yet we are not selfish! His fame is bright enough to cast a luster over the whole land. We can share it truly with all our countrymen, and shall have enough.”

There, friend Dunn, have nearly filled the sheet with one thing and another, and now after wishing you all good health and happiness, will subscribe myself yours through life. — N. Nelson

Please write me when you have leisure. Excuse the blunders I have made in the foregoing.


1 Southworth Howland (1775-1853) learned the house carpenter’s trade but, being “an ingenious and skillful workman and was often called on to do jobs not entirely in the line of his trade. One of these was to alter and fit an artificial leg, imported from England by a neighbor; but he found it easier to make a new one, with such improvements as gave satisfaction to the wearer. His success became known, and during the next forty years he was called on to furnish artificial limbs for a large number of men and women residing in all parts of the United States, no other person manufacturing them in this country, so far as known, for many years after. He was a man of decided convictions and was prompt and fearless in defending them.”

2 This is a reference to the Washingtonian movement that was in full swing in the 1840 as were many other “ism’s.” The Washingtonian movement evaporated within a few short years. They became embroiled in the politics of the day. They were a victim of their own decision to support the elimination of all drinking in the US in that era through the temperance movement.

The Portland Journal, June 23, 1860

1863: Mary Jane Cleland to John W. Cleland

These letters were written by Mary Jane (“Jennie”) Cleland (1841-1929), the 22 year-old daughter of Arthur Cleland (b. 1803) and Mary Clark (b. 1814) of Defiance County, Ohio. Jennie’s father was born in Killy Leagh Parish, County Down, Ireland, and came to the United States with his parents in 1817, arriving  on the schooner Vigilant. They landed at Wilmington, Delaware, and first resided at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, before moving to Jefferson County, Ohio.

Jennie wrote the letters to her younger brother, Corporal John W. Cleland (1843-18xx) who enlisted in Company F, 111th Ohio Ohio Infantry in September 1862 at age 19. He was promoted to 1st Sergeant in March 1863 about the time this letter was written. In April 1864, Sgt. Cleland was promoted to 2nd Lieutenant and in May 1865 to 1st Lieutenant. He was mustered out of the service with his company in June 1865 at Salisbury, North Carolina. After the war, I believe John moved to Decatur, Illinois.

In her March 1863 letter, Jennie addresses the escalating discontent among the citizens toward the Lincoln Administration and its management of the war aimed at putting down the rebellion. Even prior to the onset of hostilities, Defiance County had shown a strong preference for the Democrats, evidenced by Lincoln securing only 43% of the votes in 1860 (it fell to 42% in 1864). However, Jennie admitted that after two years, “this war seems to be making a great many Democrats. A Republican that ever had any sense can’t stand it now.” She expressed her concerns regarding the forthcoming draft, asserting that “the people won’t stand for it.” More troubling, she alleged that the Republicans and the Abolitionists—including the Governor of Indiana—were engaging in the stockpiling of weaponry, thereby leaving the opposition defenseless. She characterized the government as “the most corrupt in the world,” with “no regard for the Constitution,” and contended that the ruling party was acting without restraint.

In her July 1863 letter, Jennie articulates her vehement criticism of Abolitionists, as well as the Union leadership, whom she perceives as incompetent and ineffectual in their efforts to secure victory in the war through combat. She asserts that soldiers should be disenfranchised, arguing that their perspectives are shaped solely by the Lincoln administration’s propaganda, thus depriving them of the varied voices from the opposition.

Back in 2014, I transcribed another of Jennie’s 1863 letters and published it in Spared & Shared 7. [see 1863: Mary Jane Cleland to John W. Cleland] It was datelined from the Cleland home on 13 April 1863. In that letter, she wrote a lot about the treatment of William (“Bill”) J. Knight of Defiance county—one of Andrews’ Raiders who became famous in the “The Great Locomotive Race.” Bill was orphaned at a young age and was raised by his grandfather, Jacob Knight, in Farmer Township, where the the Cleland family lived. Bill learned something about steam engines while working at his grandfather’s sawmill and as an engineer for the Atlantic and Great Western Railroad. While serving in Company E of the 21st Ohio Infantry, Bill volunteered for a secret mission to destroy the Western and Atlantic Railroad link to Chattanooga, effectively isolating Atlanta. On 12 April 1862, the volunteers boarded at north-bound train for Marietta, Georgia, and at a stop north of town, they uncoupled the passenger cars and stole the locomotive—The General—and three freight cars. They were pursued and eventually overtaken and captured near Ringgold, but not until after having destroyed track and cut telegraph communications. James Andrews, the leader of the men, and seven others were hung, while eight of the soldiers were exchanged for Confederate prisoners. Bill Knight was among the group of eight soldiers who managed to escape their captors, earning him the Medal of Honor for his bravery.

Over the last several years I’ve transcribed several of John W. Cleland’s Civil War letters that were sold off to numerous private collections. You can find his letters by following any of the Spared & Shared active links below:

John W. Cleland, Co. F, 111th Ohio (3 Letters)
John W. Cleland, Co. F, 111th Ohio (2 Letters)
John W. Cleland, Co. F, 111th Ohio (1 Letter)

Letter 1

Addressed to J. W. Clelland, Esqr., Co. Founder, 111th Regt. O. V. I.. Fort Brailey, Bowling Green, Kentucky, Care of Capt. J. E. Hill

[Farmer township, Defiance county, Ohio]
March 6, 1863

Dear brother,

I again seat myself to pen a few lines to let you know that we are all well and hope this may find you enjoying the same great blessing. Today is not very cold. Yesterday and day before were quite cold. James and Harley are sowing [grain]. Father is sitting in the kitchen reading the Defiance Democrat. William is poking round someplace too. He stayed home from school to cipher some today. He don’t get along with the Master very well. Margret is gone to school.

I suppose you have heard of the draft that is going to be soon. I am afraid there will be a fuss. The people are determined not to go. It is said that the Republicans or Abolitionists are arming themselves almost every place to force the people to obey Lincoln, and there is no arms for the opposite party. The Abolitionists have them all in their own hands. They have been preparing for it. They are having Secret Societies out in Indiana and it is thought there is some not far from here. The papers state that Gov. Morton of Indiana has been hoarding up arms and now he is putting them into the hands of the people. The party in power are having their own way now. I suppose it is the most corrupt government in the world. They have no regard for the Constitution or anything else, and make laws just to suit their own wicked designs.

Congress, I suppose, adjourned last Wednesday (day before yesterday). The Democrats are rejoicing that their time is out. If it had adjourned a good while ago, it would have been better for the country. I wish it had been Old Lincoln that was leaving his throne. Sam Knight 1 rejoiced some over it yesterday morning. He fired his cannon off a good many times. They said he was going to fire thirty-two times. I don’t know whether he did or not. And he raised his flag too. I suppose his Abolition neighbors would have considerable to say about it. They call his flag Secesh flag and he is a real Secesh himself (so they call him). He delights in plaguing his Abolition friends. I wish they could heard him rejoice clear to Washington, but I suppose they will know how the people are rejoicing. I suppose there never was a corrupt Congress adjourned before. No wonder the people would rejoice.

I heard that they were going to preach the funeral of Congress out in Bartholomew county, Indiana, on that day (Wednesday). I would like to have heard it. I suppose there would not be much mourning done on account of the death. Some of the Abolitionists don’t seem to want the war to end yet. Mr. [Joseph L.] Hosack said one day at Ridenour’s that he would go in for burning and destroying everything in the South. I did not think he was quite so bad as that. I don’t know what ought to be done with such a person. I hope he may have to suffer for it. One of the parties will be apt to go down. If the Democrat Party is put down, then our country’s course is hopeless. If the Republicans go down, then we may look for better things. This war seems to be making a great many Democrats. A Republican that ever had any sense, can’t stand it now.

I got a letter from Christie Browning yesterday. She says if Lewis had only got to come home, he might have lived. His captain and the chaplain both tried to get him a discharge, but they would not let him off. She thinks the officers are perfect tyrants. She said she pitied the soldiers for they were not fighting for what they volunteered to (viz: the Constitution but for the Negro). If I was a soldier, I would not reenlist. I would rather unlist if I could.

Dan Kleckner was married last week to a girl out by Maysville. He and his wife’s brother were both married. They were going to go East and stay two or three weeks. Alfred Ridenour was not married as we thought. You boys down there needn’t feel bad if the folks are getting married up here. There is good boys enough to be found without going to Bowling Green. Some of the boys have been sending home their likenesses. They look kind of natural. They look quite fleshy about the head, but I suppose some of you are getting fleshy. I must leave room for William to write some. So no more at present. Your sister, — Jennie

Brother John, I am well at present. Tiger went off last night on a scouting expedition and was overtaken by the enemy and got shot on the top of the head. He come home this morning about 8 o’clock. I received your likeness two weeks ago. It looks very natural. Your head has growed some. So has your nose too. Your teeth looks kind of savage too. I suppose you all look kind of savage down there. I guess I will get Sam Knight to make a frame for it. We have got our sugar camp opened. We have got five trees. I guess I have nothing more to write. — William Cleland

1 Samuel D. Knight (b. 1826) was a farmer in Farmer township, Defiance county, Ohio. He was appointed postmaster in 1850 and again in 1856 by Democratic administrations. In the 1860 US Census, he was enumerated in Farmer township with his wife Amanda (Johnson) Knight and five children; his occupation given as “mechanic.”


Letter 2

[The following letter comes from the personal collection of Jonathan White and was offered for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Monday morning
July 13, 1863

Dear Brother,

It is my turn to write again. I thought I would commence this morning.  We have the harvest hands today again. They are cutting the field across the road from the house. They cut two days last week. They will most finish here tomorrow. Then they have some to cut at Ridenour’s.  Wheat seems to be very heavy this year.  Our folks think they will have a thousand bushel.  The girls have to work out more this harvest than ever before. They have to rake and bind and help to make hay.  I helped a little with the hay. Father and I hauled in four loads of hay last week when James and William were at Berean’s.  You know that is something I never done before.  I have to brag a little over it of course. I may have to help some more before the wheat is hauled in. Our hired hand ain’t much use. He is always sick when there is the most work to do and we can’t get any other now. He had the chills last week and I guess he has them yet.

We got your letter day before yesterday that you finished the 29th of June. I look a little for one Wednesday again. Anna Hill got one that was dated July 2nd. You were at Tourkinsville then. Maybe you are at Glasgow by this time.

I’ll bet you will have the Rheumatism after marching. There you were running away down pretty near to Tennessee and [John Hunt] Morgan up in the northern part of Kentucky.  I heard he had got into Indiana but it may not be so. He is too smart for you fellows. He knows what he is doing all the time. Some of the rest don’t (that is, our officers).  There is not very many smart generals in the Northern army because they won’t have any if they find he is worth anything. The war will not end by fighting. The Abolitionists say there is no way to end it but by fighting it out. But the majority (that is the democrats now) think it will never be ended in that way. They would get the hearty support of the people if things were carried on anything as they should be—that is, to restore the Union and preserve the Constitution and laws. But the leading men in power don’t want the Union and they don’t care for the Constitution.  And the Democrats don’t want to support any such policy if they can help it.

There is no use in it. Everything seems to be against the North. I don’t know but they have been gaining some lately but not as much as they ought and I don’t believe the North will ever whip. They might as well settle it some other way than by fighting for it will have to be done at last anyway. There is nothing honorable about them. When the Southern armies destroy or take anything, they pay for it sometimes as well as they can. Of course some of them don’t care, but as a general thing I just believe they act more honorable than ours do. They destroy things often when it is not really necessary just because they hate the South. This is not the right kind of spirit. If they do wrong, that is no reason that we should do wrong to them. 

The Abolitionists say now that if Vallandigham had not been in the South, the rebels would not have come into Pennsylvania. If that is so, then Old Abe is the traitor for sending him there to give them information. Little Val is traveling home again. He is in Canada, or was the latest account. I believe it would be better not to let the soldiers vote this fall. Jason Burbic thinks so too, because the soldiers most places only get to hear one side of the question (that is the Abolition side). Democratic papers are not allowed in the army very much.  Grant’s army is the only one that Democrat papers get into, and it does the best business. Now why is this if Democratic papers demoralize the army. If they did not get so many nasty, lying Abolition papers, it would be better. And if the soldiers do get to vote, they will not be apt to be allowed to vote their sentiments.  The Abolitionists have considerable to say about our pic-nic on the fourth. They call it a secesh dinner and that there was nothing fit to eat and that they were all drunk, &c. &c. &c. &c.  If they can get up a better pic-nic let them do it.

I don’t hear much about E. M. Brown these times. He don’t get to write as much round here to the girls as he did. Poor little fellow, I know if there was going to be a battle, he would be sick. He would take some pills before the battle brakes. The Abolitionists have a great time here with the butternuts pulling them off the Democrats. Maybe some of the boys will get home on furlough again if you get back to Glasgow.  We are all well and kicking round as usual. Your Sister — Jennie Cleland

1861: Aaron Hayden Jones to W. G. Porter

The following letter was written by Aaron Hayden Jones (1813-1868), the son of Stephen Jones (1784-1856) and Elizabeth Brackett Young (1789-1828) of Eastport, Washington county, Maine. Aaron was the oldest son of 11 children. Aaron and his younger brother Thomas Gleason Jones (1817-1869) were in the wholesale and retail provision business in Augusta, Georgia, prior to the Civil War.

Aaron’s broken headstone in an Augusta Cemetery.

It seems Aaron and his brother Thomas worked in different firms, Thomas having previously operated in Dubuque, Iowa, before coming to Atlanta. A newspaper article published in a Dubuque newspaper in May 1861 under the title, “A Race for Life” contends that Thomas was driven out of Augusta under threat of being tarred and feathered because he was a “loud-mouthed Abolitionist” and was rumored to have stumped the State of Iowa for Fremont in 1856. He supposedly returned to Iowa having left all his assets behind. Once the citizens of Augusta read this article, they approached Aaron to attest to the veracity of this story. In response, Aaron wrote a letter to the editor of the Augusta paper, the Daily Constitutionalist (21 June 1861) refuting the “facts” in this story, alleging that Thomas was never a successful businessman and left Augusta penniless and in debt. He was no Abolitionist either, according to Aaron, and even speculated in the sale of slaves while living in Georgia. [See articles clipped from newspapers in footnotes below.]

Neither brother lived long after the war. Thomas moved his wife and children to Anoka, Minnesota, where he became a life insurance agent and died of “apoplexy” in 1869. Aaron appears to have maintained his business throughout the Civil War in Augusta but no doubt suffered as the prolonged war made keeping his shelves stocked more and more difficult. He died in 1868 at the age of 55. During the war, he filled the ranks occasionally with the Home Guard militia.

Aaron’s letter gives us a glimpse of Augusta in the first full month of the Civil War. His letter alludes to the disruption of the mails caused by the collapse of the mail delivery system in the South as well as the delivery of goods up the Savannah River. His letter also informs us of the formation of a women’s military organization in Augusta equipped and trained for home defense. I could not corroborate this claim from other accounts but believe Aaron’s statement to be factual based upon the evidence of other such companies being formed, the most notable and frequently referenced being Nancy Hart’s Militia formed in LaGrange, Troup County, Georgia. In 1861, when 1,300 men left LaGrange, leaving the town particularly vulnerable to Union attack because of its location midway between Atlanta and the Confederacy’s first capital at Montgomery, Alabama, two of the soldier’s wives—Nancy Hill Morgan and Mary Alford Heard—decided to form a female military company. Almost forty women attended, ready to do their part to defend their homes and families.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Augusta, [Georgia]
May 17th 1861

W. G. Porter, Esq.

Dear sir, yours of 10th came to hand today. You do not mention whether you got the $100 sent on by Mr. Metcalf but I presume you have. I think I have got all the letters you name. The mails were blocked up a long time and then everything came through in a lump. As the mails are now open, I hope this will reach you. We are glad to hear that Edgar will not be likely to have any trouble. We have full confidence that you and Mrs. Porter will take good care of him. We are all well here. Like yourself, I can but hope we may all see brighter days soon. Things look gloomy enough now. Even the women are arming and forming companies here. A few days ago a company [of women] turned out to salute a company going away. They were sixty strong and carried rifles.

Let us hope that the terrible excitement now raging is the precursor of a calm. If hostilities break out, it will be a terrible conflict. May God avert the impending storm. If things shut down, we will still continue to write you occasionally and get it to you by some conveyance.

There is not much excitement here. One would hardly realize that we are in a state of war but for the troops constantly passing through. We are blocked up but there are plenty of goods in the country for a year. One firm had over $50,000 of goods on hand which are largely enhanced in value. Provisions are high and with no doubt go higher though there is no scarcity at all and not likely to be. I went at once before the advance and laid in a full year’s supply of sugar, coffee, tea, bacon, flour, rice, syrup, salt, spices, and butter as long as it will keep. I could live now a year without the least privation if my house were a beleaguered castle. I wanted to keep clear of high prices.

We fear poor Het and her children will have a hard time if this state of things hold long. I will write a few lines to Edgar on a separate sheet. Love to all. Yours truly, — A. H. Jones

Footnotes:

1862-4: William H. DeBell to Phebe Ann (Fairchild) DeBell

The following letter was written William (“Bill”) H. Debell (1844-1864) who accepted a $70 bounty and enlisted when he was 18 as a private in Co. A, 109th New York Infantry. He was the son of Daniel W. DeBell (1810-1881)—sometimes spelled Dibble—and Phebe Ann Fairchild (1814-1910) of Danby, Tompkins county, New York. Bill was not close to his father. His father and mother separated in January 1858 leaving Phebe without property and offered no further support to his wife and the four children (including Bill) who were left in the household. In the 1850 census, the DeBell family was enumerated in Shandaken, Ulster county, New York, where Bill’s father worked as a millwright. At that time, there seven children in the family ranging in age from 1 to 16.

(courtesy Don Andrew Collection)

Company A of the 109th New York Infantry was primarily recruited from the towns of Newfield, Caroline, and Danby in Tompkins County, New York. Bill took his place in the ranks with other young men from Tompkins county, many of whom were his friends from Danby. The Regiment began its assignment during the first week of September, 1862.  A few days later several companies were detached to garrison Laurel, MD (about 8 miles SE of Annapolis Junction) to guard the main railroad junctions located there. The 109th remained at this assignment but was reassigned in October 1862 to the 22nd Army Corps as railroad guards and part of the 22nd’s overall defense of the Capital at Washington, DC against the threat of Gen. Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia’s presumed invasion. The invasion never came. Their job was tedious and boring and they saw no military action of any kind.  

The 109th did its duty from September 1862, the remainder of 1862, all of 1863 and through the end of March 1864.  Then in April, 1864 the 109th was ordered to join the 9th Army Corps then assembling at Annapolis, MD in preparation for action against General Lee at Petersburg, VA.  The 109th Regiment became part of Hartranft’s battle-tried 1st Brigade, Wilcox’s 3rd Division, 9th Army Corps, Army of the Potomac.  The 9th Corps left Annapolis on 23 April, 1864 headed for the crossing at the Rapidan arriving there on the 4th of May, 1864. The next morning, 5 May, 1864, the 109th, after crossing the Rapidan as one of the lead units, were immediately fully engaged with the enemy in the Battle of the Wilderness.  Though they had been in the service 1 year, 8 months, and 9 days since they organized in the late summer of 1862 at Binghamton, New York, it was their first taste of battle.

Bill would go on to fight in eight major pitched battles with the 109th New York until he was finally cut down in the Battle of Weldon Railroad on 19 August 1864. there are seven letters presented here by Bill DeBell and two by William A. Hance, a comrade in Co. A who wrote letters to Bill’s family informing them and providing some details of Bill’s death.

These letters are from the personal collection of Don Andrew who sent them to me for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.

Those interested in the 109th New York may find any of the following published on Spared & Shared equally good reading:

George W. Roe, Co. A, 109th New York (3 Letters)
James M. Williams, Co. E, 109th New York (1 Letter)
Amos Avery, Co. F, 109th New York (1 Letter)
Samuel John Vail, Co. F, 109th New York (1 Letter)
John H. Warner, Co. G, 109th New York (1 Letter)
Almon W. Gould, Co. H, 109th New York (1 Letter)
Uriah Wright Stratton, Co. H, 109th New York (1 Letter)

Letter 1

Annapolis Junction, Maryland
September 6th 1862

Dear Ma,

It is with mingled emotions of joy that I now write you. I am well at present and hope these few lines will find you the same. Ma, I am away down South among the rebels. We left Binghamton last Sauturday morning and arrived at this Junction on Monday noon. Our camp is situated in a nice place. It is in a ten-acre lot, all level land. We are situated in a little valley all surrounded with woods. The railroad runs right in front of our camp. There are several of the rebels around through the woods. Two of them were caught today and put in the guard house. I don’t know what they will do with them.

Monday morning, 8 o’clock a.m. Ma, you must excuse me for not finishing this before for there is so much excitement here at present that it is hard for me to get my thoughts together but I will try and finish. Our regiment is all broke up. Five of our companies is down to Washington guarding a railroad bridge and David and myself and ten others is about a mile from camp guarding a switch. We have caught several prisoners—[Union] deserters mostly. Last night we caught a rebel spy. We took him up to the guard house. I think it will be pretty hard on him. I suppose you have heard that Old [Stonewall] Jackson and forty thousand troops have crossed the Potomac. We expect they will attack us before long. This is one of their spies.

I like a soldier’s life very well so far but I would like to see home once more and tell Mary, Carrie, and Hattie that I would like to see them all very much but I cannot yet a spell. The best I can do is to send you all my love and a kiss. Give Annie my love too. I have received all of my pay and have lent David 30 of it and have kept the rest to use. He said he would pay me as son as he got his month’s pay. Did I do right, Ma? I want you to send me all of your pictures. I have got Mary’s. No more at present so goodbye from your own son, — Will H. DeBell

Direct to Annapolis Junction, Maryland
Co. A, 109th Regt. N. Y. State Volunteers in care of B. R. McAllaster.
Write as soon as you get this.


Letter 2

[Not transcribed. Words to Just Before the Battle, Mother.]


Letter 3

[Editor’s Note: In this 16 page letter to his mother of 17 May, 1864, Bill describes seeing the elephant for the first time.]

Spotsylvania Court House, Va.
May 17th 1864

Dear Ma,

Once more I am seated to write to you although I may never get the letter finished for I am on picket within 20 rods [@ 100 yards] of the enemy and they are firing at us every moment. There are three of us on a post and we have a little breastwork thrown up before us about two feet high. I am sitting close down behind it writing on my cartridge box & every moment a bullet whistles over my head. I wrote you a letter when we was at Warrington Junction. Little did I think then that we was coming so soon to the front but we left there the day after I wrote to you and never stopped until we arrived at Wilderness Church. We was three days a marching it. We crossed the Rapidan in the afternoon & was marched about 5 miles & put on picket—

Dear Ma, just as I wrote the word picket, one of the men that was on post with me was shot through both thighs [?]. Poor fellow. I sent to the regiment and some of his company came and got him.

—and kept on all night and about 5 o’clock in the morning we fell in and was marched about 3 miles without any breakfast to the battlefield. Oh! I cannot tell my feelings when we was marched up in front of the Rebel batteries, the shell a flying. but we did not flinch and only 8 of us men was wounded, none killed.

About noon we fell in [and] marched off to the left. As we was marching by the left flank, the rebels poured a whole volley into us that confused and excited us and we fronted and fired on them and we fought there all the afternoon and only three got wounded out of our company, none killed. We made four charges and drove the enemy out of their rifle pits and captured about 5 prisoners. Our firing ceased about dark and we built breastworks and lay in them two or three days and held our position. Then one night the rebels set up a terrible hootin’ and hollerin’ and we thought they was agoing to charge on us but it was [only] to blind a movement. They moved off to our right so that night about 2 o’clock we was ordered to fall in and was marched until daylight and made a halt for breakfast after which we took up the line of march again & marched until about 4 p.m. and made a halt and drew 5 days rations.

Stayed there until 5 in the morning and marched again to this place & was double quicked up a long hill through shot and shell to the very front, formed in line, and drove the enemy back. Then we throwed up breastworks with our bayonets and plates & lay there two or three days, the enemy making several desperate attacks to break our line but did not.

On May 11th, they made their last attempt at that point and here is memoranda I kept from that time. “May 11th, 6 p.m. The enemy commenced shelling us in our rifle pits and their pickets advanced on us at the same time so we sent out 100 men out of our regiment as skirmishers and they advanced and drove them back a ways. Then our batteries opened on them and soon silenced theirs. Then we was ordered to advance out of our pits so the whole Brigade marched over and cautiously approached them. We—the 109th—had went only a short distance when we was ordered to support the 8th Michigan Regiment. We was marched by the right face, then left flank and formed in about 50 rods behind them and lay down flat. The bullets flew very thick but there was but a few wounded. One poor fellow from the 8th Michigan got his leg shot off.

Well, we lay in that position about an hour. Then we was ordered to form a junction with the breastworks we had just left, so the Brigade formed in line and marched directly southeast until we came to a piece of woods. Then we changed direction to the right and marched southwest about a mile and fronted, then lay down & watched until morning. At daylight we was ordered to build breastworks so we went at them and have them done and are waiting for the attack.

It is Friday, 13th. I left off writing the 11th while in the above named breastworks. Well, we had no attack that day. About 3 o’clock we was ordered to fall in. We did so and was marched to the rear—that is, off the field. Then it commenced raining very hard. Well, we was marched down in an open field and those that had tents put them up and those that did not had to take the rain. Well we had just got our suppers a cooking and the order came to fall in double quick. We did so and was marched back about halfway to the field and halted and we stood there in the rain and mud about an hour (Ma, could you but have known my thoughts while standing there, cold and wet. Be it ever so humble, there is no place like home!) Then the order came to about face and was marched back where we started from and camped down. Our things was all wet and it was quite cold.

Well [Daniel] Mc[Pherson] & G[eorge] Roe & me went off and got a couple of rods of rails apiece and built a large fire and we spread our rubber blankets and lay down. (We had nothing to put over us for we threw everything away in the first battle at Wilderness Church.) We all being very tired, soon fell asleep and slept sound until 2 o’clock. Then we was woke up and packed our things and marched up here where I now sit and was formed in line of battle but was held in reserve until noon. Then we was ordered to charge on a Rebel battery and we marched up in the edge of the woods andjust as we got there, they opened upon [us] with shot and shell and our men fell like grass before a scythe. But on we went, but did not get the battery. We had to fall back and when we got out of the woods, all we could count out of 400 was 150. We was cut bad, I tell you. General Burnside said it was the boldest charge that he ever saw made. He said he would remember us. We are called a brave regiment. Several other regiments broke and run but ours stood right up to the mark.

Well, after we came back, we went at it and built breastworks—(in the morning it commenced raining and rained very hard all day)—so that we could hold our position. Well we got them done and got in them, mud up to our knees, but we had to lie down and we lay there all night and are here yet and this is the 3rd day.

May 15th—Well here we are yet and still it rains and the mud. Last night the enemy’s pickets bothered us all night and it was so cold and it rained so hard that it was very uncomfortable. It is morning now and we are still in the mud and rain but there is some very encouraging news and it [illegible]…Colonel told us that we had taken 8,000 prisoners and 40 pieces of artillery and also Richmond was in our possession. I hope it is so. I just heard from our chaplain that there was two Corps down to the rear that was agoing to relieve us and I must say I hope they will for this is the tenth day we have been out to the very front of the battle. I never heard of such a thing before—keeping men out on the front so long without a relief. Our men are getting very tired and wore out (tell Sarh she would not know the 109th if she should see it now. The regiment looks when it’s all together about like a good company).

It is Sunday the 15th. We are still in the pit and we begin to think we are agoing to stay in them for all being relieved. The enemy was very quiet in our front last night, but on our left they had a heavy battle. Yesterday afternoon the Johnnies charged on one of our batteries & they opened on them with 16 pieces and cut them full as bad as they did us the 12th. The Rebel sharpshooters troubles us very much for every time one of us raises our heads or stirs around, they shoot at us too and there was two men from some other regiment got killed yesterday, the 12th, and one today. Every man that goes out has to go on his hands and knees or go half double. The officers is the main thing they are after.

May 16th. Still in the entrenchments. The sharpshooters trouble us yet but they do not advance. We sent out a heavy line of skirmishers today so as to advance our pickets. Done t without much trouble. Last night our Corps fetched us up a kettle of beef stew. It was good, I tell you, for we was all very hungry.

May 18th. There is my memoranda from the 11th to 17th. I am back in with the company. I was relieved last night about six o’clock from picket. Came here and George Roe 1 had my supper ready for me. I eat it and we spread our rubber [blankets] and lay down. Slept until morning when we was woke up for our coffee. After we drank that and eat our crackers, we was startled by the rattle of musketry on our front. We jumped to our places, sat there a spell, and found it was nothing but the pickets. But about half an hour and our batteries opened, the enemy’s replied, and they kept up all the forenoon. It has ceased now but expect every moment when they will open again but it is hopeful that they will keep still for them shells are very disagreeable—especially when they come so close that the wind of one will blow your hat off as one did me the 12th in that battle. I have always heard say it was an awful feeling to go into battle but never thought it was such a feeling as it really is. I can’t begin to tell nor explain but after you have been in a little while, you don’t mind it so much.

There is 230 killed, wounded and missing in the battle, 21 out of our company. Namely: May 6th, wounded, John Conners in the arm; Peter Swint [in the] leg, and William Smith [in the] hand. May 12th, wounded, Henry Beardsley [in the] leg. John Sumers [in the] hip, Colins Causdale [in the] hand, Alfred Earsley [in the] hand, Sturgis Williams [in the] hand, Dwight Ostrander [in the] leg, Philander Evans [in the] leg, Horace Todd [on the] arm, Charles Truesdell [in the] arm, Lewnis Purdy [in the] leg. Killed, John [G.] Nichols, Amos Barber, Henry Person, Abram Scales, George Pierson, William Lours. Missing, Harrison Little. These are all from our company.

After we fought the last battle, the Capt. Mc[Allister] was taken sick and went to Fredericksburg to the hospital. Col. [Benjamin F.] Tracy has resigned. The Lt. Colonel [Isaac S. Catlin] takes his place.

Ma, just imagine you are looking on a side hill and along the edge of a piece of woods along which you see a large ditch dug (or first say it has been raining a week very hard) with the dust all thrown out on one side making a bank high enough so that a man can stand on his feet and look over and occasionally you will see a small piece of [ ] stuck up. Well down in this pit or ditch you will see all along against the bank a row of guns with bayonets on and down in the bottom you will see men dying in all shapes in the mind. In imaging this, you will see the 109th and about the center of the pit you will see one with a small piece of board on his knee with pencil & paper writing. You may guess who it is. This paper I picked up in the battlefield. Some of the boys said that they saw David go through Chancellorsville the other day. You will, perhaps, know more about it than I would for I presume you hear from him and I don’t. I hope he has not been in this last battle for there was a large number of cavalry captured and poor Franky might have been one of them.

Ma, I will have to bring this to a close for the muskets begin to rattle and I am afraid I cannot send it at all. Goodbye. Write soon. — Will H. DeBell

Goodbye all until you hear from me again. Write soon.

1 George Roe (1831-1864) served with Bill DeBell in Co. A, 109th New York. They were both from Danby in Tompkins county, New York. Three of his letters were published on Spared & Shared in April 2025 (see 1863: George W. Roe to Sarah Adeline (McPherson) Roe.) In his letter of 9 September 1863 written from Annapolis, George mentions William DeBell as follows: “Reuben Youngs got his face severely burned this afternoon. It happened in this way. William DeBell—one of our tent mates—got a cannon cartridge while on patrol down to Savage & brought it to camp & hung it up in the tent. While he was out, Harrison [Tompkins] and Reuben thought they would come a joke on Bill so Rube took the powder & some matches & went out back to explode it. He placed a piece of paper on the powder & placed fire at the other end. He thought it was not going & so he moved the paper so that the wind would blow it towards the powder [and] at that instant, sparks blew into the powder & it exploded & burned his face quite badly. I think, however, he will get along without much trouble as it is not burned very deep.”


Letter 4

Near Petersburg, Virginia
June 20, 1864

Dear Ma,

Again I am seated to write a few lines to you. Since I last wrote to you, we have [illegible due to crease in paper] marching and fighting. The night of the same day I wrote my last letter, we evacuated our position & started we knew not where. We started as soon as it was dark & marched all night and all day, stopping just long enough to make a little [illegible due to crease in paper]…all we had to eat was corn & coffee and when we got to the James River we made a half of one day & drew rations and started again just night and they marched us all night and next day until about 3 o’clock when we halted and made a little coffee.

Then we was marched through a piece of woods and formed in line (the rebs had made a stand), joining on the 2nd Corps line, and at 5 o’clock we advanced or rather charged on their works. The order came “Fix bayonets, charge double quick” made, we started with a loud yell through one of the heaviest fires I ever was in, the enemy pouring the grape and canister in us from three sides from a line of forts that was built behind their breastworks. But on we went and took them all—breastworks, forts, cannon, horses and part of the men. Well we charged and fought all night and next day and next night until about 12 o’clock when we was relieved and came to this place where I now sit. It is what we call the rear.

There are three lines of battle in our front. We are resting. When we came out of the last charge, all the guns our regiment could stack was 23. A good many straggled but all we can stack now is [ ]. We was cut up very bad. We are expecting every moment when we will have to go in again. The 6th Corps is fighting now very hard on our right. There is a line of works in our front that has got to be taken and it is the opinion of most all our division that we will have to make the charge but I hope not for I don’t like these charges.

We are in sight of Petersburg now and if we have as good luck as we have had, it will soon be ours. We have got our batteries in a good position and I think they will do good execution.

Dear me, the mail carrier has just come after the mail so I will have to close hoping and praying that war will soon close & I will be permitted to return to you again. May God save, bless and protect you all. From your affectionate son. — Will H. DeBell

There has two mails come in and I have received no letter. Write often. My love to you all.

P. S. Our batteries is now throwing shells into Petersburg. We are in sight of there. We have got the rebs in such a position so that they cannot use their batteries unless they sink them in the ground so that nothing is above ground but the muzzle.


Letter 5

On picket near Petersburg, Va.
June 28, 1864

Dear Ma,

Again I am seated to write you a few lines to inform you that I am still alive and well and hope this will find you all the same. I have written two letters to you since I have received any. Our mail comes in regular every day & I can’t imagine why I don’t get them. I can’t think but what you have written but maybe I will get one tomorrow so I will wait patiently.

I came on picket night before last & have been on nearly 48 hours. I was to be relieved last night but the whole regiment came out on the picket line to stay 48 hours so I had to stay with them so that will keep me on 84 hours. I was on the advance line yesterday which is within a stones throw of the reb’s main line. They have got a very strong line. Every little ways they have a piece of artillery planted. Both armies are building and strengthening their works. Our men are preparing to siege them and I hardly think there will be much infantry fighting unless they attack our lines and that is just what we want so we don’t feel much alarmed.

The rebs have got two large forts in sight of us & our men are digging under one of them to blow it up. They are half way now and I think in the course of a week, they will lift it with powder. Our armies has got an awful strong position here. Artillery siege pieces & mortars—there is no end to them. We all expect a hard time when they commence the siege. The rebs are getting the range of us with their mortars now. Every once in a while a large fifty to a hundred pound shell will come over in our lines and burst.

In the 2nd Corps joining on our corps there is brass band playing “When this Cruel War is Over.” Oh it does sound splendid. The sun is down and it is cool & pleasant. All is quiet except the picket firing. Oh, if it was only in time of peace and I was sitting in the door of our house, just had my supper, and all the work done, oh how we could enjoy ourselves. Oh, then if I could hear a band play, I could enjoy it. But here it sounds so lonely and brings afresh all the ties of home. Sometimes when I am sitting all alone and get to thinking of my loves ones at home, then the thought of where I am comes back again. Well I won’t try to tell the feeling that comes over me for a few moments. Then after that, it will be three or four days, perhaps a week, before I think of it again. But enough of this.

I expect we will have a lively time tonight with the mortars from both sides for our men has got ever so many of them (mortars) planted and I think they will open them as soon as it is dark & it is so near that now I will have to stop writing until tomorrow. So good night.

Wednesday, June 29th & 4 p.m. Again I am seated. I have just had a good nap and finished a part of a can of beans that I had left from my dinner and I feel some better. It was not as I expected last night—about the shelling. All was quiet except the pickets. The Rebs kept up a steady fire all night which made it very disagreeable for their bullets come fairly closae—especially to where I lay. I have got a little post about ten feet from the company all alone by myself. It would be very pleasant if it was not for them (the bullets). It is a little hole dug in the ground about two feet deep and long enough to lie down in with the dirt all thrown upon one side for a breastwork. Then up on the top of that, I have a heavy log laid with holes under to look through. Then I have my piece of tent & rubber blanket put together for a shelter or shade and my wool blanket under me.

Our regiment grows smaller and smaller as the time passes on. Most every day, one or more of our men is killed. Last Saturday a man in our company by the name og John Cortright [of Owego] was killed and one in Co. K day before yesterday by the name of Edward [Edwin] Wilber [of Owego] and another wounded. I did not hear his name. And today one of Co. F was shot through the right eye and was killed instantly. Take our sick and all together our regiment won’t number over 400 and when we came in the field, it was 1015 strong so you can see that we have been cut up pretty bad.

Our men has just sent mortars and the rebs is replying but the shells from both sides goes over us. Well Ma, it is getting late and I will have to close for we are to be relieved as soon as it is dark and I will have to get my supper and pack up my things. I wish you all could take supper with me tonight. I am going to have fried pork, fried hard tack, ad coffee. But I think I had rather take supper with you but I hope you will eat just as though I was there & I will try and eat just as though you was here. Do all of you write to me often. I bid you all an affectionate goodbye until you hear from me again. I remain your affectionate son, — Will H. DeBell

Washington D. C.
Co. A, 109th N. Y. S. V.
1st Brigade, 3rd Division, 9th Army Corps

P. S. I give my love to all the girls and tell them to write. It is quite lonesome here in the company for me now for all of my old tent mates is away. George is sick, off to the hospital. Also [William] H. Forsyth and D[aniel] McPherson is Co. cook. He only comes to the company once in a while.


Letter 6

Still on the Front Line near Petersburg, Va.
July 3rd 1864

Dear Ma,

Again I am seated to write to you. I received your long looked for letter yesterday and was very glad to hear from you and hear you was well. I am well and doing as well as can be expected. It is all quiet in our front but on the right and left, there is some fighting every day. But perhaps you hear of the news as quick or quicker than we do. I hear it rumored that the siege is to commence tomorrow but we can’t tell much about it. I hardly know how to commence or finish this unless I commence back and give you the details of my diary from the time we left Cold Harbor.

Sunday, June 12th. Still on duty as supporting picket of the fort. There is great excitement today and it is said the 9th Corps evacuates their position.

13th—As I expected, last night as soon as darkness covered our movements, moved out in a southern direction. Marched all night.

14th—Today crossed the Chickahominy and at night found ourselves near the James River where we encamped for the night.

15th—Today are lying where we camped last night, resting out. D[aniel] H. McPherson and me have just been down to the river bathing. Swam to the island, Then drew 4 days rations—coffee, pork, hard tack.

16th—Last night was routed out just dark, crossed the [James] River on pontoons, traveled all night and all day today—a forced march. Have reached the rebs’ works near Petersburg & formed in line of battle.

Friday, 17th—It will never be forgotten by the 9th A. C. Fought all day and charged on the Rebs four times and lost nearly all the remainder of the regiment. After the fight, we had only 37 men to stack arms.

18th—Still fighting and gradually gaining ground although it costs heavy and blood and life. Petersburg is plain to be seen from the parts we took from the Johnnies.

19th—Have been lying in the woods facing the enemy. No fighting in our corps today except the pickets.

20th—Last night charged across the railroad and took the heights beyond but again fell back into the woods where we now are.

21st—Today have had general inspection and every regiment in our Brigade has orders to be ready to move at a moment’s notice.

22nd—Moved some distance to the right last night but still on the same line of works.

23rd—We are still holding our position. I was on picket yesterday and was relieved last night. All quiet along the lines. Under marching orders.

24th—Last night were relieved by the 10th Corps and moved some distance to the left. We are next to the front line and are supported by our Colored Division.

25th—Started constructing a new line of works or rather pits. The enemy’s sharpshooters annoy us incessantly.

26th—This morning a man in our company by the name of John Cortright 1 was shot on picket line and died in two hours. I helped carry him off the picket line.

27th—Today our Colored Division has been busy filling bags with sand. They are to be used for breastworks.

1 John Cortright (1816-1864) was a 40 year-old farmer from Owego, Tioga county, New York, when he enlisted in December 1863 in Co. A, 109th New York Infantry.


Letter 7

Near Petersburg, Virginia
August 10th 1864

Dear Sister,

I am seated in a bomb proof to write you a few lines as it is raining and it is very lonesome here on the picket line. We came here last Saturday night and expect to stay until next Saturday night. We are all in great fear here on the line for the rebs is undermining us as we did them. Our men are countermining as fast as they can but the rebs has several days the start of us and we are all afraid they will blow us up before we can stop them. But we have got stay and run our chances the same as in battle.

I presume you have read in the papers before this time about the undermining of the reb fort. Well our regiment was on the picket line at the time it was hoisted (the same line we are on now). Well the night before is was hoisted, as I said before, about 5 o’clock in the afternoon, we had orders to be ready to move at a moments notice and we supposed we was agoing to be relieved for we had been on the line 15 days. Well we got ready and sat around until dark and the expected relief did not come. Some of the boys fell asleep and some sat talking and wondering why the relief did not come. I was numbered with the sleepers.

Well, about 11 o’clock p.m., I was woke up and ordered to report to Headquarters. I did so and found a squad there and we was sent to Brigade Headquarters after spades and picks. Well then I began to smell the rat (I knew that the fort was all ready to blow up.) Well, we got them (the spades & picks), came back, and distributed them among the companies. Then I lay down and soon fell asleep with my things all on and when I awoke, it was 3 a.m. and there was a line of men formed in our rear in the same pits and we all thought sure they was the long wished for relief. But not so.

The explosion that created the Crater. From a contemporary sketch by Alfred Waud entitled “Before Petersburg at sunrise, July 30th 1864”

We had just got in line when to our astonishment we felt the ground rise up under our feet but we looked over the works and —– oh —— the awfullest sight that ever man beheld was there to be seen. Men’s heads, legs, arms, hands and whole bodies, artillery rails, mortars flying in the air. I took but one look and turned my head. But to see a sight which made another chill run through me, I saw a heavy line of battle moving forward. Then I knew for certain that we had to charge. On they came over our works. They went with a terrible yell (as soon as they got over our works in the line of battle, all the artillery along our line opened) and into the heap of ruins they went. And they had just got there when the rebs recovered from their panic and they opened all along their line.

Then the order [came] to our ears, “Forward 109th!” I looked in the direction the order came from and saw Col. [Isaac] Catlin 1 up on the breastworks swinging his sword, crying out, “Forward Boys!” and over we went. Well, I have been in several battles and I never was under such a heavy fire before. Well, a great many never reached the fort and oh! another such a sight. Men cut in all sorts of pieces and twisted in all shapes, some with their heads sticking out of the dirt, some with a hand and arm out, some with their legs out. It was awful. But we went to work and made good use of the “shubels & picks” in rescuing some of the rebs from being buried alive. Well, we got out several and took a number of others prisoners. Then we rallied on the next line and stood and fought about three hours, the rebs making several desperate charges to retake the line.

Then on came our colored troops with a rush and we thought sure we could walk right into Petersburg and we could [have] had the black buggers stood up to their work, but they was cowards and run and thus we lost our hold. As soon as they run, the General gave orders to retreat. Well, all went back or I say all. They all started back (but a great many never got there) but about 8 hundred, and six of them was our company, myself included. Well we stood there and fought and tried to hold the works but we could not see that very plain for we could see the rebs massing their forces and we knew we would have to all be taken prisoners or run the risk of getting shot in going back to our line. The rebs had a cross fire from both sides on us when we went across there.

Well, we six made up our minds to be taken and we sat down waiting for them to come when I happened to think about the niggers and about Fort Pillow [where] no quarter was shown them there nor their officers and I thought perhaps it would be the same here. So I spoke to the boys about it and they said we must run across the field to our works. Run for life, [indeed]. Well I was to take the lead. I raised up and saw the rebs had started. Then there was no time to be lost so over the lot of the fort I went and dropped down between two dead men and looked across the field towards our line. I could see it plain—about 40 rods [over 200 yards] distance. Two men started from just ahead of me and was shot before they reached the works. Then I was most discouraged but something told me I could reach them in safety. I raised up and looked around me again and could hear the enemy coming and saw some photographs, some of which I sent in my last letter to Ma lying on the ground near me. I picked them up and took one more look across the field and started and thank God, I reached our lines in safety and although I had several close calls, I was not hurt. When I was about halfway across the field, running as fast as I could, a ball came and cut my cup off of my haversack. That was the same as a blow of a whip on a horse. It made me go a little faster.

But I am alright and am sitting here in what we call a bum [bomb] proof to protect us from shells. It is a whole dug in the ground and heavy timbers over and dirt on them, some like a potato hole. Just think you see me sitting on a knapsack writing on a hard tack box, the boys lying around me in all shapes, heads and pints cross ways and every other way.

Well my paper is most gone and I am agoing to close and see if I can find ay place to curl down and sleep. I wouldn’t mind (if I could just as well as not getting in one of your beds to pass the remainder of the night. I bet I could sleep onyour parlor floor but I guess I will get along some way here in my hole. At least I will try it very shortly. Now this is the 2nd letter I have written to you and have none in return…

I like to forgot to say that the other 5 boys got out safe into our lines. If you want me to write again, you must send me some stamps as it is very hard to get them here. Write and tell me all the particulars concerning the fair maids &c. &c. of Ithaca. David & Frank also. I wrote to them some time ago but have received no answer. When you answer this, you must think up enough to full up two sheets at least. Now remember. Well here goes for a sleep so good night. May God protect you all. Goodbye.

1 Isaac Catlin was Promoted to full colonel on July 29, 1864, he led the 109th New York in the Battle of the Crater at Petersburg, Virginia, the next day. During the battle, he was seriously wounded but returned to the field and continued to lead his regiment until being struck a second time. The second wound necessitated the amputation of his right leg. For this action, he was given a brevet promotion to major general on March 13, 1865, and awarded the Medal of Honor several decades later, on January 13, 1899.

Col. Isaac Catlin lost a leg leading the 109th New York Infantry at the Battle of the Crater.

Letter 8

[Editor’s Note: The following letter was written by William A. Hance, the son of John L. Hance and Almira Bruster, who also served in Co. A, 109th New York Infantry. He enlisted at Danby on 12 August 1862 and mustered out with the company on 5 June 1865. His letter informs Hattie DeBell of the death of her brother Bill, killed in the Battle of Weldon Railroad on 19 August 1864 and of his burial on the battlefield.]

Headquarters Ist Brigade, 3rd Division, 9th A. C.
On the Weldon R. R., near Petersburg, Va.,
August 23, 1864

Mrs. DeBell,

Dear Madam, It is with a sad heart I seize upon this moment of spare time to address a few lines to you. I have news to tell of a nature most melancholy. William is dead. He fell in the bloody charge made by the Rebels on the 19th to recover the railroad which was taken from them the day before.

At the time he was struck, he was in advance of the company, supposing we had one line of battle between them and the Rebels. He soon discovered the mistake. Taking off his hat and swinging it around his head, he cried out, “Come on boys, they are Johnnys!” Those were the last words he ever uttered [before] he cruel messenger of death struck him down. Striking his right arm, [the ball] passed through, glanced and entered his side, passing through his lung, killing him instantly. By his death, I have lost a much loved friend and Co. A one of its best and bravest soldiers. We have been separated a great portion of the time since the opening of this bloody campaign but have occasionally met and spoken together of home and friends far away and anticipated the happiness in store for us when this cruel war should end. But alas, he is gone and all our bright hopes with him. And I am left to tell the gloomy intelligence.

William was a good soldier—always to be found at his post, discharging his duty nobly and manfully. His place in the company, as well as in the memory of those who knew him in this life, can never be filled until we have followed him to that same mysterious end. Allow me in behalf of Co. A to tender you our heartfelt sympathies in your bereavement. Having lost two brothers in the same manner, I can sympathize with you. But I suppose I cannot realize a mother’s feelings on such a subject. Asking you to excuse this hastily written sketch, I subscribe myself, respectfully yours, Wm. A. Hance, 1st Brigade Band, 3rd Division.

P. S. I have William’s testament and pocket book which I will forward to you the first opportunity. — W. A. Hance.


Letter 9

[Editor’s Note: The following letter was written by William A. Hance who also served in Co. A, 109th New York Infantry. He enlisted at Danby on 12 August 1862 and mustered out with the company on 5 June 1865. His letter informs Hattie DeBell of the death of her brother Bill, killed in the Battle of Weldon Railroad on 19 August 1864 and of his burial on the battlefield.]

Headquarters, Ist Brigade, 3rd Division, 9th A. C.
Near Petersburg, Va.
September 13, 1864

Miss Hattie,

Having a few moments to spare, the first I have had since the receipt of yours containing inquiries concerning your poor brother, I concluded to devote them in answering them as well as I can. I was out to the regiment the 11th and made inquiries of all I saw that I thought would know anything of him. All I could learn was that another regiment were detailed to bury the dead, but that Will was buried by our pioneers & who they were, I could not find out. There are but few of the boys left and nearly all of my acquaintances are either dead or wounded or sick. I shall try and find where his grave is. I do not know whether the Rebels or our men hold the ground for since the battle, things have changed. Our lines have been formed on the most advantageous ground and our division has moved several times since. We are now about three miles from where he fell.

But rest assured Miss Hattie, I will make every effort to find his resting place and will mark it so in case you should ever want to find the spot, there will be something to show you the spot where your brave soldier brother sleeps.

You ask how many battles Will was engaged in. There were eight pitched battles, 1 Wilderness, 2 Spotsylvania, 3 Bethesda Church, 4 near Hanover Church, 5 Cold Harbor, 6 near Petersburg, June 18th, 7 July 30th near Petersburg [The Crater], 8 Weldon R. R. Aug. 19th, besides numerous skirmishes on the picket line. After all he had passed through unharmed, it seemed doubly hard to believe that he could be taken down by a traitor’s bullet. You inquired about D[aniel] H. MePherson. The last I saw of him was the 17th of July. Your brother was helping him to the hospital. He was taken with typhoid fever [and] he died a short time after. I will inform you of whatever I learn concerning Will. Asking you to excuse this, I will close by presenting my best respects to your mother. I remain your friend, — W[illiam] A. Hance