1862: Charles A. Wood to Maria Dean

The following letters were written by Charles A. Wood (1838-1864) who was born in Poughkeepsie, New York and later moved to Willimantic, Connecticut, where he worked as a clerk before the Civil War. He mustered into Co. H of the 7th Connecticut Volunteers on 5 September 1861 as a first sergeant. He was promoted to second lieutenant in March 1863. On 28 May 1863, during a furlough in May 1863, he was married to his sweetheart, Maria Dean—the recipient of these letters. He was promoted to first lieutenant of Co. G in early May 1864, but died shortly after on 15 May 1864 from wounds received at the Battle of Drewey’s Bluff the previous day.

The letters, written days apart, contain descriptions of the brief (45 minute), but important, Battle of Successionville on 16 June 1862. Charles provides yet another account of the ill-advised attack on the Tower Battery, later named Fort Lamar, constructed by the Confederates on James Island. Ironically, in the following letters, Charles makes it clear to his sweetheart that he would rather die than be a cripple. He would eventually get his wish. On 14 May 1864, during the Battle of Drewry’s Bluff, Wood was mortally wounded when a shell severed his left leg. An amputation was performed but proved to be in vain, and he died from shock the following day.

Two days after the battle at Drewry’s Bluff, Charles’ captain, John B. Dennis, wrote to Maria the sad news of her husband’s death: “It is with feelings of pain that I am compelled to write you that sad news of your husband’s fate at the battle of Chester Hill [Drewey’s Bluff]. While nobly doing his duty, he was mortally wounded by a shell from the enemy, it severing his left leg entirely, but we thought that he would come out all right. But the constant fatigue & exposure which he had undergone…had so weakened him that he could not stand the shock. His leg was amputated and he died the next morning the 15th of May. You will mourn him as your lost husband and we all mourn him as brave officer and good comrade…. P.S. Perhaps you did not know that he was just promoted to a 1st Lieut. Which was the case.”

[Note: These letters are from the personal archive of Richard Weiner and were transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Union troops charge on Rebel grape & canister at the Battle of Secessionville, 16 June 1862

Letter 1

Addressed to Miss Maria Dean, Willimantic, Conn.

James Island, South Carolina
June 17th 1862

My dear, dear Maria,

I write to let you know that I am safe after returning from a hard fought battle of yesterday the 16th. We were repulsed with heavy loss. The battle was fought about two miles from our camp at a strong fort 1 the Rebels had built. The first gun was fired at 4 o’clock in the morning. The intention was to take the fort by storming. The 8th Michigan was ordered to charge on it and they done it nobly [but] they was repulsed. 2 The 7th Connecticut was then ordered to charge and went up to the fort on a double quick but we was repulsed. They cut us down like grass. Other regiments was then ordered forward but it was no use. It was impossible for us to get in the fort.

The 79th New York made a gallant charge but was repulsed. Our general, seeing it was impossible to take the fort at the point of the bayonet, ordered at retreat. I think our regiment is the only one that came off the field in good order. The loss in our regiment is 90 killed & wounded, in Company H, 11 wounded, none killed, but probably one or two will die. The Willimantic Boys suffered the most in our company. Corp. Charles E. Hooks has lost his left arm. Tell John to tell his Mother when he sees her. David Cronan, Michael Flynn will probably lose an arm each. Benjamin Sanford is wounded in the head. All I have mentioned are from Willimantic. Our Brigade went in battle with less than 2,000 men and lost 373 killed, wounded, and missing. It is composed of the 7th Conn., 28th Mass., 8th Michigan, 79th New York. I have not heard the loss of the other Brigades yet but they will probably equal our own. 3 The [1st] Connecticut Battery [under Capt. Alfred P. Rockwell] done very good service. We helped them to work their guns.

Dear Maria, it is impossible to give a correct account of the battle now. I will in a day or two. I knew you would hear of the battle and be anxious to know if I was dead or alive. Thank God I escaped uninjured while others fell all around me. I am sorry we are defeated. I feel very bad about it but we done all the men could do. I cried when the order came to retreat. I wanted to go forward and gain the day. How I ever came off the field alive in a miracle. The bullets whistled by my ears like hail stones. They never fired on us until we got within about 300 yards of them. Then they poured grape & canister shot at us until we were obliged to fall back. 4 It was murder to march men up to these cannons as we were but the men went. They did not flinch.

Someone will be blamed for this foolish movement. 5 We were ordered up in front of their cannon to be murdered with no possible chance of success. The Rebels bayoneted our wounded while they lay on the field. One was taken [prisoner] in the act. I understand he is to be hung today.

Dear Maria, I am so thankful my life was spared. I would write more but I am very much fatigued. I need rest. Goodbye, my dear. Don’t worry about me. I will be all right again in a day or two. You will probably read a full account of the battle in the newspapers. I will write again soon. I was acting 2nd Lieutenant in the battle. The boys say I done my duty. I did not run. I am ready to do it again if they will only give us good generals to lead us on.

Direct to Co. H, 7th Conn. Vols., Hilton Head, South Carolina

Forever yours. 10,000 kisses for you. — Your dear Charlie

1 The earthen fort constructed by the Rebels at Secessionville was built in the rough shape of an “M” bordered on each side by marsh. There were nine cannon mounted in the fort consisting of an 8-inch Columbiad in the center, flanked on either side with a 24-pounder rifled gun, 1 24-pound smoothbore, and an 18-pounder. Two additional 24-pounder rifled guns were mounted on his northern flank. The fort was so situated that any opposing force advancing on it had to compress its attacking lines or get bogged down in the marshy mud. [American Battlefield Trust]

2 Capt. George Profit of Co. K, 8th Michigan Infantry survived that battle and wrote his father later the same day: “The news of today has been solemnized by the precious lives of hundreds of brave men, and the hand of the just historian will have just cause to tremble as it records the history of the Battle of James Island that is so indelibly written in the sacred blood of our brothers and sisters. In my tears of sorrow, I can but rejoice and bless God that I yet remain to tell the tale of woe. While I write, my eyes are filled with the cries and moans of men in agonizing pain. May a peaceful future reward these, their days of sorrow.” To read the entire letter, see The Sorrows of an ill-spent Day: A Wolverine at Secessionville, Dan Masters’ Civil War Chronicles, 28 Feb. 2021.

After Harvey Martin of the 7th New Hampshire had an opportunity to speak to some of his friends from the 3rd New Hampshire who had taken part in the attack on Tower Battery, he wrote his uncle that they reported it “a very hard battle and the Rebels were superior by a large force. They stated that they [the Rebels] had three batteries. When drove from one, they had a road prepared under ground so they could retreat back to the next battery without being seen so they had all the advantage of our troops. They state there was about one thousand of our men killed and wounded. Now they have ordered our troops off of the island and they are mounting their gun boats and are going to shell them out. They say that the island is so surrounded by gunboats that they cannot get off of the island without being blown up and I wish that none come out alive. ” [See 1862: Harvey H. Martin to Samuel Osborne on Spared & Shared 7]

3 Among the other regiments ordered into the fight at Secessionville were the Roundheads of the 100th Pennsylvania Volunteers. In his diary entries for 16-19 June 1862, Christopher C. Lobingier, a member of Co. A, wrote:

Monday, June 16, 1862—Weather very cloudy. Appearance of rain. Early in the morning the pickets were called in and ordered to join the regiment which had passed before daylight to make an attack. I started to follow after and join the regiment but was unsuccessful. Several had tried before me and could not get in it during the fight. The fight soon commenced. Our men made several bayonet charges. They drove the enemy once, I think, from their rifle pits and tried several times to drive him from the fort [Tower Battery] at the point of the bayonet but was unsuccessful every attempt. Our loss and slaughter was terrible. Our men were cut down like grass before the scythe. Retreated in good order.

Tuesday, June 17, 1862—Weather very cloudy, cold, wet and disagreeable. I never saw more disagreeable and wet weather. Very cold for the climate. It reminded me of our cold March or April rains at home. We were obliged to crawl in our narrow tents and remain there all day with scarcely room to turn. The Michigan 8th lost the most in the late battle. They were all cut to pieces. Highlanders loss was very heavy. It is thought the Roundheads lost less than any regiment engaged. One member of Co. A was shot through the hand. One of the Highlanders and one Roundhead was buried today. Both died of their wounds.

Wednesday, June 18, 1862—Weather very cloudy in the morning but ere long the clouds disappeared and then was quite a change from yesterday. The sun shone forth and the day was pleasant and we were so fortunate as to get our clothes dry. I started early in the morning in search of a haversack. Went some two or three hundred yards the other side of where we had the skirmish. I found an old one lying by one of the houses where we were stationed when skirmishing. Generals [Henry] Benham and [Isaac I.] Stevens were out viewing things. Benham said he would not attempt again to take the forts at the point of the bayonet but would hold our position.

Thursday, June 19, 1862—Weather cloudy but a fine sea breeze blew all day and therefore the weather was very pleasant. Just before sun setting we had a very heavy shower of rain but it continued but a short time. I was idle all day—nothing to do. Everything quiet. No firing or shelling since the battle. The Secesh prisoners and our wounded soldiers were taken to Hilton Head. The big gun carriages were taken up today. A flag of truce was taken yesterday to the enemy. They said our dead were buried and the wounded (45) taken to Charleston. They sent a flag and visited to exchange prisoners. It was rumored through camp that Richmond had not fallen yet but on the 13th, our army had it surrounded within 3 miles.” [The 1862 Civil War Diary of Christopher Columbus Lobingier, Co. A, 100th Pennsylvania Roundheads]

Another “Roundhead” named Edward R. Miles of Co. E, 100th Pennsylvania Vols., did not mince words when he wrote his father on 24 June 1862 that, “We are planting siege guns to shell them out of the forts. I don’t know when we will make another attack on them. I don’t want it to be another slaughter like the last one was. Our General made a perfect botch of it that day. It was General Benham. He is under arrest for it now. Old General Hunter ordered him to Hilton Head & arrested him for running the infantry up on the fort when he knowed they couldn’t take it with infantry. We lost 1,000 men out of two brigades in two hours fighting. General Stevens said it was hotter fire than Bull Run was. I never saw such a time [as] it was and there didn’t a man run off the field. When we retreated, we walked off as cool as if we was going up to breakfast & not a bit of dodging about it.” He then spoke of the death of his friend Jimmy Parker. “I haven’t [heard] anything about him since the fight. I miss him as much as I would a brother. We have drilled together for a year now. He was as good [a] soldier as ever was. When we was going out that morning to fight, he was as merry as anybody & said we didn’t know who would come back again. We double quicked a mile & a half up to the fort right in front of six cannons & I don’t know how many infantry & they let loose on us with grape shot & canister & log chains & bottles & pikes, nails, & everything they could get into the cannons. It just mowed our men down like a shot gun would a flock of pigeons. Jimmy Parker’s leg was shot off with a grape shot by the thigh & he was left on the field when we had to retreat [where] the Rebels would get him. Some of the boys saw him when we was on the retreat & he was almost dead. He shook hands with them & told them to shift for themselves to keep the Rebels from getting them. There was 4 of our company killed & 9 wounded but some of them was very slightly hurt.” [See 1862: Edward Riddle Miles to William Miles on Spared & Shared 19.]

One of the boys of the 8th Michigan killed in the Battle of Secessionville on 16 June 1862 was Leroy M. Dodge of Co. B. His body was never recovered from the battlefield and he was probably one of the Union soldiers buried in a mass grave by the Confederates. See 1861: Leroy M. Dodge to Samuel Green.

4 Most reports state that the attacking Union lines were within two hundred yards of the fort when Col. Lamar ordered the Columbia to fire. It blasted “grapeshot, nails, iron chain and glass directly at the Union center, tearing a great hole through the Federal lines.” [Battle of Secessionville, American Battlefield Trust]

A letter by Edward B. Sage of Co. E, 7th Connecticut published on Spared & Shared 18 claimed that the rebels “use most anything to fill up their cannon—scraps of iron and bottles—anything to pull death. The air in front of the battery was filled with everything to cut and slay.” [see 1862: Edward B. Sage to Calvin Sage]

5 Maj. General David Hunter relieved Brig. Gen. Henry Benham of his command for disobedience after the battle, citing the 10 June directive forbidding an attack on Charleston or Fort Johnson, and placed under arrest. On 27 June, Hunter ordered the abandonment of James Island and by 7 July, all Union forces were gone. A Judge Advocate General of the US Army later decided that Benham’s attack was justified and not prohibited by the directive but Benham would never be given a field command again. He maintained that the battle was a “reconnaissance in force.”


Letter 2

Addressed to Miss Marie Dean, Willimantic, Conn.

James Island, South Carolina
June 20th 1862
8 miles from Charleston & in sight of Fort Sumter

My Dear Maria,

I wrote you on the 17th stating that I had just returned from a hard fought battle. I wrote in a great hurry and did not give you a good idea of the nature of the battle. I was very much fatigued & completely tired out at the time I wrote but I feel a great deal better now & ready for another fight.

On the morning of the 16th at one o’clock, all the regiments on this island was got ready to march with one day’s rations and 60 rounds of cartridges. We did not know if we was to go in battle or where we was to go but it didn’t make any difference. A soldier is obliged to go where he is ordered even if it is in the cannon’s mouth.

Everything being ready, we moved slowly up towards the Rebels lines. We first met their pickets about three-quarters of a mile from their fort, (the 8th Michigan & 7th Connecticut Regiments were on the advance). Their pickets fired on us, killing three of our men. It made our boys wild to see the men lay dead at their feet. We quickly returned the fire, killing one Rebel and then we charged on them. They run like sheep but we overtook them and captured them.

We kept moving slowly forward until within about six hundred yards of the fort when we charged bayonets and went up to the fort on a double quick. They did not fire on us until we was about 300 yards from the fort. Then they opened on us with canister & grapeshot & cut our men down like grass. But we did not flinch. We marched right up to the fort & tried to climb up on the parapet and get in the fort but it was no use. It was almost impossible to get on the parapet. And when a man did, they would run a bayonet through him and push him back into the ditch below.

Capt. John B. Dennis, Co. H, 7th Conn. Vols. —“I never saw him but once on the battlefield during the fight and that was when the first gun was fired.”

Capt. [Edwin S.] Hitchcock [Co. G] of our regiment is the only officer I saw succeed in getting on the parapet & he was killed almost instantly. He was a brave and good captain and his company mourn his loss. Everybody says that Capt. [John B.] Dennis run and is a coward. Gen. Wright saw him running off the field and stopped him & took his name and told him he would attend to his care hereafter. All I have to say is that I never saw him but once on the battlefield during the fight and that was when the first gun was fired.

At one time I could not muster but 8 men in our company. Col. [Joseph Roswell] Hawley come along and asked me where the rest of our company was. I told him I had just sent 5 men off wounded. He asked me where Capt. Dennis was. I told him I did not know. I told him all the men I could muster was 8 and I had kept with the colors all the time. He said you have done right, stick by them and never give them up. Col. Hawley is a brave man. Nobody can say I run or retreated until I had orders to. I would rather die than be disgraced (would you not).

An artist’s rendering of the Battle of Secessionville appearing in the Regimental History of the Seventh Connecticut by Stephen W. Walkley (1905). Rockwell’s 1st Connecticut Battery of 4 guns may be the battery in the foreground, set up in a cotton field.

At one time I thought we would all be killed before we could get off the field. Our regiment fell back about half a mile in rather bad order but the fire from the fort was too hot for any human beings to endure. We rallied again & formed in line and marched up to cover the [1st] Connecticut Battery that was hot at work throwing shells at the Rebels. We was ordered to lay down and not expose ourselves to the enemy’s fire anymore than was necessary. I tell you, Maria, the shot and shell whizzed over our heads like hail stones. We helped them to work their guns until they got out of ammunition, then we were obliged to withdraw which we was very sorry to do with the disgrace of being beaten. We have not lost ground, but we have been repulsed with considerable loss.

“Our men done well. They done all that men could do. They marched up to the fort like heroes and was shot down like dogs.”

–Sgt. Charles A. Wood, Co. H, 7th Connecticut Vols., 20 June 1862

It was a foolish movement to march on their batteries with so small a force as we had anyhow. It is impossible to take the fort at the point of the bayonet. Our men done well. They done all that men could do. They marched up to the fort like heroes and was shot down like dogs.

Saturday morning, June 21st. My dearest, a mail came in last evening as I was writing to you. It brought me a letter from you & one from home. Oh how glad I was to get them. I concluded not to write any more until morning so I will finish my war story first.

As we marched from the field, we met stragglers & wounded men all along the route to our camp. The first thing to be done after returning to our camp was to call the roll to see how many men was missing. Twenty-five was missing from our company at first but they have all come in. None of of our company were taken prisoners but 11 were wounded. Six of them have been sent to the General Hospital at Hilton Head.

Corp. Charles E. Hooks, Co. H, 7th Conn. Vols. following his discharge—“A brave man. He done his duty without fear even after he lost his arm.”

Corporal [Charles E.] Hooks will be sent home as soon as he is able to go. Hooks is a brave man. He done his duty without fear even after he lost his [left] arm. He was unwilling to leave the field but the boys picked him up and carried him off the field. Such sights as I saw on the 16th of June, I never wish to see again. It was horrible to see the poor wounded & bleeding men lay on the ground asking for help. I gave many a poor wounded fellow a drink of water out of my canteen. Anyone would naturally think to see killed & wounded men falling around you it would frighten a person, but it does not. It only makes you more anxious to fight. You forget all fear. It is so with me at least & I have heard others say the same thing.

The loss in our regiment is 90 killed, wounded and missing. The Rebel loss is probably as heavy as our own. Some of the other regiments say the 7th run but it is not so. Some of the men run, I know, but take the regiment as a body, it done well. It was the only regiment that marched off the field with a Battalion front.

“I thought I would rather be killed than lose an arm or be wounded in any way to cripple me for life. I should be obliged to give you up for you would not want a cripple for a husband. And if I cannot have you for my wife, I do not care to live.”

— Sgt. Charles A. Wood, Co. H, 7th Conn. Vols., 21 June 1862

Dear Marie, I am so glad I was not killed or wounded. I often thought of you on the battlefield. I wondered what you would say if you knew where I was & what I was doing. I thought I would rather be killed than lose an arm or be wounded in any way to cripple me for life. I should be obliged to give you up for you would not want a cripple for a husband. And if I cannot have you for my wife, I do not care to live.

Maria, how I wish I was with you. How happy I would be. Will the time ever come when we are to wed? I hope it may come soon. I do want to see you so very much. You asked me if I was going in my brother’s store again if I returned. Maria, I hardly know what I will do if I return. I have not made any calculations but one thing is certain, I want you to be wherever I am. I do not want to be separated from you again. We will get married as soon as I get home if you are willing. Let me know if you are willing to or not. I think if you are willing to wait so long for me, I ought to marry you at the first possible opportunity, don’t you think so? I wish you was my wife now. Then you would network in the mill. I am so sorry for you but what can I do. Will you do as I say, Maria?

If you only will, you need not work in the mill another day. Now dear Maria, do not feel offended at what I say. If I thought you would, I would not make the proposition. you know if we were together we would get married but it is impossible for me to be with you at present so let us consider ourselves as husband and wife (will you?). If you will, you will do me a very great kindness. I feel very sorry to have you work in the mill…I will send you money to use in any way you see fit. I know you have money but I want you to use mine. Now dear Maria, for God’s sake, do not take any wrong meaning to what I say. May God strike me dead if I would ever wrong you in any way…

Dear Maria, if you will stop working in the mill, you will oblige me very much indeed. You say Mary Abell has left the mill now. Why don’t you? You are not strong enough to work so many hours as they require their help to work in the mill. You will make yourself sick again. Do be careful of yourself, won’t you? I hope when you receive this letter you will inform the agent of the Thread Mill that you are done working in a mill.

You asked me if the weather down here is as warm now as it is in July and August up North. Yes, today is as warm as any day I ever saw in July or August in Connecticut. I wish we might be ordered North before it gets any warmer but I see no prospect yet. We have got some hard fighting to do here before we can go home. But we can do it. We are not discouraged because we were repulsed last Monday. We are working night and day building batteries to shell them out of their entrenchments. Charleston must fall and they know it. But they hate to give it up to Massachusetts & Connecticut troops.

We went up to their lines with a flag of truce the next day after the battle to ask them if they had buried our dead. They was very polite and acted quite human. They said we fought well and marched up to their batteries like heroes. They say we never can take their batteries. Wait awhile and we will show them.

Dear Maria, I have written quite a long letter and I must close. Please answer this as soon as you receive it and let me know if you will stop work in the mill. I hope you will & comply with my request in regard to other matters if you take what I have said just as I mean. I know you will comply with my requests. Give my love to your Mother. What is John’s baby’s name?

From your ever dear Charlie. Here is a kiss. Direct to Co. H, 7th Connecticut Vols. Hilton Head, S. C.

1859: Willard R. Wetherell to Darius B. Wetherell

The following letter was written by Willard R. Wetherell (1832-1863), the eldest son of Bradford Wetherell (1803-1887) and Sophronia Randall (1809-1892) of Russell, St. Lawrence County, New York. He wrote the letter to his younger brother, Darius B. Wetherell (1838-1930) just as he was reaching his maturity of 21.

In his letter, datelined from Harmony, Vernon county, Wisconsin, on 13-16 January 1859, 27 year-old Willard stresses to his brother the importance of a good education and congratulates him on staying in school. He also speaks of the Pikes Peak gold fever that has struck the inhabitants of Vernon county and of the numerous offers he has had to rent cheaply the farms of many of those desiring to take off for the gold fields. His letter says the folks were inflicted with the “yellow fever” which I infer to be gold fever and says that that one of those affected was Alexander Lowrie (1839-1880) who would later serve as a captain in the 6th Wisconsin, part of the vaunted Iron Brigade.

The second half of the letter is devoted to giving his younger brother some advise should he decide to leave the family farm and seek his fortune in the world. He ends by reassuring him that should he leave home, he can always return to the family circle where he will be welcome.

Two years later, Willard would enlist and be mustered in as a corporal in Co. D, 60th New York Infantry on 30 October 1861 at Ogdensburgh, New York. He died on 12 March 1863 at the general Hospital in Harper’s Ferry, a victim of chronic diarrhea.

[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

Harmony, Wisconsin
January 13th 1859

Dear Brother,

I have once more had the pleasure of reading a letter from you bearing date of 23rd. I was extremely glad to hear from you & also to learn that you are attending school this winter. The older you grow, the more you will see the need of an education. See to it. Improve your time well, as you will see the time when you will feel sorry.

There has been good sleighing since it commenced but not much snow—not over 8 or 10 inches at a time. We had one week of severe weather the first of the month (January) but is quite mild now.

I am a boarding at H. Allen’s. He is a Yankee of the pure stock. He is a teaching school about 2 miles from here (in Newton). I attend the evening schools which is more agreeable than it was last winter (6 miles from white folks, alone that half the time). I am not making a great deal this winter. I have been old & steady for 2 years but I am now getting young again. The principle fever here at the present time is the yellow fever. It is very contagious. Almost every man, boy, & some of the women have got it. Barlow, F. Banger, 3 of the Allens (Martin, Levi, and Truman A.) & also Alexander Lowrie & hundreds of others I could mention if you and I were acquainted with them. But strange to say, there is no deaths among them.

They are a going from this place in companies to the gold diggings in Kansas. They think of starting in March, take oxen and wagons and provisions enough for 6 or 8 months (of course they will get rich in that time). It is about 11 or 12 hundred miles from here. Almost every man wants to rent his farm. I have had three after me to take their farms. They offer to find me everything (board & washing), seed, team, &c., and yes, a woman too, and give me one-third. And I have almost a mind to take a farm (as I can’t go too). I do not believe that half will go that say they are. If they do, there will be a great many widows.

James Lowrie has taken the gristmill at S[pringville]. The old miller and all his boys are a going. I hope they will do well but I am afraid they will not all of them.

January 16th. I have just received a letter from Loran. He is is Oak Grove yet getting hoop poles at 4 dollars per thousand. He appears to be in good spirits. Says the gold fever is raging there to an alarming rate.

Three years & over have rolled by since we have had the consolation of conversing with each other, otherwise than the silent movings of the pen, & you have come almost that period when you must act for yourself. What is the course you intend to pursue (if you will allow me the question)? You, I am well aware, have no trade aside from farming. Do you intend to remain there in sight of your nativity home, or are you a going to run the risk of having your eyes picked out for globe lamps. As many appear to think if they get out of the sight of home, that their eyes will be sold for globe lamps and their teeth sold for ivory. But sir! let me tell you, you may read of all the things that is going on, you have but a picture, which in traveling you have a reality which, you will never know as long as you stay within the bounds of your own town.

You are about to launch your little bark upon this broad world of strife & to baffle with the flood-wood of scoundrels that daily infest every harbor and depot to decoy the unexperienced into their dens, there to pick from his pockets the last cent of his earnings. But there is a remedy for all of this—have few words & less friends (or those that would be) with those that you are not acquainted with. Keep your eye in the alert and with a feeling of self-competency, you can overcome that feeling of I can’t go away from home. I do not advise you to go away from home if you do not want to. But if you should, may you go with a feeling that when you wish to rest for a time, you can find a place in the old circle where you were a welcome guest & I hope you ever will be.

I must close with my best wishes to all. Your affectionate brother, — Willard R. Wetherell

Write soon. Direct to Springville, Wisconsin.

to Darius B. Wetherell

1864-65: John Ravenscroft Green to his Family

The following letters were written by John Ravenscroft Green (1830-1890), sometimes referred to to as “J. R.” or “Rave.” He was named after Bishop John Ravenscroft. John was the son of Bishop William Mercer Green (1798-1887) and Charlotte Isabella Fleming (1810-1860) of Jackson, Hinds county, Mississippi. He married 1st to DeLainey VanDusen McGahey, and 2nd to Hannah Lavina Lee. He became a physician after the Civil War and lived in southern Indiana for a time.

The 48th Mississippi Infantry was organized in November, 1862, at Fredericksburg, Virginia, using the 2nd Mississippi Infantry Battalion as its nucleus. Many of the men were from Jackson, Yalobusha, Warren, and Claiborne counties. It served in Featherston’s, Posey’s, and Harris’ Brigade and fought with the Army of Nourthern Virginia from Fredericksburg to Cold Harbor. The 48th was then active in the Petersburg siege south of the James River and the Appomattox Campaign. It sustained 4 casualties at Fredericksburg, had 10 killed and 44 wounded at Chancellorsville, and twelve percent of the 256 engaged at Gettysburg were disabled. 

Letter 1

Camp 48th Mississippi Regiment
in trenches near Petersburg, Va.
July 3rd 1864

My dearest sister,

This is the first opportunity that I have had for some time of getting a letter through, as the communication has been cut off with the South for some weeks. Nothing of great interest has occurred here lately. Our Brigade has been on the march back and forth for ten days assisting the cavalry in repelling the raiders. We captured several hundred of the scamps together with between six and seven hundred negroes that they had stolen in their route through the country.

The weather has been extremely warm for ten or twelve days—so much so that nearly all of the men are completely broken down and especially myself. I have gotten so that I cannot see to walk at night but hope that it is only temporary. If I don’t get better soon, I will be compelled to go to the hospital & I would rather be most anywhere else than there. I fid that I cannot stand infantry service an if I should get through this campaign safely, I shall resign & join some other branch of service.

I wrote to you that I had seen our cousin Sam. He looks well. How I wish I could hear from some of you. Do write as soon as you get this. Have you heard from [brother] Berke[ley] lately? And his is [brother] Dunk [Duncan] getting on? we have heard from Capt. Coffee. He is a prisoner at Fort Delaware. Tel Berke when you write that he must try and look him up and tell him that I am rejoiced to hear that he is safe. Hope that poor Burke will soon be at liberty although there is no telling when he will be exchanged now. This war seems to be just in its prime at this time, but there is no telling when it will end. God only knows. Although men may feel confident that the end is not far off, yet I think none of us can even conjecture as to that anxiously looked for time. But we must all trust in God and be of good cheer for nothing but Divine interposition will in my opinion tend to close this scene of blood.

If I could keep my health, I would not care so much how long the war lasted although I am heartily tired of it, I assure you, and I long for the time to come when I can once more be at home to enjoy the [ ] of all the loved ones there & not be limited to a short furlough of thirty days. I suppose that Father is still on his visitation and I sincerely hope that he has not been molested by the enemy at any time since he left home.

I would like very much to hear from Jim. What does he propose to call the baby & have you seen it yet. Give much love to them when you write and tell Jim that I think that he might write me a short note anyhow. My kindest regards to Wm. A. and Miss Fannie. Also Mrs. Ross & family, Miss Julia included. Much love to all the family & many kisses to dear All and be sure and write soon to your affectionate brother, — J. R. Green


Letter 2

Camp 48th Mississippi Regiment
Near Petersburg, Va.
February 5th 1865

My dear Father,

It has been but a short time since I mailed a letter to Sallie but as one is due you, and I have an opportunity of sending it now by one of our surgeons, Dr. Peel of the 19th Mississippi, I will avail myself of the opportunity. Drs. Peel & Croft have both been transferred to Mississippi. Dr. P. will go [illegible]

…so great; that scarcely any officer below the rank of Lt. Col. can afford it. I should think that [brother] Dunk [Duncan] would find no difficulty in obtaining a short leave now as the roads in [illegible] put a stop to all movements [illegible]. What can be the reason that I never hear from Jim? I hope that he is doing well.

Nothing of importance has occurred in this department lately. I suppose you have heard ere this that Misses Stephens [illegible]….once more breath the air of freedom and peace. I will continue to trust in God and endeavor to resign myself to my fate whatever it may be….

My best love to all with kisses to bother dear Sallie and Lizzie. Also my respects to Mrs. Ross and family. I feel quite sick all at once or I would fill up this sheet. Write when you have time and remember me in your prayers.

Your truly affectionate son, — J. Ravenscroft Green

1861: John H. McMillin to Sarah Jane McMillin

An unidentified Indiana Soldier

The following partial letter, though unsigned, was written by 32 year-old John H. McMillin of Co. B, 91st Indiana Infantry. The regiment was organized at Evansville, Indiana, in October 1862 and had duty in Kentucky until June 1863 when they joined in the pursuit of Morgan’s raiders. They were then ordered to Nashville and back to Kentucky again until January 1864 when they were sent to Cumberland Gap. They remained there until May 1864 and then participated in the Atlanta Campaign and the march through the Carolinas. John entered the service as a private and mustered out as a corporal at Salisbury, North Carolina on 26 June 1865.

I presume that John was the same farmer enumerated in the 1860 US Census in Johnson township, Gibson county, Indiana, and recorded as a Hoosier native, a farmer, and born about 1832. In the household with his was his wife, Sarah J., born in Kentucky about 1839), and their daughter Lucinda, born in Indiana in 1860. Sarah Jane’s maiden name may have been Wilkison but I haven’t confirmed that. Gibson County is adjacent to Warrick County in the toe of southwestern Indiana.

The sketch below, drawn by a member of the regiment, shows what the camp of the 91st Indiana looked like at Cumberland Gap at the time of this letter.

This view was drawn by First Lieutenant Lewis L. Spayd of Company E of the 91st Indiana Infantry, which arrived at the gap in January 1864 and remained through May before marching to join Sherman in his march through Georgia. Spayd presumably drew this view either while at the gap or from memory soon thereafter.

Transcription

Cumberland Gap, Tenn.
March 25, 1864

Mrs. Sarah J. McMillin
Dear wife & child,

It is once more with pleasure and with thankfulness to God that I seat myself to write to write to you a few lines to let you know that I am well at present and I do most sincerely hope and pray that those lines may find you both well and happy. Well, Jane, it is just one year ago this evening since I was at home if I recollect right. Will it be another yet before I get to see you, my dear wife and sweet little babe. Alas, we cannot tell. God alone is able to tell. It appears like the time has been short but it looks long and gloomy ahead. Oh Jane, I would give all this work to be at home with you tonight but oh vain wish—it cannot be.

When I look back over the past year and over the many hardships with the exposure through which I have passed, it does hardly seem reasonable to think that me or anyone else could stand it. Yet I don’t know as I can say that it has injured me any. It must be that we are protected by God or else we would wear out. And now let us look back and see if we have done anything to merit His care and protection. Alas—no. You can scarcely see one good deed. And if you get a glimpse of one, it is surrounded with such evil deeds that it is with worth nothing. We are certainly of all men the most miserable yet at times I feel like as if God, for Christ’s sake, would pardon me. I try to do right but it appears that the more I try to do right, the oftener I do wrong.

And now, Jane, I know you will pity me. And I believe if I was at home, I could do better for there I could shun those who are continually trying to see how wicked they can be. There I could have the association of Christians. There I could hear the gospel proclaimed and explained. But here we are debarred from all of that and bound to mingle and to associate with wickedness in all its most heinous shapes. All this the private soldier has to encounter with temptations too numerable to pen on paper. And yet I have stood the storm in a great many things. But in a great many more, I have erred. But Jane, sometimes I nearly give up. Oh it is awful. And without the assistance of a higher power, I fear I shall fail. God help me. But perhaps you will say, “Why don’t you quit associating with the wicked? Why not seek out the religious of your company and associate with them?” Oh, they are very scarce. There is perhaps three or four that does not swear and…

…expect to have to be up all night but one of the [paper torn] time for me to put on my relief so by that I got to sleep from twelve o’clock until four. Well our duty is very light at present. If it was not, for what scouting we have to do, we would see as easy a time here as we could ask for. But the weather is so changeable here that I fear it will be very sickly after the weather gets warmer. This is the changeablest place I ever saw. It snows or everyday or two. Yesterday and the day before it snowed in the forenoon and rained in the evening. We don’t have more than one pretty day out of a week.

“There is hundreds of dead horses and mules lying around here and if there is not something done with them, the stench from them will kill us faster this summer than ever the rebel bullets have done yet.”

–John H. McMillin, Co. B, 91st Indiana Infantry, 25 March 1864

Well, Jane, there is hundreds of dead horses and mules lying around here and if there is not something done with them, the stench from them will kill us faster this summer than ever the rebel bullets have done yet. There is a great deal of mismanagement in the army and this place has certainly received its share of the mismanagement. And if things don’t change, the war will last for years yet. But I hope that there will be a good man raise up after awhile who will go in for the good of the nation and for the speedy termination of the war.

Well, the Rebs say if we can fill up the last call of the President that we can take any place in the Southern Confederacy and we can scarcely help filling the call by about. Why don’t the loyal [paper tear] and put a stop to the war? Oh, it would be the greatest blessing that could be bestowed on man if the war could only cease. Many is young man that might be saved from filling a drunkard’s grave or perhaps worse, a felon’s grave for vice is certainly growing and the longer the war lasts, the deeper the root of evil is planted in their natures.

Well, Jane, now you will want to know how we get such large paper as this half sheet as it was confiscated last Monday from a rebel. We stopped at a house and found this with several other things and some of the boys brought it in and I swapped with them for this, Jane, so that I could write you a great big letter. I guess you will get tired of reading it but if you do, let me know and I shall write shorter ones after this.

Well, Jane, it has been some time since I have received a letter from you but as our mail comes very irregular, it is nothing strange. But I shall expect two or three this evening. Well, I wrote to you some time ago about my and Will’s business. I wrote to Jno. N. Hart 1 some time late last winter concerning it but he has failed to answer it. I want you as soon as the weather will permit you to go up to Warrick and see him and write to me as soon as you can. Let me know just what he says and if it can’t be fixed without me, you will get some responsible lawyer to write…


1 Possibly John Nelson Hart (1820-1893) of Warrick county, Indiana.

1862: Fanny Benners’ speech to 19th Texas Infantry

The following speech was delivered in the summer of 1862 to Col. Richard Waterhouse and members of his regiment—the 19th Texas Infantry. The speech was written from the perspective of a woman and was, in my opinion, most likely written by a woman for the purpose of a flag presentation ceremony to be held on the eve of the newly-formed regiment’s departure for Arkansas.

Fanny Benners Grave in Oakwood Cemetery, Jefferson, Texas

The Nineteenth Texas Infantry Regiment, organized in the spring of 1862 under the Confederate States of America’s Trans-Mississippi Department, consisted of men from the counties of Northeast Texas, including Davis (now Cass County), Franklin, Harrison, Hopkins, Marion, present-day Morris (was Titus during the war), Panola, Rusk, San Augustine, Titus, and Upshur. Richard Waterhouse, a prominent merchant from Jefferson in Marion County, held the commission from the state of Texas for the contingent’s creation and oversaw the establishment of the original ten companies (A through K) between February and May. When the mustering was complete, elections were held among the 886 men that made up the Nineteenth on May 13, 1862. The field officers selected were Col. Richard Waterhouse, Lt. Col. Robert H. Graham, and Maj. Ennis Ward Taylor. With elections complete, the men assembled at Camp Waterhouse near Jefferson, Texas, and formed into two battalions. Here they drilled until they received orders to march to Little Rock, Arkansas, in August 1862 where they eventually became part of Walker’s Texas Division in the Trans-Mississippi.

Hoping to learn more about the flag presentation and to discover who wrote the speech, I found the following: “Before leaving Jefferson [Marion county, Texas], politicians and local leaders organized festive banquets where the men were fed, patriotic speeches were delivered, and regimental colors were presented by fetching young women from the community.” This quotation comes from the thesis written by David J. Williams in 2014 on Co. A, Nineteenth Texas Infantry in which he cites for reference Joseph P. Blessington’s book, The Campaigns of Walker’s Texas Division: By a Private Soldier (Austin: Eakin Press, 1968), 29-35.

The only references I can find to the battle-flag received by the regiment comes from Lt. Henry N. Fairbanks’ memoirs of the Red River Expedition of 1864. Fairbanks was a member of Co. E, 30th Maine Infantry. At the severe Battle of Pleasant Hill, Fairbanks recorded in his diary that “the Confederates lost two battle flags in this fight—those of the 11th Missouri and 19th Texas. On the Texas flag were the words, ‘Texans can never be slaves.'” Another account of that same battle claims that it was the 16th Indiana Infantry that captured the Texas battle flag which was described as an “elegant banner, gorgeously trimmed, on white sides appeared the words, ‘Texans Can Never be Slaves.’ Silk streamers in abundance fluttered beside it, and its capture was considered a valuable trophy of a hard-fought battle.” [See Representative Men of Indiana, page 10] Yet another source claims that the Texas battle flag was captured by the 119th Illinois Infantry. Where the flag is now—if it still exists—I haven’t a clue.

In one final desperate search I finally stumbled on a website hosted by folks in Jefferson, Texas, that spoke of an annual reenactment of a speech written and delivered by Fanny Benners in June 1861 to a local militia called the Jefferson Guards. Fanny represented the ladies of the Christ Episcopal Church in Jefferson who had handmade the banner. I’m currently pursuing the possibility that she wrote this speech as well. Fanny Benners (1845-1866) was the daughter of Edward Graham Benners and Helen Donaldson of Jefferson. Fanny’s father was the lay leader and eventual Priest of the Episcopal Church. Until I learn otherwise, I’m going to attribute the speech to 17 year-old Fanny Benners.

[Note: This speech is from the personal archives of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

Transcription

Colonel [Richard] Waterhouse and gallant members of this regiment!

The presentation of flags, having been so often witnessed in this community since the advent of the terrible war which is now raging with such fury in our fair land—some may be disposed to regard the present instance as one of mere ceremony. But on behalf of those I represent, it becomes my pleasure and my duty to assure you that with us, this is not merely a ceremony, but our mode, inspired by the purest patriotism, & highest appreciation of the noble spirit which animates our hearts, of indicating our love and esteem for you, and our confidence in your brave & determined wills, to live the free sons of the “Lone Star State” or nobly perish battling for that freedom.

“Already have thousands of happy Southern homes been made sorrowful, and vacant places in thousands of domestic circles may be seen, which can never be filled, all caused by this most unholy war waged to enslave a free and generous people.”

— Fanny Benners, Jefferson, Texas, July 1862

We trust we are not so constituted as to lose our interest, in our brothers and friends whom we love, merely because we are frequently called upon to give them up. Moreover the present is an occasion to us, if possible, more interesting and solemn than any that has preceded it. When on former occasions our gallant defenders left us to repair to the scene of conflict, a father, an husband, or a brother was still left to cheer our domestic circles. But when you leave, a father leaves, an husband leaves, and the last brother leaves. There is another consideration that adds a somberness to the present interview. Many of the brave sons of the South from whom we have parted on occasions like this have already sunk into the stillness and darkness of death. Already have thousands of happy Southern homes been made sorrowful, and vacant places in thousands of domestic circles may be seen, which can never be filled, all caused by this most unholy war waged to enslave a free and generous people.

With these reflections connected with the fact that this war has assumed proportions and a sanguinary character never originally contemplated, is it any wonder that we who cannot share with you the toils, privations, and dangers which you will soon have to undergo, should seek in some appropriate way—and what may more so than this—to express our earnest & solicitude for your welfare, & our honest inclination to assist you. We approve your spirit because we believe it to be the same that throbbed in the hearts and fired the energies of the immortal founders of American Liberty. We would not deserve to be called your sisters if we did not approve the ends you seek to accomplish.

What though our fathers bled? What though the thunder of their artillery shook the throne of a despot? What though our stars did blaze and our stripes did float in triumph on every sea? What of all this? A despotism more cruel and crushing than that which the great Washington fought, advanced to power by the fiercest fanaticism that ever demonized any people, now seeks to crush the life blood out of this fair land, and to extinguish forever the last spark of the fires of freedom kindled in the great struggles of ’76.

It is not for me if this were even the time to discant on motives which prompted the South in her just & honest pride to prefer the direful calamities of war to the more dreadful alternative of humiliation and degradation. The time for speculating on these has passed and the time for prompt and terrible action has come. Fulsome declaration and high sounding patriotism will not meet the exigencies of the times. The footprints of hostile feet mar and deface the fair soil of the South. Then much as we love you as fathers, husbands, and brothers, entwined as you are around our hearts by a thousand tendrils, summoning all our fortitude and resolution, we bid you go! bear this flag aloft amid the smoke, thunder and fire of battle, and remember the motto we have seen fit to inscribe upon its sacred folds—one which I am confident meets with a deep response in the heart of every man that hails from this state:

Texans can never be Slaves

Let this liberty inspiring motto be engraved upon the heart of each and every member of the 19th Regiment of Texas Infantry. It will help to remind you that the immortal founders of Texas Independence bequeathed liberty to their sons, and although their blood streamed in the Alamo, and enriched the soil of San Jacinto, when dying, they whispered in the ear of Mexico, “Texas can never be Slaves.”

But it were a selfish feeling and one unworthy the enlightened daughters of the South to be willing to make the sacrifice which we now make in thus pointing you to our Country’s Altar, only regarding our own protection and security. No gentlemen, it is not for the sake of ourselves but fr the sake of posterity, knowing that the sacrifices now made by us will meet with a sufficient reward in the happy consciousness, that, by sacrificing our friends and kindred to the noble cause, we are contributing largely to maintain for generations yet to come the priceless heritage we have received from our patriot fathers.

Therefore as we emulate in ’62 the spirit which animated our mothers in ’76 in humble imitation of those illustrious ones, with our tears and our prayers we now consecrate you to God and to Liberty.

1850: Sarah (Gwyn) Brown to James Byron Gordon

The following letter was written by Sarah H. (Gwyn) Brown (1798-1889), the wife of Hamilton Brown (1786-1870) of Wilkesboro, Wilkes county, North Carolina. Sarah’s first husband was Nathaniel Gordon (1784-1829) who died when her son, James Byron Gordon—the recipient of this letter—was only six years old.

Sarah (Gwyn) Brown’s Grave, Wilkesboro, N. C.

Some readers may recognize James Byron Gordon (1822-1864), having gained a name of distinction while serving as a Confederate Brigadier General in the Civil War. He began his service under the command of General J. E. B. Stuart as Major of the 1st North Carolina Cavalry and was promoted as its Colonel. In September 1863 he was promoted to Brigadier General an assigned command of the North Carolina Cavalry Brigade, taking over a higher command when General Stuart was killed in the Battle of Yellow Tavern. He was mortally wounded in May 1864 north of Richmond. He never married. When this letter was written, James was representing Wilkes county as a Member of the N. C. General Assembly House of Commons (HC) at Raleigh, as indicated on the cover.

Sarah mentions James’ half brother, Hamilton “Allen” Brown (1837-1917) in her letter as well. Allen also served the Confederacy as Colonel of the 1st North Carolina Regiment. She also mentions another half-brother named Hugh Thomas (“Tom”) Brown (1835-1861). After graduating at Chapel Hill and receiving his lawyer’s license, Tom had only just begun to practice law in Van Buren, Arkansas, when the Civil War began and he was elected Captain of the Van Buren Frontier Guards (3rd Arkansas). He was killed on 10 August 1861 at Wilson’s Creek.

Transcription

Oakland
December 26, 1850

Being alone today and as usual thinking about my dear son, I concluded I would commit some of my reflections to writing. I do not suppose you had any idea your Mother would send any of her scribbling to Raleigh while you. were there knowing I am so little accustomed to letter writing.

James Byron Gordon (ca. 1850)

I was glad to see so much tenderness and affection breathed in your letters to Cal. Oh, how dear my children are to me and as I advance in life, I feel a deeper interest in their happiness. But where is the jewel to be found on earth. Some writer has said domestic happiness was the sole surviver of the fall. But this you have not tried yet. Neither do I see much prospect of it. If you were married and settled in life with a pious, sensible woman and a true Christian yourself, then I would say you were a happy man. We pass by the flowers and gather the thorns.

Carro [Caroline] is at [her sister] Ann’s. Mr. [Hamilton] Brown has rode off and Allen is out hunting. It has been a mild, still Christmas. We went to preaching yesterday. Heard a sermon from our circuit preacher Mr. Floyd. Had several addresses from the Sunday school children.

We have sent for Tom and look for him home tomorrow. There has been a considerable breakup in College owing to some misunderstanding between the President and some of the students. He has expelled some. Hugh Gwyn has come home and says [he] expects he will be expelled. Tom wrote to his Father [that] out of 25 from North Carolina, there was only 6 left and they were leaving every day. We thought it best to send for him forthwith. It is believed that the faculty are abolitionist. I do not know whether Tom will return or not. Hugh says he will go back if they do not expel him. 1

Well, my dear James, the old mill is gone at last. There has been the greatest freshet I have ever recollected of seeing. [It] tore up the banks some and thrown out a great deal more white sand. You must make up your mind before you come home what is to be done. It is bad getting on without the mill, or sell out and move to some new country where you can commence life with renewed energy. John and Ann are much I the spirit of moving. I hope you will get perfectly satisfied this winter with a public life.

Oh my son, keep a watch over yourself. Be aware of temptation and of dissipation of every kind. Touch not, taste not, handle not the unclean thing. Be as wise as a serpent and harmless as a dove.

James, do you recollect the last chapter you read for me from the old bible? If you do, get your noble and read it again for your Mother’s sake. It was the last chapter of Ecclesiastics. I hope, my son, you read your bible and take it as the man of your council. I know you have age and experience sufficient to direct your course without any of my council but none but a Mother knows the feeling of a Mother morning and evening upon my knees do I implore High Heaven for the welfare of my dear son that He will open his eyes, enlighten his mind, and lead him to life everlasting.

Your ever affectionate Mother, — Sarah H. Brown


1 I believe the unnamed college involved in this incident was Emory and Henry College where James B. Gordon had previously attended but not graduated. Tom Brown may have initially begun his college courses there as well before attending Chapel Hill. Hugh Alexander Gwyn (1830-1861) of Janesville, N. C., the author’s nephew, did attend the school and was a Senior (Valedictorian) in the Class of 1851. After graduation he took at position as a teacher at Woodlawn Academy in Salisbury, Tennessee, and died there on 16 June 1861. Unfortunately I cannot find anything in the school history or period newspapers describing the incident.

1861: Cyril H. Tyler to Mary (Foote) Tyler

I could not find an image of Cyril but here is one of Russell Townsley who served in Co. C, 7th Michigan Infantry (Ancestry.com)

The following letter was written by Cyril H. Tyler (1841-1913) of Co. I, 7th Michigan Infantry. Cyril was the son of Rufus Tyler (1816-1894) and Amy Farnum (1818-18xx) of Waukesha, Michigan. Just days before enlisting, he married Mary Eliza Foote (1839-1924). The location and date of this letter is missing and my hunch is this was the second sheet of a two-sheet letter which may have been sent to his wife. Cyril mentions that a fort was being constructed at the Chain Bridge which I presume was either Fort Marcy or Fort Ethan Allen. Construction on these forts began in late September 1861 so I would date this letter in October 1861 when they were attached to Lander’s Brigade and bivouacked somewhere near or on Meridian Hill outside Washington D. C. Cyril entered the war as a private and was discharged on 22 August 1864 at Petersburg, Virginia, as a sergeant.

The 7th Michigan Infantry left the state in late August and arrived in Washington D. C. on 5 September 1861. They were assigned guard duty along near Edward’s Ferry in October and moved to Muddy Branch on 4 December where they remained until March 1862. They later participated in the Peninsula Campaign, the Battle of Antietam, the Battle of Fredericksburg (being the first regiment to cross the Rappahannock river in pontoon boats under the fire of Confederate sharpshooters), the Battle of Gettysburg (repulsing Pickett’s charge), the Mine Run Campaign, the Overland Campaign, the Siege of Petersburg and Appomattox Campaign.

Transcription

[Camp near Meridian Hill, October 1861]

The ground around here is not much of it tilled. It is all overrun by the soldiers. Lots of farms here was owned by disunion men and their property was confiscated. The District of Columbia is half covered with camps. The rebel pickets are within 8 or 9 miles from here. Our men are making a large fort at Chain Bridge. A number of picket guards is killed most every day near Chain Bridge. There is a telegraph line that extends from Washington as far as our lines go—that is about 8 miles around Washington.

Winslow Homer’s painting of Zouaves

There is two or three regiments of Zouaves camped near us. I have been to see them. They are the worst looking persons I ever saw. They are as black as can be, red cap with a long tassel, red pants with a yellow stripe, red vest all striped off with yellow. The crotch of the pants hangs down halfway from their knees to their ankles, large and loose. Blue sash 12 feet long, 16 inches wide to wind around their body. 1

We have not got our guns yet. One of the Wisconsin captains was out from camp and was attacked by three rebel pickets and killed them and got wounded in the face. That was done Monday. The regiment of the Michigan men are camped some in Baltimore and some in Washington. They are a going to put all the Michigan men together and under one general.

I must stop writing. I don’t know as you can read this. I am in a hurry. I would tell you where to write but we shan’t stay here long. I will let you know where to write as soon as I get where I shall stay any length of time.

Goodbye, — Cyril H. Tyler


1 I cannot identify the Zouave unit based upon Henry’s description alone. My assumption is that the “blue sash” he is referring to was the scarf commonly tied around the midsection of the uniform. A Zouave regiment known to be in the vicinity of Meridian Hill at the time was the Anderson Zouaves which was the 62nd New York Infantry. Their uniform was described as baggy red breeches, leggings, gaiters, blue scarf worn around the waist, wiastcoat, short jacket, and red fez with blue silk tassel.

1862: Robert Gooding to Abram Gooding

The following letters were written by Robert Gooding (1834-1864) of Co. E, 59th Illinois Infantry. Robert was 25 years old when he first enlisted at Marine, Illinois, as a private in Co. D, 59th Illinois Infantry. Upon his enlistment in July 1861, Robert was described as a 5’9″ tall, brown-haired, brown-eyed farmer. He was later promoted to 2nd Lt. on 15 March 1862 and to 1st Lt. on 30 January 1864. He was killed in action on 16 December 1864 at Overton’s Hill during the Battle of Nashville.

A large number of Robert’s letters are housed at the State Historical Society of Missouri. See Robert Gooding Letters (C0323) but they are not published on-line.

Robert Gooding was the son of Robert Gooding (1791-1885) and Mary Frances Jones (1795-1872) of Clinton county, Illinois. He was married to Frances (“Fanny”) Collins Shepard (1839-1860) in August 1858 but she died in July 1860 leaving him without any children.

Battle of Pea Ridge or Elkhorn Tavern

Letter 1

[Benton county, Arkansas]
March 14, 1862

Still at the same camp and nothing of any importance has occurred to make any change. Everything appears to be quiet since the fight [see Battle of Pea Ridge]—only the death of Lieutenant [Albert H.] Stookey who died last night. He has been sick some two weeks with the typhoid fever. I regret his death very much for he was a fine fellow, good hearted, and no ways self conceited which made him beloved by all his company. Poor fellow. He is now trying the realities of another world. Our Orderly has gone to bury him today. He is about 8 miles from here where he died. I am sorry the chaplain is not here.

The belief is we that we will be reinforced soon and will move Southward. The governor of this state has called out every able-bodied man to drive us out of the state. They had in the last fight some 30,000 men while we had not half that number but many of them had just come out to fight that one battle to drive us back out of the state and some men don’t run off the first fire. Men is not going to fight such fellows as we are just from their quiet firesides. [Gen. Sterling] Price makes the people believe that we are a set of thieves, burning houses and killing women and children and of course they all would turn out to protect their homes.

Oh, how I would like to see you and talk with you. They are the worst fooled people and the worst blinded to what the Government is and it wants to carry out as though they never lived in it. Why, these people is to be pitied greatly. They know not what they do. They have been kept blinded for a number of years back but they will have to pay very high to learn better and a great cost on their side to teach them their folly. But I hope they will soon learn better.

We are now living on nothing comparatively but we are looking for our train in soon. It rained very hard here last night and the weather is warm and the grass has begun to grow. But this is a very poor country and I reckon it never will be worth anything again. War ruins any country.

I am told that there is a man living close here by the name of Potts. Perhaps it is David. I’ll try and see him if I can. There was a hundred men last night detailed to go twelve miles to get a lot of arms said to be stacked by [Benjamin] McCulloch’s men saying he was dead and they would fight under no other general but they have not returned yet. It may not be so well. We soon will be in another [fight] and I suppose that will be the last here. Price is at Boston Mountains 40 miles from here. When we get over this shock, we will move.

Well, brother, I would like to see you all but I hope you all will remember [me] in your prayers and if I never see you any more on earth, I hope to meet you in heaven. Be faithful to the end. God help us all in my prayer. Farewell. Write soon brother.

From—Robert Gooding, in the Federal army.

This is considered a large battle and I guess it is a death blow to Rebels here. No more. Excuse bad writing.


Letter 2

[Note: The following letter was published in the White River Valley Historical Quarterly, Vol. 35, No. 2 (Fall 1995) and published here to add context to the previous letter.]

Camp near Forethought on White river, Stone Co, Missouri
April 13, 1862

Dear Brother,

I must try and write to you again to let you know that I am well and hearty though there has been nothing transpired of any note since I last wrote but we have moved from where we were our first days march on the road back towards Springfield. Then we turned to the east marched some 60 miles in this direction over a horrible mountains country and through pine forests and nothing but one mountain after another and no settlement at all, but it was somewhat interesting to the soldier, the beautiful pine and cedar and high cliffs of rock and many other curiosities. This is one remarkable country for fine streams of pure running water, James river is one of those clear streams. We crossed it on a bridge made of wagons. You can see the bottom 5 & 6 feet deep when that is said all is said of its good qualities.

Our army is in good health and a jocular set of fellows you never saw. They have got harden to everything that is hard. They have made up their minds there is nothing too hard for a soldier and I believe it. We are all in good hopes now that the war will soon be to an end from the great victories on our side lately.

We would think so indeed was that not a telling thing at Island No. 10 that rather beat Pea Ridge. Tell those Secesh at home for me that I have tried their brother’s pluck and tell them that one Secesh is not enough [for] 5 union men. But on the other hand, 5 is not enough for one of us, but it is a fact that we can fight 5 times our number. I am not surprised at their not fighting any better. It is the cause that makes a man fight the most. [Those] that I talked with do not know what they are fighting for. They are impressed that the government wants to set the Negro free among them. Well, let them think what they may. They are about played out. A few more blows will satisfy them that coercion is strong medicine administered with powder.

I believe it is thought that Price has gone down the Arkansas River. He undoubtedly started that way the last we heard from him. I suppose we will follow him as long as we can fix a way to get across White River which will not be long, but we cannot move fast in this rough country. There is a great many creeks to cross which impedes infantry very much but we can move as fast as he can.

Since the battle [Pea Ridge], we have been reinforced several thousand. Our strength is plenty strong for all the Butternuts that can be brought against us—that is a name the boys has given them since the battle, their dress looks so much like the nut.

You better believe we have some wild boys in the army. As a general thing they are brave and noble-hearted fellows. This is Sabbath evening and today by order of Secretary Chase that every chaplain of every regiment offer prayer to the God of hosts for the great victories over the traitors of our once happy government. So our chaplain responded to the request and I enjoyed it very much.

Monday morning and evening. I feel this morning as though I would like to see you all and to be on my farm and see my stock—especially the horses. I would like to take a ride on old grey and see old Herk [Hercules]. Tell Frank to take good care of them and the trees in the yard and I will make him a good present when I get home, if ever.

Vin Stookey has been after his brother. He came the morning before we left that place. I went with him to take up his brother [and] we went over the battlefield. He picked up some of the canon balls to take home. It was a great sight to them and to anyone to see the timber rent all to pieces. A person would wonder how any escaped. It is true the balls was as thick as hail, but for my part I did not feel a bit alarmed; all I thought about was to clean them out and we knew then was a big job ahead of us. [James M.] Mcintoch & [Benjamin] McCulloch was killed by our division, that is Jeff Davis’ [Division]. He is an old bully and is well thought of as a General. Lieutenant Stookey died on the 3rd of March, he was a fine fellow. He give me his pistol before he died which I will keep as long as I live. Poor fellow. He has gone to try the realities of another world. I hope he is better off than we are.

That left a vacancy for a Lieut. and the boys said they was a going to have a say so in it. It justly belong to the orderly Benee Goodner and they told the captain that I had to be the 2nd Lieutenant. So it was left to a vote and I was elected by a big majority. The orderly could not stand it and he applied for a transfer to the 3rd Illinois Calvary and he got it so he is not in our company anymore.

I think this is the best office in the company. You get big pay and have nothing to carry but your saber, and can pass any lines that a captain can and are a perfect gentleman in every sense; a little strap on your shoulder makes a good deal of difference in a man’s position in the army. I have found that to be a fact.

I must brag a little on our captain. He is a noble fellow and he is very sorry that he was not in the battle with us. We had no idea of a fight when he left and he I know did not think of such a thing or he would not have left. Don’t any of you think that he left us for fear of a fight; if you do it is a mistaken idea, he is a lovely young captain.

I believe I got nothing more to write. Give my love to all. You must write oftener. I wrote to you before about seeing David Potts and that he was coming back there and he wanted you to tell Loami [?] to save some of his land for him. So no more, but remain your affectionate brother.

— R. Gooding, 2nd Lieutenant, Co. E, 59th Illinois Vols.

1862: Henry Green to a Dear Friend

An unidentified member of the 72nd Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry (Baxter’s Fire Zouaves) shown wearing the distinctive Zouave uniform which consisted of a Zouave jacket trimmed with red, sky-blue trousers with a red stripe down the leg, and a dark blue kepi.

The following letter was written by Henry Green (1841-1914), a barely literate member of Co. I, 72nd Pennsylvania, Baxter Fire Zouaves who enlisted and mustered into the regiment on 10 August 1861 and was discharged at Falmouth on 11 April 1863. Presumably he was with the regiment through the Battle of Fredericksburg. His reason for a discharge was not given on the muster rolls.

“The regiment was recruited from fireman from various points throughout Philadelphia and would go on to earn themselves an admirable war record. Taking part in the Peninsular Campaign, they would see their first bit of fighting during the Battle of Seven Pines.  It would be followed up in rapid succession with the battles of the Seven Days before Richmond, Savage Station and the Peach Orchard, Malvern Hill and Chantilly. The regiment would suffer relatively light casualties despite the constant fighting. They would not be so lucky at Antietam. Fighting along the West Woods, nearly half of the regiment engaged would be lost losing over 200 men in the hotly contested fight. The 72nd would end the year with the Battle of Fredericksburg and the loss of a handful more men from the regiment.” [Civil War Image Shop who sold the image]

Transcription

The patriotic heading of Henry’s Stationery

Adamstown, [Frederick County,] Maryland
January 15 [1862]

My Dear Friend,

I take the pleasure of writing you a few lines to let you know that I am well and I hope this will find you the same. We have got a nice time of it for we have [a] nice tent with 20 men in. Each company has got 5 tents and they have got a stove in [them]. And we have got new rifles and we are going to get new suits of clothes. They are to be like the New York Zouaves. We are to have red pants and blue jackets and red caps.

We have got a nice time of it. We expect to be paid next week. We want 6 men in our company now. Bill Childress is driving team now and you might get a chance to [en]list in our company now. They are recruiting for the regiment and if you want to [en]list in Company I, you can now. Chalkley Garret is driving team and Aushurst teamster is driving too. Handerson Hipple lost his money. Joe Thomas and Bill Allison and all the boys send their best respects to you and all the rest of their friends. Mike Costic sends his best respect to you and says you [should en]list. This is all I’ve got to say at present. I remain your friend, — Henry Green

You must answer this letter as soon as you get it. Direct your letter to Adamstown, Maryland in care of Capt. [Henry A.] Cook, Company I, Baxter Fire Zouaves

Recruiting Poster for Co. Baxter’s Philadelphia Fire Zouaves
(The Library Company of Philadelphia)

1863: Winslow D. Emery to Sallie S. Green

The following letter was written by 1st Lieutenant Winslow D. Emery (1825-Aft1870) who served in Waddell’s Alabama Battery. The battery of six guns was commanded by James Fleming Waddell and nearly destroyed at the Battle of Champion Hill on 16 May 1863. He was later taken prisoner at the surrender of Vicksburg on July 4, 1863 but soon after exchanged. He later rose in rank to Captain and commander of his own battery in Waddell’s Battalion. Winslow initially enlisted in May 1861 in Co. E, 6th Alabama Infantry at Montgomery. In the 1850 US Census, Winslow was identified as a native of Vermont and enumerated as a 23 year-old clerk residing in the household of W. T. Mitchell, a Montgomery merchant. He was still residing in Montgomery in 1870.

Emery wrote the letter to Sallie S. Green (1845-1917), the daughter of Bishop William Mercer Green (1798-1887) and the brother of Duncan Cameron Green (1844-1878) who was mentioned in this letter. Duncan was only 17 years old when in June 1861 he first enlisted in Co. K, 18th Mississippi Infantry. His name, “D. C. Green” was enumerated as a sergeant on the list of members in Waddell’s Battery submitted by their commander, J. F. Waddell, following the surrender at Vicksburg. Later in the war, Duncan was elevated to a 1st Lieutenant in Emery’s Battery A, 20th Alabama Light Artillery Battalion. Like his father, the Bishop of the Episcopal Church in Mississippi, Duncan was devout and after surviving the war became a minister of the gospel.

Transcription

Camp near Vicksburg, Mississippi
March 24th 1863

Miss Lilly (Susan S.) Green
Jackson, Miss.

I take great pleasure in returning thanks for the beautiful souvenir received through the politeness of your brother Duncan. I prize it highly for the donor’s sake. Your brother is with us now & is quite an acquisition to our Corps. With my best wishes for “your” happiness and that of your relatives, I am yours very truly,

— W. D. Emery, Lieut., C. S. A.